从此走进深度人生 Deepoo net, deep life.

分类: English

  • 谷歌退出中国声明:A new approach to China(新的中国策略)

    Like many other well-known organizations, we face cyber attacks of varying degrees on a regular basis. In mid-December, we detected a highly sophisticated and targeted attack on our corporate infrastructure originating from China that resulted in the theft of intellectual property from Google. However, it soon became clear that what at first appeared to be solely a security incident–albeit a significant one–was something quite different.

    就象其他许多知名组织一样,谷歌也会经常面临不同程度的网络袭击。在去年12月中旬,我们侦测到了一次来自中国、针对公司基础架构的高技术、有针对性的攻击,它导致我们的知识产权被窃。不过,事态很快变得明了,这个起初看似独立的安全事件(尽管很严重)其实背后大有不同。

    First, this attack was not just on Google. As part of our investigation we have discovered that at least twenty other large companies from a wide range of businesses–including the Internet, finance, technology, media and chemical sectors–have been similarly targeted. We are currently in the process of notifying those companies, and we are also working with the relevant U.S. authorities.

    首先,并不是只有谷歌受到了攻击。我们在调查中发现,至少20家、涵盖领域广阔的大型公司都成为相似的攻击目标,这些公司隶属于互联网、金融、技术、媒体和化学行业。我们现在正在向这些公司通报情况,并与美国相关政府部门展开合作。

    Second, we have evidence to suggest that a primary goal of the attackers was accessing the Gmail accounts of Chinese human rights activists. Based on our investigation to date we believe their attack did not achieve that objective. Only two Gmail accounts appear to have been accessed, and that activity was limited to account information (such as the date the account was created) and subject line, rather than the content of emails themselves.

    第二,我们有证据显示,攻击者的首要目标是进入中国人权活动人士的Gmail账户。我们迄今为止的调查结果让我们相信,这些攻击没有达到预期目标。只有两个Gmail账户被进入,而且其活动仅限于帐户信息,比如帐户何时创建、以及邮件标题,具体邮件内容未被染指。

    Third, as part of this investigation but independent of the attack on Google, we have discovered that the accounts of dozens of U.S.-, China- and Europe-based Gmail users who are advocates of human rights in China appear to have been routinely accessed by third parties. These accounts have not been accessed through any security breach at Google, but most likely via phishing scams or malware placed on the users’ computers.

    第三,在与谷歌受攻击无关的整体调查中,我们发现数十个在美国、中国及欧洲的中国人权活动人士Gmail帐户经常被第三方侵入。入侵这些帐户并非经由谷歌的任何安全漏洞,而很可能是通过在用户电脑上放置网络钓鱼或恶意软件。

    We have already used information gained from this attack to make infrastructure and architectural improvements that enhance security for Google and for our users. In terms of individual users, we would advise people to deploy reputable anti-virus and anti-spyware programs on their computers, to install patches for their operating systems and to update their web browsers. Always be cautious when clicking on links appearing in instant messages and emails, or when asked to share personal information like passwords online. You can read more here about our cyber-security recommendations. People wanting to learn more about these kinds of attacks can read this U.S. government report (PDF), Nart Villeneuve’s blog and this presentation on the GhostNet spying incident.

    我们已经运用从这些袭击中获得的信息改进了基础设施和网络结构,加大对公司和客户的安全保障。对个人用户而言,我们建议大家使用可靠的杀毒和反间谍软件,安装操作系统的补丁并升级网络浏览器。在点击即时信息和邮件中显示的链接、或被要求在网上提供诸如密码等个人信息时永远要保持警惕。你可以点击这里阅读谷歌提供的网络安全建议。希望更多了解此类袭击的人士可以阅读美国政府提供的报告、纳特•维伦纽夫(Nart Villeneuve)的博客以及有关间谍网络幽灵网(GhostNet)的报导。

    We have taken the unusual step of sharing information about these attacks with a broad audience not just because of the security and human rights implications of what we have unearthed, but also because this information goes to the heart of a much bigger global debate about freedom of speech. In the last two decades, China’s economic reform programs and its citizens’ entrepreneurial flair have lifted hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. Indeed, this great nation is at the heart of much economic progress and development in the world today.

    我们采取了非常规手段与大家共享这些网络攻击信息,其原因并不只是我们发现了其中的安全和人权问题,而是因为这些信息直指言论自由这一全球更重大议题的核心。在过去20年中,中国的经济改革和中国人的创业精神让上亿中国人摆脱了贫困。事实上,这个伟大的国家是当今世界许多经济成就和发展的核心。

    We launched Google.cn in January 2006 in the belief that the benefits of increased access to information for people in China and a more open Internet outweighed our discomfort in agreeing to censor some results. At the time we made clear that “we will carefully monitor conditions in China, including new laws and other restrictions on our services. If we determine that we are unable to achieve the objectives outlined we will not hesitate to reconsider our approach to China.”

    我们在2006年1月在中国推出了Google.cn,因为我们相信为中国人拓展信息获取、加大互联网开放的裨益超过了我们因在网络审查上做出让步而带来的不悦。当时我们明确表示,我们将在中国仔细监控搜索结果,并在服务中包括新的法律法规;如果我们认定自己无法实现上述目标,那么我们将不会犹豫重新考虑我们的中国策略。

    These attacks and the surveillance they have uncovered–combined with the attempts over the past year to further limit free speech on the web–have led us to conclude that we should review the feasibility of our business operations in China. We have decided we are no longer willing to continue censoring our results on Google.cn, and so over the next few weeks we will be discussing with the Chinese government the basis on which we could operate an unfiltered search engine within the law, if at all. We recognize that this may well mean having to shut down Google.cn, and potentially our offices in China.

    这些攻击和攻击所揭示的监视行为,以及在过去一年试图进一步限制网络言论自由的行为使得谷歌得出这样一个结论,那就是我们应该评估中国业务运营的可行性。公司已经决定不愿再对Google.cn上的搜索结果进行内容审查,因此,未来几周,公司和中国政府将讨论在什么样的基础上我们能够在法律框架内运营未经过滤的搜索引擎,如果确有这种可能。我们认识到,这很可能意味着公司将不得不关闭Google.cn,以及我们在中国的办公室。

    The decision to review our business operations in China has been incredibly hard, and we know that it will have potentially far-reaching consequences. We want to make clear that this move was driven by our executives in the United States, without the knowledge or involvement of our employees in China who have worked incredibly hard to make Google.cn the success it is today. We are committed to working responsibly to resolve the very difficult issues raised.

    做出重新评估我们在华业务的决定是异常艰难的,而且我们知道这可能带来非常深远的影响。我们希望说明的一点是,该决定是由公司在美国的管理团队做出的,而为Google.cn今日成功而付出了无比巨大努力的中国团队对此毫不知情,也未曾参与。我们决心以负责任的方式来解决任何可能随之产生的难题。

    Posted by David Drummond, SVP, Corporate Development and Chief Legal Officer

    2012.01.12

  • JEFFREY DING《Technology and the Rise of Great Powers:HOW DIFFUSION SHAPES ECONOMIC COMPETITION》

    CONTENTS
    1    Introduction
    2    GPT Diffusion Theory  
    3    The First Industrial Revolution and Britain’s Rise
    4    The Second Industrial Revolution and America’s Ascent
    5    Japan’s Challenge in the Third Industrial Revolution 
    6    A Statistical Analysis of Software Engineering Skill Infrastructure and Computerization
    7    US-China Competition in AI and the Fourth Industrial Revolution 
    8    Conclusion

    1 Introduction

    IN JULY 2018, the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) convened in Johannesburg around a specific, noteworthy theme: “Collaboration for Inclusive Growth and Shared Prosperity in the Fourth Industrial Revolution.” The theme was noteworthy in part because of its specificity. Previous iterations of the BRICS summit, which gathers five nations that account for about 40 percent of the world’s population and 25 percent of the world’s GDP,1 had tackled fuzzy slogans such as “Stronger Partnership for a Brighter Future” and “Broad Vision, Shared Prosperity.” What stood out not only about that year’s theme but also in comments by BRICS leaders at the summit was an unambiguous conviction that the world was undergoing a momentous season of technological change—one warranting the title “Fourth Industrial Revolution.”2

    Throughout the gathering, leaders of these five major emerging economies declared that the ongoing technological transition represented a rare opportunity for accelerating economic growth. When Chinese president Xi Jinping addressed the four other leaders of major emerging economies, he laid out the historical stakes of that belief:

    From the mechanization of the first industrial revolution in the 18th century, to the electrification of the second industrial revolution in the 19th century, to the informatization of the third industrial revolution in the 20th century, rounds of disruptive technological innovation have … fundamentally changed the development trajectory of human history.3

    Citing recent breakthroughs in cutting-edge technologies like artificial intelligence (AI), Xi proclaimed, “Today, we are experiencing a larger and deeper round of technological revolution and industrial transformation.”4

    While the BRICS summit did not explicitly address how the Fourth Industrial Revolution could reshape the international economic order, the implications of Xi’s remarks loomed in the backdrop. In the following months, Chinese analysts and scholars expanded upon them, especially the connection he drew between technological disruption and global leadership transitions.5 One commentary on Xi’s speech, published on the website of the authoritative Chinese Communist Party publication Study Times, detailed the geopolitical consequences of past technological revolutions: “Britain seized the opportunity of the first industrial revolution and established a world-leading productivity advantage.… After the second industrial revolution, the United States seized the dominance of advanced productivity from Britain.”6 In his analysis of Xi’s address, Professor Jin Canrong of Renmin University, an influential Chinese international relations scholar, argued that China has a better chance than the United States of winning the competition over the Fourth Industrial Revolution.7

    This broad sketch of power transition by way of technological revolution also resonates with US policymakers and leading thinkers. In his first press conference after taking office, President Joe Biden underscored the need to “own the future” as it relates to competition in emerging technologies, pledging that China’s goal to become “the most powerful country in the world” was “not going to happen on [his] watch.”8 In 2018, the US Congress stood up the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence (NSCAI), an influential body that convened leading government officials, technology experts, and social scientists to study the national security implications of AI. Comparing AI’s possible impact to past technologies like electricity, the NSCAI’s 756-page final report warned that the United States would soon lose its technological leadership to China if it did not adequately prepare for the “AI revolution.”9

    Caught up in the latest technical advances coming out of Silicon Valley or Beijing’s Zhongguancun, these sweeping narratives disregard the process by which emerging technologies can influence a power transition. How do technological revolutions affect the rise and fall of great powers? Is there a discernible pattern that characterizes how previous industrial revolutions shaped the global balance of power? If such a pattern exists, how would it inform our understanding of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and US-China technological competition?

    Conventional Wisdom on Technology-Driven Power Transitions

    International relations scholars have long observed the link between disruptive technological breakthroughs and the rise and fall of great powers.10 At a general level, as Yale historian Paul Kennedy has established, this process involves “differentials in growth rates and technological change, leading to shifts in the global economic balances, which in turn gradually impinge upon the political and military balances.”11 Yet, as is the case with present-day speculation about the effects of new technologies on the US-China power balance, largely missing from the international relations literature is an explanation of how technological change creates the conditions for a great power to leapfrog its rival. Scholars have carefully scrutinized how shifts in economic balances affect global military power and political leadership, but there is a need for further investigation into the very first step of Kennedy’s causal chain: the link between technological change and differentials in long-term growth rates among great powers.12

    Among studies that do examine the mechanics of how technological change shapes economic power transitions, the standard explanation stresses dominance over critical technological innovations in new, fast-growing industries (“leading sectors”). Britain became the world’s most productive economy, according to this logic, because it was home to new advances that transformed its burgeoning textile industry, such as James Hargreaves’s spinning jenny. In the same vein, Germany’s mastery of major breakthroughs in the chemical industry is seen as pivotal to its subsequent challenge to British economic leadership. Informed by historical analysis, the leading-sector (LS) perspective posits that, during major technological shifts, the global balance of economic power tips toward “the states which were the first to introduce the most important innovations.”13

    Why do the benefits of leading sectors accrue to certain countries? Explanations vary, but most stress the goodness-of-fit between a nation’s domestic institutions and the demands of disruptive technologies. At a general level, some scholars argue that rising powers quickly adapt to new leading sectors because they are unburdened by the vested interests that have built up in more established powers.14 Others point to more specific factors, including the degree of government centralization or sectoral governance arrangements.15 Common to all these perspectives is a focus on the institutions that allow one country to first introduce major breakthroughs in an emerging industry. In the case of Britain’s rise, for example, many influential histories highlight institutions that supported “heroic” inventors.16 Likewise, accounts of Germany’s success with leading sectors focus on its investments in scientific education and industrial research laboratories.17

    The broad outlines of LS theory exert substantial influence in academic and policymaking circles. Field-defining texts, including works by Robert Gilpin and Paul Kennedy, use the LS model to map out the rise and fall of great powers.18 In a review of international relations scholarship, Daniel Drezner summarizes their conclusions: “Historically, a great power has acquired hegemon status through a near-monopoly on innovation in leading sectors.”19

    The LS template also informs contemporary discussion of China’s challenge to US technological leadership. In another speech about how China could leverage this new round of industrial revolution to become a “science and technology superpower,” President Xi called for China to develop into “the world’s primary center for science and high ground for innovation.”20 As US policymakers confront China’s growing strength in emerging technologies like AI, they also frame the competition in terms of which country will be able to generate radical advances in new leading sectors.21

    Who did it first? Which country innovated it first? Presented with technical breakthroughs that inspire astonishment, it is only natural to gravitate toward the moment of initial discovery. When today’s leaders evoke past industrial revolutions, as Xi did in his speech to the BRICS nations, they tap into historical accounts of technological progress that also center the moment of innovation.22 The economist and historian Nathan Rosenberg diagnoses the problem with these innovation-centric perspectives: “Much less attention … if any at all, has been accorded to the rate at which new technologies have been adopted and embedded in the productive process. Indeed the diffusion process has often been assumed out of existence.”23 Yet, without the humble undertaking of diffusion, even the most extraordinary advances will not matter.

    Taking diffusion seriously leads to a different explanation for how technological revolutions affect the rise and fall of great powers. A diffusion-centric framework probes what comes after the hype. Less concerned with which state first introduced major innovations, it instead asks why some states were more successful at adapting and embracing new technologies at scale. As outlined in the next section, this alternative pathway points toward a different set of institutional factors that underpin leadership in times of technological leadership, in particular institutions that widen the base of engineering skills and knowledge linked to foundational technologies.

    GPT Diffusion Theory

    In September 2020, the Guardian published an opinion piece arguing that humans should not fear new breakthroughs in AI. Noting that “Stephen Hawking has warned that AI could ‘spell the end of the human race,’ ” the article’s “author” contends that “I am here to convince you not to worry. Artificial intelligence will not destroy humans. Believe me.”24 If one came away from this piece with the feeling that the author had a rose-tinted view of the future of AI, it would be a perfectly reasonable judgment. After all, the author was GPT-3, an AI model that can understand and produce humanlike text.

    Released earlier that year by OpenAI, a San Francisco–based AI lab, GPT-3 surprised everyone—including its designers—with its versatility. In addition to generating poetry and essays like the Guardian op-ed from scratch, early users demonstrated GPT-3’s impressive capabilities in writing code, translating languages, and building chatbots.25 Six months after its launch, one compilation listed sixty-six unique use cases of GPT-3, which ranged from automatically updating spreadsheets to generating website landing pages.26 Two years later, OpenAI’s acclaimed ChatGPT model, built on an improved version of GPT-3, would set the internet aflame with its wide-ranging capabilities.27

    While the name “GPT-3” derives from a class of language models known as “generative pre-trained transformers,” the abbreviation, coincidentally, also speaks to the broader significance of recent breakthroughs in AI: the possible arrival of the next general-purpose technology (GPT). Foundational breakthroughs in the ability of computers to perform tasks that usually require human intelligence have the potential to transform countless industries. Hence, scholars and policymakers often compare advances in AI to electricity, the prototypical GPT.28 As Kevin Kelly, the former editor of WIRED, once put it, “Everything that we formerly electrified we will now cognitize … business plans of the next 10,000 startups are easy to forecast: Take X and add AI.”29

    In this book, I argue that patterns in how GPTs diffuse throughout the economy illuminate a novel explanation for how and when technological changes affect power transitions. The emergence of GPTs—fundamental advances that can transform many application sectors—provides an opening for major shifts in economic leadership. Characterized by their scope for continuous improvement, pervasive applicability across the economy, and synergies with other technological advances, GPTs carry an immense potential for boosting productivity.30 Carefully tracking how the various applications of GPTs are adopted across various industries, a process I refer to as “GPT diffusion,” is essential to understanding how technological revolutions disrupt economic power balances.

    Based on the experience of past GPTs, this potential productivity boost comes with one notable caveat: the full impact of a GPT manifests only after a gradual process of diffusion into pervasive use.31 GPTs demand structural changes across a range of technology systems, which involve complementary innovations, organizational adaptations, and workforce adjustments.32 For example, electrification’s boost to productivity materialized about five decades after the introduction of the first electric dynamo, occurring only after factories had restructured their layouts and there had been interrelated breakthroughs in steam turbines.33 Fittingly, after the release of GPT-3, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman alluded to this extended trajectory: “The GPT-3 hype is way too much … it still has serious weaknesses and sometimes makes very silly mistakes. AI is going to change the world, but GPT-3 is just a very early glimpse. We have a lot still to figure out.”34

    Informed by historical patterns of GPT diffusion, my explanation for technology-driven power transitions diverges significantly from the standard LS account. Specifically, these two causal mechanisms differ along three key dimensions, which relate to the technological revolution’s impact timeframe, phase of relative advantage, and breadth of growth. First, while the GPT mechanism involves a protracted gestation period between a GPT’s emergence and resulting productivity boosts, the LS mechanism assumes that there is only a brief window during which countries can capture profits in leading sectors. “The greatest marginal stimulation to growth may therefore come early in the sector’s development at the time when the sector itself is expanding rapidly,” William Thompson reasons.35 By contrast, the most pronounced effects on growth arrive late in a GPT’s development.

    Second, the GPT and LS mechanisms also assign disparate weights to innovation and diffusion. Technological change involves a phase when the technology is first incubated as a viable commercial application (“innovation”) and a phase when the innovation permeates across a population of potential users (“diffusion”). The LS mechanism is primarily concerned about which country dominates innovation in leading sectors, capturing the accompanying monopoly profits.36 Under the GPT mechanism, successful adaptation to technological revolutions is less about being the first to introduce major innovations and more about effectively adopting GPTs across a wide range of economic sectors.

    Third, regarding the breadth of technological transformation and economic growth, the LS mechanism focuses on the contributions of a limited number of leading sectors and new industries to economic growth in a particular period.37 In contrast, GPT-fueled productivity growth is spread across a broad range of industries.38 Dispersed productivity increases from many industries and sectors come from the extension and generalization of localized advances in GPTs.39 Thus, the LS mechanism expects the breadth of growth in a particular period to be concentrated in leading sectors, whereas the GPT mechanism expects technological complementarities to be dispersed across many sectors.

    A clearer understanding of the contours of technological change in times of economic power transition informs which institutional variables matter most. If the LS trajectory holds, then the most important institutional endowments and responses are those that support a monopoly on innovation in leading sectors. In the context of skill formation, institutional competencies in science and basic research gain priority. For instance, the conventional explanation of Germany’s industrial rise in the late nineteenth century attributes its technological leadership to investments in industrial research labs and highly skilled chemists. These supported Germany’s dominance of the chemical industry, a key LS of the period.40

    The impact pathway of GPTs brings another set of institutional complementarities to the fore. GPT diffusion theory highlights the importance of “GPT skill infrastructure”: education and training systems that widen the pool of engineering skills and knowledge linked to a GPT. When widespread adoption of GPTs is the priority, it is ordinary engineers, not heroic inventors, who matter most. Widening the base of engineering skills associated with a GPT cultivates a more interconnected technological system, spurring cross-fertilization between institutions optimized for applied technology and those oriented toward foundational research.41

    Returning to the example of late-nineteenth-century advances in chemicals, GPT diffusion spotlights institutional adjustments that differ from those of the LS mechanism. In a decades-long process, innovations in chemical engineering practices gradually enabled the chemicalization of procedures common to many industries beyond synthetic dyes, which was controlled by Germany. Despite trailing Germany in the capacity to produce elite chemists and frontier chemical research, the United States was more effective at adapting to chemicalization because it first institutionalized the discipline of chemical engineering.42

    Of course, since GPT diffusion depends on factors aside from human capital, GPT skill infrastructure represents one of many institutional forces at work. Standards-setting organizations, financing bodies, and the competitiveness of markets can all influence the flow of information between the GPT domain and application sectors.43 Since institutions of skill formation produce impacts that spill over into and complement other institutional arrangements, they comprise the focus of my analysis.44

    Assessing GPT Diffusion across Industrial Revolutions

    To test this argument, I employ a mixed-methods approach that pairs qualitative historical analysis with quantitative methods. Historical case studies permit me to thoroughly trace the interactions between technologies and institutions among great powers in previous industrial revolutions. I then explore the generalizability of GPT diffusion theory beyond the chosen set of great powers. Using data on nineteen countries from 1995 to 2020, I analyze the theorized connection between GPT skill infrastructure in software engineering and computerization rates.

    To investigate the causal processes that connect technological changes to economic power transitions, I set the LS mechanism against the GPT diffusion mechanism across three historical case studies: Britain’s rise to preeminence in the First Industrial Revolution (IR-1); America’s and Germany’s overtaking of Britain in the Second Industrial Revolution (IR-2); and Japan’s challenge to America’s technological dominance in the Third Industrial Revolution (IR-3), or what is sometimes called the “information revolution.” This case setup allows for a fair and decisive assessment of the explanatory relevance of GPT diffusion theory in comparison to LS theory. Because the IR-1 and IR-2 function as typical cases where the cause and outcome are clearly present, they are ideal for developing and testing mechanism-based theories.45 The IR-3, a deviant case in that a technological revolution is not followed by an economic power transition, provides a different but still useful way to compare the two mechanisms.

    The IR-1 (1780–1840) is a paradigmatic case of technology-driven power transition. It is well established that the IR-1’s technological advances propelled Great Britain to unrivaled economic supremacy. As for the specific causal pathway, international relations scholarship tends to attribute Britain’s rise to its monopoly over innovation in cotton textiles and other leading sectors. According to these accounts, Britain’s technological leadership in the IR-1 sprang from its institutional capacity to nurture genius inventors in these sectors. Since the publication of these field-defining works, economic and technology historians have uncovered that the impacts on British industrialization of the two most prominent areas of technological change, cotton textiles and iron, followed different trajectories. Often relying on formal econometric methods to understand the impact of key technologies, these historical accounts question the prevailing narrative of the IR-1.

    The IR-2 (1870–1914) supplies another opportunity to pit GPT diffusion theory against the LS account. International relations scholars interpret the IR-2 as a case in which Britain’s rivals challenged its economic leadership because they first introduced significant technological advances in leading sectors. Particular emphasis is placed on Germany’s ability to corner market shares in chemicals, which is linked to its strengths in scientific education and industrial research institutions. More granular data on cross-national differences in engineering education suggest that the U.S. technological advantage rested on the country’s wide base of mechanical engineers. Combined with detailed tracing of the pace and extent of technology adoption during this period, this chapter’s evidence suggests modifications to conventional understandings of the IR-2.

    In the IR-3 (1960–2000), fundamental breakthroughs in information and communication technologies presented another opening for a shift in economic leadership. During this period, prominent thinkers warned that Japan’s lead in industries experiencing rapid technological change, including semiconductors and consumer electronics, would threaten U.S. economic leadership. Influential scholars and policymakers advocated for the United States to adopt Japan’s keiretsu system of industrial organization and its aggressive industrial policy approach. Ultimately, Japan’s productivity growth stalled in the 1990s. Given the absence of an economic power transition, the primary function of the IR-3 case therefore is to provide disconfirming evidence of the two explanations. If the components of the LS mechanism were present, then the fact that an economic power transition did not occur would damage the credibility of the LS mechanism. The same condition applies to GPT diffusion theory.

    In each of the cases, I follow the same standardized procedures. First, I test three pairs of competing propositions about the key technological trajectories, derived from the different expectations of the LS and GPT mechanisms related to the impact timeframe, phase of relative advantage, and breadth of growth. Then, depending on whether the LS or GPT trajectory better accords with the historical evidence, I analyze the goodness-of-fit between the institutional competencies of leading industrial powers and the prevailing trajectory. For instance, if an industrial revolution is better characterized by the GPT trajectory, then the corresponding case analysis should show that differences in GPT skill infrastructure determine which powers rise and fall. Although I primarily distinguish GPT diffusion theory from the LS model, I also examine alternative factors unique to the particular case, as well as two other prominent explanations of how advanced economies differentially benefit from technological changes (the varieties of capitalism and threat-based approaches).

    The historical case analysis supports the explanatory power of the GPT mechanism over the LS mechanism. In all three periods, technological changes affected the rise and fall of great powers in a gradual, decades-long impact pathway that advantaged those that effectively diffused GPTs across a broad range of sectors. Education and training systems that cultivated broad pools of engineering skills proved crucial to GPT diffusion.

    Evaluating these two competing explanations requires a clear understanding of the cause and outcome that bracket both the GPT and LS mechanisms. The hypothesized cause is a “technological revolution,” or a period characterized by particularly disruptive technological advances.46 Since the shape of technological change is uneven, not all improvements in useful knowledge are relevant for power transitions.47 However, some extraordinary clusters of technological breakthroughs, often deemed industrial revolutions by historians, do have ramifications for the rise and fall of great powers.48 I am primarily interested in the pathway by which these technological revolutions influence the global distribution of power.

    The outcome variable of interest is an economic power transition, in which one great power sustains productivity growth at higher levels than its rivals. The balance of power can shift in many ways; here I focus on relative economic growth rates because they are catalysts for intensifying hegemonic rivalries.49 Productivity growth, in particular, determines economic growth over the long run. Unique in its fungibility with other forms of power, sustained economic growth is central to a state’s ability to exert political and military influence. As demonstrated by the outcomes of interstate conflicts between great powers, economic and productive capacity is the foundation of military power.50

    Lastly, the quantitative analysis supplements the historical case studies by scrutinizing the generalizability of GPT diffusion theory outside of great powers. A key observable implication of my argument is that the rate at which a GPT spreads throughout the economy owes much to that country’s institutional capacity to widen the pool of pertinent engineering skills and knowledge. Using a novel method to estimate the breadth of software engineering education at a cross-national level, I analyze the theorized connection between GPT skill infrastructure and computerization rates across nineteen advanced and emerging economies from 1995 to 2020. I supplement my time-series cross-sectional models with a duration analysis and cross-sectional regressions. Robust to many alternative specifications, my results show that, at least for computing technology, advanced economies that have higher levels of GPT skill infrastructure preside over higher rates of GPT diffusion.

    Key Contributions

    The book makes several contributions to scholarship on power transitions and the effects of technological change on international politics. First, it puts forward a novel explanation for how and when significant technological breakthroughs generate a power transition in the international system. GPT diffusion theory revises the dominant theory based on leading sectors, which holds significant sway over academic and policymaking circles. By deepening our understanding of how technological revolutions influence shifts in economic leadership, this book also contributes to long-standing debates about the causes of power transitions.51

    Second, the findings of this book bear directly on present-day technological competition between the United States and China. Emphasizing where fundamental breakthroughs are first seeded, the LS template strongly informs not only assessments of the US-China competition for technological leadership but also the ways in which leading policymakers in both countries formulate technology strategies. It is no coincidence that the three cases in this study match the three technological revolutions referenced by Chinese president Xi in his speech on the IR-4 to the BRICS summit.

    As chapter 7 explores in detail, GPT diffusion theory suggests that Xi, along with other leading policymakers and thinkers in both the United States and China, has learned the wrong lessons from previous industrial revolutions. If the IR-4 reshapes the economic power balance, the impact will materialize through a protracted period during which a GPT, such as AI, acquires a variety of uses in a wide range of productive processes. GPT skill infrastructure, not the flashy efforts to secure the high ground in innovation, will decide which nation owns the future in the IR-4.

    Beyond power transitions, Technology and the Rise of Great Powers serves as a template for studying the politics of emerging technologies. An enduring dilemma is that scholars either assign too much weight to technological change or underestimate the effects of new technologies.52 Approaches that emphasize the social shaping of technology neglect that not all technologies are created equal, whereas technologically deterministic approaches discount the influence of political factors on technological development. By first distinguishing GPTs, together with their pattern of diffusion, from other technologies and technological trajectories, and then showing how social and political factors shape the pace and direction of GPT diffusion, my approach demonstrates a middle way forward.

    Roadmap for the Book

    The book proceeds as follows. Chapter 2 fleshes out the key differences between GPT diffusion theory and the LS-based account, as well as the case analysis procedures and selection strategy that allow me to systematically evaluate these two causal mechanisms. The bulk of the evidence follows in three case studies that trace how technological progress affected economic power transitions in the First, Second, and Third Industrial Revolutions.

    The first two case studies, the IR-1 and IR-2, show that a gap in the adoption of GPTs, as opposed to monopoly profits from dominating LS innovations, was the crucial driver of an economic power transition. In both cases, the country that outpaced its industrial rivals made institutional adjustments to cultivate engineering skills related to the key GPT of the period. The IR-1 case, discussed in chapter 3, reveals that Britain was the most successful in fostering a wide pool of machinists who enabled the widespread diffusion of advances in iron machinery. In considering the IR-2 case, chapter 4 highlights how the United States surpassed Britain as the preeminent economic power by fostering a wide base of mechanical engineering talent to spread interchangeable manufacturing methods.

    The IR-3 case, presented in chapter 5, demonstrates that technological revolutions do not necessarily always produce an economic power transition. The fact that Japan did not overtake the United States as the economic leader would provide disconfirming evidence of both the LS and GPT mechanisms, if the components of these mechanisms were present. In the case of the LS mechanism, Japan did dominate innovations in the IR-3’s leading sectors, including consumer electronics and semiconductor components. In contrast, the IR-3 does not discredit the GPT mechanism because Japan did not lead the United States in the diffusion of information and communications technology across a wide variety of economic sectors.

    Chapter 6 uses large-n quantitative analysis to explore how GPT diffusion applies beyond great powers. Chapter 7 applies the GPT diffusion framework to the implications of modern technological breakthroughs for the US-China power balance. Focusing on AI technology as the next GPT that could transform the international balance of power, I explore the extent to which my findings generalize to the contemporary US-China case. I conclude in chapter 8 by underscoring the broader ramifications of the book.

    2 GPT Diffusion Theory

    HOW AND WHEN do technological changes affect the rise and fall of great powers? Specifically, how do significant technological breakthroughs result in differential rates of economic growth among great powers? International relations scholars have long observed that rounds of technological revolution lead to upheaval in global economic leadership, bringing about a power transition in the international system. However, few studies explore how this process occurs.

    Those that do tend to fixate on the most dramatic aspects of technological change—the eureka moments and first implementations of radical inventions. Consequently, the standard account of technology-driven power transitions stresses a country’s ability to dominate innovation in leading sectors. By exploiting brief windows in which to monopolize profits in new industries, the country that dominates innovation in these sectors rises to become the world’s most productive economy. Explanations vary regarding why the benefits of leading sectors tend to accrue in certain nations. Some scholars argue that national systems of political economy that accommodate rising challengers can more readily accept and support new industries. Leading economies, by contrast, are victims of their past success, burdened by powerful vested interests that resist adaptation to disruptive technologies.1 Other studies point to more specific institutional factors that account for why some countries monopolize leading sectors, such as the degree of government centralization or industrial governance structures.2

    An alternative explanation, based on the diffusion of general-purpose technologies (GPTs), draws attention to the less spectacular process by which fundamental innovations gradually diffuse throughout many industries. The rate and scope of diffusion is particularly relevant for GPTs, which are distinguished by their scope for continual improvement, broad applicability across many sectors, and synergies with other technological advances. Recognized by economists and historians as “engines of growth,” GPTs hold immense potential for boosting productivity.3 Realizing this promise, however, necessitates major structural changes across the technology systems linked to the GPT, including complementary innovations, organizational changes, and an upgrading of technical skills. Thus, GPTs lead to a productivity boost only after a “gradual and protracted process of diffusion into widespread use.”4 This is why more than five decades passed before key innovations in electricity, the quintessential GPT, significantly transformed manufacturing productivity.5

    The process of GPT diffusion illuminates a pathway from technological change to power transition that diverges from the LS account (figure 2.1). Under the GPT mechanism, some great powers sustain economic growth at higher levels than their rivals do because, during a gradual process spanning decades, they more intensively adopt GPTs across a broad range of industries. This is analogous to a marathon run on a wide road. The LS mechanism, in contrast, specifies that one great power rises to economic leadership because it dominates innovations in a limited set of leading sectors and captures the accompanying monopoly profits. This is more like a sprint through a narrow running lane.

    Why are some countries more successful at GPT diffusion? Building from scholarship arguing that a nation’s success in adapting to emerging technologies is determined by the fit between its institutions and the demands of evolving technologies, I argue that the GPT diffusion pathway informs the institutional adaptations crucial to success in technological revolutions.6 Unlike institutions oriented toward cornering profits in leading sectors, those optimized for GPT diffusion help standardize and spread novel best practices between the GPT sector and application sectors. Education and training systems that widen the base of engineering skills and knowledge linked to new GPTs, or what I call “GPT skill infrastructure,” are essential to all of these institutions.

    FIGURE 2.1. Causal Diagrams for LS and GPT Mechanisms

    The differences between these two theories of technological change and power transition are made clear when one country excels in the institutional competencies for LS product cycles but does not dominate GPT diffusion. Take, for example, chemical innovations and Germany’s economic rise in the late nineteenth century. Germany dominated major innovations in chemicals and captured nearly 90 percent of all global exports of synthetic dyestuffs.7 In line with the LS mechanism, this success was backed by Germany’s investments in building R&D labs and training doctoral students in chemistry, as well as a system of industrial organization that facilitated the rise of three chemical giants.8 Yet it was the United States that held an advantage in adopting basic chemical processes across many industries. As expected by GPT diffusion theory, the United States held institutional advantages in widening the base of engineering skills and knowledge necessary for chemicalization on a wide scale.9 This is when the ordinary tweakers and the implementers come to the fore, and the star scientists and inventors recede to the background.10

    The rest of this chapter fleshes out my theoretical framework. It first clarifies the outcome I seek to explain: an economic power transition in which one great power becomes the economic leader by sustaining productivity growth at higher levels than its rivals. The starting point of my argument is that the diffusion of GPTs is central to the relationship between technological change and productivity leadership. This chapter explicates this argument by justifying the emphasis on both GPTs and diffusion, highlighting the differences between the GPT and LS mechanisms. It then extends the analysis to the institutional competencies that synergize with GPT trajectories. From the rich set of technology-institution interactions identified by evolutionary economists and comparative institutionalists, I justify my focus on institutions that enable countries to widen the skill base required to spread GPTs across industries. After differentiating my argument from alternative explanations, the chapter closes with a description of the book’s research methodology.11

    The Outcome: Long-Term Economic Growth Differentials and Power Transitions

    Power transitions are to the international system as earthquakes are to the geological landscape. Shifts in the relative power of leading nations send shock waves throughout the international system. What often follows is conflict, the most devastating form of which is a war waged by coalitions of great powers for hegemony over the globe.12 Beyond heightened risks of conflict, the aftershocks of power transitions reverberate in the architecture of the international order as victorious powers remake international institutions in their own images.13

    While the power transition literature largely tackles the consequences of power transitions, I treat the rise and fall of great powers as the outcome to be explained. This follows David Baldwin’s instruction for international relations scholars “to devote more attention to treating power as a dependent variable and less to treating it as an independent variable.”14 Specifically, I explore the causes of “economic power transitions,” in which one great power sustains economic growth rates at higher levels than its rivals.15

    It might not be obvious, at first glance, why I focus on economic power. After all, power is a multidimensional, contested concept that comes in many other forms. The salience of certain power resources depends on the context in which a country draws upon them to exert influence.16 For my purposes, differentials in economic growth are the most relevant considerations for intensifying hegemonic rivalry. An extensive literature has demonstrated that changes in relative economic growth often precede hegemonic wars.17

    Moreover, changes in global political and military leadership often follow shifts in economic leadership. As the most fungible mode of power, economic strength undergirds a nation’s influence in global politics and its military capabilities.18 The outcomes of interstate conflicts bear out that economic and productive capacity is the foundation of military power.19 Paul Kennedy concludes that

    all of the major shifts in the world’s military-power balances have followed alterations in the productive balances … the rising and falling of the various empires and states in the international system has been confirmed by the outcomes of the major Great Power wars, where victory has always gone to the side with the greatest material resources.20

    How does one identify if or when an economic power transition occurs? Phrased differently, how many years does a great power need to lead its rivals in economic growth rates? How large does that gap have to reach? Throughout this book, I judge whether an economic power transition has occurred based on one great power attaining a lead in overall economic productivity over its rivals by sustaining higher levels of productivity growth rates.21 Productivity growth ensures that efficient and sustainable processes are fueling growth in total economic output. Additionally, productivity is the most important determinant of economic growth in the long run, which is the appropriate time horizon for understanding power transitions. “Productivity isn’t everything, but in the long run it is almost everything,” states Nobel Prize–winning economist Paul Krugman.22

    Alternative conceptualizations of economic power cannot capture how effectively a country translates technological advance into national economic growth. Theories of geo-economics, for instance, highlight a state’s balance of trade in certain technologically advanced industries.23 Other studies emphasize a state’s share of world-leading firms.24 National rates of innovation, while more inclusive, measure the generation of novel technologies but not diffusion across commercial applications, thereby neglecting the ultimate impact of technological change.25 Compared to these indicators, which account for only a small portion of the value-added activities in the economy, productivity provides a more comprehensive measure of economic leadership.26

    This focus on productivity is supported by recent work on power measurement, which questions measures of power resources based on economic size. Without accounting for economic efficiency, solely relying on measures of gross economic and industrial output provides a distorted view of the balance of power, particularly where one side is populous but poor.27 If national power was measured by GDP alone, China was the world’s most powerful country during the first industrial revolution. However, China’s economy was far from the productivity frontier. In fact, as the introduction chapter spotlighted, the view that China fell behind the West because it could not capitalize on productivity-boosting technological breakthroughs is firmly entrenched in the minds of leading Chinese policymakers and thinkers.

    Lastly, it is important to clarify that I limit my analysis of productivity differentials to great powers.28 In some measures of productivity, other countries may rank highly or even outrank the countries I study in my cases. In the current period, Switzerland and other countries have higher GDP per capita than the United States; before World War I, Australia was the world leader in productivity, as measured by GDP per labor-hour.29 However, smaller powers like pre–World War I Australia and present-day Switzerland are excluded from my study of economic power transitions, as they lack the baseline economic and population size to be great powers.30

    There is no exact line that distinguishes great powers from other countries.31 Kennedy’s seminal text The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, for instance, has been challenged for not providing a precise definition of great power.32 Fortunately, across all the case studies in this book, there is substantial agreement on the great powers of the period. According to one measure of the distribution of power resources, which spans 1816 to 2012 and incorporates both economic size and efficiency, all the countries I study rank among the top six at the beginning of the case.33

    The Diffusion of GPTs

    Scholars often gravitate to technological change as the source of a power transition in which the mantle of industrial preeminence changes hands. However, there is less clarity over the process by which technical breakthroughs translate into this power shift among countries at the technological frontier. I argue that the diffusion of GPTs is the key to this mechanism. In this section, I first outline why my theory privileges GPTs over other types of technology. I then set forth why diffusion should be prioritized over other phases of technological change, especially innovation. Finally, I position GPT diffusion theory against the leading sector (LS) model, which is the standard explanation in the international relations literature.

    Why GPTs?

    Not all technologies are created equal. When assessed on their potential to transform the productivity of nations, some technical advances, such as the electric dynamo, rank higher than others, such as an improved sleeping bag. My theory gives pride of place to GPTs, such as electricity and the steam engine, which have historically generated waves of economy-wide productivity growth.34 Assessed on their own merits alone, even the most transformative technological changes do not tip the scale far enough to significantly affect aggregate economic productivity.35 GPTs are different because their impact on productivity comes from accumulated improvements across a wide range of complementary sectors; that is, they cannot be judged on their own merits alone.

    Recognized by economists and economic historians as “engines of growth,” GPTs are defined by three characteristics.36 First, they offer great potential for continual improvement. While all technologies offer some scope for improvement, a GPT “has implicit in it a major research program for improvements, adaptations, and modifications.”37 Second, GPTs acquire pervasiveness. As a GPT evolves, it finds a “wide variety of uses” and a “wide range of uses.”38 The former refers to the diversity of a GPT’s use cases, while the latter alludes to the breadth of industries and individuals using a GPT.39 Third, GPTs have strong technological complementarities. In other words, the benefits from innovations in GPTs come from how other linked technologies are changed in response and cannot be modeled from a mere reduction in the costs of inputs to the existing production function. For example, the overall energy efficiency gains from merely replacing a steam engine with an electric motor were minimal; the major benefits from factory electrification came from electric “unit drive,” which enabled machines to be driven individually by electric motors, and a radical redesign of plants.40

    Taken together, these characteristics suggest that the full impact of a GPT materializes via an “extended trajectory” that differs from those associated with other technologies. Economic historian Paul David explains:

    We can recognize the emergence of an extended trajectory of incremental technical improvements, the gradual and protracted process of diffusion into widespread use, and the confluence with other streams of technological innovation, all of which are interdependent features of the dynamic process through which a general purpose engine acquires a broad domain of specific applications.41

    For example, the first dynamo for industrial application was introduced in the 1870s, but the major boost of electricity to overall manufacturing productivity did not occur until the 1920s. Like other GPT trajectories, electrification required a protracted process of workforce skill adjustments, organizational adaptations, such as changes in factory layout, and complementary innovations like the steam turbine, which enabled central power generation in the form of utilities.42 To track the full impact of these engines of growth, one must travel the long roads of their diffusion.

    Why Diffusion?

    All technological trajectories can be divided into a phase when the technology is incubated and then first introduced as a viable commercial application (“innovation”) and a phase when the innovation spreads through a population of potential users, both nationally and internationally (“diffusion”).43 Recognizing this commonly accepted distinction, other studies of the scientific and technological capabilities of nations primarily focus on innovation.44 I depart from other works by giving priority to diffusion, since that is the phase of technological change most significant for GPTs.45

    Undeniably, the activities and conditions that produce innovation can also spur diffusion.46 A firm’s ability to conduct breakthrough R&D does not just create new knowledge but also boosts its capacity to assimilate innovations from external sources (“absorptive capacity”).47 Faced with an ever-shifting technological frontier, building competency at producing new innovations gives a firm the requisite prior knowledge for identifying and commercializing external innovations. Other studies extend these insights beyond firms to regional and national systems.48 In order to absorb and diffuse technological advances first incubated elsewhere, they argue, nations must invest in a certain level of innovative activities.

    This connection between innovation capacity and absorptive capacity could question the GPT mechanism’s attention to diffusion. Possibly, a country’s lead in GPT innovation could also translate directly into a relative advantage in GPT diffusion.49 Scholarship on the agglomeration benefits of innovation hot spots, such as Silicon Valley, support this case to some extent. Empirical analyses of patent citations indicate that knowledge spillovers from GPTs tend to cluster within a geographic region.50 In the case of electricity, Robert Fox and Anna Guagnini underscore that it was easier for countries with firms at the forefront of electrical innovation to embrace electric power at scale. The interconnections between the “learning by doing” gained on the job in these leading firms and academic labs separated nations in the “fast lane” and “slow lane” of electrification.51

    Being the first to pioneer new technologies could benefit a state’s capacity to absorb and diffuse GPTs, but it is not determinative. A country’s absorptive capacity also depends on many other factors, including institutions for technology transfer, human capital endowments, openness to trade, and information and communication infrastructure.52 Sometimes the “advantages of backwardness” allow laggard states to adopt new technologies faster than the states that pioneer such advances.53 In theory and practice, a country’s ability to generate fundamental, new-to-the-world innovations can widely diverge from its ability to diffuse such advances.

    This potential divergence is especially relevant for advanced economies, which encompass the great powers that are the subject of this research. Although innovation-centered explanations do well at sorting the advantages of technological breakthroughs to countries at the technological frontier compared to those trying to catch up, they are less effective at differentiating among advanced economies. As supported by a wealth of econometric research, divergences in the long-term economic growth of countries at the technology frontier are shaped more by imitation than innovation.54 These advanced countries have firms that can quickly copy or license innovations; first mover advantages from innovations are thus limited even in industries, like pharmaceuticals, that enforce intellectual property rights most strictly.55 Nevertheless, advanced countries that are evenly matched in their capacity for radical innovation can undertake vastly different growth trajectories in the wake of technological revolutions. Differences in diffusion pathways are central to explaining this puzzle.

    This diffusion-centered approach is especially well suited for GPTs. Since GPTs entail gradual evolution into widespread use, there is a longer window for competitors to adopt GPTs more intensively than the leading innovation center. In other technologies, first-mover benefits from pioneering initial breakthroughs are more significant. For instance, leadership in the innovation of electric power technologies was fiercely contested among the industrial powers. The United States, Germany, Great Britain, and France all built their first central power stations within a span of three years (1882–1884), their first electric trams within a span of nine years (1887–1896), and their first three-phase AC power systems within a span of eight years (1891–1899).56 However, the United States clearly led in the diffusion of these systems: by 1912, its electricity production per capita had more than doubled that of Germany, its closest competitor.57 Thus, while most countries at the technological frontier will be able to compete in the production and innovation of GPTs, the hardest hurdles in the GPT trajectory are in the diffusion phase.

    GPT Diffusion and LS Product Cycles

    GPT diffusion challenges the LS-based account of how technological change drives power transitions. The standard explanation in the international relations literature emphasizes a country’s dominance in leading sectors, defined as new industries that experience rapid growth on the back of new technologies.58 Cotton textiles, steel, chemicals, and the automobile industry form a “classic sequence” of “great leading sectors,” developed initially by economist Walt Rostow and later adapted by political scientists.59 Under the LS mechanism, a country’s ability to maintain a monopoly on innovation in these emerging industries determines the rise and fall of lead economies.60

    This model of technological change and power transition builds on the international product life cycle, a concept pioneered by Raymond Vernon. Constructed to explain patterns of international trade, the cycle begins with a product innovation and subsequent sales growth in the domestic market. Once the domestic market is saturated, the new product is exported to foreign markets. Over time, production shifts to these markets, as the original innovating country loses its comparative advantage.61

    LS-based studies frequently invoke the product cycle model.62 Analyzing the effects of leading sectors on the structure of the international system, Gilpin states, “Every state, rightly, or wrongly, wants to be as close as possible to the innovative end of ‘the product cycle.’ ”63 One scholar described Gilpin’s US Power and the Multinational Corporation, one of the first texts that outlines the LS mechanism, as “[having] drawn on the concept of the product cycle, expanded it into the concept of the growth and decline of entire national economies, and analyzed the relations between this economic cycle, national power, and international politics.”64

    The product cycle’s assumptions illuminate the differences between the GPT and LS mechanisms along three key dimensions. In the first stage of the product cycle, a firm generates the initial product innovation and profits from sales in the domestic market before saturation. Extending this model to national economies, the LS mechanism emphasizes the clustering of LS innovations and attendant monopoly profits in a single nation.65 “The extent of national success that we have in mind is of the fairly extreme sort,” write George Modelski and William Thompson. “One national economy literally dominates the leading sector during its phase of high growth and is the primary beneficiary of the immediate profits.”66 The GPT trajectory, in contrast, places more value on where technologies are diffused than where an innovation is first pioneered.67 I refer to this dimension as the “phase of relative advantage.”

    In the next stage, the product innovation spreads to global markets and the technology gradually diffuses to foreign competitors. Monopoly rents associated with a product innovation dissipate as production becomes routinized and transfers to other countries.68 Mirroring this logic, Modelski and Thompson write, “[Leading sectors] bestow the benefits of monopoly profits on the pioneer until diffusion and imitation transform industries that were once considered radically innovative into fairly routine and widespread components of the world economy.”69 Thompson also states that “the sector’s impact on growth tends to be disproportionate in its early stages of development.”70

    The GPT trajectory assumes a different impact timeframe. The more wide-ranging the potential applications of a technology, the longer the lag between its initial emergence and its ultimate economic impact. This explains why the envisioned transformative impact of GPTs does not appear straightaway in the productivity statistics.71 Time for complementary innovations, organizational restructuring, and institutional adjustments such as human capital formation is needed before the full impact of a GPT can be known. It is precisely the period when diffusion transforms radical innovations into routine components of the economy—the stage when the causal effects of leading sectors are expected to dissipate—that generates the productivity gap between nations.

    The product cycle also reveals differences between the LS and GPT mechanisms regarding the “breadth of growth.” Like the product cycle’s focus on an innovation’s life cycle within a singular industry, the LS mechanism emphasizes the contributions of a limited number of new industries to economic growth in a particular period. GPT-fueled productivity growth, on the other hand, is dispersed across a broad range of industries.72 Table 2.1 specifies how LS product cycles differ from GPT diffusion along the three dimensions outlined here. As the following section will show, the differences in these two technological trajectories shape the institutional factors that are most important for national success in adapting to periods of technological revolution.

    Table 2.1 Two Mechanisms of Technological Change and Power Transitions

    MechanismsImpact TimeframePhase of Relative AdvantageBreadth of GrowthInstitutional Complements
    LS product cyclesLopsided in early stagesMonopoly on innovationConcentratedDeepen skill base in LS innovations
    GPT diffusionLopsided in later stagesEdge in diffusionDispersedWiden skill base in spreading GPTs

    While I have highlighted the differences between GPT diffusion and LS product cycles, it is important to recognize that there are similarities between the two pathways.73 Some scholars, for example, associate leading sectors with broad spillovers across economic sectors.74 In addition, lists of leading sectors and lists of GPTs sometimes overlap, as evidenced by the fact that electricity is a consensus inclusion on both lists. Moreover, both explanations begin with the same premise: to fully uncover the dynamics of technology-driven power transitions, it is essential to specify which new technologies are the key drivers of economic growth in a particular time window.75

    At the same time, these resemblances should not be overstated. Many classic leading sectors do not have general-purpose applications. For instance, cotton textiles and automobiles both feature on Rostow’s series of leading sectors, and they are studied as leading sectors because each has “been the largest industry for several major industrial nations in the West at one time or another.”76 Although these were certainly both fast-growing large industries, the underlying technological advances do not fulfill the characteristics of GPTs. In addition, many of the GPTs I examine do not qualify as leading sectors. The machine tool industry in the mid-nineteenth century, for instance, was not a new industry, and it was never even close to being the largest industry in any of the major economies. Most importantly, though the GPT and LS mechanisms sometimes point to similar technological changes, they present very different understandings of how revolutionary technologies bring about an economic power transition. As the next section reveals, these differences also map onto varied institutional adaptations.

    GPT Skill Infrastructure

    New technologies agitate existing institutional patterns.77 They appeal for government support, generate new collective interests in the form of technical societies, and induce organizations to train people in relevant fields. If institutional environments are slow or fail to adapt, the development of emerging technologies is hindered. As Gilpin articulates, a nation’s technological fitness is rooted in the “extent of the congruence” between its institutions and the demands of evolving technologies.78 This approach is rooted in a rich tradition of work on the coevolution of technology and institutions.79

    Understanding the demands of GPTs helps filter which institutional factors are most salient for how technological revolutions bring about economic power transitions. Which institutional factors dictate disparities in GPT adoption among great powers? Specifically, I emphasize the role of education and training systems that broaden the base of engineering skills linked to a particular GPT. This set of institutions, which I call “GPT skill infrastructure,” is most crucial for facilitating the widespread adoption of a GPT.

    To be sure, GPT diffusion is dependent on institutional adjustments beyond GPT skill infrastructure. Intellectual property regimes, industrial relations, financial institutions, and other institutional factors could affect GPT diffusion. Probing inter-industry differences in technology adoption, some studies find that less concentrated industry structures are positively linked to GPT adoption.80 I limit my analysis to institutions of skill formation because their effects permeate other institutional arrangements.81 GPT skill infrastructure provides a useful indicator for other institutions that standardize and spread the novel best practices associated with GPTs.82

    It should also be noted that the institutional approach is one of three main categories of explanation for cross-country differences in economic performance over the long term.83 Other studies document the importance of geography and culture to persistent cross-country income differences.84 I prioritize institutional explanations for two reasons. First, natural experiments from certain historical settings, in which institutional divergence occurs but geographical and cultural factors are held constant, suggest that institutional differences are particularly influential sources of long-term economic growth differentials.85 Second, since LS-based accounts of power transitions also prioritize institutional adaptations to technological change, my approach provides a more level test of GPT diffusion against the standard explanation.86

    One final note about limits to my argument’s scope. I do not investigate the deeper origins of why some countries are more effective than others at developing GPT skill infrastructure. Possibly, the intensity of political competition and the inclusiveness of political institutions influence the development of skill formation institutions.87 Other fruitful lines of inquiry stress the importance of government capacity to make intertemporal bargains and adopt long time horizons in making technology investments.88 It is worth noting that a necessary first step to productively exploring these underlying causes is to establish which types of technological trajectories and institutional adaptations are at work. For instance, LS product cycles may be more closely linked to mercantilist or state capitalist approaches that favor narrow interest groups, whereas, political systems that incorporate a broader group of stakeholders may better accommodate GPT diffusion pathways.

    Institutions Fit for GPT Diffusion

    If GPTs drive economic power transitions, which institutions fit best with their demands? Institutional adaptations for GPT diffusion must solve two problems. First, since the economic benefits of GPTs materialize through improvements across a broad range of industries, capturing these benefits requires extensive coordination between the GPT sector and numerous application sectors. Given the sheer scope of potential applications, it is infeasible for firms in the GPT sector to commercialize the technology on their own, as the necessary complementary assets are embedded with different firms and industries.89 In the AI domain, as one example of a potential GPT, firms that develop general machine learning algorithms will not have access to all the industry-specific data needed to fine-tune those algorithms to particular application scenarios. Thus, coordination between the GPT sector and other organizations that provide complementary capital and skills, such as academia and competitor firms, is crucial. In contrast, for technologies that are not general-purpose, this type of coordination is less conducive and could even be detrimental to a nation’s competitive advantage, as the innovating firm could leak its technical secrets.90

    Second, GPTs pose demanding conditions for human capital adjustments. In describing the connection between skill formation and technological fitness, scholars often delineate between general skills and industry-specific skills. According to this perspective, skill formation institutions that optimize for the former are more conducive to technological domains characterized by radical innovation, while institutions that optimize for the latter are more favorable for domains marked by incremental innovation.91 GPT diffusion entails both types of skill formation. The skills must be specific to a rapidly changing GPT domain but also broad enough to enable a GPT’s advance across many industries.92 Strong linkages between R&D-intensive organizations at the technological frontier and application areas far from the frontier also play a key role in GPT diffusion. This draws attention to the interactions between researchers who produce innovations and technicians who help absorb them into specific contexts.93

    Education and training systems that foster relevant engineering skills for a GPT, or what I call GPT skill infrastructure, address both constraints. Engineering talent fulfills the need for skills that are rooted in a GPT yet sufficiently flexible to implement GPT advances in a wide range of sectors. Broadening the base of engineering knowledge also helps standardize best practices with GPTs, thereby coordinating information flows between the GPT sector and application sectors. Standardization fosters GPT diffusion by committing application sectors to specific technological trajectories and encouraging complementary innovations.94 This unlocks the horizontal spillovers associated with GPTs.95

    Indeed, distinct engineering specializations have emerged in the wake of a new GPT. New disciplines, such as chemical engineering and electrical engineering, have proved essential in widening knowledge bases in the wake of a new GPT.96 Computer science, another engineering-oriented field, was central to US leadership in the information revolution.97 These professions developed alongside new technical societies—ranging from the American Society of Mechanical Engineers to the Internet Engineering Task Force—that formulated and disseminated guidelines and benchmarks for GPT development.98

    Clearly, the features of GPT skill infrastructure have changed over time. Whereas informal associations systematized the skills crucial for mechanization in the eighteenth century, formal higher education has become increasingly integral to computerization in the twenty-first century.99 Some evidence suggests that computers and other technologies are skill-biased, in the sense that they favor workers with more years of schooling.100 These trends complicate but do not undercut the concept of GPT skill infrastructure. Regardless of the extent of formal training, all configurations of GPT skill infrastructure perform the same function: to widen the pool of engineering skills and knowledge associated with a GPT. This can take place in universities as well as in informal associations, provided these settings train engineers and facilitate the flow of engineering knowledge between knowledge-creation centers and application sectors.101

    Which Institutions Matter?

    The institutional competencies for exploiting LS product cycles are different. Historical analysis informed by this frame highlights heroic inventors like James Watt and pioneering research labs at large companies.102 Studying which countries benefited most from emerging technologies over the past two centuries, Herbert Kitschelt prioritizes the match between the properties of new technologies and sectoral governance structures. Under his framework, for example, tightly coupled technological systems with high causal complexity, such as nuclear power systems and aerospace platforms, are more likely to flourish in countries that allow for extensive state support.103 In other studies, the key institutional factors behind success in LS product cycles are education systems that subsidize scientific training and R&D facilities in new industries.104

    These approaches equate technological leadership with a state’s success in capturing market shares and monopoly profits in new industries.105 In short, they use LS product cycles as the filter for which institutional variables matter. Existing scholarship lacks an institutional explanation for why some great powers are more successful at GPT diffusion.

    Competing interpretations of technological leadership in chemicals during the late nineteenth century crystallize these differences. Based on the LS template, the standard account accredits Germany’s dominance in the chemical industry—as represented by its control over 90 percent of global production of synthetic dyes—to its investments in scientific research and highly skilled chemists.106 Germany’s dynamism in this leading sector is taken to explain its overall industrial dominance.107

    GPT diffusion spotlights a different relationship between technological change and institutional adaptation. The focus turns toward institutions that complemented the extension of chemical processes to a wide range of industries beyond synthetic dye, such as food production, metals, and textiles. Under the GPT mechanism, the United States, not Germany, achieved leadership in chemicals because it first institutionalized chemical engineering as a discipline. Despite its disadvantages in synthetic dye production and chemical research, the United States was more effective in broadening the base of chemical engineering talent and coordinating information flows between fundamental breakthroughs and industrial applications.108

    It is important to note that some parts of the GPT and LS mechanisms can coexist without conflict. A state’s capacity to pioneer new technologies can correlate with its capacity to absorb and diffuse GPTs. Countries that are home to cutting-edge R&D infrastructure may also be fertile ground for education systems that widen the pool of GPT-linked engineering skills. However, these aspects of the LS mechanism are not necessary for the GPT mechanism to operate. In accordance with GPT diffusion theory, a state can capitalize on GPTs to become the most powerful economy without monopolizing LS innovation.

    Moreover, other dimensions of these two mechanisms directly conflict. When it comes to impact timeframe and breadth of growth, the GPT and LS mechanisms advance opposing expectations. Institutions suited for GPT diffusion can diverge from those optimized for creating new-to-the-world innovations. Research on human capital and long-term growth separates the effects of engineering capacity, which is commonly tied to adoptive activities, and other forms of human capital that are more often connected to inventive activities.109 This divergence can also be seen in debates over the effects of competition on technological activity. On the one hand, Joseph Schumpeter and others have argued that monopoly structures incentivize more R&D activity because the monopolists can appropriate all the gains from technological innovation.110 On the other hand, empirical work demonstrates that more competitive market structures increase the rate of technological adoption across firms.111 Thus, while there is some overlap between these two mechanisms, they can still be set against each other in a way that improves our understanding of technological revolutions and power transitions.

    This theoretical framework differs from related work on the political economy of technological change.112 Scholars attribute the international competitiveness of nations to broader institutional contexts, including democracy, national innovation systems, and property rights enforcement.113 Since this book is limited to the study of shifts in productivity leadership at the technological frontier, many of these factors, such as those related to basic infrastructure and property rights, will not explain differences among technologically advanced nations.

    In addition, most of the institutional theories put forth to explain the productivity of nations are technology-agnostic, in that they treat all forms of technological change equally. To borrow language from a former chairman of the US Council of Economic Advisers, they do not differentiate between an innovation in potato chips and an innovation in microchips.114 In contrast, I am specific about GPTs as the sources of shifts in competitiveness at the technological frontier.

    Other theories identify key technologies but leave institutional factors at a high level of abstraction. Some scholars, for instance, posit that the lead economy’s monopoly on leading-sector innovation eventually erodes because of “ubiquitous institutional rigidities.”115 Unencumbered by the vested interests that resist disruptive technologies, rising challengers inevitably overtake established powers. Because these explanations are underspecified, they cannot account for cases where rich economies expand their lead or where poorer countries do not catch up.116

    When interpreting great power competition at the technological frontier, adjudicating between the GPT and LS mechanisms represents a choice between two different visions. The latter prioritizes being the first country to introduce novel technologies, whereas the former places more value on disseminating and transforming innovations after their inception. In sum, industrial competition among great powers is not a sprint to determine which one can create the most brilliant Silicon Valley; it is a marathon won by the country that can cultivate the closest connections between its Silicon Valleys and its Iowa Citys.

    Alternative Explanations

    Although I primarily set GPT diffusion theory against the LS model, I also consider two other prominent explanations that make specific claims about how technological breakthroughs differentially advantage leading economies. Crucially, these two lines of thinking could account for differences in GPT diffusion, nullifying the import of GPT skill infrastructure.

    Threat-Based Arguments

    According to one school of thought, international security threats motivate states to invest in science and technology.117 When confronted with more threatening geopolitical landscapes, states are more incentivized to break down status quo interests and build institutions conducive to technological innovation.118 Militaries hold outsized influence in these accounts. For example, Vernon Ruttan argues that military investment, mobilized against war or the threat of war, fueled commercial advances in six technologies designated as GPTs.119 Studies of the success of the United States and Japan with emerging technologies also stress interconnections between military and civilian technological development.120 I group these related arguments under the category of threat-based theories.

    Related explanations link technological progress with the balance of external threats and domestic roadblocks. Mark Taylor’s “creative insecurity” theory describes how external economic and military pressures permit governments to break from status quo interest groups and promote technological innovation. He argues that the difference between a nation’s external threats and its internal rivalries determines its propensity for innovation: the greater the difference, the greater the national innovation rate.121 Similarly, “systemic vulnerability” theory emphasizes the influence of external security and domestic pressures on the will of leaders to invest in institutions conducive to innovation, as well as the effect of “veto players” on their ability to do so.122

    Certainly, external threats could impel states to invest more in GPTs, and military investment can help bring forth new GPTs; however, there are several issues with adapting threat-based theories to explain differences in GPT diffusion across great powers. First, threat-based arguments tend to focus on the initial incubation of GPTs, as opposed to the gradual spread of GPTs throughout a national economy. During the latter phase, a great deal of evidence suggests that civilian and military needs can greatly conflict.123 Besides, some GPTs, such as electricity in the United States, developed without substantial military investment. Since other civilian institutions could fill in as strong sources of demand for GPTs, military procurement may not be necessary for spurring GPT diffusion. Institutional adjustments to GPTs therefore can be motivated by factors other than threats. Ultimately, to further probe these points of clash, the impact of security threats and military investment must be traced within the historical cases.

    Varieties of Capitalism

    The “varieties of capitalism” (VoC) explanation highlights differences among developed democracies in labor markets, industrial organization, and interfirm relations and separates them into coordinated market economies (CMEs) and liberal market economies (LMEs). VoC scholars argue that CMEs are more suited for incremental innovations because their thick intercorporate networks and protected labor markets favor gradual adoption of new technological advances. LMEs, in contrast, are more adept at radical innovation because their fluid labor markets and corporate organization make it easier for firms to reorganize themselves around disruptive technologies. Most relevant to GPT diffusion theory, VoC scholars argue that LMEs incentivize workers to acquire general skills, which are more accommodative to radical innovation, whereas CMEs support industry-specific training, which is more favorable for incremental innovation.124

    It is possible that differences between market-based capitalism and strategically coordinated capitalism account for GPT diffusion gaps between nations. Based on the expectations of the VoC approach, LMEs should be more likely to generate innovations with the potential to become GPTs, and workers in LMEs should possess more general skills that could spread GPTs across firms.125 Examining the pattern of innovation during the information revolution, scholars find that the United States, an LME, concentrated on industries experiencing radical innovation, such as semiconductors and telecommunications, while Germany, a CME, specialized in domains characterized by incremental innovation, such as mechanical engineering and transport.126

    Despite bringing vital attention to the diversity of skill formation institutions, VoC theory’s dichotomy between general and industry-specific skills does not dovetail with the skills demanded by specific GPTs.127 Cutting across this sometimes arbitrary distinction, the engineering skills highlighted in GPT diffusion theory are specific to a fast-evolving GPT field and general enough to transfer ideas from the GPT sector across various sectors. Software engineering skills, for instance, are portable across multiple industries, but their reach is not as ubiquitous as critical thinking skills or mathematics knowledge. To address similar gaps in skill classifications, many political economists have appealed for “a more fine-grained analysis of cross-national differences in the particular mix of jobs and qualifications that characterize different political economies.”128 In line with this move, GPT skill infrastructure stands in for institutions that supply the particular mix of jobs and qualifications for enabling GPT diffusion. The empirical analysis provides an opportunity to examine whether this approach should be preferred to the VoC explanation for understanding technology-driven power transitions.

    Research Methodology

    My evaluation of the GPT and LS mechanisms primarily relies on historical case studies, which allow for detailed exploration of the causal processes that connect technological change to economic power transitions. Employing congruence-analysis techniques, I select cases and assess the historical evidence in a way that ensures a fair and rigorous test of the relative explanatory power of the two mechanisms.129 This sets up a “three-cornered fight” among GPT diffusion theory, the rival LS-based explanation, and the set of empirical information.130

    The universe of cases most useful for assessing the GPT and LS mechanisms are technological revolutions (cause) that produced an economic power transition (outcome) in the industrial period. Following guidance on testing competing mechanisms that prioritize typical cases where the cause and outcome are clearly present, I investigate the First Industrial Revolution (IR-1) and the Second Industrial Revolution (IR-2).131 Both cases featured clusters of disruptive technological advances, highlighted by some studies as “technological revolutions” or “technology waves.”132 They also saw economic power transitions, when one great power sustained growth rates at substantially higher levels than its rivals.133 I also study Japan’s challenge to American economic leadership—which ultimately failed—in the Third Industrial Revolution (IR-3). This deviant case can disconfirm mechanisms and help explain why they break down.134

    These cases are highly crucial and relevant for testing the GPT mechanism against the LS mechanism. All three cases favor the latter in terms of background conditions and existing theoretical explanations. Scholarship has attributed shifts in economic power during this period to the rise of new leading sectors.135 Thus, if the empirical results support the GPT mechanism, then my findings would suggest a need for major modifications to our understanding of how technological revolutions affect the rise and fall of great powers. The qualitative analysis appendix provides further details on case selection, including the universe of cases, the justification for these cases as “most likely cases” for the LS mechanism, and relevant scope conditions.136

    This overall approach adapts the methodology of process-tracing, often conducted at the individual or micro level, to macro-level mechanisms that involve structural factors and evolutionary interactions.137 Existing scholarship on diffusion mechanisms, which the GPT mechanism builds from, emphasizes the influence of macro-level processes. In these accounts the diffusion trajectory depends not just on the overall distribution of individual-level receptivity but also on structural and institutional features, such as the degree of interconnectedness in a population.138 This approach aligns with a view of mechanistic thinking that allows for mechanisms to be set at different levels of abstraction.139 As Tulia Falleti and Julia Lynch point out, “Micro-level mechanisms are no more fundamental than macro-level ones.”140

    To judge the explanatory strength of the LS and GPT mechanisms, I employ within-case congruence tests and process-tracing principles to evaluate the predictions of the two theoretical approaches against the empirical record.141 In each historical case, I first trace how leading sectors and GPTs developed in the major economies, paying particular attention to adoption timeframes, the technological phase of relative advantage, and the breadth of growth—three dimensions that differentiate GPT diffusion from LS product cycles.142

    For example, my assessment of the two mechanisms along the impact time-frame dimension follows consistent procedures in each case.143 To evaluate when certain technologies were most influential, I establish when they initially emerged (based on dates of key breakthroughs), when their associated industries were growing fastest, and when they diffused across a wide range of application sectors. When data are available, I estimate a GPT’s initial arrival date by also factoring in the point at which it reached a 1 percent adoption rate in the median sector.144 Industry growth rates, diffusion curves, and output trends all help measure the timeline along which technological breakthroughs substantially influenced the overall economy. The growth trajectory of each candidate GPT and LS is then set against a detailed timeline of when a major shift in productivity leadership occurs.

    I then turn to the institutional factors that could explain why some countries were more successful in adapting to a technological revolution, with a focus on the institutions best suited to the demands of GPTs and leading sectors.145 If the GPT mechanism is operative, the state that attains economic leadership should have an advantage in institutions that broaden the base of engineering human capital and spread best practices linked to GPTs. Additional evidence of the GPT diffusion theory’s explanatory power would be that other countries had advantages in institutions that complement LS product cycles, such as scientific research infrastructure and sectoral governance structures.

    These evaluation procedures are effective because I have organized the competing mechanisms “so that they are composed of the same number of diametrically opposite parts with observable implications that rule each other out.”146 This allows for evidence in favor of one explanation to be doubly decisive in that it also undermines the competing theory.147 In sum, each case study is structured around investigating a set of four standardized questions that correspond to the three dimensions of the LS and GPT mechanisms as well as the institutional complements to technological trajectories (table 2.2).148

    table 2.2 Testable Propositions of the LS and GPT Mechanisms

    DimensionsKey QuestionsLS PropositionsGPT Propositions
    Impact timeframeWhen do revolutionary technologies make their greatest marginal impact on the economic balance of power?New industries make their greatest impact on growth differentials in early stages.GPTs do not make a significant impact on growth differentials until multiple decades after emergence.
    Key phase of relative advantageDo monopoly profits from innovation or benefits from more successful diffusion drive growth differentials?A state’s monopoly on innovation in leading sectors propels it to economic leadership.A state’s success in widespread adoption of GPTs propels it to economic leadership.
    Breadth of growthWhat is the breadth of technology-driven growth?Technological advances concentrated in a few leading sectors drive growth.Technological advances dispersed across a broad range of GPT-linked industries drive growth.
    Institutional complementsWhich types of institutions are most advantageous for national success in technological revolutions?Key institutional adaptations help a state capture market shares and monopoly profits in new industries.Key institutional adaptations widen the base of engineering skills and knowledge for GPT diffusion.

    In each case study, I consider alternative theories of technology-driven power transitions. Countless studies have examined the rise and fall of great powers. My aim is not to sort through all possible causes of one nation’s rise or another’s decline. Rather, I am probing the causal processes behind an established connection between technological advances in each industrial revolution and an economic power transition. The VoC framework and threat-based theories outline alternative explanations for how significant technological advances translated into growth differentials among great powers. Across all the cases, I assess whether they provide a better explanation for the historical case evidence than the GPT and LS mechanisms.

    I also address case-specific confounding factors. For example, some scholars argue that abundant inputs of wood and metals induced the United States to embrace more machine-intensive technology in the IR-2, reasoning that Britain’s slower adoption of interchangeable parts manufacturing was an efficient choice given its natural resource constraints.149 For each case, I determine whether these types of circumstantial factors could nullify the validity of the GPT and LS mechanisms.

    In tracing these mechanisms, I benefit from a wealth of empirical evidence on past industrial revolutions, which have been the subject of many interdisciplinary inquiries. Since the cases I study are well-traversed terrain, my research is primarily based on secondary sources.150 I rely on histories of technology and general economic histories to trace how and when technological breakthroughs affected economic power balances. Notably, my analysis takes advantage of the application of formal statistical and econometric methods to assess the impact of significant technological advances, part of the “cliometric revolution” in economic history.151 Some of these works have challenged the dominant narrative of previous industrial revolutions. For instance, Nick von Tunzelmann found that the steam engine made minimal contributions to British productivity growth before 1830, raising the issue that earlier accounts of British industrialization “tended to conflate the economic significance of the steam engine with its early diffusion.”152

    I supplement these historical perspectives with primary sources. These include statistical series on industrial production, census statistics, discussions of engineers in contemporary trade journals, and firsthand accounts from commissions and study teams of cross-national differences in technology systems. In the absence of standardized measures of engineering education, archival evidence helps fill in details about GPT skill infrastructure for each of the cases. In the IR-1 case, I benefit from materials from the National Archives (United Kingdom), the British Newspaper Archive, and the University of Nottingham Libraries, Manuscripts, and Special Collections. My IR-2 case analysis relies on collections based at the Bodleian Library (United Kingdom), the Library of Congress (United States), and the University of Leipzig and on British diplomatic and consular reports.153 In the IR-3 case analysis, the Edward A. Feigenbaum Papers collection, held at Stanford University, helps inform US-Japan comparisons in computer science education.

    My research also benefits greatly from new data on historical technological development. I take advantage of improved datasets, such as the Maddison Project Database.154 New ones, such as the Cross-Country Historical Adoption of Technology dataset, were also beneficial.155 Sometimes hype about exciting new technologies influences the perceptions of commentators and historians about the pace and extent of technology adoption. More granular data can help substantiate or cut through these narratives. Like the reassessments of the impact of previous technologies, these data were released after the publication of the field-defining works on technology and power transitions in international relations. Making extensive use of these sources therefore provides leverage to revise conventional understandings.

    When assessing these two mechanisms, one of the main challenges is to identify the key technological changes to trace. I take a broad view of technology that encompasses not just technical designs but also organizational and managerial innovations.156 Concretely, I follow Harvey Brooks, a pioneer of the science and technology policy field, in defining technology as “knowledge of how to fulfill certain human purposes in a specifiable and reproducible way.”157 The LS and GPT mechanisms both call attention to the outsized import of particular technical breakthroughs and their interactions with social systems, but they differ on which ones are more important. Therefore, a deep and wide understanding of advances in hardware and organizational practices in each historical period is required to properly sort them by their potential to spark LS or GPT trajectories.

    This task is complicated by substantial disagreements over which technologies are leading sectors and GPTs. Proposed lists of GPTs often conflict, raising questions about the criteria used for GPT selection.158 Reacting to the length of such lists, other scholars fear that “the [GPT] concept may be getting out of hand.”159 According to one review of eleven studies that identified past GPTs, twenty-six different innovations appeared on at least one list but only three appeared on all eleven.160

    The LS concept is even more susceptible to these criticisms because the characteristics that define leading sectors are inconsistent across existing studies. Though most scholars agree that leading sectors are new industries that grow faster than the rest of the economy, there is marked disagreement on other criteria. Some scholars select leading sectors based on the criterion that they have been the largest industry in several major industrial nations for a period of time.161 Others emphasize that leading sectors attract significant investments in R&D.162 To illustrate this variability, I reviewed five key texts that analyze the effect of leading sectors on economic power transitions. Limiting the lists of proposed leading sectors to those that emerged during the three case study periods, I find that fifteen leading sectors appeared on at least one list and only two appeared on all five.163

    My process for selecting leading sectors and GPTs to trace helps alleviate concerns that I cherry-pick the technologies that best fit my preferred explanation. In each historical case, most studies that explicitly identify leading sectors or GPTs agree on a few obvious GPTs and leading sectors. To ensure that I do not omit any GPTs, I consider all technologies singled out by at least two of five key texts that identify GPTs across multiple historical periods.164 I apply the same approach to LS selection, using the aforementioned list I compiled.

    Following classification schemes that differentiate GPTs from “near-GPTs” and “multipurpose technologies,” I resolve many of the conflicts over what counts as a GPT or leading sector by referring to a set of defining criteria.165 For instance, while some accounts include the railroad and the automobile as GPTs, I do not analyze them as candidate GPTs because they lack a variety of uses.166 I support my choices with empirical methods for LS and GPT identification. To confirm certain leading sectors, I examine the rate of growth across various industry sectors. I also leverage recent studies that identify GPTs with patent-based indicators.167 Taken together, these procedures limit the risk of omitting certain technologies while guarding against GPT and LS concept creep.168 The qualitative analysis appendix outlines how I address other issues related to LS and GPT identification, including concerns about omitting important single-purpose technologies and scenarios when certain technological breakthroughs are linked to both LS and GPT trajectories.

    These considerations underscore that taking stock of the key technological drivers is only the first step in the case analysis. To judge whether these breakthroughs actually brought about the impacts that are often claimed for them, it is important to carefully trace how these technologies evolved in close relation with societal systems.

    As a complement to the historical case studies, this book’s research design includes a large-n quantitative analysis of the relationship between the breadth of software engineering skill formation institutions and computerization rates. This tests a key observable implication of GPT diffusion theory, using time-series cross-sectional data on nineteen advanced and emerging economies across three decades. I leave the more detailed description of the statistical methodology to chapter 6.

    Summary

    The technological fitness of nations is determined by how they adapt to the demands of new technical advances. I have developed a theory to explain how revolutionary technological breakthroughs affect the rise and fall of great powers. My approach is akin to that of an investigator tasked with figuring out why one ship sailed across the ocean faster than all the others. As though differentiating the winning ship’s route from possible sea-lanes in terms of trade wind conditions and course changes, I first contrast the GPT and LS trajectories with regard to the timing, phase, and breadth of technological change. Once the superior route has been mapped, attention turns to the attributes of the winning ship, such as its navigation equipment and sailors’ skills, that enabled it to take advantage of this fast lane across the ocean. In similar fashion, having set out the GPT trajectory as the superior route from technological revolution to economic leadership, my argument then highlights GPT skill infrastructure as the key institutional attribute that dictates which great power capitalizes best on this route.

    3 The First Industrial Revolution and Britain’s Rise

    FEW HISTORICAL EVENTS have shaken the world like the First Industrial Revolution (IR-1, 1780–1840). Extraordinary upheaval marked the contours and consequences of the IR-1. For the first time in history, productivity growth accelerated dramatically, allowing large numbers of people to experience sustained improvements in their living standards. Small towns transformed into large cities, new ideologies gathered momentum, and emerging economic and social classes reshaped the fabric of society. These changes reverberated in the international sphere, where the ramifications of the IR-1 included the transition to industrialized mass warfare, the decline of the absolutist state, and the birth of the modern international system.

    Among these transformations, two phenomena stand out. The first is the remarkable technological progress that inaugurated the IR-1 period. Everything was changing in part because so many things were changing—water frames, steam engines, and puddling processes not least among them. The second is Britain’s rise to unrivaled economic leadership, during which it sustained productivity growth at higher levels than its rivals, France and the Netherlands. The following sections adjudicate the debates over the exact timeline of Britain’s industrialization, but there is no doubt that Britain, propelled by the IR-1, became the world’s most advanced economic power by the mid-nineteenth century.

    No study of technological change and power transitions is complete without an account of the IR-1. For both the LS and GPT mechanisms, the IR-1 functions as a typical case that is held up as paradigmatic of technology-driven power transitions. The standard account in international relations scholarship attributes Britain’s industrial ascent to its dominance of innovation in the IR-1’s leading sectors, including cotton textiles, iron metallurgy, and steam power.1 Present-day scholarship and policy discussions often draw upon stylized views of the IR-1, analogizing present developments in information technology and biotechnology to the effects of steam power and cotton textiles in the industrial revolution.2

    A deeper inquiry into the IR-1 and Britain’s economic rise challenges many of these conventional views. First, it reveals that general-purpose transformations linked to advances in iron metallurgy diffused widely enough to significantly affect economy-wide productivity only after 1815—a timeline that aligns with the period when Britain significantly outpaced its rivals in industrialization. Other prominent advances, including the steam engine, made only limited contributions to Britain’s rise to industrial prominence in this period owing to a prolonged period of gestation before widespread adoption. Second, the IR-1 case also demonstrates that it was Britain’s advantage in extending mechanization throughout the economy, not monopoly profits from innovations in cotton textiles, that proved crucial to its industrial ascendancy. Third, the historical data illustrate that the dispersion of mechanical innovations across many sectors fueled British productivity growth. Across these three dimensions, the IR-1 case matches the GPT trajectory better than the LS trajectory.

    Since no country monopolized innovations in metalworking processes and Britain’s competitors could also absorb innovations from abroad, why did Britain gain the most from this GPT trajectory? In all countries, as technical advances surged forward, institutional adjustments raced to cultivate the skills required to keep pace. Importantly, France and the Netherlands were competitive with Britain—and even surpassed it in some respects—in scientific research infrastructure and education systems for training expert engineers. These institutional settings in France and the Netherlands, however, produced knowledge and skills that were rather divorced from practical applications.

    Britain’s comparative advantage rested on another type of skill infrastructure. It depended less on heroic innovators like James Watt, the famed creator of the modern steam engine, and more on competent engineers who could build and maintain new technological systems, as well as make incremental adaptations to implement these systems in many different settings.3 As expected by GPT diffusion theory, Britain benefited from education systems that expanded the base of mechanically skilled engineers and disseminated knowledge of applied mechanics. Britain’s competitors could not match its system for cultivating a common technical language in applied mechanics that encouraged the knowledge exchanges between engineers and entrepreneurs needed for advancing mechanization from one industry to the next.

    To trace these mechanisms, I gathered and sorted through a wealth of evidence on the IR-1. Historical accounts served as the foundational materials, including general economic histories of the IR-1, histories of influential technologies and industries like the steam engine and the iron industry, country-specific histories, and comparative histories of Britain, France, and the Netherlands. I also benefited from contemporary assessments of the IR-1’s institutional features provided by trade journals, proceedings of mechanics’ institutes, recruitment advertisements published in local newspapers, and essays by leading engineers. This evidence stems from archival materials at the British Newspaper Archive, the National Archives (United Kingdom), and the University of Nottingham Libraries, Manuscripts, and Special Collections. Triangulating a variety of sources, I endeavored to back up my claims with statistical evidence in the form of industrial output estimates, patenting rates, and detailed biographical information on British engineers.

    The assessment of the GPT and LS mechanisms against historical evidence from the IR-1 proceeds as follows. To begin, the chapter reviews Britain’s rise to industrial preeminence, which is the outcome of the case. Next, it sorts the key technological breakthroughs of the period by their potential to drive two types of trajectories—LS product cycles and GPT diffusion. I then assess whether Britain’s rise in this period is better explained by the GPT or LS mechanism, tracing the development of candidate leading sectors and GPTs in terms of impact timeframe, phase of relative advantage, and breadth of growth. If the GPT trajectory holds for this period, there should be evidence that Britain was better equipped than its competitors in GPT skill infrastructure. Another section evaluates whether the historical data support this expectation. Before concluding the chapter, I address alternative factors and explanations.

    A Power Transition: Britain’s Rise

    When did Britain ascend to industrial hegemony? The broad outlines of the story are well known. Between the mid-eighteenth century and the mid-nineteenth century, the industrial revolution propelled Great Britain to global preeminence. Although Britain did not boast the world’s largest economy—China held that title during this period—it did capitalize on the technologies of the industrial revolution to become “the world’s most advanced productive power.”4 France and the Netherlands, its economic rivals, did not keep pace with Britain’s productivity growth.

    While both the LS and GPT models agree that Britain established itself as the preeminent industrial power in this period, a clearer sense of when this shift occurred is essential for testing the explanatory power of the LS and GPT mechanisms during this period. One common view of Britain’s industrialization, brought to prominence by Rostow, depicts an accelerated takeoff into sustained growth. Rostow’s timeline dates this takeoff to the last two decades of the eighteenth century.5 In alignment with this periodization, some scholars writing in the LS tradition claim that Britain achieved its industrial ascent by the late eighteenth century.6

    A different perspective, better supported by the evidence that follows, favors a delayed timeline for Britain’s ascent to industrial preeminence. Under this view, Britain did not sustain economic and productivity advances at levels substantially higher than its rivals until the 1820s and after. To clarify the chronology of Britain’s industrial ascent, the following sections survey three proxies for productivity leadership: GDP per capita, industrialization, and total factor productivity.

    GDP PER-CAPITA INDICATORS

    Trend lines in GDP per capita, a standard proxy for productivity, confirm the broad outlines of Britain’s rise. Evidence from the Maddison Project Database (MPD) points to the decades after 1800, not before, as the key transition period (figure 3.1).7 These trends come from the 2020 version of the MPD, which updates Angus Maddison’s data and incorporates new annual estimates of GDP per capita in the IR-1 period for France, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom.8 In 1760, the Netherlands boasted the world’s highest per-capita income, approximately 35 percent higher than Britain’s.9 The Dutch held this lead for the rest of the eighteenth century through to 1808, when Britain first overtook the Netherlands in GDP per capita. By 1840, Britain’s GDP per capita was about 75 percent higher than that of France and about 10 percent ahead of that of the Netherlands.10

    figure 3.1 Economic Power Transition in the IR-1. Source: Maddison Project Database, version 2020 (Bolt and van Zanden 2020).

    It should be noted that GDP per-capita information for the early years of the IR-1 is sometimes missing or only partially available. For years prior to 1807, the MPD bases Dutch GDP per-capita estimates on data for just the Holland region, so the Dutch economy’s decline during this time could be an artifact of changes in data sources.11 At the same time, to ensure that the MPD data can be used to provide accurate information on historical patterns of economic growth and decline, researchers have made adjustments to partial data series and consulted experts to assess their representativeness.12 Furthermore, the Holland-based data in the early 1800s already indicated a decline in Dutch GDP per capita. Although data scarcity makes it difficult to mark out exactly when Britain’s GDP per capita surpassed that of the Netherlands, the MPD remains the best source for cross-country comparisons of national income in this period.

    INDUSTRIALIZATION INDICATORS

    Industrialization indicators depict a mixed picture of when Britain sustained leadership in economic efficiency. By one influential set of metrics compiled by economic historian Paul Bairoch, Britain’s per-capita industrialization levels had grown to 50 percent higher than those of France in 1800, from a position of near-equality with France and Belgium in 1750. For scholars who map the trajectories of great powers, these estimates have assumed a prominent role in shaping the timeline of British industrial ascendance.13 For instance, Paul Kennedy employs Bairoch’s estimates to argue that the industrial revolution transformed Britain into a different kind of world power.14

    Further examination of Bairoch’s estimates qualifies their support for an accelerated timeline of Britain’s industrial ascendance. First, by limiting his definition of “industrial output” to manufacturing industry products, Bairoch excludes the contribution of notable sectors such as construction and mining, a distinction even he admits is “rather arbitrary.”15 Second, the gap between Britain and France in per-capita industrialization levels in 1800 still falls within the margin of error for Bairoch’s estimates.16

    Moreover, a delayed timeframe is supported by industrialization measures that encompass more than the manufacturing industries. In 1700, the Netherlands had a substantially higher proportion of its population employed in industry (33 percent) compared to the United Kingdom (22 percent). In 1820, the proportion of people employed in UK industry had risen to 33 percent—higher than the Dutch corresponding rate of 28 percent.17 One expert on the pre-industrial revolution in Europe notes that the Netherlands was at least as industrialized as England, if not more so, throughout the eighteenth century.18 Lastly, aggregate industrial production trends map out a post-1815 surge in British industrialization, providing further evidence that Britain did not solidify its productivity advantage until decades into the nineteenth century.19

    PRODUCTIVITY INDICATORS

    Total factor productivity (TFP) indicators, which capture the efficiency by which production factors are converted into useful outputs, further back the delayed ascent story. As was the case with trends in aggregate industrial output, TFP growth in Britain did not take off until after 1820.20 In truth, British TFP growth was very modest throughout the eighteenth century, averaging less than 1 percent per year.21

    While the paucity of reliable data on total factor productivity in France hinders cross-national comparisons in this period, some evidence suggests that Britain did not surpass the Netherlands in TFP until after 1800.22 Historian Robert Allen estimated TFP in agriculture by calculating the ratio between actual output per worker and the output per worker predicted by a country’s available agricultural population and land. On this metric for the year 1800, the Netherlands ranked higher than Britain and all other European nations.23 The Dutch also attained the highest absolute TFP in Europe for almost all of the eighteenth century.24

    Which periodization of Britain’s industrial ascent better reflects the empirical evidence? On balance, measures of per-capita GDP, industrialization levels, and total factor productivity support a deferred timeline for Britain’s industrial rise. This clarification of when an economic power transition occurred during the IR-1 provides a stable target to test the competing LS and GPT mechanisms.

    Key Technological Changes in the IR-1

    Before evaluating the LS and GPT mechanisms in greater depth, the technological elements of the IR-1 must be further specified. Hargreaves’s spinning jenny (1764), Arkwright’s water frame (1769), Watt’s steam engine (1769), Cort’s puddling process (1784), and many other significant technical advances emerged during the First Industrial Revolution. The most likely sources of GPT and LS trajectories can be identified with guidance from existing work that calls attention to key technologies and accepted criteria for these two categories. Narrowing the assessment of these two mechanisms to a limited set of technologies makes for a more viable exercise.

    Candidate Leading Sectors: Cotton Textiles, Iron, and Steam Power

    A strong degree of consensus on the leading sectors that powered Britain’s rise in the IR-1 makes it relatively easy to identify three candidate sectors: cotton textiles, iron, and steam power.25 Among these, historians widely recognize the cotton textile industry as the original leading sector of the First Industrial Revolution.26 New inventions propelled the industry’s rapid growth, as its share of total value added to British industry rose from 2.6 percent in 1770 to 17 percent in 1801.27 In characterizing the significance of the cotton industry, Schumpeter went as far as to claim, “English industrial history can, in the epoch 1787–1842 … be almost resolved into the history of a single industry.”28

    If the cotton textile industry places first in the canon of the IR-1’s leading sectors, then the iron industry follows close behind. In their account of Britain’s rise, Modelski and Thompson single out these two major industries, employing pig iron production and cotton consumption, as indicators for Britain’s leading sector growth rates.29 According to the traditional view of the IR-1, the iron and cotton industries were the only two that experienced “highly successful, rapidly diffused technical change” before the 1820s.30

    I also evaluate the steam power industry as a third possible leading sector. A wide range of LS-based scholarship identifies steam power as one of the technological foundations of Britain’s leadership in the nineteenth century.31 Most of this literature labels only the steam engine itself as the leading sector, but since leading sectors are new industries, the steam engine–producing industry is the more precise understanding of the leading sector related to major advances in steam engine technology. Compared to the iron and cotton textile industries, it is much more uncertain whether the steam engine–producing industry, which experienced relatively slow growth in output and productivity, meets the analytical criteria for a leading sector during the IR-1 case.32 Still, I include the steam engine–producing industry as a potential leading sector, leaving it to the case analysis to further study its growth trajectory.

    Candidate GPTs: Iron, Steam Engine, and the Factory System

    Since the possible sources of GPT trajectories in the IR-1 are less established, I drew on previous studies that mapped out technological paradigms in this period to select three candidate GPTs: the steam engine, mechanization based on advances in iron machinery, and the factory system.33 As a possible source of GPT-style effects, the steam engine is a clear choice. Alongside electricity and (ICT) technology, it has been described as one of the “Big Three” GPTs, appearing in nearly all catalogs of GPTs.34 Here the emphasis is on the capacity of steam engines to transform a wide variety of industrial processes across many sectors, as opposed to the potential growth of the steam engine–producing industry.

    Of the two paradigmatic industries of the IR-1, cotton and iron, the latter was a more plausible driver of GPT-style effects for Britain. As the demand for iron-made machinery grew, iron foundries development of new generations of machine tools, such as cylinder-boring machines, contributed to the creation of a mechanical engineering industry.35 This spurred the mechanization of production processes in a wide range of industries, including agriculture, food processing, printing, and textiles.36 Although both cotton textiles and iron were fast-growing industries, developments in iron better resembled a “motive branch” driving pervasive effects across the economy.37

    In addition, the late eighteenth century saw the emergence of centralized factories, which significantly increased the scale of goods production. The factory system offered the potential to change the techniques of production across many industries. One widely cited classification scheme for GPTs picks out the factory system as an “organizational GPT” in the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century period.38 Other scholars describe this organizational innovation as “one of the most fundamental changes of ‘metabolism’ in the Industrial Revolution.”39

    I also considered but ultimately decided against including developments in railroads as a candidate GPT. Among five core texts that classify GPTs across many historical periods, at least two highlighted the significance of the railroad to the IR-1.40 In my view, the railroad represented a disruptive advance, but it did not acquire the variety of uses to qualify as a GPT. Railways carried many types of freight and made new business models possible, but their function was limited to transport.41

    Sources of LS and GPT Trajectories

    Table 3.1 recaps the potential technological sources for both the GPT and LS mechanisms. It is important to clarify three points about the sorting process. First, it is notable but not surprising that the candidate leading sectors and GPTs draw from similar technological wellsprings. Both mechanisms agree that some inventions, like Cort’s puddling process for making wrought iron, mattered much more than others in terms of their impact on the economic balance of power.

    Table 3.1 Key Sources of Technological Trajectories in the IR-1

    Candidate Leading SectorsCandidate GPTs
    Cotton textile industryFactory system
    Iron industryMechanization
    Steam engine–producing industrySteam engine

    Where the mechanisms separate is in how this process transpired. Cort’s puddling process and other ironmaking innovations, under the GPT model, are expected to follow an impact pathway characterized by three features: an extended lag before they affect productivity growth, the spread of mechanization across the economy, and widespread complementary innovations in many machine-using industries. Under the LS model, the same technological sources are expected to affect economic growth in a way that is lopsided in the early stages of development, fueled by monopolizing iron exports, and limited to technological innovations in the iron industry.

    Second, it is still useful to classify three distinct candidate GPTs in the IR-1, despite the fact that developments in factory systems, mechanization, and steam engines were mutually reinforcing in many respects. Steam engines depended on the transition from hand-tool processes to machinery-based production systems; at the same time, the impact of steam engines on coal mining was to boost the iron industry, spurring mechanization. Yet a number of historians distinguish the expansion of mechanization in the British industrial revolution from transformations linked to the steam engine, arguing that the latter’s economic impact materialized much later than the former.42 Thus, while these candidate GPT trajectories are interconnected, it is still possible to locate various GPTs at different stages of their life cycle.

    Third, not all of these technological changes necessarily had a decisive impact on Britain’s capacity to sustain higher productivity levels than its rivals during the period of interest. They are labeled as candidates for a reason. As this chapter will show, the steam engine did not achieve widespread diffusion until after Britain had already established economic leadership. When subjected to more rigorous empirical analysis, developments in some technologies may not track well with the proposed LS and GPT trajectories for this period.

    GPT vs. LS Trajectories in the IR-1

    Spelling out possible sources of technological trajectories in the IR-1 provides a bounded terrain for testing the validity of the GPT and LS mechanisms. By leveraging differences between the two mechanisms with respect to impact timeframe, phase of relative advantage, and breadth of growth, I derive three sets of opposing predictions for how technological changes translated into an economic power transition in this period. I then assess whether, and to what extent, the developments in the IR-1 supported these predictions.

    OBSERVABLE IMPLICATIONS RELATED TO IMPACT TIMEFRAME

    When did the revolutionary technologies of the IR-1 disrupt the economic balance of power? If the impact timeframe of the LS mechanism holds, then radical technical advances in the cotton textile, iron, and/or steam engine–producing industries should have substantially stimulated British economic growth shortly after the emergence of major technological advances in the 1760s and 1770s.43 Accordingly, scholars theorize that leading sectors propelled Great Britain to industrial superiority in the late eighteenth century.44 In line with this conception of a rapid timeline, Modelski and Thompson expect that the growth of two lead industries, cotton and iron, peaked in the 1780s.45

    On the other hand, if the GPT mechanism was operational, the impact of major technological breakthroughs on Britain’s industrial ascent should have arrived on a more gradual timeline. Key advances tied to mechanization, steam power, and the factory system emerged in the 1770s and 1780s. Given that GPTs require a long period of delay before they diffuse and achieve widespread adoption, the candidate GPTs of the IR-1 should not have had substantial economy-wide repercussions until the early decades of the nineteenth century and after. I use the year 1815 as a rough cut-point to separate the accelerated impact timeframe of leading sectors from that of GPTs in this period.

    OBSERVABLE IMPLICATIONS RELATED TO THE PHASE OF RELATIVE ADVANTAGE

    The LS mechanism places high value on the innovation phase of technological change. Where major breakthroughs arise is key. Accordingly, Britain’s capacity to pioneer major technological advances should explain economic growth differentials in the IR-1. Concretely, the LS mechanism expects that Britain’s rise was fueled by its dominance of innovation in the cotton textile, iron, and steam engine–producing industries, as well as the resultant monopoly rents from exports in these sectors.

    The GPT mechanism emphasizes a less-celebrated phase of technological change. Where innovations diffuse is key. Differentials in the rate and intensiveness of GPT adoption generate the gap between an ascending industrial leader and other competitors. The GPT mechanism suggests that Britain’s rise to industrial preeminence can be traced to its superior ability to diffuse generic technological changes across the economy.

    OBSERVABLE IMPLICATIONS RELATED TO BREADTH OF GROWTH

    The last set of observable implications relate to the breadth of growth during the IR-1. As illustrated in the descriptions here of the candidate leading sectors, many accounts attribute Britain’s industrial ascent to a narrow set of critical advances.46 In one of the first texts dedicated to the investigation of technology and international relations, William Ogburn declared, “The coming of the steam engine … is the variable which explains the increase of Britain as a power in the nineteenth century.”47 According to GPT diffusion theory, Britain’s rise to industrial preeminence came from the advance of GPTs through many linked sectors.

    Taken together, these three sets of diverging predictions guide my assessment of the GPT mechanism against the LS mechanism. I make expectations specific to the IR-1 case by using the relevant information on particular technologies and the timeline of British industrialization. Table 3.2 lays out the specific, testable predictions that provide the framework of evaluation in the following sections.

    Table 3.2 Testable Predictions for the IR-1 Case Analysis

    Prediction 1: LS (impact timeframe)The cotton textile, iron, and/or* steam engine–producing industries made a significant impact on Britain’s rise to industrial preeminence before 1815.
    Prediction 1: GPTMechanization, the steam engine, and / or the factory system made a significant impact on Britain’s rise to industrial preeminence only after 1815.
    Prediction 2: LS (relative advantage)Innovations in cotton textile, iron, and/or the steam engine–producing industries were concentrated in Britain.British advantages in the production and exports of textiles, iron, and/or steam engines were crucial to its industrial superiority.
    Prediction 2: GPTInnovations in iron, the steam engine, and/or the factory system were not concentrated in Britain.
    British advantages in the diffusion of mechanization, steam engines, and/or the factory system were crucial to its industrial superiority.
    Prediction 3: LS (breadth of growth)Productivity growth in Britain was limited to the cotton textile, iron, and/or steam engine – producing industries.
    Prediction 3: GPTProductivity growth in Britain was spread across a broad range of industries linked to mechanization, the steam engine, and/or the factory system.
    * The operator “and/or” links all candidate leading sectors and GPTs because it could be the case that only some of these technologies drove the trajectories of the period.

    Impact Timeframe: Delayed Surge vs. Fast Rise of British Industrialization

    The painstaking reconstruction of temporal chronology is at the heart of tracing mechanisms. Tremendous technological changes occurred during this period, but when exactly did they make their mark on Britain’s industrial superiority? The period when significant technological innovations emerge often does not match up with the time when their impacts are felt. Unfortunately, when drawing lessons from the IR-1 on the effect of technology on international politics, scholars have conflated the overall significance of certain technologies with near-immediate impact.48 Establishing a clear timeline of when technological changes catalyzed a shift in productivity leadership during the IR-1 is therefore an important first step in comparing the LS and GPT mechanisms.

    DIVERGING TIMELINES: COTTON VS. IRON

    Time-series data on the output growth of twenty-six industries that accounted for around 60 percent of Britain’s industrial production help differentiate the growth schedules of the cotton textiles and iron industries. According to these data, the major upswing in British industrialization took place after 1815, when the aggregate growth trend increased from 2 percent to a peak of 3.8 percent by 1825. In line with the expectations of the LS model, the cotton textile industry grew exceptionally fast following major technological innovations in the 1760s, but from the 1780s there was a deceleration in the output growth of cotton textiles. Based on the relatively early peak of the cotton industry’s expansion, David Greasley and Les Oxley conclude that “it appears unlikely that cotton played the major role in the post-1815 upswing in British industrialization.”49

    Following a completely different trajectory, growth in iron goods was more in line with the GPT model. Starting in the 1780s, the growth rate of the British iron industry accelerated to a peak of about 5.3 percent in the 1840s.50 “Compared to cotton textiles, change in iron was gradual, incremental, and spread out over a longer period of time,” Espen Moe writes.51 With a limited role for cotton, the gradual expansion of the iron industry led Britain’s post-1815 industrial surge, as its trend output tracked much more closely with that of aggregate industry. In sum, the cotton industry followed the growth path of a leading sector, whereas developments in the iron industry reflected the impact timeline of a GPT.

    The timing of Britain’s mechanization, linked to the expanded uses of iron in machine-making, also aligned with the GPT trajectory. The first metalworking tools for precision engineering, including Wilkinson’s boring mill of 1774 and Maudslay’s all-iron lathe, appeared in the late eighteenth century, but they would remain in a “comparatively rudimentary state” until about 1815.52 According to accounts of qualified engineers and the 1841 Select Committee on Exportation of Machinery, over the course of the next two decades improvements and standardization in such machine tools ushered in a “revolution” in machine-making.53 The gradual evolution of the mechanical engineering industry provides additional support for a delayed impact timeframe for mechanization. According to British patent data from 1780 to 1849, the share of mechanical engineering patents among the total number of patents increased from an average of 18 percent in the decade starting in 1780 to a peak of 34 percent in the one starting in 1830.54

    DELAYED, OUT-OF-PERIOD EFFECTS: STEAM ENGINE AND FACTORY SYSTEM

    Compared to mechanization, the steam engine had not diffused widely enough through Britain’s economy by the mid-nineteenth century to make a substantial impact on overall industrial productivity. Detailed investigations of steam engine adoption have forced a reassessment of commonly held assumptions about the rapid impact of steam power on British productivity growth.55 According to one growth accounting analysis, which compares the impact of steam against water power as a close substitute source of power, steam power’s contribution to British productivity growth was modest until at least the 1830s and most influential in the second half of the nineteenth century.56 This revised impact timeframe conflicts with international relations scholarship, which advances faster trajectories for steam’s impact as a leading sector.57

    Steam engine adoption was slow. In 1800, thirty years after Watt patented his steam engine, there were only about thirty-two engines operating in Manchester, which was a booming center of industrialization.58 Even into the 1870s, many important sectors in the British economy, such as agriculture and services, were virtually unaffected by steam, as most of steam power’s applications were concentrated in mining and in cotton textiles.59 During the period when LS accounts expect its peak growth, the steam engine could not claim generality of use.

    The process by which the steam engine gained a broad variety and range of uses entailed complementary innovations that followed many years after the introduction of Watt’s steam engine. It took sixty years for steam to become the prime driver of maritime transport; that was made possible only after cumulative enhancements to the power of steam engines and the replacement of paddle wheels by screw propellers, which increased the speed of steam-powered ships.60 Watt’s original low-pressure design engines consumed large amounts of coal, which hindered widespread adoption. After 1840, aided by inventions such as the Lancashire boiler and discoveries in thermodynamics, it became economically viable to deploy steam engines that could handle higher pressures and temperatures.61 In sum, steam power may be the quintessential example of the long delay between the introduction of a GPT and significant economy-wide effects.

    It is worth assessing whether interconnections between developments in steam and those in iron and cotton give grounds for an earlier impact trajectory.62 Yet both forward and backward linkages were limited in the early stages of the steam engine’s evolution. Regarding the latter, the steam engine–producing industry did not substantially stimulate the iron industry’s expansion. In the late 1790s, at a peak in sales, Boulton and Watt steam engines consumed less than 0.25 percent of Britain’s annual iron output.63 Forward linkages to textiles, the most likely sector to benefit from access to cheaper steam power, were also delayed. Steam-powered inventions in textiles did not overtake water-powered textile processes until after 1830.64 Of course, over the long run steam power was a critical technological breakthrough that changed the energy budget of the British economy.65 However, for investigating the mechanisms that facilitated Britain’s rise to become the clear productivity leader in First Industrial Revolution, the steam engine played a modest role and most of its effects were out-of-period.

    A similar timeline characterizes the progression of the factory system, another candidate GPT considered for this period. The factory system diffused slowly and took hold in only a limited number of trades during the time when Britain was establishing its industrial preeminence. The British textile industry, as the earliest adopter of this organizational innovation, had established nearly five thousand steam- or water-powered factories by the 1850s.66 Other industries, however, were much slower to adopt the factory system. In the first decades of the nineteenth century, small workshops and domestic production still dominated the metal trades as well as other hardware and engineering trades.67

    Moreover, factories were still relatively small even into the mid-nineteenth century, and some industries adopted a mixed factory system in which many processes were outsourced to household workers.68 It was not until steam power overtook water power in the 1830s and 1840s as a source of power in factories that the subsequent redesigns of factory layouts led to large gains in productivity.69

    What does this clarified chronology of technological impacts in the IR-1 mean for the explanatory power of the GPT and LS mechanisms? Of the three candidate leading sectors, only cotton textiles, which expanded rapidly and peaked in terms of output growth in the 1780s and 1790s, followed the impact timeframe of a leading sector. As figure 3.2 shows, by 1814 British cotton exports had already surpassed 75 percent of the value they would attain in 1840. Yet Britain sustained productivity growth rates at higher levels than its rivals only in the first decades of the nineteenth century. Thus, the period when cotton should have made its greatest impact on Britain’s industrial ascent does not accord with the timeline of Britain’s industrialization surge.

    The hurried timeline of the LS mechanism contrasts with the more delayed impact of other technological advances. As predicted by the GPT mechanism, all three candidate GPTs—mechanization, the steam engine, and the factory system—had little impact on Britain’s industrial rise until after 1815. In fact, the diffusion timelines for the steam engine and factory system were so elongated that their impact on Britain’s rise to industrial preeminence was limited in this period. In 1830, steam engine adoption, as measured by total horsepower installed, was only one-quarter of the 1840 level, whereas by 1830 the level of iron production had reached about 50 percent of its corresponding value in 1840 (see figure 3.2). This is consistent with the steady expansion of mechanization across industry in the early decades of the 1800s as the GPT trajectory most attuned with the timing of Britain’s rise to economic leadership.

    figure 3.2 Technological Impact Timeframes in the IR-1. Note: British cotton exports, iron production, and steam engine adoption over time. Source: Robson 1957, 331–35; Mitchell 1988, 280–81; Crafts 2004, 342.

    Phase of Relative Advantage: Diffusion of Iron vs. Monopoly Profits from Cotton

    Thus far, the empirical evidence has presented a bird’s-eye view of the overall timeline of technological change and industrialization in the IR-1, but there are two other dimensions on which the GPT and LS trajectories diverge. According to the expectations of the LS mechanism, the phase of technological development central to Britain’s relative economic rise was its dominance of key innovations in cotton textiles, iron, or the steam engine. The GPT mechanism predicts, in contrast, that Britain’s advantage in the diffusion of mechanization, the steam engine, or the factory system was the key driver.

    The rest of this section tests two sets of predictions derived from the diverging assumptions of the two mechanisms. First, regarding the geographic clustering of major technological breakthroughs in the IR-1, I assess whether innovations in candidate leading sectors and GPTs were concentrated in Britain. Next, regarding the comparative consequences of these technologies, I evaluate whether Britain’s industrial superiority drew more from its advantages in the production and exports of the IR-1’s leading sectors or from its advantage in the diffusion of the IR-1’s GPTs.

    INNOVATION CLUSTERING IN THE IR-1’S BREAKTHROUGHS

    Did Britain dominate innovation in the leading sectors of the IR-1? At first glance, there is no question that radical advances in candidate leading sectors clustered in Britain. This list includes Watt’s steam engine, Arkwright’s water frame, Cort’s puddling process, and many more. Per one analysis of 160 major innovations introduced during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Britain was home to 44 percent of major innovations from 1811 to 1849—a rate that was double that of the closest competitor (the United States at 22 percent).70

    Further investigation into British superiority in technological innovation paints a more mixed picture. According to another list of technical advances by country of origin, Britain accounted for only 29 percent of major innovations in the years from 1826 to 1850, a period that corresponds to when it cemented its productivity leadership.71 Moreover, the European continent introduced many significant innovations, including the Jacquard loom, mechanical flax spinning, chlorine bleaching, the Leblanc soda–making process, and the Robert continuous papermaking machine.72 France, in particular, generated many of the major industrial discoveries, such as in chemicals, clocks, glass, papermaking, and textiles.73

    Thus, some scholars argue that Britain’s comparative edge was in more incremental improvements. Reflecting on technological creativity in the IR-1, economic historian Joel Mokyr argues, “Britain seems to have no particular advantage in generating macroinventions … the key to British technological success was that it had a comparative advantage in microinventions.”74 A proverb from the time captured this distinction: “For a thing to be perfect it must be invented in France and worked out in England.”75 This suggests that digging deeper into the different phases of technological development can help uncover the roots of Britain’s industrial leadership.

    MONOPOLY PROFITS VS. DIFFUSION DEFICIT

    First, as was the case with the period when they made their impact, developments in cotton and iron followed very different paths with respect to the phase of technological change that determined economic differentials. Britain’s cotton textile industry, the most likely source of monopoly profits, grew faster than other industries before 1800, and it sold most of its goods abroad. Technological innovations such as the spinning jenny and the water frame triggered exponential increases in the efficiency of cotton production, and Britain’s cotton output increased by 2,200 percent from 1770 to 1815.76 From 1750 to 1801, cotton’s share of Britain’s major exports increased from 1 percent to 39.6 percent.77

    Certainly, the growth of British cotton exports was remarkable, but what was the impact of associated monopoly rents on overall growth differentials? Supported by improved quantitative estimates of the cotton industry’s impact on the British economy, historians generally accept that the cotton industry was much more significant for enhancing Britain’s trade balance than for boosting its economic productivity.78 According to one estimate, between 1800 and 1860, the cotton industry accounted for 43 percent of the threefold increase in the value of exports but only 8 percent of the threefold increase in national income.79

    Overall, exports constituted a small proportion of British economic activity during the IR-1. From 1770 to 1841, British exports as a percentage of overall industrial demand increased only from 13 to 16 percent.80 Now, these figures probably underrate trade as a critical engine of growth for Britain in the IR-1, as they ignore gains from the reinvestment of profits from overseas trade.81 But the impact of reinvestment has been challenged, and it is not apparent why reinvestments from exports were more important than reinvestments from the profits generated by domestic production.82

    The iron industry’s impact on Britain’s economic rise did not run through monopoly profits from innovation. From 1794 to 1796, British ironmakers contributed 11 percent of Britain’s manufacturing exports. This proportion actually declined to just 2 percent by the 1814–1816 period and stayed around that rate into the 1830s.83 It is also questionable whether Britain held a relative advantage in iron exports during the late eighteenth century, which is when LS accounts expect monopoly profits to drive British industrialization.84 In fact, British industries continued to rely on imports of high-grade iron from Sweden and Russia well into the nineteenth century.85

    An alternative pathway, captured by the GPT trajectory, posits that Britain’s advantage came from the diffusion of iron machinery advances across a wide range of sectors. To trace this trajectory, it is necessary to pay more attention to what a prominent historian of the IR-1 calls one of the astonishing things about the phenomenon: the gap between “innovation as ‘best practice’ technique and the diffusion of innovation to become ‘representative’ technique.”86

    Britain was more successful than its industrial rivals in the diffusion of mechanization. Contemporary observers from the European continent often remarked upon Britain’s ability to bridge this gap between best practice and representative practice.87 Writing in 1786 in their Voyages aux Montagnes, French observers F. and A. de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, commenting on Britain’s relative advantage in the widespread adaptation of the use of iron, noted

    the great advantage [their skill in working iron] gives them as regards the motion, lastingness and accuracy of machinery. All driving wheels and in fact almost all things are made of cast iron, of such a fine and hard quality that when rubbed up it polishes just like steel. There is no doubt but that the working of iron is one of the most essential of trades and the one in which we are most deficient.88

    But France’s deficiency in iron machinery was not a product of its lack of access to key innovations. In fact, France was the world’s center of science from the late eighteenth century until the 1830s.89 Rather, as the following quote illustrates, Britain’s industrial rivals fell behind in “diffused average technology” and the “effective spread of technical change more widely.” Economic historian Peter Mathias writes:

    It is remarkable how quickly formal knowledge of “dramatic” instances of new technology, in particular steam engines, was diffused, and how quickly individual examples of “best-practice” technology in “show piece” innovations were exported. The blockage lay in the effective spread of technical change more widely—diffused average technology rather than single instances of best-practice technology in “dramatic” well-publicized machines.90

    Advances in iron metallurgy played a crucial role in a GPT trajectory that spread from a sector that improved the efficiency of producing capital goods. The GPT trajectory unfolds as the technology becomes more general-purpose through interactions between the upstream capital goods sector and the user industries that enlarge the range of applications. Rosenberg’s depiction of this type of system highlights the nineteenth-century American machine tool industry as the innovative capital goods sector.91 In this case, Britain’s metal-processing works were the crucial wellspring. Specifically, technical advances in iron fed into metalworking industries from which broadly similar production processes diffused over a large number of industries.92 Maxine Berg, a professor of history at the University of Warwick, pinpoints these industries as the “prime mechanism for technological diffusion.”93

    Scholars also identify Watt’s improved steam engine as a potential source of both LS- and GPT-based effects. Here I focus on testing the LS prediction about the steam engine–producing industry because the previous section showed that the steam engine and the factory system, as candidate GPTs, diffused too slowly to make a meaningful impact on the economic power transition in the IR-1.

    It is tough to make a case that the growth of the steam engine–producing industry generated a substantial source of monopoly profits for Britain. Equipped with an exclusive patent, James Watt and Matthew Boulton set up a firm in 1775 to sell steam engines.94 In the period from 1775 to 1825, however, the firm sold only 110 steam engines to overseas customers.95 By 1825, France and the United States were manufacturing the Watt engine and high-pressure engines at more competitive prices, and overseas demand declined sharply.96 Thus, the international sales history of this firm severely weakens the significance of the monopoly profits associated with the innovation of the steam engine.97

    In sum, the evidence from this section supports two conclusions. British advantages in the production and export of iron, steam engines, and cotton textiles (the best representative of the LS trajectory) had muted effects on its overall industrialization and productivity advances. Second, the contributions of technological breakthroughs in iron metallurgy and steam power to Britain’s industrial rise track better with the GPT mechanism, based on relative advantages in widespread technological diffusion as opposed to monopoly profits from innovation.

    Breadth of Growth: Complementarities of Iron vs. Spillovers from Cotton Textiles

    The breadth of growth in the IR-1 is the last dimension on which the LS and GPT trajectories disagree. Was Britain’s industrial rise driven by technological changes confined to a narrow range of leading sectors, or was it based on extensive, complementary innovations that enabled the spread of GPTs? Making use of data on sectoral sources of productivity growth, trade flows, and patents, I evaluate these competing propositions about the breadth of technological change in the industrial revolution.

    WIDESPREAD PRODUCTIVITY GROWTH

    In differentiating between the narrow view and the broad view of technical change during the IR-1, a natural starting point is to estimate the contribution of various industries to British productivity growth. Deirdre McCloskey’s calculations of sectoral contributions to productivity growth support the broad view. Though cotton accounted for a remarkable 15 percent of Britain’s total productivity growth, nonmodernized sectors still drove the lion’s share (56 percent) of productivity gains.98

    Manufacturing trade data provide another testing ground. If other manufacturing industries outside of textiles and iron were technologically stagnant during the first fifty years of the nineteenth century, then British competitiveness in these industries should decline relative to textiles and iron. The narrow view implies that Britain should have imported other manufactures. Peter Temin’s analysis of British trade data, however, finds the opposite. Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, British manufacturing exports matched the increase in cotton exports throughout the first half of the nineteenth century.99 In a wide range of manufactures, such as arms and ammunition, carriages, glass, and machinery and metals, Britain held a clear comparative advantage. This pattern points to some general pattern of change that spanned industries. “The spirit that motivated cotton manufactures extended also to activities as varied as hardware and haberdashery, arms, and apparel,” Temin concludes.100

    The patent record also depicts a landscape of extensive technological change.101 From 1780 to 1840, about 80 percent of all patented inventions came from outside the textiles and metals industries.102 Per Christine MacLeod’s data on British patents covering the 1750–1799 period, most capital goods patents originated from sectors outside of textile machinery and power sources.103 As summed up by historian Kristine Bruland, the historical evidence supports “the empirical fact that this was an economy with extensive technological change, change that was not confined to leading sectors or highly visible areas of activity.”104

    GPTS AND COMPLEMENTARY INNOVATIONS

    At this point, indicators of the multisectoral spread of innovation in the IR-1 should not be sufficient to convince a skeptical reader of the GPT mechanism’s validity. Broad-based growth could be a product of macroeconomic factors, such as sound fiscal and monetary policy or labor market reforms, rather than a GPT trajectory.105 Proving that the dispersion of technological change in Britain’s economy reflected a GPT at work requires evidence that connects this broad front to mechanization.106

    Input-output analysis, which sheds light on the linkages between industries, suggests that improvements in the working of iron had broader economic significance. To better understand the interrelationships among industries during the industrial revolution, Sara Horrell, Jane Humphries, and Martin Weale constructed an input-output table for the British economy in 1841. Across the seventeen industries included in the analysis, the two industries most closely associated with mechanization—metal manufacture and metal goods—scored the highest on combined backward and forward linkages.107 These two domains were “lynchpins of linkage effects.”108

    Patent indicators confirm these results. When patents are grouped according to standard industry taxonomies, the resulting distribution shows that the textile industry contributed to 15 percent of the patents issued between 1711 and 1850, making it the most inventive industry in aggregate terms.109 However, when patents are sorted by general techniques as opposed to industry sectors, the same data reveal the underlying drive force of mechanical technology: it is linked to almost 50 percent of all British patents during this period.110

    Along all three dimensions of technological trajectories in the IR-1, the process-tracing evidence bolsters the validity of the GPT mechanism. First, slower-moving developments in mechanization lined up with a delayed timeline of Britain’s industrialization. Other candidate leading sectors and GPTs either peaked too early (cotton) or got started too late (steam engine, factory system). Second, Britain gained its industrial dominance from a relative advantage in widespread adoption of iron metalworking and linked machinery. Third, the benefits from this GPT advantage circulated throughout the economy, rather than remaining concentrated in the iron industry.

    The standard explanation of how the IR-1 gave rise to a power transition, as captured by the LS mechanism, analyzes technological change at the level of industries that grow faster than others. The historical evidence reveals the limitations of these industry taxonomies. Instead, advantages in the diffusion of production machinery—a general pattern of change that extended across a wide range of economic activities—propelled Britain to industrial dominance.111

    Institutional Complementarities: GPT Skill Infrastructure in the IR-1

    Having mapped Britain’s industrial rise to a GPT trajectory linked to mechanization, there is still a need to explain why Britain was best positioned to exploit this trajectory. If other countries at the technological frontier can also cultivate mechanical innovations at home and absorb them from abroad, why were Britain’s competitors unable to benefit from the diffusion of metalworking processes to the same extent? This section supports an explanation based on Britain’s institutional competencies in widening the pool of engineering skills and knowledge linked to mechanization.

    Which types of institutions for skill provision were most conducive to national success in the IR-1? One common refrain is that Britain’s leadership was rooted in the genius of individual innovators like James Watt, and such genius did not transfer as quickly across borders during the IR-1.112 Though recent scholarship has weakened this view, many influential histories center on the “heroic” inventors of the industrial revolution.113 Consistent with the LS template, this view focuses on the institutions that helped drive heroic invention in Britain, such as the development of a patent system.114

    The pathway by which mechanization propelled Britain’s industrial ascent, established as a GPT trajectory in the previous section, emphasizes another set of institutions for skill formation. In line with GPT diffusion theory, Britain owed its relative success in the IR-1 to mechanics, instrument-makers, and engineers who could build machines according to blueprints and improve upon them depending on the application context. Under this view, the institutions that trained the “tweakers” and “implementers,” rather than those that cultivated genius inventors, take center stage.115

    Widening the Base of Mechanical “Tweakers” and “Implementers”

    At first, rapid advances in precise metalworking exposed a skills shortage in applied mechanics. Beginning in the 1770s, a cascade of recruitment advertisements in local newspapers sought out an “engine-maker” or a “machine-maker.”116 Reflecting on this skills mismatch, the president of Britain’s Institute of Civil Engineers stated that the use of cast iron in machine parts “called for more workmen than the millwright class could supply.”117

    A number of institutional adjustments helped Britain meet this demand for mechanically skilled tweakers and implementers. Initially, Britain benefited from a flexible apprenticeship system that empowered workers in related domains to get trained in applied mechanics.118 Thus, to develop the workforce to build and maintain the machinery of the IR-1, Britain could draw from a wide pool of blacksmiths, millwrights, gunsmiths and locksmiths, instrument-makers, mechanics, and toolmakers.119

    In addition, institutes dedicated to broadening the base of mechanical expertise helped diffuse ironmaking and machine-making skills. Starting in the 1790s, private and informal initiatives created a flurry of trade associations that supported a new class of mechanical and civil engineers and helped connect them with scientific societies and entrepreneurs.120 Critical centers included the Andersonian Institution in Glasgow, the Manchester College of Arts and Sciences, the School of Arts in Edinburgh, the Mechanical Institution in London, the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, and hundreds of mechanics’ institutes.121 These institutes helped to absorb knowledge from foreign publications on science and engineering, recruit and upskill new mechanical engineers from a variety of trades, and spread mechanical engineering knowledge more widely.122

    It is important to note that these institutional features differed from those more suited to the “heroic inventor” model. In Britain’s cotton textile industry, the classic leading sector of the IR-1, the key institutional complements deviated greatly from the education and training systems that widened the base of mechanical expertise in the IR-1. Collating information from biographies of British engineers, online databases, and detailed economic histories, Ralf Meisenzahl and Joel Mokyr constructed a database of 759 British individuals who made incremental improvements to existing inventions during the industrial revolution.123 Notably, based on their analysis of interactions between tweakers and their institutional surroundings, they found that the textile industry was an outlier in terms of protectiveness over intellectual property rights and reluctance to share information about new techniques. Less than one-tenth of tweakers in textiles published their knowledge to a broader audience or joined professional societies, in stark contrast to the two-thirds of tweakers in mechanically inclined fields who did so.124 Over 80 percent of the tweakers who were active primarily in textiles took out at least one patent, compared to just 60 percent for tweakers overall.125

    These trends in applied mechanics underscore the significance for British mechanization of “collective invention,” a process that involved firms sharing information freely with one another and engineers publishing technical procedures in journals to spur the rapid diffusion of best-practice techniques. According to one analysis of how various districts adapted to the early phases of industrialization, areas that practiced collective invention often cultivated “a much higher degree of technological dynamism than locations which relied extensively on the patent system.”126

    Britain’s Comparative Advantage over France and the Netherlands in GPT Skill Infrastructure

    Britain’s competitors also grasped the significance of Britain’s wide pool of mechanical skills. Whereas codified knowledge crisscrossed western Europe and North America via patent specifications, global exchanges among scientific societies, and extensive visits by foreign observers to British workshops and industrial plants, the European continent struggled greatly to absorb tacit knowledge, especially the know-how embodied in the practical engineering skills of British mechanical tweakers and implementers.127 France and the Netherlands fiercely poached British engineers, as the transfer of tacit knowledge in the fields of large-scale ironworking and machine construction almost always necessitated the migration of skilled workers from Britain.128 “It was exactly in the skills associated with the strategic new industries of iron and engineering that [Britain’s] lead over other countries was most marked,” argues Mathias.129

    Why did this repository of engineering skills develop more fruitfully in Britain than in its industrial rivals? A growing body of evidence suggests that Britain’s institutions better adapted its distribution of skills to mechanization. Britain’s institutional advantage was rooted in the system of knowledge diffusion that connected engineers with entrepreneurs, cities with the countryside, and one social class with another. Institutes that trained mechanics took part in a broader “mushrooming of associations” that spread technical knowledge in early-nineteenth-century Britain.130 By the mid-nineteenth century, there were 1,020 such associations in Britain, with a total membership of approximately 200,000; clearly, these networks are essential to any explanation that links human capital to Britain’s industrial ascent.131 Compared to their peers on the continent, British mechanics had superior access to scientific and technical publications.132 As a result, the British system of the early nineteenth century had no match in its abundance of people with “technical literacy.”133

    The French system, by way of comparison, lacked similar linkages and collaborations between highly educated engineers and local entrepreneurs.134 Though France produced elite engineers at schools like the École Polytechnique, it trained too few practitioners to widen the base of mechanical skills.135 For example, Napoleon’s early-nineteenth-century reform of France’s higher education system encouraged the training of experts for narrow political and military ends, thereby limiting the ability of trainees to build connections with industry.136 These reforms and other industrial policies directed French engineers toward projects associated with luxury industries and specialized military purposes, which “tended to become locked away from the rest of the economy in special enclaves of high cost.”137 To illustrate, through the mid-1830s, only one-third of École Polytechnique graduates entered the private sector.138 France’s system for disseminating mechanical knowledge and skills was vastly inferior to that of the British.

    The Netherlands also failed to develop a base of mechanical skills that linked scientific research to practical ends. In some mechanical sciences, the Dutch generated plenty of potentially useful innovations, even pioneering key breakthroughs that eventually improved the steam engine.139 Yet the Dutch struggled to translate these scientific achievements into practical engineering knowledge because they trailed the British in forming institutional settings that made widespread knowledge of applied mechanics possible. Records of Dutch educational systems, the dearth of societies that held lectures and demonstrations for mechanical learning, and the materials available at libraries in technical colleges all “reflected a profound lack of interest in applied mechanics.”140 In his study of Dutch technological leadership, Karel Davids argues that, during the first three-quarters of the eighteenth century, “collaboration between science and industry in the Netherlands failed to merge in the very period that relations between the two became rapidly closer in Britain.”141

    Britain’s advantage in GPT diffusion was not rooted in its higher education system, which lagged far behind the French education system during the IR-1 period.142 France had already established more than twenty universities before the French Revolution. The French system of higher technical education, from the late eighteenth century through the 1830s, had no rival. The Grande Écoles system, including the elite École Polytechnique (established in 1794), trained expert scientists and engineers to take on top-level positions as industrial managers and high-level political personnel.143 Up until 1826, England had set up only two universities, Oxford and Cambridge. These institutions made limited contributions to training the workforce necessary for industrialization. One study with a sample of 498 British applied scientists and engineers born between 1700 and 1850 found that only 50 were educated at Oxford or Cambridge; 329 were not university-educated.144

    At this point, curiosity naturally leads us to ask why Britain accumulated an advantage in GPT skill infrastructure. Due to practical constraints of time and space, I acknowledge but do not delve into the deeper causes for the notable responsiveness of Britain’s institutions to the skill demands of mechanization. In surveying valuable lines of inquiry on this subject, chapter 2 points to government capacity to adopt long time horizons and reach intertemporal bargains. In the IR-1 case, two specific factors are also worthy of consideration. Attributing Britain’s later success to pre-industrial training practices, some studies suggest that Britain’s apprenticeship system allowed for agile and flexible adaptation to fluctuations in the demand for skills, especially in mechanical trades.145 Looking even further back, other scholars probe the geographical origins of Britain’s mechanical skills, underscoring the lasting effects of Britain’s adoption of watermills in the early Middle Ages.146

    Alternative Explanations of Britain’s Rise

    The history of the IR-1 is certainly not a neglected topic, and the literature features enthusiastic debates over a wide range of possible causes for Britain’s rise. Prominent explanations tie Britain’s early industrialization to population growth,147 demand and consumption standards,148 access to raw materials from the colonies,149 slavery,150 and trade.151 The obvious concern is that various contextual factors may confound the analysis of the LS and GPT mechanisms.

    I am not rewriting the history of the IR-1. I am drawing from one particularly influential and widely held view of the IR-1—that technological advances drove Britain’s industrial ascent—and investigating how technological change and institutional adaptations produced this outcome. The most relevant alternative factors, therefore, are those that provide a different interpretation of how technologies and institutions coevolved to result in Britain’s industrial hegemony. Although I primarily focus on the LS mechanism as the most formidable alternative explanation to the GPT diffusion theory, other explanations also warrant further investigation.

    Threat-Based Explanations

    Threat-based theories assert that external threats are necessary to incentivize states to innovate and diffuse new technologies. Did Britain owe its technological leadership to war and its military’s impetus to modernize? During the IR-1 period, Britain was embroiled in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1793–1815), a near-continuous stretch of conflicts involving France and other European states. If threat-based explanations stand up in the IR-1 case, then the historical record should show that these wars made an essential and positive contribution to Britain’s adoption of iron machinery and mechanization.

    Some evidence supports this argument. By 1805, the British government’s needs for iron in the war effort accounted for 17 percent of the total British iron output in 1805.152 This wartime stimulus to iron production facilitated improvements in iron railways, iron ships, and steam engines.153 In particular, military investments in gunmaking produced important spin-offs in textiles and machine tools, most famously encapsulated by Watt’s dependence on John Wilkinson’s cannon boring techniques to make the condenser cylinders for his steam engine.154

    On the flip side, war’s disruptive costs are likely to have offset any stimulus to Britain’s mechanization. Aside from Wilkinson’s cannon boring device and some incremental improvements, wartime pressures did not produce any major technological breakthroughs for the civilian economy.155 Military needs absorbed productive laborers from Britain’s civilian economy, resulting in labor shortages.156 War also limited both the domestic demand for iron, by halting investment in construction, agriculture, and other industries, and the foreign demand for British iron, by cutting off foreign trade. Historian Charles Hyde notes, “In the absence of fighting, overall demand for iron might have been higher than it was.”157

    Furthermore, any temporary benefits that accrued to Britain’s iron industry in wartime were wiped out in the transition to peacetime. In one influential text, historian Thomas Ashton reviewed how each of the wars of the eighteenth century, including the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, affected Britain’s iron industry.158 He observed a similar pattern in each case. At first, the outbreak of hostilities boosts demand for iron in the form of armament, and trade disruptions protect domestic producers against foreign competitors. This initial boom is followed by a severe crash, however, when the iron industry adjusts to the conflict’s aftermath. A trade depression follows. Converting foundries to make plowshares instead of cannons incurs heavy losses, made even more painful by the fact that war conditions promoted “feverish” developments that were unsustainable in the long run.159

    On a more fundamental level, threat-based theories have limited leverage in explaining Britain’s relative rise because its economic competitors were also embroiled in conflicts—in many cases, against Britain. The Dutch fought Britain in the fourth Anglo-Dutch War (1780–1784) as well as in the Napoleonic Wars.160 Of course, during this time, France was Britain’s main military opponent. Thus, since the Netherlands and France also faced a threatening external environment, the net effect of the war on economic growth differentials should have been minimal.161 If anything, since France fought on many more fronts than Britain during this period, proponents of threat-based explanations would expect France to have experienced more effective and widespread diffusion of iron machinery throughout its economy. The case analysis clearly discredits that expected outcome.

    VoC Explanations

    Can Britain’s particular brand of capitalism account for its technological rise? The varieties of capitalism (VoC) approach posits that liberal market economies (LMEs) are particularly suited to radical innovation. Consistent with this framework, international political economy scholars emphasize that Britain’s free market economy supported gains in rapidly changing technological domains like consumer goods, light machine tools, and textiles.162 During the IR-1 period, Britain began to develop the institutional features that would cement it as a LME, including decentralized collective bargaining and high levels of corporatization.163 Most pertinent to GPT diffusion theory, VoC scholars expect LMEs like Britain to excel at cultivating general skills, which help transfer GPT-related knowledge and techniques across firms.

    Taking measure of Britain’s human capital development in general skills in this period is therefore central to evaluating whether its technological leadership can be explained by its form of capitalism. Overall, estimates of literacy rates and school attendance demonstrate that the general level of human capital in Britain was notably low for an industrial leader.164 British literacy rates for males were relatively stagnant between 1750 and 1850, and average literacy rates in Britain were much lower than rates in the Netherlands and barely higher than those in France around the turn of the nineteenth century.165 In fact, general levels of educational attainment in Britain, as measured by average years of schooling, declined from around 1.4 years in 1740 to 1.25 years in 1820.166 Contrary to VoC theory’s expectations, Britain did not hold an advantage in general skills during this period.

    The VoC explanation’s applicability to the IR-1 period is further limited by issues with designating Britain as the only LME in this period. Like Britain, the Netherlands functioned as a relatively open economy and exhibited tendencies toward economic liberalism, but it was not able to adapt and diffuse significant technological changes.167 Though France is now considered a coordinated market economy, in the early nineteenth century it took on some of the characteristics of LMEs by implementing capital market reforms and trade liberalization.168 The VoC approach therefore struggles to resolve why these two LMEs diverged so greatly in their adaptation to mechanization.

    Case-Specific Factors

    Among other factors specific to the IR-1 setting, one alternative explanation emphasizes Britain’s fortunate geographic circumstances. More specifically, classic works have argued that proximity to plentiful coalfields was essential to British industrialization.169 These natural resource endowments enabled the expansion of coal-intensive industries, such as the iron industry. In this line of thinking, the fact that coal was cheaper in Britain than elsewhere in Europe explains why Britain was the first to sustain productivity leadership.170

    The relationship between coal and industrialization does not necessarily undermine the GPT mechanism. For one, in principle, Britain’s competitors could also have effectively leveraged coal resources. The southern provinces of the Netherlands were located close to Belgian coalfields.171 Over the course of the eighteenth century, Dutch industry had mostly shifted to coal, and away from peat stocks, as a key source of energy.172 Even if Britain’s industrial rivals had to pay more by importing coal, the expected productivity gains associated with adopting new technologies should have outweighed these costs. Moreover, GPT skill infrastructure could have mediated the relationship between coal and mechanization, as Britain’s edge in metalworking skills spurred the adoption of new coal-using technologies, which strengthened the connection between proximity to coal and economic growth.173

    Summary

    In many ways, the industrial revolution marked an exceptional transformation. It is to any number of historical trends what the birth of Jesus is to the Gregorian calendar—an inflection point that separates “before” and “after.” For my purposes, however, the industrial revolution is a typical case showing how technological revolutions influence the rise and fall of great powers. Evidence from great powers’ different adaptations to technological changes in this period therefore helps test GPT diffusion theory against the LS mechanism.

    In sum, GPT diffusion theory best explains why Britain led Europe’s industrial transformation in this period. Britain effectively capitalized on general-purpose improvements in mechanization owing to its institutional advantages that were conducive to widening the pool of mechanical skills and knowledge. According to GPT diffusion theory, countries like this disproportionately benefit from technological revolutions because they adapt more successfully to the GPT trajectories that transform productivity. In line with these expectations, Britain was more successful than its industrial rivals in sustaining long-term economic growth, which became the foundation of its unrivaled power in the early and mid-nineteenth century.

    On the flip side, this chapter’s case analysis undercuts the LS-based explanation. The timeframe for when leading sectors were expected to stimulate Britain’s productivity growth did not align with when Britain’s industrialization took off. Britain’s economic ascent owed more to the widespread adoption of iron metalworking and linked production machinery than to monopoly profits from cotton textiles. The key institutional complements were not those that produced heroic inventions—Britain’s rivals held their own in these areas—but rather those that fostered widespread knowledge of applied mechanics.

    Do these findings hold in other periods of technological and geopolitical upheaval? The IR-1 was one of the most extraordinary phases in history, but it was not the only era to attain the title of an “industrial revolution.” To further explore these dynamics, it is only appropriate to turn to the period some have labeled the Second Industrial Revolution.

    4 The Second Industrial Revolution and America’s Ascent

    IN THE LATE nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the technological and geopolitical landscape transformed in ways familiar to observers of today’s environment. “AI is the new electricity” goes a common refrain that compares current advances in machine intelligence to electrical innovations 150 years ago. Those fundamental breakthroughs, alongside others in steel, chemicals, and machine tools, sparked the Second Industrial Revolution (IR-2), which unfolded from 1870 to 1914.1 Studies of how present-day technological advances could change the balance of power draw on geopolitical competition for technological leadership in the IR-2 as a key reference point.2

    Often overshadowed by its predecessor, the IR-2 is equally important for investigating causal patterns that connect technological revolutions and economic power transitions. The presence of both cause and outcome ensures a fruitful test of the GPT and LS mechanisms. The beginning of the period featured remarkable technological innovations, including the universal milling machine, the electric dynamo, the synthesis of indigo dye, and the internal combustion engine. According to some scholars, one would be hard-pressed to find another period with a higher density of important scientific advances.3 By the end of the period, Britain’s decline and the rise of Germany and the United States had yielded a new balance of economic power, which one historian describes as a “shift from monarchy to oligarchy, from a one-nation to a multi-nation industrial system.”4 Arguably, British industrial decline in the IR-2 was the ultimate cause of World War I.5

    International relations scholars hold up the IR-2 as a classic case of a power transition caused by LS product cycles.6 According to this view, Britain’s rivals cornered market shares in the new, fast-growing industries arising from major technological innovations in electricity, chemicals, and steel.7 Specifically, scholars argue that Germany surpassed Britain in the IR-2 because it was “the first to introduce the most important innovations” in these key sectors.8 Analysis of emerging technologies and today’s rising powers follows a similar template when it compares China’s scientific and technological capabilities to Germany’s ability to develop major innovations in chemicals.9 Thus, as a most likely case for the LS mechanism, which is favored by background conditions and existing theoretical explanations, the IR-2 acts as a good test for the GPT mechanism.

    Historical evidence from this period challenges this conventional narrative. No country monopolized innovation in leading sectors such as chemicals, electricity, steel, and motor vehicles. Productivity growth in the United States, which overtook Britain in productivity leadership during the IR-2, was not dominated by a few R&D-based sectors. Moreover, major breakthroughs in electricity and chemicals, prominent factors in LS accounts, required a protracted process of diffusion across many sectors before their impact was felt. This made them unlikely key drivers of the economic rise of the United States before 1914.

    Instead, the IR-2 case evidence supports GPT diffusion theory. Spurred by inventions in machine tools, the industrial production of interchangeable parts, known as the “American system of manufacturing,” embodied the key GPT trajectory.10 The United States did not lead the world in producing the most advanced machinery; rather, it had an advantage over Britain in adapting machine tools across almost all branches of industry. Though the American system’s diffusion also required a long gestation period, the timing matches America’s industrial rise. Incubated by the growing specialization of machine tools in the mid-nineteenth century, the application of interchangeable parts across a broad range of manufacturing industries was the key driving force of America’s relative economic success in the IR-2.11

    Since a nation’s efficacy in adapting to technological revolutions is determined by how well its institutions complement the demands of emerging technologies, the GPT model of the IR-2 highlights institutional factors that differ from those featured in standard accounts. LS-based theories tend to highlight Germany’s institutional competencies in scientific education and industrial R&D.12 In contrast, the case analysis points toward the American ability to develop a broad base of mechanical engineering skills and standardize best practices in mechanical engineering. Practice-oriented technical education at American land-grant colleges and technical institutes enabled the United States to take better advantage of interchangeable manufacturing methods than its rivals.

    This chapter’s evidence comes from a variety of sources. In tracing the contours of technological trajectories and the economic power transition in this period, I relied on histories of technology, categorization schemes from the long-cycle literature, general accounts of economic historians, and revised versions of historical productivity measures. I investigated the fit between institutions and technology in leading economies using annual reports of the US Commissioner of Education, British diplomatic and consular reports, cross-national data on technological diffusion, German engineering periodicals, and firsthand accounts from inspection teams commissioned to study related issues.13 My analysis benefited from archival materials based at the Bodleian Library’s Marconi Archives (United Kingdom), the Library of Congress (United States), and the University of Leipzig and from records of the British Foreign Office.

    This chapter proceeds as follows. I begin by chronicling the economic power transition that took place during the IR-2 to clarify that the United States, not Germany, ascended to industrial preeminence. I then identify the key technological breakthroughs, which I sort according to their ties to GPT and LS trajectories. Along the dimensions of impact timeframe, phase of relative advantage, and breadth of growth, this chapter demonstrates that the GPT trajectory aligns better with how the IR-2 enabled the economic rise of the United States. Next, I evaluate whether differences in GPT skill infrastructure can account for the American edge over Britain and Germany in interchangeable manufacturing methods. Toward the chapter’s end, I also tackle alternative explanations.14

    A Power Transition: America’s Ascent

    To begin, tracing when an economic power transition takes place is critical. In 1860, Britain was still at the apogee of its industrial power.15 Most historians agree that British industrial preeminence eroded in the late nineteenth century. By 1913, both the United States and Germany had emerged as formidable rivals to Britain with respect to the industrial and productive foundations of national power. According to Paul Kennedy’s influential account, before World War I Britain was “in third place,” and “in terms of industrial muscle, both the United States and imperial Germany had moved ahead.”16 Aided with more data than was available for the IR-1 case, I map the timeline of this economic power transition with various measures of industrial output and efficiency.

    In the IR-2 case, clarifying who surpassed Britain in economic efficiency takes on added gravity. Whereas in the IR-1 Britain separated itself from the rest, both the United States and Germany challenged British industrial power in the IR-2. But studies of this case often neglect the rise of the United States. Preoccupied with debates over whether Germany’s overtaking of Britain sparked World War I, the power transition literature has directed most of its attention to the Anglo-German competition for economic leadership.17 Some LS-based accounts explain only Germany’s rise in this period without investigating America’s ascent.18

    As the rest of this section will show, Germany and the United States both surpassed Britain on some measures of economic power, but the United States emerged as the clear productivity leader. Therefore, any explanation of the rise and fall of technological leadership in this period must be centered on the US experience. The following sections trace the contours of the IR-2’s economic power transition with a range of indicators for productivity leadership, including GDP per capita, industrialization, labor productivity, and total factor productivity.

    GDP PER-CAPITA INDICATORS

    Changes in total GDP over the course of the IR-2 provide a useful departure point for understanding changes in the balance of productive power. At the beginning of the period in 1871, Germany’s economy was around three-quarters the size of the British economy; by the end of the period, in 1913, Germany’s economy was approximately 14 percent larger than Britain’s. The growth trajectory of the American economy was even starker. Over the same time period, overall economic output in the United States increased from 1.2 times to around 3.4 times that of Britain’s total GDP.19 This trend is further confirmed by the growth rates of overall GDP for the three countries. In the period between 1870 and 1913, the US GDP grew roughly 5.3 times over, compared to 3.3 for Germany and 2.2 for the United Kingdom.20

    While gross economic size puts countries in contention for economic leadership, the most crucial outcome is sustained economic efficiency. Compared to total output, trend lines in real GDP per capita mark out a broadly similar picture of the IR-2 period, but they also differ in two significant respects (figure 4.1). First, whereas the United States was already the largest economy by total output in 1870, the United Kingdom maintained a slight lead in real GDP per capita over the United States in the 1870s. The United Kingdom’s average GDP per capita over the decade was about 15 percent higher than the US equivalent.21 US GDP per capita was roughly on par with Britain’s throughout the 1880s and 1890s, but the United States established a substantial lead starting around 1900.22

    FIGURE 4.1. Economic Power Transition during the IR-2. Source: Maddison Project Database, version 2020 (Bolt and van Zanden 2020).

    Second, in contrast to trend lines in aggregate economic output, Germany did not surpass Britain in GDP per capita before World War I. Germany certainly closed the gap, as its GDP per capita increased from around 50 percent of British GDP per capita in 1870 to around 70 percent in the years before World War I. However, Germany never even came close to overtaking the United Kingdom in GDP per capita during this period.23 This is an important distinction that justifies the focus on US technological success in the IR-2, since surpassing at the technological frontier is a different challenge than merely catching up to the technological frontier.

    INDUSTRIALIZATION INDICATORS

    Industrialization indicators back up the findings from the GDP per-capita data. The United States emerged as the preeminent industrial power, boasting an aggregate industrial output in 1913 that equaled 36 percent of the global total—a figure that exceeded the combined share of both Great Britain and Germany.24 More importantly, the United States became the leading country in terms of industrial efficiency, with a per-capita industrialization level about 10 percent higher than Britain’s in 1913.25

    Once again, the emphasis on productivity over aggregate output reveals that the economic gap between Germany and Britain narrowed but did not disappear. In aggregate terms, Germany’s share of the world’s industrial production rose to 16 percent in 1913. This eclipsed Britain’s share, which declined from 32 percent of the world’s industrial production in 1870 to just 15 percent in 1913.26 However, Germany did not overtake Britain in industrial efficiency. In 1913, its per-capita industrialization level was about 75 percent of Britain’s.27 The magnitude of this gap was approximately the same as the gap between German per-capita GDP and British per-capita GDP.

    PRODUCTIVITY INDICATORS

    Lastly, I consider various productivity statistics. Stephen Broadberry’s work on the “productivity race” contains the most comprehensive and rigorous assessments of productivity levels in Britain, Germany, and the United States in this period.28 Comparative statistics on labor productivity line up with findings from other indicators (figure 4.2). The United States surpassed Britain in aggregate labor productivity during the 1890s or 1900s, whereas Germany’s aggregate labor productivity increased relative to but did not fully overtake Britain’s over the IR-2 period.29

    FIGURE 4.2. Comparative Labor Productivity Levels in the IR-2. Source: Broadberry 2006, 110.

    Another set of productivity indicators, Maddison’s well-known and oft-cited historical data on comparative GDP per hour worked, supports Broadberry’s comparative measures of labor productivity levels.30 According to Maddison’s estimates of the average rate of productivity growth from 1870 to 1913, the American and German economies were both growing more productive relative to the British economy. The growth rate of America’s GDP per hour worked was 1.9 percent compared to 1.8 percent for the German rate and 1.2 percent for the UK rate.31

    It should be noted that the United Kingdom may have retained a total factor productivity lead in this period. Based on 1909 figures, the last measurements available before World War I, the US aggregate TFP was a little over 90 percent of Britain’s. By 1919, US aggregate TFP was nearly 10 percent larger than Britain’s.32 The United States could have surpassed Britain in overall TFP before World War I, but the data do not clearly demonstrate this outcome. Still, the TFP data track well with the general trends found in other measures of economic efficiency, including a marked increase in US TFP in the 1890s and 1900s as well as a steady narrowing of the gap between UK and German TFP throughout the period. Issues related to the availability, reliability, and comparability of capital stock estimates during this period, however, caution against concluding too much from the TFP trends alone.33

    Albeit with some caveats, the general thrust of evidence confirms that the United States overtook Britain in productivity leadership around the turn of the twentieth century. In productive efficiency, Germany significantly narrowed the gap but did not surpass Britain. A clarified picture of the outcome also helps guide the assessment of the LS and GPT mechanisms. In contrast to work that focuses on Anglo-German rivalry in this period, I prioritize explaining why the United States became the preeminent economic power. Moreover, if GPT diffusion theory holds for this period, it should also explain why the United States was more successful than Germany in overtaking Britain in productivity during this period.

    Key Technological Changes in the IR-2

    Which technological changes could have sparked the economic power transition before World War I? The IR-2 was an age of dizzying technological breakthroughs, including but not limited to the electric dynamo (1871), the first internal combustion engine (1876), the Thomas process for steel manufacturing (1877), and the synthesis of indigo dye (1880).34 Tracking down how every single technical advance could have affected the growth differentials among Britain, Germany, and the United States is an unmanageable task. I narrow the scope of analysis to the most likely sources of LS and GPT trajectories based on previous scholarship that calls attention to the significance of certain technological developments in the IR-2. Once confirmed to meet the established criteria for leading sectors and GPTs, these technological drivers serve as the fields of reference for assessing the validity of the GPT and LS mechanisms in this case.

    Candidate Leading Sectors

    I focus on the chemicals, electrical equipment, motor vehicles, and steel industries as the leading sectors of the IR-2. These choices are informed by scholars who study the implications of technological change during this period from a LS perspective. The first three sectors feature in the standard rendering of the IR-2 by prominent historical accounts, which centers major discoveries in chemistry and electricity as well as the invention of the internal combustion engine.35 Among those who study the effect of technological revolutions on the balance of power, there is near-consensus that the chemicals and electrical industries were technologically advanced, fast-growing industries during this time.36 Some scholars also identify the automobile industry as a key industry in this period.37 Others reason, however, that automobiles did not emerge as a leading sector until a later period.38

    The automobile, chemicals, and electrical industries all experienced prodigious growth during the IR-2, meeting the primary qualification for leading sectors. According to statistics from the US census, the percentage increase in value added by manufacture in each of the chemicals, electrical, and automobile industries was much higher than the average across all industries from 1899 through 1909. In fact, the automobile and electrical equipment industries boasted the two highest rates of percentage growth in value added over this period among sectors with a market size over $100 million.39

    I also consider developments in steel as a possible source of leading-sector product cycles. It is hard to ignore the explosive growth of the steel industry in both Germany, where it multiplied over 100-fold from 1870 to 1913, and the United States, where it multiplied around 450 times over the same period.40 In addition, many scholars list steel as one of the leading sectors that affected the economic power balance in the IR-2.41 Rostow identifies steel as part of “the classic sequence” of “great leading sectors.”42 In sum, I consider four candidate leading sectors in this period: the automobile, chemicals, electrical equipment, and steel industries.

    Candidate GPTs

    I analyze chemicalization, electrification, the internal combustion engine, and interchangeable manufacture as potential drivers of GPT-style transformations in the IR-2. Of these four, electricity is the prototypical GPT. It is “unanimously seen in the literature as a historical example of a GPT.”43 Electricity is one of three technologies, alongside the steam engine and information and communications (ICT) technology, that feature in nearly every article that seeks to identify GPTs throughout history.44 Electrical technologies possessed an enormous scope for improvement, fed into a variety of products and processes, and synergized with many other streams of technological development. Empirical efforts to identify GPTs with patent data provide further evidence of electricity as a GPT in this period.45

    Like advances in electricity, clusters of innovations in chemicals and the internal combustion engine not only spurred the rapid growth of new industries but also served as a potential source of GPT trajectories. Historians of technology pick out chemicalization, alongside electrification, as one of two central processes that transformed production routines in the early twentieth century.46 Historical patent data confirm that chemical inventions could influence a wide variety of products and processes.47

    In line with GPT classification schemes by other scholars, I also evaluate the internal combustion engine as a candidate GPT, with the potential to replace the steam engine as a prime mover of many industrial processes.48 After its introduction, many believed that the internal combustion engine would transform a range of manufacturing processes with smaller, divisible power units.49

    Lastly, I examine the advance of interchangeable manufacture, spurred by innovations in machine tools, as a candidate GPT in this period. Though the machine tool industry was neither new nor especially fast-growing, it did play a central role in extending the mechanization of machine-making first incubated in the IR-1. The diffusion of interchangeable manufacture, or the “American system,” owed much to advances in turret lathes, milling machines, and other machine tools that improved the precision of cutting and shaping metals. Rosenberg’s seminal study of “technological convergence” between the American machine tool industry and metal-using sectors highlighted how innovations in metalworking machines transformed production processes across a wide range of industries.50 Following Rosenberg’s interpretation, historians recognize the nexus of machine tools and mechanization as one of the key technological trajectories during this period.51

    Sources of LS and GPT Trajectories

    I aimed to include as many candidate technological drivers as possible, provided that the technological developments credibly met the criteria of a leading sector or GPT.52 All candidate leading sectors and GPTs I study in this period were flagged in multiple articles or books that explicitly identified leading sectors or GPTs in the IR-2 period, which helped provide an initial filter for selection. This allows for a good test of the GPT diffusion mechanism against the LS product cycles mechanism.53 This sorting process is an important initial step for evaluating the two mechanisms, though a deeper excavation of the historical evidence is required to determine whether the candidates actually made the cut.

    table 4.1 Key Sources of Technological Trajectories in the IR-2

    Candidate Leading SectorsCandidate GPTs
    Steel industryInterchangeable manufacture
    Electrical equipment industryElectrification
    Chemicals industryChemicalization
    Automobile industryInternal combustion engine

    There is substantial overlap between the candidate GPTs and leading sectors in the IR-2, as reflected in table 4.1, but two key distinctions are worth emphasizing. First, one difference between the candidate GPTs and leading sectors is the inclusion of machine tools in the former category. The international relations scholarship on leading sectors overlooks the impact of machine tools in this period, possibly because the industry’s total output did not rank among the largest industries, and also because innovation in machine tools was relatively incremental.54 One survey of technical development in machine tools from 1850 to 1914 described the landscape as “essentially a series of minor adaptations and improvements.”55 Relatedly, the steel industry, commonly regarded as an LS, is not considered a candidate GPT. Under the GPT mechanism, innovations in steel are bound up in a GPT trajectory driven by advances in machine tools.

    Second, even though some technological drivers, such as electricity, are considered both candidate leading sectors and candidate GPTs, there are different interpretations of how developments in these technological domains translated into an economic power transition. In the case of new electrical discoveries, control over market share and exports in the electrical equipment industry represents the LS trajectory, whereas the gradual spread of electrification across many industries stands in for the GPT trajectory. Two trajectories diverge in a yellow wood, and the case study evidence will show which one electricity traveled.56

    GPT vs. LS Trajectories in the IR-2

    Equipped with a better grasp of the possible technological drivers in the IR-2, I follow the same procedures used in the previous chapter to assess the validity of the GPT and LS mechanisms.

    OBSERVABLE IMPLICATIONS RELATED TO THE IMPACT TIMEFRAME

    GPT diffusion and LS product cycles present two competing interpretations of the IR-2’s impact timeframe. The LS mechanism expects growth associated with radical technological breakthroughs to be explosive in the initial stages. Under this view, off the back of major breakthroughs such as the first practical electric dynamo (1871), the modern internal combustion engine (1876), and the successful synthesis of indigo dye (1880), new leading sectors took off in the 1870s and 1880s.57 Then, according to the expected timeline of the LS mechanism, these new industries stimulated substantial growth in the early stages of their development, bringing about a pre–World War I upheaval in the industrial balance of power.58

    The GPT trajectory gives a different timeline for when productivity benefits from major technological breakthroughs were realized on an economy-wide scale. Before stimulating economy-wide growth, the candidate GPTs that emerged in the 1880s—tied to advances in electricity, chemicals, and the internal combustion engine—required many decades of complementary innovations in application sectors and human capital upgrading. These candidate GPTs should have contributed only modestly to the industrial rise of the United States before World War I, with impacts, if any, materializing toward the very end of the period.

    Critically, one candidate GPT should have produced substantial economic effects during this period. Unlike other GPT trajectories, interchangeable manufacture had been incubated by earlier advances in machine tools, such as the turret lathe (1845) and the universal milling machine (1861).59 Thus, by the late nineteenth century, interchangeable manufacturing methods should have diffused widely enough to make a significant impact on US industrial productivity.

    OBSERVABLE IMPLICATIONS RELATED TO THE PHASE OF RELATIVE ADVANTAGE

    When spelling out how the IR-2 produced an economic power transition, the two mechanisms also stress different phases of technological change. According to the LS mechanism, Britain’s industrial prominence waned because it lost its dominance of innovation in the IR-2’s new industries. The United States and Germany benefited from monopoly profits accrued from being lead innovators in electrical equipment, chemical production, automobiles, and steel. In particular, Germany’s industrial rise in this period draws a disproportionate share of attention. Many LS accounts attribute Germany’s rise to its dominance of innovations in the chemical industry, “the first science-based industry.”60 Others emphasize that the American global lead in the share of fundamental innovations after 1850 paved the way for the United States to dominate new industries and become the leading economy in the IR-2.61

    The GPT mechanism has different expectations regarding the key determinant of productivity differentials. Where innovations are adopted more effectively has greater significance than where they are first introduced. According to this perspective, Britain lost its industrial preeminence because the United States was more effective at intensively adopting the IR-2’s GPTs.

    OBSERVABLE IMPLICATIONS RELATED TO BREADTH OF GROWTH

    Finally, regarding the breadth of growth, the third dimension on which the two mechanisms diverge, the LS trajectory expects that a narrow set of modernized industries drove productivity differentials, whereas the GPT trajectory holds that a broad range of industries contributed to productivity differentials. The US growth pattern serves as the best testing ground for these diverging predictions, since the United States overtook Britain as the economic leader in this period.

    Table 4.2  Testable Predictions for the IR-2 Case Analysis

    Prediction 1: LS (impact timeframe)The steel, electrical equipment, chemicals, and/or* automobile industries made a significant impact on the rise of the United States to productivity leadership before 1914.
    Prediction 1: GPTElectrification, chemicalization, and/or the internal combustion engine made a significant impact on the rise of the United States to productivity leadership only after 1914.The extension of interchangeable manufacture made a significant impact on the rise of the United States to productivity leadership before 1914.
    Prediction 2: LS (phase of relative advantage)Innovations in the steel, electrical equipment, chemicals, and/or automobile industries were concentrated in the United States.German and American advantages in the production and export of electrical equipment, chemical products, automobiles, and/or steel were crucial to their industrial superiority.
    Prediction 2: GPTInnovations in machine tools, electricity, chemicals, and/or the internal combustion engine were not concentrated in the United States.
    American advantages in the diffusion of interchangeable manufacture were crucial to its productivity leadership.
    Hypothesis 3: LS (breadth of growth)Productivity growth in the United States was limited to the steel, electrical, chemicals, and/or automotive industries.
    Hypothesis 3: GPTProductivity growth in the United States was spread across a broad range of industries linked to interchangeable manufacture.
    *The operator “and/or” links all the candidate leading sectors and GPTs because it could be the case that only some of these technologies drove the trajectories of the period.

    The two explanations hold different views about how technological disruptions produced an economic power transition, related to the impact timeframe of new advances, the phase of technological change that yields relative advantages, and the breadth of technology-fueled growth. Based on the differences between the LS and GPT mechanism across these dimensions, I derive three sets of diverging predictions for how technological changes contributed to relative shifts in economic productivity during this period. Table 4.2 collects these predictions, which structure the case analysis in the following sections.

    Impact Timeframe: Gradual Gains vs. Immediate Effects from New Breakthroughs

    The opening move in assessing the LS and GPT mechanisms is determining when the IR-2’s eye-catching technological advances actually made their mark on leading economies. Tracking the development timelines for all the candidate leading sectors and GPTs of the IR-2 produces two clear takeaways. First, innovations related to electricity, chemicals, and the internal combustion engine did not make a significant impact on US productivity leadership until after 1914. Second, advances in machine tools and steel—the remaining candidate GPT and leading sector, respectively—contributed substantially to US economic growth before World War I; thus, their impact timeframes fit better with when the United States overtook Britain as the preeminent economic power.

    DELAYED TIMELINES: CHEMICALS, ELECTRICITY, AND THE INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINE

    Developments in chemicals, electricity, and internal combustion provide evidence against the LS interpretation. If the LS mechanism was operational in the IR-2, advances in chemicals should have made a significant impact on US productivity leadership before World War I.62 Yet, in 1914, the United States was home to only seven dye-making firms.63 Major US chemicals firms did not establish industrial research laboratories like those of their German counterparts until the first decade of the twentieth century.64 Terry Reynolds, author of a history of the American Institute of Chemical Engineers, concludes, “Widespread use of chemists in American industrial research laboratories was largely a post–World War I phenomenon.”65 Thus, it is very unlikely that chemical innovations made a meaningful difference to growth differentials between the United States and Britain before 1914.

    At first glance, the growth of the German chemical industry aligns with the LS model’s expectations. Germany was the first to incorporate scientific research into chemical production, resulting in the synthesis of many artificial dyes before 1880.66 Overtaking Britain in leadership of the chemical industry, Germany produced 140,000 tons of dyestuffs in 1913, more than 85 percent of the world total.67

    While Germany’s rapid growth trajectory in synthetic dyes was impressive, the greater economic impacts of chemical advances materialized after 1914 through a different pathway: “chemicalization,” or the spread of chemical processes across ceramics, food-processing, glass, metallurgy, petroleum refining, and many other industries.68 Prior to key chemical engineering advances in the 1920s, industrial chemists devoted limited attention to unifying principles across the manufacture of different products. The rapid expansion of chemical-based industries in the twentieth century owed more to these later improvements in chemical engineering than earlier progress in synthetic dyes.69 Ultimately, these delayed spillovers from chemicalization were substantial, as evidenced by higher growth rates in the German chemical industry during the interwar period than in the two decades before World War I.70

    Electrification’s impact timeframe with respect to US productivity growth mirrored that of chemicalization. Scholarly consensus attributes the US productivity upsurge after 1914 to the delayed impact of the electrification of manufacturing.71 From 1880 to 1930, power production and distribution systems gradually evolved from shaft and belt drive systems driven by a central steam engine or water wheel to electric unit drive, in which electric motors powered individual machines. Unit drive became the predominant method in the 1920s only after vigorous debates in technical associations over its relative merits, the emergence of large utilities that improved access to cheap electricity, and complementary innovations, like machine tools, that were compatible with electric motors.72

    Quantitative indicators also verify the long interval between key electrical advances and electrification’s productivity boost. Economic geographer Sergio Petralia has investigated the causal relationship between adoption of electrical and electronic (E&E) technologies, operationalized as E&E patenting activity in individual American counties and the per-capita growth of those counties over time. One of his main findings is that the effects of E&E technology adoption on growth are not significant prior to 1914.73 This timeline is confirmed by a range of other metrics, including the energy efficiency of the American economy, electric motors’ share of horsepower in manufacturing, and estimates of electricity’s total contribution to economic growth.74

    The diffusion of internal combustion engines across application sectors was also slow. Despite its initial promise, the internal combustion engine never accounted for more than 5 percent of the generation of total horsepower in US manufacturing from 1869 to 1939.75 In 1900, there were only eight thousand cars in the entire United States, and the U. motor vehicle industry did not overtake its French competitor as the world’s largest until 1904.76 Furthermore, the turning point for the mass production of automobiles, Ford’s installation of a moving assembly line for making Model Ts, did not occur until 1913.77

    KEY TIMINGS: MACHINE TOOLS AND STEEL

    When assigning credit to certain technologies for major upheavals in global affairs, awe of the new often overwhelms recognition of the old. Based on the previous analysis, it is unlikely that new breakthroughs in electricity, chemicals, and internal combustion fueled the economic power transition that transpired in this period. Instead, careful tracing reveals the persevering impact of earlier developments in machine tools.78 During the IR-2, technical advances in machine tools were incremental, continuous improvements that helped disseminate transformative breakthroughs from the mid-nineteenth century, such as the turret lathe and the universal milling machine.79

    Profiles of key application sectors and quantitative indicators validate the GPT mechanism’s expected impact timeframe for machine tools. Marking 1880 as the date when “the proliferation of new machine tools in American industry had begun to reach torrential proportions,” Rosenberg outlines how three application sectors—sewing machines, bicycles, and automobiles—successively adopted improved metal-cutting techniques from 1880 to 1910.80 As the American system took hold, the number of potential machine tool users multiplied 15-fold, from just 95,000 workers in 1850 to almost 1.5 million in 1910.81 Patenting data identify the last third of the nineteenth century as the period when extensive technological convergence characterized the machine tool industry and application sectors.82

    FIGURE 4.3. Technological Impact Timeframes in the IR-2. Note: US chemical production, horsepower from electric central stations, and machine intensity over time. Source: Murmann 2003; US Census Bureau 1975.

    Figure 4.3 depicts the diverging impact timeframes of interchangeable manufacturing methods, electrification, and chemicalization. Machine intensity substantially increased from 1890 to 1910, as measured by horsepower installed per persons employed in manufacturing. By contrast, the United States did not experience significant increases in electrical and chemical production until after 1910.

    Of all the candidate leading sectors, the steel industry best fits the expectations of the LS mechanism regarding when industries transformed by radical innovations stimulated growth in the rising powers. Just as the 1780s were a period when the technological conditions for cotton production were transformed, the mid-nineteenth century featured major breakthroughs in the steel industry that allowed for the mass production of steel, such as the Siemens-Martin open-hearth furnace (1867) and Bessemer converter (1856).83 Over the course of the IR-2 period, the United States and Germany quickly exploited these breakthroughs in steelmaking to massively boost steel production.

    The overtaking of Britain by both Germany and the United States in total steel production by the early 1890s matches the timeline of Britain’s overall economic decline.84 Paul Kennedy cites Germany’s booming steel output as a key factor driving its industrial rise; by 1914, German steel output was larger than that of Britain, France, and Russia combined.85 Likewise, US steel output grew from one-fifth of British production in 1871 to almost five times more than British steel output in 1912.86 Given these impressive figures, the next section investigates the American and German advantages in steel production in further detail.

    Phase of Relative Advantage: The American System’s Diffusion

    The second dimension on which the GPT and LS trajectories differ relates to the phase of technological change that accounted for the relative success of the United States in the IR-2. Cross-country historical evidence on the IR-2’s technological drivers illustrates that the United States had true comparative advantages over other advanced economies that were rooted in its absorption and diffusion capabilities.

    INNOVATION CLUSTERING IN STEEL, ELECTRICITY, CHEMICALS, AND/OR MOTOR VEHICLES?

    In electricity, industrial powers fiercely contested innovation leadership as the United States, Germany, Great Britain, and France all built their first central power stations, electric trams, and alternating current power systems within a span of nine years.87 However, the United States clearly led in diffusing these systems: US electricity production per capita more than doubled that of Germany, the next closest competitor, in 1912. Along this metric of electrification, Britain’s level was just 20 percent of the US figure.88

    To be clear, Britain fell behind in adopting electrification, even though it introduced some of the most significant electrical innovations.89 In 1884, for example, British inventor Charles Parsons demonstrated the first steam turbine for practical use, an essential step for commercializing electric power, but this technology was more rapidly and widely adopted in other countries.90 The British Institution of Electrical Engineers aptly captured this phenomenon in an 1892 resolution: “Notwithstanding that our countrymen have been among the first in inventive genius in electrical science, its development in the United Kingdom is in a backward condition, as compared with other countries, in respect of practical application to the industrial and social requirements of the nation.”91

    In chemicals, the achievements of both the US and German chemical industries suggest that no single country monopolized innovation in this sector. Germany’s synthetic dye industry excelled not because it generated the initial breakthroughs in aniline-violet dye processes—in fact, those were first pioneered in Britain—but because it had perfected these processes for profitable exploitation.92 Similar dynamics characterized the US chemical industry.93

    In most cases, the United States was not the first to introduce major innovations in leading sectors. Many countries introduced major innovations in chemicals, electricity, motor vehicles, and steel during this period (table 4.3).94 Across the four candidate leading sectors, American firms pioneered less than 30 percent of the innovations. Contrary to the propositions of the LS mechanism, innovations in steel, electricity, chemicals, and motor vehicles were spread across the leading economies.

    table 4.3 Geographic Distribution of Major Innovations in Leading Sectors, 1850–1914

    ChemicalsElectricityMotor VehiclesSteel
    France2111
    Germany3330
    Great Britain1311
    United States2310
    Various other countries0102
    Sole US share25%27%17%0%
    Source: Van Duijn 1983, 176–79 (compilation of 160 innovations introduced during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries).

    Moreover, the limited role of electrical and chemical exports in spurring American growth casts further doubt on the significance of monopoly profits from being the first to introduce new advances.95 The British share of global chemical exports almost doubled the US share in 1913.96 Overall, the United States derived only 8 percent of its national income from foreign trade in 1913, whereas the corresponding proportion for Britain was 26 percent.97 Even though the United States was the quickest to electrify its economy, Germany captured around half of the world’s exports in electrical products.98

    If monopoly profits from innovation clustering in any leading sector propelled the industrial rise of the United States and Germany, it would be the steel industry. Both nations made remarkable gains in total steel output over this period, and scholars commonly employ crude steel production as a key indicator of British decline and the shifting balance of industrial power in the decades before World War I.99 Thus, having established the delayed impact of the electrical, chemical, and automobile industries in this period, the steel industry takes on an especially large burden for the LS mechanism’s explanatory power in this period.

    Yet Britain capitalized on many major innovations in steelmaking, including the Talbot furnace, which became essential to producing open-hearth steel.100 Moreover, trade patterns reveal that Britain still held a comparative advantage in the export of steel between 1899 and 1913.101 How to square this with Germany’s dominance in total steel output?

    The prevailing wisdom takes total steel output figures to stand for superior American and German technological know-how and productivity.102 In truth, new steelmaking processes created two separate steel industries. Britain shifted toward producing open-hearth steel, which was higher in quality and price. According to the British Iron Trade Association, Britain produced about four times more open-hearth steel than Germany in 1890.103 On the other hand, Germany produced cheap Thomas steel and exported a large amount at dumping prices. In fact, some of Germany’s steel exports went to Britain, where they were processed into higher-quality steel and re-exported.104 In sum, this evidence questions what one scholar deems “the myth of the technological superiority and outstanding productivity of the German steel industry before and after the First World War.”105

    AMERICAN MACHINE TOOLS—GPT DIFFUSION ADVANTAGE

    Though new industries like electricity and chemicals hog much of the spotlight, developments in machine tools underpin the most important channel between differential rates of technology adoption and the IR-2’s economic power transition. After noting the importance of the electrical and chemical industries during the period, British historian Eric Hobsbawm elevates the importance of machine tools: “Yet nowhere did foreign countries—and again chiefly the USA—leap ahead more decisively than in this field.”106

    In line with the expectations of GPT diffusion theory, comparative estimates confirm a substantial US lead in mechanization in the early twentieth century. In 1907, machine intensity in the United States was more than two times higher than rates in Britain and Germany.107 In 1930, the earliest year for which data on installed machine tools per employee are available, Germany lagged behind the United States in installed machine tools per employee across manufacturing industries by 10 percent, with a significantly wider gap in the tools most crucial for mass production.108

    This disparity in mechanization was not rooted in the exclusive access of the United States to special innovations in machine tools. In terms of quality, British machine tools were superior to their American counterparts throughout the IR-2 period.109 German firms also had advantages in certain fields like sophisticated power technology.110 Rather, the distinguishing feature of the US machine tool industry was excellence in diffusing innovations across industries.111 Reports by British and German study trips to the United States provide some of the most detailed, reliable accounts of transatlantic differences in manufacturing methods. German observers traveled to the United States to learn from their American competitors and eventually imitate American interchangeable manufacturing methods.112 British inspection teams reported that the US competitive edge came from the “adaptation of special apparatus to a single operation in almost all branches of industry”113 and “the eagerness with which they call in the aid of machinery in almost every department of industry.”114

    Fittingly, one of the most colorful denunciations of American innovation capacity simultaneously underscored its strong diffusion capacity. In an 1883 address to the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Henry Rowland, the association’s vice president, denigrated the state of American science for its skew toward the commercialization of new advances. Rowland expressed his disgust with media representations that upheld the “obscure American who steals the ideas of some great mind of the past, and enriches himself by the application of the same to domestic uses” over “the great originator of the idea, who might have worked out hundreds of such applications, had his mind possessed the necessary element of vulgarity.”115 Yet, it was America’s diffusion capacity—in all its obscurity and vulgarity—that sustained its growth to economic preeminence.

    Breadth of Growth: The Wide Reach of Interchangeable Manufacture

    What were the sources of American productivity growth in the IR-2? The pattern of American economic growth is most pertinent to investigate because the United States overtook Britain in productivity leadership during the IR-2. Regarding the breadth of economic growth, the LS trajectory expects that American productivity growth was concentrated in a narrow set of modernized industries, whereas the GPT trajectory holds that American productivity growth was dispersed across a broad range of industries. Sector-level estimates of total factor productivity (TFP) growth provide useful evidence to assess these diverging propositions.

    WIDESPREAD PRODUCTIVITY GROWTH

    The historical data support GPT diffusion theory’s expectation of pervasive US productivity growth. John Kendrick’s detailed study of US productivity growth in this period depicts a relatively balanced distribution. Among the industries studied, nearly 60 percent averaged between 1 and 3 percent increases in output per labor-hour from 1899 to 1909.116 Broad swathes of the US economy, outside of the leading sectors, experienced technological change. For instance, the service sector, which included segments of the construction, transport, wholesale, and retail trade industries, played a key role in the US capacity to narrow the gap with Britain in productivity performance.117

    R&D-centric sectors were not the primary engines of US growth. In a recent update to Kendrick’s estimates, a group of researchers estimated how much of US productivity growth was driven by “great inventions sectors,” a designation that roughly corresponds to this chapter’s candidate leading sectors.118 They found that these sectors accounted for only 29 percent of U.S. TFP growth from 1899–1909.119 Despite employing 40 percent of all research scientists in 1920, the chemical industry was responsible for only 7 percent of US TFP growth throughout the following decade.120

    MACHINE TOOLS AND BROADLY DISTRIBUTED PRODUCTIVITY GROWTH

    Broad-based productivity growth in the US economy does not necessarily mean that a GPT was at work. Macroeconomic factors or the accumulation of various, unconnected sources of TFP growth could produce this outcome. Therefore, if the GPT trajectory captures the breadth of growth in the IR-2, then the historical evidence should connect broadly distributed productivity growth in the United States to developments in machine tools.

    The extension of the American system boosted productivity in a wide range of sectors. Applications of this system of special tools reshaped the processes of making firearms, furniture, sewing machines, bicycles, automobiles, cigarettes, clocks, boots and shoes, scientific instruments, typewriters, agricultural implements, locomotives, and naval ordnance.121 Its influence covered “almost every branch of industry where articles have to be repeated.”122 Per a 1930 inventory of American machine tools, the earliest complete survey, nearly 1.4 million metalworking machines were used across twenty industrial sectors.123 In his seminal study of American productivity growth during this period, Kendrick identifies progress in “certain types of new products developed by the machinery and other producer industries [that] have broad applications across industry lines” as a key source of the “broad, pervasive forces that promote efficiency throughout the economy.”124

    The breadth of productivity spillovers from machine tools was not boundless. Machine-using industries constituted a minority of the manufacturing industries, which themselves accounted for less than one-quarter of national income.125 However, users of new machine tools extended beyond just manufacturing industries. Technologically intensive services, such as railroads and steam transportation, also benefited significantly from improved metalworking techniques.126 In agriculture, specialized machine tools helped advance the introduction of farm machinery such as the reaper, which revolutionized agricultural productivity.127

    In describing how machine tools served as a transmission center in the US economy, Rosenberg describes the industry as a pool of skills and technical knowledge that replenishes the economy’s machine-using sectors—that is, an innovation that addresses one industry’s problem gets added to the pool and becomes available, with a few modifications, for all technologically related industries.128 As sales records from leading machine tool firms show, many application sectors purchased the same type of machine. In 1867, Brown and Sharpe Manufacturing Company sold the universal milling machine, just five years after its invention, not only to machinery firms that made tools for a diverse range of industries but also to twenty-seven other firms that produced everything from ammunition to jewelry.129 In this way, the machine tool industry functioned, in Rosenberg’s words, as “a center for the acquisition and diffusion of new skills and techniques in a machinofacture type of economy.”130

    Indeed, advances in machine tools had economy-wide effects. The social savings method estimates how much a new technology contributed to economic growth, compared to a counterfactual situation in which the technology had not been invented.131 Referencing this method to differentiate between the impacts of new technologies in this period, economic historian Joel Mokyr puts forward the American system of manufacturing as the most important:

    From a purely economic point of view, it could be argued that the most important invention was not another chemical dye, a better engine, or even electricity.… There is one innovation, however, for which “social savings” calculations from the vantage point of the twentieth century are certain to yield large gains. The so-called American System of manufacturing assembled complex products from mass-produced individual components. Modern manufacturing would be unthinkable without interchangeable parts.132

    Institutional Complementarities: GPT Skill Infrastructure in the IR-2

    With confirmation that the pattern of technological change in the IR-2 is better characterized by the GPT trajectory, the natural next step is to probe variation among leading economies in adapting to this trajectory. Why was the United States more successful than Britain and Germany in adapting to the demands of interchangeable manufacture? According to GPT diffusion theory, the historical evidence should reveal that the US edge was based on education and training systems that broadened and systematized mechanical engineering skills. These institutional adaptations would have resolved two key bottlenecks in the spread of interchangeable manufacture: a shortage of mechanical engineering talent and ineffective coordination between machine tool producers and users.

    Widening the Base of Mechanical Engineers

    Which institutions for skill formation were most central to the ability of the United States to take advantage of new advances in machine tools? Established accounts of economic rivalry among great powers in the IR-2 focus on skills linked to major innovations in new, science-based industries. Emphasizing Germany’s advantage in training scientific researchers, these studies attribute Germany’s technological success in this period to its investments in R&D facilities and advanced scientific and technical education.133 Such conclusions echo early-twentieth-century British accounts of Germany’s growing commercial prowess, which lauded German higher education for awarding doctorates in engineering and its qualitative superiority in scientific research.134

    American leadership in the adoption of interchangeable manufacturing methods was beholden to a different set of institutions for skill formation. Progress in this domain did not depend on new scientific frontiers and industrial research laboratories.135 In fact, the United States trailed both Britain and Germany in scientific achievements and talent.136 Widespread mechanization in the United States rested instead on a broad base of mechanical engineering skills.

    Alongside the development of more automatic and precise machine tools throughout the nineteenth century, this new trajectory of mechanization demanded more of machinists and mechanical engineers. Before 1870, US firms relied on informal apprenticeships at small workshops for training people who would design and use machine tools.137 At the same time, engineering education at independent technical schools and traditional colleges and universities did not prioritize mechanical engineers but were mostly oriented toward civil engineering.138 Yet craft-era methods and skills were no longer sufficient to handle advances that enhanced the sophistication of machine tools.139 Thus, in the mid-eighteenth century, the US potential for mechanization was significantly constrained by the need for more formal technical instruction in mechanical engineering.

    Over the next few decades, advances on three main fronts met this need for a wider pool of mechanical engineering expertise: land-grant schools, technical institutes, and standardization efforts. In 1862, the US Congress passed the first Morrill Land-Grant Act, which financed the creation of land-grant colleges dedicated to the agricultural and mechanical arts. Although some of these schools offered low-quality instruction and initially restricted their mission to agricultural concerns, the land-grant funds also supported many important engineering schools, such as the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and Cornell University.140 The number of US engineering schools multiplied from six in 1862, when the Morrill Act was passed, to 126 in 1917.141 These schools were especially significant in widening the base of professional mechanical engineers. In 1900, out of all students pursuing mechanical engineering at US higher education institutions, 88 percent were enrolled in land-grant colleges.142

    The establishment of technical institutes also served demands for mechanical engineering training. Pure technical schools like the Worcester Polytechnic Institute, founded in 1868, and the Stevens Institute of Technology, founded in 1870, developed mechanical engineering curricula that would become templates for engineering programs at universities and colleges.143 Embedded with local and regional businesses, technical institutes developed laboratory exercises that familiarized students with real-world techniques and equipment. In this respect, these institutes and land-grant colleges “shared a common belief in the need to deliver a practice-oriented technical education.”144

    Another significant development in the spread of mechanical engineering knowledge was the emergence of professional engineering societies that created industrial standards. The most prominent of these were the American Society of Mechanical Engineers (ASME), founded in 1880, the American Section of the International Association for Testing Materials, set up in 1898, and the Franklin Institute, which became America’s leading technical society around the start of the IR-2.145 As these associations coordinated to share best practices in mechanical engineering, they improved knowledge flows between the machine tool industry and application sectors.146 Standardization in various machine processes and components, such as screw threads, helped spread mechanization across disparate markets and communities.147

    It should be emphasized that these efforts were effective in producing the skills and knowledge necessary for advancing mechanization because they broadened the field of mechanical engineering. Mechanical engineering instruction at land-grant schools and technical institutes and through professional associations allowed for more students to become “average engineers,” as opposed to “the perpetuation of a self-recognized elite.”148 Recent research finds that this diffused engineering capacity produced enduring benefits for American industrialization. By collecting granular data on engineering density for the United States at the county level, William Maloney and Felipe Caicedo capture the engineering talent spread across various US counties in 1880 and parse the effect of engineering capacity on industrial outcomes decades later. They find that there is a statistically significant, positive relationship between the level of engineering density in 1880 and the level of industrialization decades later.149

    The Comparative Advantage of the United States over Britain and Germany in GPT Skill Infrastructure

    Both Britain and Germany fell short of the US standard in GPT skill infrastructure. For Britain, the key gap was in the supply of mechanical engineering talent. British educational institutions and professional bodies fiercely guarded the apprenticeship tradition for training mechanical engineers.150 For instance, the University of Oxford did not establish an engineering professorship until 1908.151 Meanwhile, American engineers systematically experimented with machine redesigns, benefiting from their training at universities and technical institutes.

    These diverging approaches resulted in stark differences in skill formation. In 1901, probably around 2,600 students were enrolled in full-time higher technical education in the United Kingdom.152 Limiting this population to those in their third or fourth year of full-time study—an important condition because many UK programs, unlike German and American institutions, did not progress beyond two years of study—leaves only about 400 students.153 By comparison, in mechanical engineering programs alone, the United States in 1900 had 4,459 students enrolled in higher technical education.154 Controlling for population differences, the United States substantially outpaced Britain in engineering density, as measured by the number of university-educated engineers per 100,000 male laborers.155

    Germany developed a more practical and accessible form of higher technical education than Britain. From 1870 to 1900, enrollments in the German technische Hochschulen increased nearly fourfold, from 13,674 to 32,834 students.156 Alongside the technische Mittelschulen (technical intermediate schools comparable to American industrial trade schools and lower-level engineering colleges), the technische Hochschulen cultivated a broad base of mechanical engineers.157 Germany’s system of technical education attracted admirers from around the world. Some went there to study in the schools, and others went to study how the school system worked, with the aim of borrowing elements of the German model.158

    Germany’s problems were with weak linkages between mechanical engineering education and industrial applications. Key German standards bodies and technical colleges prioritized scientific and theoretical education at the expense of practical skills—a trend “most pronounced in mechanical engineering.”159 According to an expert on German standard-setting in this period, “no national standards movement was inaugurated in [the machine industry] until after the outbreak of [World War I].”160 German experts on engineering education, intent on reforming technical instruction to get engineers more experience with factor organization and project management in the field, recommended, for example, that practical training courses be offered in partnerships with engineering associations.161 Articles in the Zeitschrift des Vereines Deutscher Ingenieure (Journal of the Association of German Engineers) lamented that the technische Hochschulen and technical universities were not equipping students with practical skills to operate in and manage factories and workshops.162 These issues slowed Germany’s incorporation of interchangeable parts and advanced machine tools.

    A report by Professor Alois Riedler of the Technical University of Berlin, who was commissioned by the Prussian Ministry of Education to tour American engineering schools in the 1890s, illustrates the differences in engineering education between the United States and Germany. According to Riedler, extensive practical training and experience with shop and laboratory applications were distinctive features of an American engineering education. To substantiate differences in practical instruction between engineering departments in the two countries, Riedler analyzed the time allocated to theoretical and practical instruction across four-year courses of study.163 Compared to their German peers, American students spent far more time on exercises in mechanical technical laboratories and other types of practical training (figure 4.4). In the Technische Universität Berlin (Technical University Berlin), practical exercises in the laboratory and shop accounted for less than 6 percent of total instruction time over a four-year course of study.164 In contrast, engineering students at Cornell University spent more than one-third of their course engaged in laboratory study and shopwork. As a consequence of reports by Riedler and others, German institutions began establishing laboratories for mechanical engineering around 1900.165

    FIGURE 4.4. Comparison of Curricula at German and American Engineering Schools (1893). Source: US Bureau of Education (BOE) 1895, 684–86. Note: In this BOE report, the German schools are labeled Technological University in Austria, Technological University in Prussia, and Technological University in South Germany. A reasonable assumption, informed by background research, is that these refer to Technical University Wien, Technical University Berlin, and Technical University of Munich, respectively. Though TU Wien is in Austria, it is used to illustrate trends in German engineering education because many German schools saw it as an influential model.

    It should be made clear that, in the United States, institutional adaptations to new opportunities presented by interchangeable manufacture were not rooted in cultivating highly skilled scientific talent. The best and brightest American scientists furthered their education at European universities.166 Even proponents of American engineering education concluded that “strictly scientific and intellectual education in American technological schools” did not even match “the average of a secondary industrial school” in Germany.167 According to one study conducted by the National Association of German-American Technologists, an organization that regularly circulated ideas between the two countries, German technical institutes held an edge over their US peers in research on different technologies in mechanical engineering.168

    The deeper roots of US institutions’ greater effectiveness at adapting to the skill formation needs of interchangeable manufacture cannot be fully explored here. The legacy of the Morrill Act certainly looms large, as do the contributions of a diverse set of institutional adaptations unrelated to that groundbreaking federal policy, including independent centers like the Franklin Institute, technical high schools, professional associations, and specialized engineering programs initiated at preexisting universities.169 Other potential sources for the US advantage in GPT skill infrastructure include its openness to foreign technicians and the unique challenges and culture of the American frontier.170

    LS-Based Theories and Chemical Engineering

    Analyzing the education and training systems for chemical advances provides a secondary test to determine which institutions are most apt to bring national success in technological revolutions.171 LS accounts typically point to Germany’s innovation capacity as the key determinant of its competitiveness in chemicals, especially in the key segment of synthetic dye production.172 To extend this lead in synthetic dyes, Germany profited from leading industrial research labs and scientific education institutions, which employed the world’s top academic chemists and produced about two-thirds of the world’s chemical research.173

    By comparison, the US capacity to innovate in chemicals was weak. From 1901 to 1930, only one American researcher received a Nobel Prize in Chemistry, while German and British researchers captured almost three-fourths of the Nobel Prizes in Chemistry in that span.174 In 1899, German publications accounted for half of all citations in American chemical journals, essentially double the share credited to American publications.175 At the same time, American scholarship barely registered in Europe-based chemistry journals, where the best research was published. According to one analysis of references in Annual Reports on the Progress of Chemistry, an authoritative British review journal, American publications accounted for only 7 percent of the citations in 1904.176

    As was the case with machine tools, effective adaptation to new chemical technologies in the United States rested on a different set of institutional competencies. Despite trailing Germany in chemical breakthroughs and top chemists, the United States pioneered a chemical engineering discipline that facilitated the gradual chemicalization of many industries. A crucial step in this process was the emergence of unit operations, which broke down chemical processes into a sequence of basic operations (for example, condensing, crystallizing, and electrolyzing) that were useful to many industries, including ceramics, food processing, glass, metallurgy, and petroleum refining.177 American institutions of higher education, most notably MIT, quickly adopted the unit operations model and helped cultivate a common language and professional community of chemical engineering.178 As Rosenberg and Steinmueller conclude, “American leadership in introducing a new engineering discipline into the university curriculum, even at a time when the country was far from the frontier of scientific research, was nowhere more conspicuous than in the discipline of chemical engineering early in the 20th century.”179

    In contrast, Germany was slow to develop the infrastructure for supporting chemical engineers. Up through the interwar period, the chemical engineering profession “failed to coalesce in Germany.”180 Chemical engineering did not become a distinct academic subject area in Germany until after the Second World War.181 Because German universities did not equip chemists with engineering skills, the burden of training chemists was shifted to firms.182 Additionally, the German chemical industry maintained a strict division of labor between chemists and mechanical engineers. The lack of skill systematization resulted in more secrecy, less interfirm communication, and a failure to exploit externalities from common chemical processes.183

    The United States reaped the spoils of technological convergence in chemicalization not just because it trained large numbers of chemical engineers but also because it strengthened university-industry linkages and standardized techniques in chemical engineering.184 Without the connective tissue that promotes information flows between the chemical sector and application sectors, a large base of chemical engineers was insufficient. Britain, for instance, was relatively successful at training chemical engineers during the interwar period; however, the weak links between British educational institutions and industrial actors limited the dissemination of technical knowledge, and the concept of unit operations did not take hold in Britain to the degree that it did in America.185 Additionally, professional engineering associations in the United States, including the American Institute of Chemical Engineers, advanced standardization in the chemical industry—an initiative not imitated in Britain until a decade later.186 Unlike their American peers, it was not until after World War II that British chemical engineers saw themselves as “members of a professional group that shared a broad commonality cutting across the boundary lines of a large number of industries.”187

    Since substantial, economy-wide benefits from these chemical breakthroughs did not materialize until after the end of the IR-2 period, it is important to not overstate these points. Nonetheless, tracing which country best exploited chemical innovations through the interwar period can supplement the analysis of institutional complementarities for machine tools.188 Evidence from the coevolution of chemical technologies and skill formation institutions further illustrates how institutional adaptations suited to GPT trajectories differed from those suited to LS trajectories.

    Alternative Factors

    Like its predecessor, the IR-2 has been the subject of countless studies. Scholars have thoroughly investigated the decline of Britain and the rise of the United States and Germany, offering explanations ranging from immigration patterns and cultural and generational factors to natural resource endowments and labor relations.189 My aim is not to sort through all possible causes of British decline. Rather, I am tracing the mechanisms behind an established connection between the IR-2’s technological breakthroughs and an economic power transition. Thus, the contextual factors most likely to confound the GPT diffusion explanation are those that provide an alternative explanation of how significant technological changes translated into the United States supplanting Britain in economic leadership. Aside from the LS mechanism, which has been examined in detail, the influence of international security threats and varieties of capitalism deserve further examination.

    Threat-Based Explanations

    How did external threats influence technological leadership in the IR-2? Scholars have argued that US military investment, mobilized against the threat of a major war, was crucial to the development of many GPTs.190 US national armories’ subsidization of the production of small arms with interchangeable parts in the early nineteenth century was crucial, some studies argue, to the diffusion of the American system to other industries in the second half of the century.191

    Though firearms production provided an important experimental ground for mechanized production, military support was not necessary to the development of the American system of manufacturing. Questioning the necessity of government funding and subsidies for the spread of the American system, one study credits the development of interchangeable manufacture to four civilian industries: clock manufacturing, ax manufacturing, typewriter manufacturing, and watch manufacturing.192 In particular, the clock industry played a crucial role in diffusing mechanized production practices. More attuned to the dynamics of the civilian economy than the small arms manufacturers, clockmakers demonstrated that interchangeable manufacture could drastically increase sales and cut costs.193 In his definitive study of the history of American interchangeable parts manufacture, David Hounshell concludes that “the sewing machine and other industries of the second half of the 19th century that borrowed small arms production techniques owed more to the clock industry than to firearms.”194

    Military investment and government contracting did not provide long-term sources of demand for interchangeable manufacturing methods.195 Over the course of the IR-2, the small arms industry’s contribution to American manufacturing declined, totaling less than 0.3 percent of value added in American industry from 1850 to 1940.196 Thus, arguments centered on military investment neglect that the spread of the American system, not its initial incubation, is the focal point for understanding how the IR-2 catalyzed an economic power transition.197

    Another threat-based argument posits that countries that face more external threats than internal rivalries will achieve more technological success.198 In the IR-2 case, however, the United States was relatively isolated from external conflicts, while the United Kingdom and Germany faced many more threats (including each other).199 Moreover, the United States was threatened more by internal rivalries than by external enemies at the beginning of the IR-2, as it had just experienced a civil war.200 This argument therefore provides limited leverage in the IR-2 case.

    VoC Explanations

    What about the connection between America’s particular type of capitalism and its economic rise? Rooted in the varieties of capitalism (VoC) tradition, one alternative explanation posits that the United States was especially suited to embrace the radical innovations of the IR-2 because it exhibited the characteristics of a liberal market economy (LME). GPT diffusion theory and VoC-based explanations clash most directly on points about skill formation. The latter’s expectation that LMEs like the United States should excel at cultivating general skills could account for US leadership in GPT diffusion during this period.201

    The empirical evidence casts doubt on this explanation. In the early twentieth century, the leading nations had fairly similar levels of enrollment rates in elementary and post-elementary education. In 1910, enrollment rates for children ages five to nineteen in the United States was about 12 percent lower than Britain’s rate and only 3 percent higher than Germany’s.202 Years of education per worker increased by essentially the same proportion in both Britain (by a factor of 2.2) and the United States (by a factor of 2.3) between 1870 and 1929.203 In terms of higher education expenditures per capita, the two countries were essentially tied.204 Differences in the formation of general skills cannot account for the technological leadership of the United States in this period.205

    Moreover, the degree to which the United States fully embraced the characteristics of LMEs is disputed. In the view of studies that position the United States as a model for managerial capitalism in this period, US industrial governance structures enabled the rise of giant managerialist firms.206 This approach primarily sees America’s rise to industrial preeminence through the most visible actors in the American system of political economy: oligopolies in the automobile, steel, and electrical industries. There was significant diversity, however, in firm structure. Though many giant corporations did grow to take advantage of economies of scale and capital requirements in some mass-produced goods (such as automobiles), networks of medium-sized firms still dominated important segments of these new industries, such as the production of electric motors. One-third of the fifty largest manufacturing plants in the United States made custom and specialty goods.207 From 1899 to 1909, sectors that relied on batch and custom production, including machine tools, accounted for one-third of value added in manufacturing.208 No specific brand of capitalism fulfilled the demands of production across all domains.209

    Case-Specific Factors

    Another traditional explanation highlights American natural resource abundance as a key factor in transatlantic differences in mechanization. Compared to its European competitors, the benefits to the United States derived from its endowment of natural resources, such as plentiful supplies of timber, biased its manufacturing processes toward standardized production.210 “The American turn in the direction of mass production was natural,” claims one influential study of diverging approaches to mechanization in this period.211

    The extent to which natural resource endowments determined transatlantic differences in technological trajectories is disputed. Undeterred by natural resource differences, German engineers and industrialists frequently used American machine tools and imitated US production technology.212 In fact, around the early twentieth century, the level of machine intensity in German industries was catching up to the rate in American industries.213 The US-Germany gap in mechanization was more about Germany’s struggles in proficiently using advanced tools, not the choice of methods shaped by natural resource endowments. Crucially, skill formation and embedded knowledge about working with new machinery influenced the efficient utilization of American capital-intensive techniques.214

    Summary

    The standard version of the Second Industrial Revolution’s geopolitical aftershocks highlights Germany’s challenge to British power. Germany’s relative economic rise, according to this account, derived from its advantage in industrial research and scientific infrastructure, which enabled it to capture the gains from new industries such as electricity and chemicals. However, a range of indicators emphasize that it was the United States, not Germany, that surpassed Britain in productivity leadership during this period. The US industrial ascent in the IR-2 illustrates that dominating innovation in leading sectors is not the crucial mechanism in explaining the rise and fall of great powers. Britain’s decline was not a failure of innovation but of diffusion. As the renowned economist Sir William Arthur Lewis once mused, “Britain would have done well enough if she merely imitated German and American innovations.”215

    Indeed, the IR-2 case further supports the conclusion that capacity to widely diffuse GPTs is the key driver of long-term growth differentials. The US success in broadening its talent base in mechanical engineering proved critical for its relative advantage in adapting machine tools across a broad range of industries. Like all GPT trajectories, this process was a protracted one, but it aligns better with when the United States surpassed Britain in productive leadership than the more dramatic breakthroughs in chemicals, electricity, and automobiles. To further investigate how the LS mechanism breaks down and why the GPT mechanism holds up, we turn to the high-tech competition in the twentieth century between the United States and Japan—or what some label the Third Industrial Revolution.

    5 Japan’s Challenge in the Third Industrial Revolution

    IN THE TWO previous cases, an industrial revolution preceded a shift in global leadership. Britain established its economic dominance in the early nineteenth century, and the United States took the mantle in the late nineteenth century. During the last third of the twentieth century (1960–2000), the technological environment underwent a transformation akin to the First and Second Industrial Revolutions. A cluster of information technologies, connected to fundamental breakthroughs in computers and semiconductors, disrupted the foundations of many industries. The terms “Third Industrial Revolution” (IR-3) and “Information Age” came to refer to an epochal shift from industrial systems to information-based and computerized systems.1 Amid this upheaval, many thought Japan would follow in the footsteps of Britain and the United States to become the “Number One” technological power.2

    Of the countries racing to take advantage of the IR-3, Japan’s remarkable advances in electronics and information technology garnered a disproportionate share of the spotlight. “The more advanced economies, with Japan taking the lead in one industry after another, [were] restructuring their economies around the computer and other high tech industries of the third industrial revolution,” Gilpin wrote.3 In the late 1980s and early 1990s, a torrent of works bemoaned the loss of US technological leadership to Japan.4 In a best-selling book on US-Japan relations, Clyde Prestowitz, a former US trade negotiator, declared, “Japan has … become the undisputed world economic champion.”5

    Japan’s dominance in the IR-3’s leading sectors was perceived as a threat to international security and to US overall leadership of the international system.6 Former secretary of state Henry Kissinger and other prominent thinkers warned that Japan would convert its economic strength into threatening military power.7 Per a 1990 New York Times poll, 58 percent of Americans believed that Japan’s economic power was more of a threat to American security than the Soviet Union’s military power.8

    Historical precedents loomed over these worries. US policymakers feared that falling behind Japan in key technologies would, like relative declines experienced by previous leading powers, culminate in an economic power transition. Paul Kennedy and other historically minded thinkers likened the US position in the 1980s to Britain’s backwardness a century earlier: two industrial hegemons on the brink of losing their supremacy.9 Often alluding to the LS mechanism, these comparisons highlighted Japan’s lead in specific industries that were experiencing significant technological disruption, such as consumer electronics and semiconductors. As David Mowery and Nathan Rosenberg wrote in 1991, “Rapidly growing German domination of dyestuffs helped to propel that country into the position of the strongest continental industrial power. The parallels to the Japanese strategy in electronics in recent decades are striking.”10

    Many voices called for the United States to mimic Japan’s keiretsu system of industrial organization and proactive industrial policy, which they viewed as crucial to the rising power’s success with leading sectors.11 Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers attributed Japan’s surge in global market shares of high-tech industries to R&D investments and the organizing role of the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI).12 These claims about the basis of Japan’s leadership in the information revolution relied on LS product cycles as the filter for the most important institutional factors.

    The feared economic power transition, however, never occurred. To be sure, Japanese firms did take dominant positions in key segments of high-growth industries like semiconductors and consumer electronics. Additionally, the Japanese economy did grow at a remarkable pace, averaging an annual 2.4 percent increase in total factor productivity (TFP) between 1983 and 1991. However, Japan’s TFP growth stalled at an average of 0.2 percent per year in the 1990s—a period known as its “lost decade.” By 2002, the per capita GDP gap between Japan and the United States was larger than it had been in 1980.13 Becoming the world’s leading producer in high-tech industries did not catalyze Japan’s overtaking of the United States as the leading economy.

    The IR-3 case is particularly damaging for LS-based explanations. Japan took advantage of the IR-3’s opportunities by cornering the market in new, technologically progressive industries, fulfilling the conditions posited by the LS mechanism for Japan to become the foremost economic power. Yet, as the case study evidence will reveal, an economic power transition did not occur, even though all these conditions were present. The Japanese challenge to American technological leadership in the last third of the twentieth century therefore primarily functions as a deviant, or falsifying, case for the LS mechanism.14

    By contrast, the IR-3 case does not undermine the GPT mechanism. Since Japan did not lead the United States in the diffusion of general-purpose information technologies, the conditions for an economic power transition under the GPT mechanism were absent in the IR-3. Since there could be many reasons why an economic power transition does not occur, the absence of a mechanism in a negative case provides limited leverage for explaining how technology-driven economic power transitions occur. Still, the IR-3 case evidence will show that LS theory expects an outcome that does not occur—a US-Japan economic power transition—in part because it fails to account for the relative success of the United States in GPT diffusion. This advantage stemmed from its superior ability to cultivate the computer engineering talent necessary to advance computerization. In that regard, this deviant case can help form better mechanism-based explanations.15

    Surprisingly, few scholars have revisited claims that Japan’s leadership in leading sectors meant that it was on its way to economic preeminence.16 Decades of hindsight bring not just perspective but also more sources to pore over. Revised estimates and the greater availability of data help paint a more granular picture of how the US-Japan productivity gap evolved in this period. To narrow down the crucial technological trajectories, I pieced together histories of semiconductors and other key technologies, comparative histories of technological development in the United States and Japan, and general economic histories of the IR-3. In addition, I leveraged bibliometric techniques to estimate the number of universities in both countries that could supply a baseline quality of software engineering education. Surveys on computer utilization by Japanese agencies, presentations on computer science education by Japanese and American analysts at international meetings, documents from the Edward A. Feigenbaum Papers collection, and back issues of Nikkei Computer (日経コンピュータ) at the Stanford University East Asia Library all helped flesh out the state of GPT skill infrastructure in the IR-3.

    The evaluation of the GPT and LS mechanisms against historical evidence from the IR-3 proceeds as follows. The chapter first makes clear that a US-Japan economic power transition did not take place. Subsequently, it reviews and organizes the technological breakthroughs of the IR-3 into candidate leading sectors and GPTs. It then examines whether all the components of the GPT or LS mechanism were present. Since the outcome did not occur in this case, it is important to trace where the mechanisms break down. All the aspects of the LS mechanism were present in the IR-3, but the GPT mechanism was not operational because Japan fell behind the United States in diffusing information technologies across a broad range of sectors. Based on this evidence, the next section explains why institutional explanations rooted in LS trajectories are unconvincing. Before turning to alternative factors and explanations, the chapter analyzes whether GPT skill infrastructure was a factor in sustained US technological leadership.

    A Power Transition Unfulfilled: Japan’s Rise Stagnates

    In a 1983 article for Parade, the Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist David Halberstam described Japan’s industrial ascent as America’s “most difficult challenge for the rest of the century” and “a more intense competition than the previous political-military competition with the Soviet Union.”17 By the end of the century, however, the possibility of Japan displacing the United States as the technological hegemon was barely considered, let alone feared.18 The economic power transition that accompanied the IR-1 and IR-2 did not materialize in this case. Indeed, most indicators presented a clear trend: Japan’s economy catches up in the 1980s, stagnates in the 1990s, and ultimately fails to overtake the US economy in productivity leadership.

    GDP PER-CAPITA INDICATORS

    During the three decades after 1960, Japan’s economy experienced remarkable growth, reaching a GDP per capita in 1990 that was 81 percent of the US mark that year. In the following ten years, known as Japan’s “lost decade,” Japan’s growth in GDP per capita stalled. By 2007, Japan’s GDP per capita had dropped back down to 73 percent of that of the United States (figure 5.1).

    INDUSTRIALIZATION INDICATORS

    Comparative industrialization statistics tell a similar story. In terms of global manufacturing output, Japan gained on the United States through the 1970s and 1980s and nearly matched the United States, at 20 percent of global manufacturing output, in the early 1990s. Japan’s share of global manufacturing output subsequently declined to around 10 percent in 2010, while the US share increased in the 1990s and held at 20 percent until 2010.19 In manufacturing industries, Japan’s labor productivity growth from 1995 to 2004 averaged only 3.3 percent, whereas the United States averaged 6.1 percent in the same metric.20

    FIGURE 5.1. Japan’s Catch-up to the United States in GDP per Capita Stalls in the 1990s. Note: Real GDP per capita in 2011$ prices. Source: Maddison Project Database, version 2020 (Bolt and van Zanden 2020).

    PRODUCTIVITY INDICATORS

    Productivity statistics also reveal a general trend of convergence without overtaking. From a total factor productivity of just half that of the United States in 1955, Japan’s TFP grew steadily. By 1991, the productivity gap between the United States and Japan was only 5 percent. As was the case with the GDP per capita and industrialization figures, Japan’s productivity growth then slowed, and the gap between the United States and Japan widened during the 1990s (figure 5.2). Throughout this decade, Japan averaged just 0.2 percent annual TFP growth.21 By 2009, Japan’s TFP dropped to only 83 percent of the US figure. The US-Japan labor productivity gap followed a similar course.22

    FIGURE 5.2. Japan’s Catch-up to the United States in Productivity Stalls in the 1990s. Source: Jorgenson, Nomura, and Samuels 2018, 18.

    Key Technological Changes in the IR-3

    Parsing through the different trajectories of technological change is a necessary first step to determine whether the LS and GPT mechanisms were operative in this period. This task is complicated by the tremendous technological changes that emerged in the IR-3, such as the first microprocessor (1971), the production of recombinant DNA (1972), the VHS format for video recording (1976), and the first personal computer (1981). Guided by past scholars’ efforts to map the key nodes of the information revolution as well as analytic measures for leading sectors and GPTs, this section takes stock of key technological drivers that affected the US-Japan economic power balance.

    Candidate Leading Sectors

    Amid a shifting technological landscape, the most likely sources of LS trajectories were information and communications technologies (ICTs). Certainly, scholars have highlighted technological developments in a wide range of industries as possible leading sectors, including lasers and robotics.23 Nonetheless, Japan’s success in the computer, consumer electronics, and semiconductor industries was most relevant for its prospects of overtaking the United States as the foremost economic power. In each of these three leading sectors, Japan dominated the production of key components.24

    All three relatively new industries achieved extraordinary growth off the back of technological breakthroughs, fulfilling the established criteria for leading sectors. In the US economy during the 1980s, computer and data-processing services ranked as the fastest-growing industries in terms of jobs added.25 After Japan’s MITI identified semiconductors and computers as strategic industries in 1971, both industries experienced extremely high growth rates in the next two decades.26 The US electronics industry also experienced a remarkable surge during the late twentieth century, growing thirty times faster than other manufacturing industries by some estimates.27 These trends in computers and electronics held across advanced industrialized countries.28

    Candidate GPTs

    Given that the IR-3 is often known as the “information revolution,” clusters of ICT innovations naturally serve as the most likely sources of GPT trajectories. Efforts to map this era’s GPTs specifically highlight computers,29 semiconductors,30 and the internet.31 Each of these technological domains exhibited great scope for improvement and complementarities with other technologies.

    Because advances in computers, semiconductors, and the internet were all closely connected, I group technological developments in these three domains under “computerization,” the process in which computers take over tasks such as the storage and management of information. This is consistent with other studies that identify the general category of ICT as the GPT operative in this period.32 The growing prevalence of software-intensive systems enabled computers to become more general-purpose. Computerization also benefited from advances in both semiconductors, which reduced costs for investments in IT equipment, and the internet, which connected computers in efficient networks.33

    Sources of LS and GPT Trajectories

    In sum, the IR-3’s candidate leading sectors and GPTs all revolved around ICTs (table 5.1). Other technical advances in lasers, new sources of energy, and biotechnology also drew attention as possible sources of LS and GPT trajectories. I do not trace developments in these technologies because their potential was largely unrealized, at least within the context of US-Japan economic competition during the IR-3.

    Though candidate leading sectors and GPTs converge on ICTs, they diverge on the key trajectories. The GPT perspective emphasizes the process by which firms transfer tasks and activities to computers. In contrast, LS accounts spotlight the growth of key industry verticals. For example, the consumer electronics industry fits the mold of previous candidate leading sectors like automobiles and cotton textiles, which were large and fast-growing but limited in their linkages to other industries. Taking stock of candidate leading sectors and GPTs merely functions as a preliminary filter. The rest of the chapter will further flesh out the differences between the LS- and GPT-based explanations of how these technologies affected the US-Japan economic rivalry.

    table 5.1 Key Sources of Technological Trajectories in the IR-3

    Candidate Leading SectorsCandidate GPTs
    Computer industryComputerization
    Consumer electronics industry
    Semiconductor industry

    GPT vs. LS Mechanisms: The (Non) Spread of ICTs across Japan’s Economy

    In both the IR-1 and IR-2 cases, a technological revolution sparked a shift in global economic leadership. The case analyses aimed to determine whether the historical evidence fit better with observable implications derived from the GPT or LS mechanism. Revolutionary technological breakthroughs also occurred in the IR-3, but an economic power transition never occurred. Thus, if the case study reveals that Japan dominated innovation in the computer, consumer electronics, and semiconductor industries, then this would provide disconfirming evidence against the LS mechanism. Likewise, if the historical evidence shows that Japan led the way in computerization during this period, this would undermine GPT diffusion theory.

    LS Mechanism Present: Japan Dominates the Production of Key ICTs

    A bevy of evidence establishes that the LS mechanism was operative during the IR-3. From the mid-twentieth century through the 1980s, Japan captured a growing global market in new industries tied to major technological discoveries in semiconductors, consumer electronics, and computers. In dynamic random-access memory (DRAM) chips, one of the highest-volume verticals in the semiconductor industry, Japanese firms controlled 76 percent of the global market share.34 By one US federal interagency working group estimate, from 1980 to 1987 the United States lost the lead to Japan in more than 75 percent of critical semiconductor technologies.35

    Japanese industry also gained competitive advantages in consumer electronics. From 1984 to 1990, US firms lost global market share in thirty-five of thirty-seven electronics categories as Japanese firms took over the production of many electronic products.36 Japan occupied dominant shares of global production of color televisions and DVDs.37 It was also the first economy to commercialize high-definition television (HDTV) systems, a highly touted part of the consumer electronics market.38

    A similar trend held in computers, especially in computer hardware components like flat panel displays.39 The US trade balance in computers with Japan turned from a surplus in 1980 into a $6 billion deficit by 1988.40According to the Yearbook of World Electronics Data, in 1990 Japan’s share of global computer production eclipsed the share held by the United States, which had previously led the world.41

    Comparisons of LS growth rates also indicate that Japan was poised to overtake the United States as the economic leader. In an International Organization article published in 1990, Thompson posited that average annual growth rates in leading sectors across major economies heralded shifts in economic leadership. Over the nineteenth century, Britain’s growth rate in leading sectors peaked in the 1830s before flattening between 1860 and 1890, a period when the United States and Germany outstripped Britain in LS growth rates.42 Crucially, Thompson’s data showed that Japan outpaced the United States in growth rates within leading sectors from 1960 to 1990.43 Linking these historical trends, Thompson identified Japan as America’s main competitor for “systemic leadership.”44

    Comprehensive assessments of Japan’s relative industrial strength support this account of LS growth rates. US government, academic, and industry entities issued a plethora of reports warning of Japan’s growing global market share and exports in key technologies. One review of six such reports, all published between 1987 and 1991, found a growing consensus that US capabilities in many of these technologies were declining relative to Japan’s.45 A 1990 US Department of Commerce report on trends in twelve emerging technologies, including supercomputers, advanced semiconductor devices, and digital imaging technology, projected that the United States would lag behind Japan in most of these technologies before 2000.46 The 1989 MIT Commission on Industrial Productivity’s Made in America: Regaining the Productive Edge serves as a particularly useful barometer of Japan’s position in leading sectors.47 Made in America argued that the United States was losing out to Japan in eight manufacturing sectors, including consumer electronics, semiconductors, and computers. As business historian Richard Langlois summarizes, “By the mid-1980s, by most accounts, America had ‘lost’ consumer electronics and was in imminent danger of losing semiconductors and computers.”48

    Some argued that Japan’s advantage in these leading sectors was rooted in certain institutional arrangements. Observers regularly pointed to Japan’s keiretsu system, which was structured around large, integrated business groups, as the key institutional factor in its success in high-tech industries. The MIT Commission’s Made in America report, for instance, questioned whether the US system of industrial organization could match up against “much stronger and better organized Japanese competition.”49 This aligned with a common narrative in the mid-1980s that “American firms should become more like Japanese firms.”50

    Others pointed to Japan’s industrial policy, coordinated by MITI, as the key institutional competency that explained Japan’s success in leading sectors. Academics and policymakers pushed for the United States to imitate Japan’s industrial policy approach, which they perceived as effective because of MITI’s ability to strategically coordinate R&D investments in key technologies.51 For instance, scholars regarded the “Fifth Generation Project,” a national initiative launched by MITI in 1982, as a stepping-stone to Japan’s building of the world’s most advanced computers.52 The American aversion to industrial policy and a decentralized economic policymaking apparatus, by comparison, was alleged to be detrimental to innovation in the IR-3’s new technologies.

    By the turn of the millennium, such arguments were no longer being put forward. Despite capturing key LS industries and rapidly catching up to the United States in the 1980s, Japan did not ultimately overtake the United States as the lead economy. Contrary to the expected outcome of the LS mechanism, Japan’s control of critical sectors in semiconductors and consumer electronics did not translate into strong, sustained economic growth. This outcome challenges the LS mechanism’s validity in the IR-3 case.

    An Absent GPT Mechanism: The United States Leads Japan in ICT Diffusion

    Does evidence from the IR-3 also discredit the GPT mechanism? If the components of the GPT mechanism, like the LS mechanism, were present during this period, this would weaken the explanatory power of GPT diffusion theory. However, in contrast to its success in key leading sectors, Japan lagged in adopting computerized technologies. Thus, GPT diffusion theory would not expect Japan to have overtaken the United States in the IR-3.

    To account for sustained US economic leadership in the IR-3, this section traces the developments of the IR-3 in the United States and Japan across the three dimensions that differentiate GPT from LS trajectories. First, relative to the LS mechanism, the impact timeframes of the IR-3’s technological breakthroughs are more elongated. Developments in ICTs did not spread to a wide range of economic applications until the 1990s. Second, though Japan excelled in the production of computers and electronics, it fell behind in the general pace of computerization across the economy. Lastly, Japan’s advantages were concentrated in a narrow range of ICT-producing industries, whereas the United States benefited from broad-based productivity growth.

    IMPACT TIMEFRAME

    The advance of computerization, like past GPT trajectories, demanded a prolonged period of organizational adaptation and complementary innovations. It is reasonable to date the computerization GPT’s emergence as the year 1971—the year when Intel introduced the microprocessor, which greatly expanded the functionalities of computers.53 It was also the year when the share of information technology equipment and software reached 1 percent in the net capital stocks of the median sector in the US economy.54 Before then, during the 1960s, mainframe computers powered by integrated circuits serviced only a limited range of commercial purposes, such as producing bank statements and managing airline reservations. With the internet’s rise in the 1990s, new information and communication networks further spread computerization to different business models, such as e-commerce.55 Alongside this stream of complementary technical advances, firms needed time to build up their computer capital stock and reorganize their business processes to match the needs of information technology.56

    Computers traveled a gradual and slow road to widespread use. By the late 1980s, many observers bemoaned the computer revolution’s failure to induce a surge of productivity growth. In 1987, the renowned economist Robert Solow distilled this “productivity paradox” in a famous quip: “We see the computers everywhere but in the productivity statistics.”57 A decade later, however, the growing adoption of information technology triggered a remarkable surge in US productivity growth.58 It took some time, but the American economy did eventually see the computers in the productivity statistics.

    The landscape of US-Japan technology competition looks very different when accounting for the elongated lag from computerization’s arrival to its widespread diffusion. Japan’s control over key segments of ICT production in the 1970s and 1980s did not correspond to an advantage in GPT diffusion. A more patient outlook illuminates that the delayed impact of computerization aligns with when the United States extended its productivity lead over Japan. After 1995, while Japan’s economic rise stalled, labor and total factor productivity grew rapidly for a decade in the United States. The difference was that the United States benefited greatly from an ICT-driven productivity acceleration.59

    FIGURE 5.3. The US-Japan Computerization Gap Widens in the 1990s. Source: Milner and Solstad 2021; Comin 2010, 381.

    PHASE OF RELATIVE ADVANTAGE

    If the GPT mechanism was operative for Japan’s rise in the IR-3, Japan should have led the United States in computerization. Though Japan continued to contest US leadership in the production of certain computer architectures and devices, it failed to keep up with the United States in the adoption of computers across industries. As figure 5.3 reveals, the gap between the United States and Japan in computerization widened in the 1990s. In fact, South Korea, which lagged behind Japan in generating new innovations in computer systems, surpassed Japan in its computer usage rate during the 1990s. Taken together, these indicators suggest that Japan’s problem was with GPT diffusion, not innovation.

    The pathway by which ICTs drove the US-Japan productivity gap is particularly revealing. In sectors that produced ICTs, Japan’s TFP acceleration was similar to the US trajectory; however, in sectors that intensively used IT, Japan’s TFP growth lagged far behind that of its rival.60 In particular, US ICT-using service industries adapted better to computerization. In terms of labor productivity growth in these industries, the United States experienced the strongest improvement out of all OECD countries from the first half of the 1990s to the second half of the decade.61 The contribution of ICT-using services to Japan’s labor productivity growth, by contrast, declined from the first half to the second half of the decade.62

    Japan eventually adopted the GPT trajectory associated with ICT. Like all advanced economies at the frontier, Japan could draw from the same technology pool as America. Using a growth accounting framework that accounts for cyclical factors, Takuji Fueki and Takuji Kawamoto trace Japan’s post-2000 resurgence in TFP growth to the extension of the ICT revolution to a broader range of IT-using sectors.63 By then, however, Japan was at least five years behind the United States in taking advantage of computerization.

    BREADTH OF GROWTH

    Alongside the dispersion of ICTs throughout the US economy, the sources of productivity growth also spread out. In the United States, spillovers from ICT advances, especially in services, contributed to economy-wide TFP growth. Industry-level patterns of TFP growth reveal that US productivity growth became noticeably more broad-based after 1995, a trend that accelerated further after 2000.64

    In contrast, Japan’s advantages in the IR-3 were concentrated in a narrow range of sectors. After 1995, Japanese productivity growth remained localized, only transitioning to a more broad-based pattern after 2000.65 Michael Porter’s exhaustive account of national competitiveness across leading economies describes Japan as a “study in contrasts,” with some of the most internationally competitive industries found side by side with some of the most uncompetitive.66 The hype over Japan’s success in leading sectors induced some analysts to generalize from a few exceptional industrial sectors while overlooking developments in struggling sectors.67

    LS Mechanisms and “Wintelism”

    Some international political economy scholars divide trends in US competitiveness into a phase of relative decline in the leading sectors of the 1980s (consumer electronics, computer hardware, and parts of the semiconductor industry) and a period of resurgence in the new leading sector of the 1990s (software electronics).68 This explanation for why Japan’s LS advantage did not convert into an economic power transition could conceivably restore credibility to the LS mechanism. However, even this generous interpretation fails to capture the dynamics of the IR-3.69

    Consider one prominent line of LS-based thinking that emphasizes US advantages in adapting to “Wintelism,” a type of industrial structure best suited for new advances in software electronics. Wintelism, a portmanteau of “Windows” and “Intel,” refers to the transformation of the computer industry from a vertically integrated oligopoly into a horizontally segmented structure dominated by components providers with controlling architectural standards, such as Intel and Microsoft.70 Compared to Japan, the US institutional environment was more supportive of horizontal, specialized value-chains in software electronics. It is put forward that Japan’s inability to adapt to the Wintelist industrial paradigm explains why it was unable to overtake the United States as the leading economy.71

    The Wintelism argument falls prey to general issues with the LS mechanism.72 Like LS accounts of Japan’s advantage in semiconductors and consumer electronics in the 1980s, the Wintelism argument still places too much value on ICT-producing industries. Capturing profit shares in the global software electronics industry is not the same as translating new advances in software electronics into economy-wide growth.73 The pathway from new technologies to overall productivity growth involves much more than just the success of companies like Microsoft and Intel.

    Indeed, as a GPT diffuses more widely, large monopolists may hinder coordination between the GPT and application sectors. Both Microsoft and Intel, for instance, often restricted sharing information about their technology roadmaps, thereby hindering complementary innovations and adoption of microelectronics in applications sectors such as automobiles. In fact, regulatory and technological forces were necessary to limit the influence of dominant firms and encourage the development of complementary technologies, which were crucial to widening the GPT trajectory of computerization.74 It is conceivable that the United States could have achieved a greater rate of computerization if its computer industry had not been dominated by two firms that held key architectural standards.

    Overall, hindsight is not kind to LS-based accounts of Japan’s institutional advantages in the IR-3. While matching institutional competencies to particularly significant technological trajectories is a sound approach, the LS trajectory fails to capture how technological changes opened opportunities for an economic power transition. Japan’s industrial structure and sectoral targeting policies reaped economic gains that were temporary and limited to specific industries.75 To understand why the United States gained lasting and broad-based advantages from computerization, a different set of institutional complementarities must be explored.

    Institutional Complementarities: GPT Skill Infrastructure in the IR-3

    In line with GPT diffusion theory, institutional adaptations that widened the base of computer engineering skills and knowledge proved crucial to the enduring technological leadership of the United States in the IR-3.76 Computerization required not just innovators who created new software architectures but also programmers who undertook more routine software engineering tasks. It was the US ability to tap into a more expansive pool of the latter that fueled a more intensive pace of computerization than in Japan.

    Widening the Base of Computer Engineers

    GPTs generate an imbalance between the possibility of sweeping changes across many domains and the constraints of existing skills. Historically, engineering disciplines have developed procedures for adapting new GPT-linked knowledge across localized applications and expanded access to such knowledge to a broader set of individuals. Similarly, the key element of the American GPT skill infrastructure in the IR-3 was the development of a computer science discipline—the latest in a line of engineering disciplines that have emerged in the wake of GPTs.77

    US education effectively adapted to changes in the computerization trajectory. The recognition of computer science as an independent discipline, as evidenced by the early and rapid growth of computer science departments in the United States, helped systematize the knowledge necessary for the spread of computerization.78 Led by top universities and the Association of Computing Machinery (ACM), US institutions piloted new training programs in computer science. In 1968, the ACM published an influential and forward-looking curriculum that helped colleges organize their computing education.79 These adaptations converted the practical experience from developers of new computer and software breakthroughs into general, accessible knowledge.80

    The development of this GPT skill infrastructure met significant hurdles. In the 1970s, the US computer science discipline struggled to meet demands for software engineering education in the midst of conflicts over the right balance between theory-oriented learning and hands-on programming work.81 Reacting to this situation, the ACM’s 1978 curriculum revision directed computer science toward application-based work, stating that programming exercises “provide a philosophy of discipline which pervades all of the course work.”82 Industry pressure and the US Department of Defense’s Software Engineering Institute, a partnership established with Carnegie Mellon University in 1984, expanded the number of software engineering specializations at universities.83 Teaching capacity was another inhibiting factor. Computer science departments had to limit course enrollments because they could not fill the faculty positions to meet exploding student demand, resulting in a decline in computer science enrollments in the mid-1980s.84

    Though the process was not seamless, overall trends reflect the US success in widening the pool of engineering skills and knowledge for advancing computerization. From 1966 to 1996, the number of undergraduate computer science degrees awarded annually in the United States grew from 89 to about 24,500.85 In 1986, at its peak during this period, computer science accounted for 12.5 percent of all science and engineering degrees awarded in the United States.86 According to benchmarking efforts by the Working Group for Software Engineering Education and Training, US institutions accounted for about one-third of the world’s bachelor’s degree programs in software engineering in 2003.87 Throughout this period, the United States also benefited from a system open to tapping foreign software engineering talent.88

    The US Comparative Advantage over Japan in GPT Skill Infrastructure

    Did GPT skill infrastructure factor decisively in Japan’s inability to keep pace with the United States in the diffusion of ICTs? Varying data reporting conventions, especially the fact that Japanese universities subsumed computer science under broader engineering fields, make it difficult to precisely quantify the US-Japan gap in software engineering skills.89 One narrative that gained momentum in the late 1980s accredited Japan’s success in high-tech manufacturing industries to its quantitative advantage in engineers. A National Science Foundation (NSF) report and two State of the Union addresses by President Ronald Reagan endorsed this belief.90 For example, the NSF’s 1997 special report on Japan’s scientific and technological capabilities declared, “By 1994, with roughly one-half the population, Japan produced more engineering and computer science degrees at the undergraduate level than the United States.”91 Such statements blended computer science degrees with all categories of engineering education.

    Computer science–specific data reveal the US edge in ICT human resources. According to data from Japan’s Information Technology Promotion Agency, Japan awarded about 16,300 computer science and mathematics bachelor’s degrees in 2009, while the United States awarded 63,300 of these types of degrees that same year.92 One survey by the Japanese Information Technology Services Industry Association found that only 3.6 percent of college graduates who entered Japan’s information service industry in April 1990 received their degree from a computer science department.93 By counting immigrants entering computer-related professions and total university graduates in ICT software and hardware fields, one study estimated annual inflows into the US and Japanese ICT labor pools. In 1995, these inflows into the US ICT labor pool outpaced those in Japan by 68 percent. By 2001, this gap between the two countries’ annual inflows of ICT talent had reached almost 300 percent.94 Therefore, in the years when the US advantage in ICT diffusion was most pertinent, the skill gap between the United States and Japan in computer and software engineering talent grew even wider.95

    Moreover, a computer science degree in Japan did not provide the same training as one in America. First, Japanese universities were slow to adapt to emerging trends in computer science. In both 1997 and 2007, the Information Processing Society of Japan modeled its computing curriculum revisions on American efforts that had been made six years earlier.96 The University of Tokyo, Japan’s leading university, did not establish a separate department of computer science until 1991, which was twenty-six years later than Stanford.97 Overly centralized governance of universities also inhibited the development of computer science as an independent discipline in Japan.98 As Jeffrey Hart and Sangbae Kim concluded in 2002, “The organizational and disciplinary flexibility of US universities in computer science has not been matched in any of the competing economies.”99

    Software engineering presented a particular challenge for Japan. In 1988, the Japanese-language industry journal Nikkei Computer surveyed six thousand Japanese firms that used office computers. Situated outside the computer industry, these firms were involved in a broad range of fields, including materials manufacturing, finance, services, government, and education. More than 80 percent of the responding companies disclosed shortages of software programmers and designers.100 On average, outside firms provided one-quarter of their information technology personnel, and their reliance on outsourcing was magnified for programmers, system designers, and application managers.101 A nonprofit foundation for ICT development in Japan reported similar barriers to computer utilization in 1991. The survey found that companies relied heavily on computer personnel, especially software engineers, dispatched temporarily from other organizations.102 Small and medium-sized software departments, which could not afford to invest in on-the-job training, were especially disadvantaged by the lack of formal software engineering education in Japan.103

    Bibliometric techniques can help substantiate the gap between the United States and Japan in skill infrastructure for software engineering. I analyzed around seven thousand publications from 1995 in the Web of Science Core Collection’s “Computer Science, Software Engineering” category.104 To gauge the breadth of institutional training in software engineering, I counted the number of Japanese and American universities that employed at least one researcher represented in this dataset. According to my estimates, the United States boasted 1.59 universities per million people that met this baseline quality of software engineering education, while Japan only had 1.17 universities per million people. This amounts to a gap of around 40 percent.

    Lastly, weak industry-university linkages in computer science hampered Japan’s development of GPT skill infrastructure. Imposing centralized control over universities, the Japanese Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture (MESC) inhibited cooperation between new departments of information science and the corporate labs where much of the computing talent was concentrated.105 Japanese researchers regularly complained about the size of MESC grants, as well as the ministry’s restrictions on their ability to seek alternative funding sources. Japan’s overall budget level for university facilities in 1992 remained the same as it was in 1975. Additional government funds went instead to independent centers of excellence, diverting resources away from efforts to broaden the pool of training institutions in software engineering.106

    Alternative Factors

    How do alternative explanations perform in this case? A range of factors beyond GPT skill infrastructure could have influenced diverging rates of ICT diffusion in the United States and Japan. I focus on the role of external threats and varieties of capitalism because they present alternative mechanisms for how states adapted differently to the technological revolution that occurred in the IR-3.

    Threat-Based Explanations

    Threat-based theories struggle to account for differences in the US and Japanese technological performance in this period. A “cult of vulnerability” permeated Japan’s leaders over this period as they coped with tensions in East Asia and the oil crises of the 1970s.107 Likewise, the growth of the US “national security state,” fueled by the dangers of the Cold War, functioned as “the secret to American innovation.”108 Under his creative insecurity framework, Taylor holds up both Japan and the United States as exemplars of the IR-3 period, reasoning that they both partly owed their technological success to the galvanizing effects of a threatening international environment.109 General threat-based explanations therefore cannot explain differences in technological outcomes between the United States and Japan, namely, why the United States was more successful in ICTs than Japan.

    A related argument points to the significance of US military procurement for computerization. As was the case with its influence on the American system of manufacturing in the IR-2, the US military provided the demand for initial investments in computers and semiconductors. In the 1940s and 1950s the US military was a key patron behind computing breakthroughs.110 Assured by large military procurements, innovative firms undertook risky, fundamental research that produced spillovers to many other industries. For instance, the first all-purpose electronic digital computer, the University of Pennsylvania’s electronic numerical integrator and calculator (ENIAC), was developed during World War II. The ENIAC was supported by funding from the Army Ballistics Research Laboratory, and the first program run on the computer was a simulation of the ignition of the hydrogen bomb.111

    In place of the military, could other entities have served as a large demand source for ICTs? Commercial entities like Bell Labs and IBM also developed fundamental breakthroughs in ICTs. According to Timothy Bresnahan and Manuel Trajtenberg, it was “only a coincidence” that US government demand played such a pivotal role in semiconductor development.112 Others argue that while commercial advances in semiconductors and computers would likely still have occurred absent the impetus of military funding, they would have emerged after substantial delay.113

    Resolving this debate depends on one’s view of the key stage in computerization. Those who emphasize the importance of military procurement often hold up the importance of first-mover advantages in the American computer industry.114 However, decades after the military helped develop the first computers and transistors, Japan had cornered the market in many related industries. The significance of military procurement is diminished when a GPT’s dissemination, as opposed to its emergence, is taken as the starting point. By 1960, the start of the IR-3 period, ICT development in the United States was already much less reliant on military support. In 1955, the demand for Bell’s transistors from two large telephone networks alone was nearly ten times more than from all military projects.115 In fact, as the commercial sector increasingly drove momentum in ICTs, military involvement arguably hindered continued advances in the commercial sector, as there was tension between the different technical cultures.116

    On balance, the most significant aspect of the military’s involvement in the advance of computerization in the United States was its role in building up GPT skill infrastructure. The US military played a key role in cultivating the computer science discipline in its early years. Beginning in the 1960s, defense agencies supported academic research in computer science, such as the aforementioned Software Engineering Institute, which created centers of excellence and broadened the base of computer science education.117 From 1977 through the mid-1980s, defense funding supported more than half of academic computer science R&D.118 At the same time, military investment in computer science did not come without downsides. Defense funding was concentrated in elite research universities at the cutting edge of the field, such as Carnegie Mellon and Stanford, whereas nondefense government funding supported computer science education across a wider range of US universities.119 On the effects of military computer science funding, Stanford professor Terry Winograd wrote, “It has resulted in a highly unequal situation in which a few schools have received almost all the resources. Although this may have led to more effective research in the short run, it has also been a factor contributing to the significant long-term shortage of trained computer researchers.”120

    VoC Explanations

    The varieties-of-capitalism (VoC) approach provides another possible explanation for why the US economy benefited more than Japan’s from the innovations of the IR-3.121 According to the VoC framework, firms in coordinated market economies (CMEs) provide industry-specific training that is more conducive to incremental innovation, whereas worker training in more general skills in liberal market economies (LMEs) proves more favorable for radical innovations. VoC scholars point to some evidence from the international pattern of innovation during the IR-3 that supports these expectations. Based on patent data from 1983–1984 and 1993–1994, Peter Hall and David Soskice find that Germany, a CME, specialized in technology classes characterized by incremental innovation, whereas the United States, an LME, specialized in domains characterized by radical innovation.122 Therefore, the VoC perspective expects that Japan, a CME like Germany, was unable to keep up with the United States in the IR-3 because high-tech sectors such as computer software and biotechnology demanded radical innovations.123

    This VoC-derived explanation provides an incomplete account of the IR-3 case. First, comprehensive empirical investigations into the innovative performance of CMEs and LMEs, especially the success of Japan as a radical innovator, undermine the explanatory power of VoC theory for the IR-3 period. Hall and Soskice’s initial analysis was based on four years of data on patent counts from only two countries, the United States and Germany. Taylor’s more extensive analysis, which covered thirty-six years (1963–1999) of patent counts and forward citations for all LME and CME countries, found that the predictions of VoC theory are not supported by the empirical data.124 In fact, contrary to the expectations of the VoC explanation, Japan was a leader in radical innovation, ranking second only to the United States in patent counts weighted by forward citations, which are a strong proxy for the radicalness of innovations.125

    Second, VoC theory does not make distinctions between different types of general skills, which varied in their significance to national success in the IR-3. Regarding general training in terms of foundational schooling, Japan was making substantial improvements in average years of schooling, enrollment ratio, and access to higher education.126 GPT diffusion theory specifies the key general skills as those that best suited the advance of computerization. Consistent with these expectations, the case study evidence points to the US-Japan gap in software engineering, a set of general skills that permeated sectoral boundaries, as the crucial factor in US success with widespread computerization.

    Case-Specific Factors

    Other factors unique to the IR-3 case deserve further consideration. Among these alternative explanations, one popular theory was that Japan’s kanji system (Chinese-based characters) contributed to its slow adoption of computers.127 Marshall Unger, a specialist in the Japanese writing system, highlighted difficulties with representing kanji in computerized formats, which resulted in higher costs for storing data and for word-processing functions.128 American computers had to handle only ninety-five printable characters, whereas Japanese personal computers needed to store six thousand Japanese characters.129 Not only did language differences increase the cost of Japanese computers, but they also prevented Japanese adopters from using off-the-shelf computers from the United States, as these did not support Japanese language functions.

    While particularities of the Japanese language may have initially hindered Japan’s computerization, it is important not to overstate the impact of this language barrier. In a review of this theory, another expert on computational linguistics argued that Unger overemphasized the additional overhead and speed costs associated with Japanese writing systems.130 Moreover, users and companies adapted over time. By the end of the 1980s, advances in processor technology allowed computers to support the greater word-processing demands of Japanese language systems.131 Therefore, during the critical years when the US-Japan computerization gap widened, the impact of the kanji system was less pronounced.

    Summary

    Through much of the late twentieth century, it was only a matter of time until Japan achieved economic preeminence—at least in the eyes of many analysts and scholars. Invoking the assumptions of the LS mechanism, they expected that this economic power transition would be brought about by Japan’s advantages in new sectors such as consumer electronics, semiconductor components, and computer hardware. Today, after Japan’s decade-long slowdown in productivity growth, there is virtually no discussion of it overtaking the United States as the leading economic power.

    Looking back, one might be tempted to conclude that history has vindicated past critics who labeled the claims of Japan’s imminent ascension to technological hegemony as “impressionistic,”132 as well as the retrospective analyses that called out such projections for being “premature.”133

    This chapter’s conclusions suggest a more nuanced interpretation. It is not that the prognoses of LS-based accounts were overeager or overly subjective. The real issue is that they were based on faulty assumptions about the pathway by which technological advances make economic power transitions possible. Indeed, the IR-3 case provides strong negative evidence against the LS mechanism, revealing that the expected outcome of an economic power transition failed to materialize in part because of the US advantage in GPT diffusion. The relative success of the United States in diffusing the trajectory of computerization across many ICT-using sectors, in line with GPT diffusion theory, was due to institutional adaptations to widen the skill base in computer engineering. In sum, the US advantage in GPT diffusion accounts for why the economic power transition expected by the LS account failed to transpire.

    6 A Statistical Analysis of Software Engineering Skill Infrastructure and Computerization

    I HAVE ARGUED that the shape of technological change is an overlooked dimension of the rise and fall of great powers. Most researchers point to various institutions to explain why some countries experience more scientific and technological progress than others. A central insight of this book is that the institutional factors most relevant for technological leadership depend on whether key technological trajectories map onto GPT diffusion or LS product cycles. GPT diffusion theory posits that great powers with better GPT skill infrastructure, defined as the ability to broaden the engineering skills and knowledge linked to a GPT, will more effectively adapt to technological revolutions.

    This chapter evaluates a key observable implication of GPT diffusion theory. The expectation is that where there is a wider pool of institutions that can train engineering talent related to a GPT, there will be more intensive rates of GPT diffusion. Using data on computerization and a novel approach to estimate the number of universities that provide quality software engineering education in a country, this chapter first tests the theorized connection between GPT skill infrastructure and GPT adoption on time-series cross-sectional data for 19 advanced and emerging economies from 1995 to 2020. I supplement this panel analysis with two additional tests: a duration model of the speed by which 76 countries achieved a certain computerization threshold, as well as a cross-sectional regression of data on 127 countries averaged over the 1995–2020 period. While the historical case studies verified this relationship among great powers, large-n quantitative analysis allows us to explore how GPT diffusion applies beyond the chosen case studies.

    To preview the findings, the evidence in this chapter backs GPT diffusion theory. Countries better positioned to widen their base of software engineering skills preside over higher rates of computer adoption. This relationship holds even when accounting for other factors that could affect computerization and different specifications of the independent and dependent variables. This chapter proceeds by operationalizing computerization rates and skill infrastructure in software engineering and then statistically testing the relationship between the two variables.

    Operationalizing the Independent Variable: GPT Skill Infrastructure in Software Engineering

    My key independent variable is skill infrastructure connected to computerization. The computer, a prototypical GPT, represents a natural choice for this type of inquiry, as engineering education data for many past GPTs is nonexistent for many countries.1 Plus, enough time has passed for us to see the effects of computerization. The statistical analysis focuses on the effects of skill formation institutions in software engineering, the computer science discipline tasked with training generalists in computing technology.2 Concretely, this chapter’s measure of GPT skill infrastructure captures the breadth of a country’s pool of software engineering skills and knowledge.

    Efforts to measure the GPT skill infrastructure in software engineering face three challenges. First, standardized measures of human capital in computer science across countries are not available. The UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS) collects internationally comparable data on technicians and researchers in various fields, but this dataset does not include information specific to computer science and has limited temporal coverage.3 Second, variation across countries in the format of computer science education undercuts some potential benchmarks, such as undergraduate enrollments in computer science programs. In some countries, computer science education is subsumed under a broad engineering category, not recognized as a separate degree course.4 Lastly, comparisons of computer science education struggle to account for the quality of such training. International rankings of universities for computer science garner media coverage, but they rely on subjective survey responses about reputation and largely concentrate on elite programs.5

    To the extent possible, my measure of GPT skill infrastructure addresses these obstacles. The goal is to operationalize engineering-oriented computer science education in a way that can be standardized across countries and accounts for differences in the format and quality of computer science education. My novel approach estimates the number of universities in each country that can be reasonably expected to provide a baseline quality of software engineering education. To establish this baseline in each country, I count the number of universities that employ at least one researcher who has published in a venue indexed by the Web of Science (WoS) Core Collection’s category on “Computer Science, Software Engineering.” In this category, the WoS citation database extends back to 1954 and allows for reliable cross-country comparisons based on institutional affiliations for published papers and conference proceedings.6 This approach is also insulated from distinctions related to whether certain degrees count as “computer science” programs or as “general engineering” courses. A particular university’s naming scheme has no bearing; as long as an institution retains at least one researcher who has published in the software engineering field, it counts in the GPT skill infrastructure measure.

    To gather data on the number of universities that contribute to software engineering skill formation around the world, I analyze 467,198 papers from the WoS Core Collection’s “Computer Science, Software Engineering” category published between the years 1995 and 2020. I use the Bibliometrix open-source software to derive institutional and country affiliations from this corpus.7 Specifically, I collect the university and country affiliations for the corresponding authors of all 467,198 publications. For each country, I count the number of distinct university affiliations. Hypothetically, if country X’s researchers were all concentrated at a single center of excellence, it could boast more researchers represented in the corpus than country Y but still score lower on my metric. For making comparisons across countries, the number of distinct university affiliations is a better indicator of a country’s access to a broad pool of training institutions for software engineering, which is central to GPT skill infrastructure.

    FIGURE 6.1. Software Engineering Skill Infrastructure by Country (2007). Source: Author’s calculations based on Web of Science Core Collection database.

    I estimate a country’s GPT skill infrastructure in a particular year by averaging its score on this metric in that year along with its scores in the two previous years. This step provides checks against the risk that developments specific to a particular year—a conference cancellation, for example—may muddle the measure. To illustrate country distributions on this metric, figure 6.1 depicts the number of universities that meet my baseline for software engineering skill formation in G20 countries for one of the middle years in the dataset.

    As with all bibliometric research, given the bias toward English-language papers in publication datasets, this method could undercount publications from non-English-speaking countries.8 Fortunately, this linguistic bias found in social science papers is less pronounced in engineering and mathematics papers, which comprise my dataset.9 Another factor that mitigates this bias is the very low standard for quality engineering education. Even if an institution’s researchers publish a substantial portion of their writings in a non-English language, as long as just one publication landed in the WoS “Computer Science, Software Engineering” category, that institution would still count in my definition of GPT skill infrastructure.

    I considered other measures of software engineering skills, but none were suitable for this type of analysis. Data on the number of full-time equivalent telecommunication employees, collected by the ITU, shed some light on the distribution of ICT skills in various economies. Concretely, this indicator captures the total number of people employed by telecommunication operators for the provision of fixed-telephone, mobile-cellular, and internet and data services.10 The rationale is that the number of employees in this critical ICT services industry represents the broader pool of software engineering talent in a country. However, since this measure is biased toward specialists who develop and install computer technologies and other ICTs, it overlooks many engineers who intensively use ICTs in their work, even if they are not involved in developing software and computing tools.11

    The time coverage of other measures was limited. For instance, the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) database on ICT skills like programming or coding in digital environments only goes back to 2019.12 In its Global Competitiveness Index, the World Economic Forum surveys business executives on the digital skills of their country’s population, but this data series starts in 2017.13

    Operationalizing the Dependent Variable: Computerization Rates

    Divergences among nations in scientific and technological capabilities have attracted a wide range of scholarship. While my focus is on the overall adoption rate of GPTs within economies, many scholars and government bodies have made significant contributions to quantifying national rates of innovation, often based on patenting activity, publications, and R&D investments.14 Cross-national data on the diffusion of specific technologies, by comparison, has been sparse.15 The Cross-country Historical Adoption of Technology (CHAT) dataset, which documents the intensity with which countries around the world use fifteen historically significant technologies, has helped address this deficiency.16 Other studies of cross-national technology adoption gaps quantify the diffusion of the internet and government uses of information technology.17

    My primary measure of computerization is the proportion of households with a computer. These data are sourced from the International Telecommunication Union’s World Telecommunication/ICT Indicators (WTI) database.18 In this dataset, access to a computer includes use of both desktop and portable computers but excludes devices with some computing ability, such as TV sets and mobile phones.19 By estimating the number of households in a country with access to a computer, this measure elucidates cross-country differences in the intensity of computerization. Though observations for some countries start in 1984, there is limited coverage before 1995, which serves as the initial year for the data collection effort detailed in this chapter.

    After the ITU was tasked with supplying indicators for access to ICTs around the world—a crucial target of the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals (MDG) adopted in 2000—the agency started to track the number of personal computers by country.20 The ITU produces computer usage figures through two methods. First, when available, survey data from national and supranational statistical offices (such as Eurostat) are used. Though the MDG initiative has encouraged national statistical offices to help the ITU in monitoring ICT access, data coverage is still incomplete. If data on the number of households with a computer are unavailable for a country in one year, the ITU makes an estimate based on computer sales and import figures, adjusted to incorporate the average life of a computer as well as other related indicators, such as the number of computer users. For example, the computer usage indicator for Latvia comes from Eurostat in 2013, an ITU estimate in 2014, and the Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia in 2015.

    Despite its limitations, I prefer the ITU’s computerization indicator over alternative measures. Francesco Caselli and Wilbur John Coleman examine the determinants of computer adoption across a large sample of countries between 1970 and 1990. To estimate the intensive margin of diffusion, they use the value of a country’s computing equipment imports per worker as a proxy for its computer investment per worker.21 However, imports do not account for a country’s computer investments sourced from a domestic computer industry; this is an issue that becomes more salient in the later years of the dataset.22

    A more optimal indicator would estimate computer access and usage among businesses, since such economic activity is more likely to produce productivity improvements than household use. I examined a few alternatives. The CHAT dataset employs the number of personal computers per capita, which is one of three measures highlighted by the authors as conveying information on GPTs.23 However, this indicator still does not capture the degree of computerization in productive processes, as opposed to personal use, and has limited temporal coverage compared to the ITU’s household computerization measure.24 The OECD collects some data on ICT access and usage by businesses, but this effort did not start until 2005 and covers only OECD countries.25

    Fortunately, it stands to reason that a country’s household computer adoption can serve as a proxy for its computerization rates in business activities. In the appendix, I provide further support for this claim. Comparing the available data on household and business computerization for twenty-six countries between 2005 and 2014, I find a strong correlation between these two variables (correlation coefficient = 0.8).26

    Summary of Main Model Specifications

    To review, this chapter tests whether GPTs diffuse more intensively and quickly in countries that have institutional advantages in widening the pool of relevant engineering skills and knowledge. The first hypothesis reads as follows:

    H1: Countries with higher levels of GPT skill infrastructure in software engineering will sustain more intensive computerization rates.

    With country-years as the unit of analysis, I estimate time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) models of nineteen countries over twenty-six years. Quantitative analysis permits an expansion of scope beyond the great powers covered in the case studies. As outlined in the theory chapter, differences in GPT skill infrastructure are most relevant for economies that possess the absorptive capacity to assimilate new breakthroughs from the global technological frontier.27 Since less-developed economies are often still striving to build the baseline physical infrastructure and knowledge context to access the technological frontier, variation in GPT skill infrastructure among these countries is less salient. Thus, I limit the sample to nineteen G20 countries (the excluded member is the European Union), which represent most of the world’s major industrialized and emerging economies.

    Before constructing TSCS regressions, I first probe the relationship between GPT skill infrastructure in software engineering and computerization rates. Prior to the inclusion of any control variables, I plot the independent and dependent variable in aggregate to gauge whether the hypothesized effect of GPT skill infrastructure is plausible. The resulting bivariate plot suggests that there could be a strong, positive relationship between these two variables (figure 6.2).28

    The basic trend in figure 6.2 provides evidence for the contention that countries better equipped with computer science skill infrastructure experience higher rates of computerization. Although these preliminary results point to a strong relationship between these two variables, further tests are needed to rule out unseen confounders that could create spurious correlations and influence the strength of this relationship. TSCS regression analysis facilitates a deeper investigation of the relationship between GPT skill infrastructure and computerization.

    FIGURE 6.2. Software Engineering Skill Infrastructure and Computerization. Source: Author’s calculations, available at Harvard Dataverse: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/DV6FYS.

    To control for factors that could distort the relationship between computer-related skill infrastructure and computerization, I incorporate a number of control variables in the baseline model. Rich countries may be able to spend more on computer science education; additionally, they also more easily bear the expenses of adopting new technologies, as exemplified by large disparities between developed and developing countries in information technology investment levels.29 The inclusion of GDP per capita in the model accounts for economic development as a possible confounder. I use expenditure-side real GDP at current purchasing power parities (PPPs), which is best suited to comparing relative living standards across countries. A country’s total population, another control variable, addresses the possibility that larger countries may be more likely to benefit from network effects and economies of scale, which have been positively linked to technology adoption.30 I also include the polity score for regime type. Research suggests that democratic governments provide more favorable environments for technology diffusion, and studies have confirmed this connection in the specific context of internet technologies.31

    Finally, the baseline model includes two control variables that represent alternative theories of how technological changes differentially advantage advanced economies. First, I include military spending as a proportion of GDP in the regressions. The case studies have interrogated the influential view that military procurement is an essential stimulus for GPT adoption.32 By examining the relationship between military spending and computerization across a large sample of countries, the statistical analysis provides another test of this argument. Moreover, the varieties of capitalism (VoC) scholarship suggests that liberal market economies (LMEs) are especially suited to form the general skills that could aid GPT adoption across sectors. Therefore, the baseline model also controls for whether a country is designated as an LME according to the VoC typology.33

    In terms of model specification, I employ panel-corrected standard errors with a correction for autocorrelation, a typical method for analyzing TSCS data.34 Given the presence of both autocorrelation and heteroskedasticity, I estimate linear models on panel data structures using a two-step Prais-Winsten feasible generalized least squares procedure.35

    Time-Series Cross-Sectional Results

    Table 6.1 gives the results of the three initial models, which provide further support for the theoretical expectations.36 Model 1 incorporates controls that relate to economic size and level of development. Model 2 adds a control variable for regime type. Lastly, model 3 includes a variable that represents a prominent alternative theory for how technological breakthroughs can differentially advantage certain economies. This also functions as the baseline model. In all three models, the coefficient on the GPT skill infrastructure measure is positive and highly statistically significant (p < .05).

    Table 6.1 Results of Time-Series Cross-Sectional Models

    Dependent Variable
    Computerization
    (1)(2)(3)
    GPT skill infrastructure3.760**4.064***4.227**
    (1.643)(1.676)(1.666)
    GDP per capita29.754***29.319***29.435***
    (3.760)(3.737)(3.789)
    Total population6.969***7.046***6.781***
    (1.625)(1.654)(1.549)
    Polity score−0.456−0.472*
    (0.295)(0.277)
    Military spending−0.940
    (2.413)
    Liberal market economy−2.194
    (3.961)
    Constant−374.599***−368.051***−361.885***
    (60.452)(61.173)(58.374)
    Observations383370370
    Note: Standard errors in parentheses.
    *p < .10; **p < .05; ***p < .01

    The effect of GPT skill infrastructure on GPT adoption is also substantively significant. Given the coefficient of the GPT skill infrastructure measure in the baseline model,37 a 1 percent increase in the universities per 100,000 people that provide software engineering education results in an increase of the computerization rate by 0.042 percentage points.38 Though the substantive effect seems small at first glance, its magnitude becomes clear when contextualized by differences in GPT skill infrastructure across the sample. For example, in China over this time period, the average number of universities per 100,000 people that met my baseline for GPT skill infrastructure was 0.040. The corresponding figure for the United States was 0.248. According to the coefficient estimate for GPT skill infrastructure, this difference of 520 percent corresponds to a difference of nearly 22 percentage point units in the computerization rate.

    It should be noted that only two control variables, economic development and population, came in as statistically significant in the baseline model. As expected, wealthier countries and more populous countries presided over more intensive adoption of computing technologies. The null result for regime type is worth highlighting, as the effects of democracy on technology adoption are disputed.39 Finally, contrary to the expectations of competing explanations to GPT diffusion theory, the effects of military spending and VoC are insignificant. This is consistent with the findings from the historical case studies.

    Quantitative appendix table 1 displays the results after incorporation of three additional controls. First, trade linkages expose countries to advanced techniques and new ideas, opening the door to technology diffusion. A high level of trade openness has been associated with more intensive adoption of information technologies.40 Relatedly, there is evidence that a country’s openness to international trade has a positive and sizable effect on various measures of innovation, including high-technology exports, scientific publications, and patents.41 Second, higher urban density has been linked to faster diffusion of technologies such as the television and the internet.42 Model 8 incorporates a trade openness variable and an urbanization variable.

    Third, patterns at the regional level could shape how computerization spreads around the world. Scholars have identified such regional effects on the diffusion of ideas, policies, and technologies.43 In model 9, I assess spatial dynamics with dummy variables for the following regions: East Asia and Pacific; Europe and Central Asia; Latin America and Caribbean; the Middle East and North Africa; North America; South Asia; and sub-Saharan Africa.44 The positive effect of GPT skill infrastructure on computerization stays strong and highly statistically significant across these two models.

    To ensure that the results were not determined by my choice of independent variable, I constructed an alternative specification of GPT skill infrastructure. Reanalyzing data on 467,198 software engineering publications, I counted the number of distinct authors for each country, as a proxy for the breadth of researchers who could foster human capital in software engineering. Though I still maintain that the primary specification best captures software engineering skill infrastructure, this alternative construction guards against possible issues with institution-based indicators, such as problems with institutional disambiguation and nonstandardized author affiliations.45 With this alternative specification, the estimated effect of GPT skill infrastructure on computerization remains positive and significant for the baseline model as well as for models with additional controls.46

    Duration Analysis

    When it comes to whether great powers can harness the potential of GPTs for productivity growth, the speed of adoption—not just the intensity of adoption—is pertinent. In the historical case studies, technological leaders adapted more quickly to industrial revolutions because of their investments in widening the base of engineering knowledge and skills associated with GPTs. This leads to the second hypothesis.

    H2: Countries with higher levels of GPT skill infrastructure in software engineering will experience faster levels of computer adoption.

    In testing this hypothesis, the dependent variable shifts to the amount of time it takes for a country to reach a particular computerization rate. A critical step is to establish both the specific computerization rate that constitutes successful “adoption” of computers as well as when the process of diffusion begins. Regarding the former, I count the “first adoption” of computerization as when the proportion of households with a computer in a country reaches 25 percent. This approach is in line with Everett Rogers’s seminal work on the S-shaped curve for successful diffusion of an innovation, which typically takes off once the innovation reaches a 10 to 25 percent adoption rate.47 For the duration analysis, since many of the countries enter the dataset with levels of computer adoption higher than 10 percent, the 25 percent level threshold is more suitable.48

    I take 1995 as the starting point for the diffusion of computers as a GPT. Though an earlier date may be more historically precise, the 1995 date is more appropriate for modeling purposes, as the data on computerization rates for countries before this time are sparse. In a few cases, a country clearly achieved the 25 percent computerization threshold before 1995.49 As a practical measure to estimate the duration models, I assume that the time it took for these countries to adopt computers was one year. Right-censoring occurs with the last year of data, 2020, as many countries still had not reached the 25 percent computerization rate.

    Using these data, I employ a Cox proportional hazards model to estimate the time it takes for countries to reach a 25 percent computerization rate based on the start date of 1995. Often used by political scientists to study conflict duration or the survival of peace agreements, duration models are also commonly used to investigate the diffusion of new technologies and to determine why some firms take longer to adopt a certain technology than others.50 Freed from the demands of TSCS analysis for yearly data, the duration analysis expands the county coverage, incorporating all upper-middle-income economies or high-income economies, based on the World Bank’s income group classifications.51 The resulting sample, which excludes countries that never attained the 25 percent computerization threshold, includes seventy-six countries.

    Table 6.2 reports the estimated coefficients from the duration analysis. Positive coefficients match with a greater likelihood of reaching the computerization threshold. I use the same explanatory variable and controls as the baseline model from the TSCS analysis. These variables all enter the model with their measures in 1995. Model 4a takes the 25 percent computerization rate as the adoption threshold, while model 4b adjusts it to 20 percent to ensure that this designation is not driving results.

    Table 6.2  Time to Computerization by Country

    Dependent Variable
    25% Threshold(4a)20% Threshold(4b)
    GPT skill infrastructure0.673***0.517***
    (0.137)(0.119)
    GDP per capita1.186***1.110***
    (0.335)(0.288)
    Total population0.1270.062
    (0.085)(0.074)
    Polity score0.0220.024
    (0.025)(0.023)
    Military spending0.017−0.042
    (0.218)(0.198)
    Liberal market economy0.7600.785
    (0.503)(0.493)
    N (number of events)76 (74)83 (83)
    Likelihood ratio test (df = 6)112.9***111.2***
    Note: Standard errors in parentheses.
    *p < .10; **p < .05; ***p < .01

    As the models demonstrate, the effect of GPT skill infrastructure on the speed by which countries achieve computerization is positive and highly statistically significant, providing support for hypothesis 2. Based on model 4a’s hazard ratio for the independent variable (1.96) for a given year, a tenfold increase in software engineering university density doubles the chances of a country reaching the computerization threshold.52 These results hold up after introducing additional control variables (quantitative appendix table 3).53

    A Cross-Sectional Approach: Averages across the 1995–2020 Period

    As an additional check, I collapse the panel dataset into cross-sectional averages of GPT skill infrastructure and computerization over the 1995–2020 period in a large sample of countries. In certain aspects, cross-sectional evidence could be more appropriate for comprehending the impact of features, like skill formation institutions, that are difficult to capture in yearly intervals because they change gradually.54 This approach allows for more countries to be included, as the yearly data necessary for TSCS analysis were unavailable for many countries. Limiting the sample based on the same scope conditions as the duration analysis leaves 127 countries.

    I also include the same set of controls used in the previous analyses of the panel data: GDP per capitatotal populationregime typemilitary spending, and liberal market economies. I employ ordinary least squares (OLS) regression to estimate the model. Since both a scale-location plot and a Breausch-Pagan test demonstrate that heteroskedasticity is not present in the data, it is appropriate to use an OLS regression estimator with normal standard errors.

    The results of the regression analysis provide further support for the theoretical expectations. To recap, the independent variable is the estimated average skill infrastructure for software engineering between 1995 and 2020, and the dependent variable is the average computerization rate during the same period. Since analyzing bibliographic information on yearly software engineering publications for 127 countries is a demanding exercise, I estimated the average number of universities that nurture software engineering skills based on publications for the two middle years (2007, 2008) in the dataset, instead of deriving this average based on publication data across the entire time range.55 Table 6.3 displays the results, with the incremental inclusion of control variables, also averaged over the period 1995–2020, across three models.56 The coefficient on the GPT skill infrastructure measure remains positive and highly statistically significant across all three models (p < .01).

    Table 6.3 GPT Skill Infrastructure Predicts More Computerization

    Dependent Variable
    Computerization
    (5)(6)(7)
    GPT skill infrastructure3.211***3.737***3.761***
    (0.528)(0.609)(0.649)
    GDP per capita16.617***15.536***14.977***
    (1.564)(1.723)(1.812)
    Total population−1.647***−0.739−0.831*
    (0.440)(0.485)(0.500)
    Polity score−0.066−0.070
    (0.147)(0.180)
    Military spending0.577
    (1.604)
    Liberal market economy5.017
    (4.269)
    Constant−83.099***−86.165***−79.773***
    (20.577)(22.316)(23.636)
    Observations127112110
    R20.8120.8330.834
    Note: Standard errors in parentheses.
    *p < .10; **p < .05; ***p < .01

    I perform several additional tests to confirm the robustness of the results. I first include the same additional controls used in the preceding TSCS analysis. Quantitative appendix table 4 shows that the main findings are supported. One limitation of models that rely on cross-sectional averages is endogeneity arising from reverse causality. In other words, if greater diffusion of computers throughout the economy spurs more investment in institutions that broaden the pool of software engineers, then this could confound the baseline model’s estimates. To account for this possibility, in model 16 in quantitative appendix table 5, I operationalize GPT skill infrastructure using the estimate for the year 1995, the start of the period, instead of its average level over the 1995–2020 period.57 Thus, this model captures the impact of GPT skill infrastructure in 1995 on how computerization progressed over the remaining sample years.58 The effect remains positive and statistically significant.

    While this chapter’s primary aim is to investigate empirical patterns expected by GPT diffusion theory, the quantitative analysis can also probe whether computerization is positively influenced by institutions that complement LS product cycles. To that end, I add a control variable that stands in for the institutional competencies prioritized by the LS model.59 Measures of computer exports and ICT patents serve as two ways to capture a country’s ability to generate novel innovations in the computer industry.60 In the resulting analysis, the LS-linked variables do not register as statistically significant.61

    These results should be interpreted with care. In many cases, measures of institutional capacity to build a strong, innovative computer sector may be highly correlated with measures of GPT skill infrastructure. Because the statistical approach struggles to differentiate between the causal processes that connect these two features and computerization, the historical case studies take on the main burden of comparing the GPT diffusion and LS mechanisms against each other. Still, the inclusion of variables linked with the LS mechanism does suggest that, in the context of computerization, there is ineffectual evidence that the presence of a strong leading sector spills over into other sectors and generates multiplier effects—a key observable implication of LS accounts.62 Additionally, these models drive home the importance of differentiating between institutions linked to innovative activities (in the sense of introducing new products and processes) and engineering-oriented institutions, like GPT skill infrastructure, which are more connected to adoptive activities.63

    Summary

    Using a variety of statistical methods, this chapter tested the expectation that countries better equipped to widen the base of engineering talent in a GPT will be more successful at diffusing that GPT throughout their economies. The combination of TSCS models, duration analysis, and cross-sectional regressions lends credence to the strength of the relationship between GPT skill infrastructure and computerization. The results hold across a range of additional tests and robustness checks.

    There are two major limitations to this chapter’s approach. First, the statistical analysis should be interpreted mainly as an independent evaluation of GPT diffusion theory, not as an additional comparison between GPT diffusion theory and the causal pathway linked to LS product cycles. In the large-scale statistical analysis, indicators linked with the LS mechanism can also be associated with higher computerization rates, making it difficult to weigh the two explanations against each other. The rich historical detail in the case studies therefore provides the prime ground for tracing causal mechanisms.

    Second, this chapter evaluates only one aspect of GPT skill infrastructure. A more comprehensive assessment would include not just the capacity to widen the pool of software engineering talent, which was the independent variable in this analysis, but also the strength of information flows between the GPT sector and application sectors. For instance, in the IR-2 case, both the United States and Germany trained large numbers of mechanical engineers, but American technological institutes placed more emphasis on practical training and shop experience, which strengthened connections between the US mechanical engineering education system and industrial application sectors. Building on data collection efforts that are starting to measure these types of linkages, such as the proportion of publications in a technological domain that involve industry-academia collaborations, future research should conduct a more complete assessment of GPT skill infrastructure.64

    Notwithstanding these limitations, the quantitative analysis backs a key observable implication of GPT diffusion theory: advanced economies’ level of GPT skill infrastructure is strongly linked to GPT adoption rates. Not only does this provide some initial support for the generalizability of this book’s central argument beyond just great powers, but it also gives further credibility to GPT diffusion theory’s relevance to US-China competition today.

    7 US-China Competition in AI and the Fourth Industrial Revolution

    THE FIRST MACHINE to defeat a human Go champion; powerful language models that can understand and generate humanlike text; a computer program that can predict protein structures and enable faster drug discovery—these are just a few of the newest discoveries in AI that have led some to declare the arrival of a Fourth Industrial Revolution (IR-4).1 As for the latest geopolitical trends, China’s rise has been the dominant story of this century as national security establishments grapple with the return of great power competition. Located squarely at the intersection of these two currents, the US-China technological rivalry has become an inescapable topic of debate among those interested in the future of power—and the future itself.

    Who will lead the way in the Fourth Industrial Revolution? To answer this question, leading thinkers and policymakers in the United States and China are both drawing lessons from past technology-driven power transitions to grapple with the present landscape. Unfortunately, as this chapter argues, they have learned the wrong lessons. Specifically, the leading-sector perspective holds undue influence over thinking about the relationship between technological change and the possibility of a US-China power transition. Yet careful tracing of historical cases and statistical analysis have revealed that the GPT mechanism provides a better model for how industrial revolutions generate the potential for a power transition. When applied to the IR-4 and the evolving US-China power relationship, GPT diffusion theory produces different insights into the effects of the technological breakthroughs of today on the US-China power balance, as well as on the optimal strategies for the United States and China to pursue.

    This chapter sketches out the potential impacts of today’s emerging technologies on the US-China power balance. I first describe the current productivity gap between the United States and China, with particular attention to concerns that the size of this gap invalidates analogies to previous rising powers. Next, I review the array of technologies that have drawn consideration as the next GPT or next LS. Acknowledging the speculative nature of technological forecasting, I narrow my focus to developments in AI because of its potential to revitalize growth in ICT industries and transform the development trajectories of other enabling technologies.

    The essence of this chapter is a comparison of the implications of the LS and GPT mechanisms for how advances in AI will affect a possible US-China economic power transition. In contrast to prevailing opinion, which hews closely to the LS template, GPT diffusion theory suggests that the effects of AI on China’s rise will materialize through the widespread adoption of AI across many sectors in a decades-long process. The institutional factors most pertinent to whether the United States or China will more successfully benefit from AI advances are related to widening the base of AI-related engineering skills and knowledge. I also spell out how the implications of GPT diffusion theory for the US-China power balance differ from those derived from alternative explanations.

    The objective here is not to debate whether China will or will not catch up to the United States, or whether technological capabilities are more significant than all other considerations that could affect China’s long-term economic growth. Rather, this chapter probes a more limited set of questions: If emerging technologies were to significantly influence the US-China economic power balance, how would this occur? Which country is better positioned to take advantage of the Fourth Industrial Revolution? What would be the key institutional adaptations to track?2

    A Power Transition in Progress?

    Over the past four decades, there has been no greater shift in the global economic balance than China’s rise. China is either already the world’s largest economy, if measured by purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rates, or is projected to soon overtake the United States, based on nominal exchange rates.3 China’s impressive economic growth has led many to proclaim that the era of US hegemony is over.4

    Economic size puts China in contention with the United States as a great power competitor, but China’s economic efficiency will determine whether a power transition occurs. Countries like Switzerland outpace the United States on some measures of economic efficiency, but they lack the economic size to contend. Other rising powers, such as India, boast large economies but lag far behind in economic efficiency. Mike Beckley concludes: “If the United States faces a peer competitor in the twenty-first century … it will surely be China.”5 For this conditional to be true, China’s productivity growth is critical.6 This is not the first time in history that China has boasted the world’s largest economy; after all, it held that distinction even as Britain was taking over economic leadership on the back of the First Industrial Revolution.

    Where does China currently stand in comparison to the productivity frontier? Based on 2018 figures, China’s real GDP per capita (at 2010 PPPs) is about 30 percent that of the United States.7 From 2000 to 2017, China’s total factor productivity (TFP) never surpassed 43 percent of US TFP (figure 7.1).8 In 2015, labor productivity in China remained at only 30 percent of that in the United States, though this figure had doubled over the past two decades.9

    These numbers suggest that China sits much further from the productivity frontier than past rising powers. If the US-China power relationship is fundamentally different from those in previous eras, the relevance of conclusions from previous cases could be limited.10 For instance, in the early years of the IR-1, Britain was only slightly behind the Netherlands, the productivity leader at the time. The United Kingdom’s GDP per capita was 80 percent of Dutch GDP per capita in 1800.11 Similarly, at the beginning of the IR-2, the United States trailed Britain in productivity by a small margin. In 1870, labor productivity and TFP in the United States were 90 percent and 95 percent, respectively, of labor productivity and TFP in Britain.12 During the 1870s, average GDP per capita in the United Kingdom was about 15 percent higher than average GDP per capita in the States.13

    FIGURE 7.1. US-China Productivity Gap (2000–2017). Source: Penn World Table version 9.1; Feenstra, Inklaar, and Timmer 2015.

    Still, that China could surpass the United States in productivity leadership is not outside the realm of possibility.14 The IR-3 case is a better comparison point for the current productivity gap between the United States and China. In 1960, the start of the IR-3 case, Japanese GDP per capita was 35 percent of US GDP.15 At the time, Japan’s TFP was 63 percent of US TFP, and Japan’s labor productivity was only 23 percent of US labor productivity, a lower proportion than the China-US ratio at present.16 Despite the initial chasm, the TFP gap between the United States and Japan narrowed to only 5 percent in 1991.17

    Indeed, productivity growth is crucial for China to sustain its economic rise in the long term. For the 1978–2007 period, Xiaodong Zhu decomposed the sources of China’s economic growth into labor deepening, human capital, capital deepening, and total factor productivity growth. He found that growth in TFP accounted for 78 percent of China’s growth in GDP per capita.18 The burden on TFP improvements will only increase, given the diminishing impact of other drivers of China’s growth miracle, such as urbanization and demographic dividends.19

    Whether China can sustain productivity growth is an open question. Plagued by inefficient infrastructure outlays, China’s aggregate TFP growth declined from 2.8 percent in the decade before the global financial crisis to 0.7 percent in the decade after (2009–2018).20 If calculated using alternative estimates of GDP growth, China’s TFP growth was actually negative from 2010 to 2017, averaging −0.5 percent.21 This productivity slowdown is not unique to China. Even before the 2008 global financial crisis, there was a slowdown in TFP growth among advanced economies due to waning effects from the information and communications technologies (ICTs) boom.22 China’s labor productivity growth also decelerated from 8.1 percent in 2000–2007 to 4.2 percent in 2011–2019, but the later period’s slowed growth rate was still six times greater than the US labor productivity growth rate in the same period.23

    Adaptation to technological advances will be central to China’s prospects of maintaining high rates of productivity growth. China’s leaders worry about getting stuck in the “middle-income trap,” a situation in which an economy is unable to advance to high-income status after it exhausts export-driven, low-cost manufacturing advantages. Many studies have stressed the linkage between China’s capacity to develop and absorb emerging technologies and its prospects for escaping the middle-income trap.24 The Chinese government also increasingly pushes the development and adoption of information technology and other cutting-edge technologies as a way to increase TFP.25 Thus, tracking China’s future productivity growth necessitates a better understanding of specific technological trajectories in the current period.

    Key Technological Changes in the IR-4

    ICTs, the key technological drivers of the IR-3, are still at the heart of the IR-4. From visionaries and daydreamers to economists and technology forecasters, there is a wide-ranging consensus that AI will breathe new life into the spread of digitization. The World Economic Forum calls AI the “engine that drives the Fourth Industrial Revolution.”26 Kai-Fu Lee, the former head of Google China, boldly asserts, “The AI revolution will be on the scale of the Industrial Revolution but probably larger and definitely faster.”27 To further explore AI’s role in the IR-4, I examine this technological domain as a source of both GPT and LS trajectories.

    Candidate Leading Sectors

    LS accounts forecast that in future waves of technological change ICTs will continue to drive economic transformation. According to one analysis of US-China technological rivalry in the twenty-first century, ICTs are “widely regarded as the current leading sector.”28 I reviewed five key texts that predicted future leading sectors, all written by scholars who study historical cycles of technological change and global leadership transitions.29 These forecasts also highlight other candidate leading sectors, including lasers and new sources of energy, but they converge on ICTs as the leading sector of the next wave of technological disruption.

    Informed by the LS model, AI’s effects on global technological competition are often framed through its potential to open up new opportunities for latecomers to catch up and leapfrog advanced countries in key segments like AI chips. China’s national AI development plan outlines its ambition to become the world’s leading center of innovation in AI by 2030.30 Scholars analyze China’s capacity to develop global intellectual monopolies in certain AI applications and enhance independent innovation in AI so as to guard against other countries leveraging weaponized interdependence.31 Descriptions of China’s AI strategy as aimed toward seizing “the commanding heights” of next-generation technologies reflect the belief that competition in AI will be over global market shares in strategic sectors.32

    Candidate GPTs

    Among the possible GPTs that could significantly impact a US-China economic power transition, AI stands out. Like the literature on leading sectors, the GPT literature also converges on ICTs as a continued driver of technological revolution. Kenneth Carlaw, Richard Lipsey, and Ryan Webb, three pioneers of GPT-based analysis, identify programmable computing networks as the basic GPT that is driving the modern ICT revolution.33 Crucially, AI could open up a new trajectory for this ICT revolution. Recent breakthroughs in deep learning have improved the ability of machines to learn from data in fundamental ways that can apply across hundreds of domains, including medicine, transportation, and other candidate GPTs like biotechnology and robotics. This is why AI is often called the “new electricity”—a comparison to the prototypical GPT. Economists regard it as the “next GPT”34 and “the most important general-purpose technology of our era.”35

    Several studies have found evidence for a GPT trajectory in AI. One study, using a novel dataset of preprint papers, finds that articles on deep learning conform with a GPT trajectory.36 Using patent data from 2005 to 2010 to construct a three-dimensional indicator for the GPT-ness of a technology, Petralia ranks technological classes based on their GPT potential.37 His analysis finds that image analysis, a field that is closely tied to recent advances in deep learning and AI, ranks among the top technological classes in terms of GPT-ness.38 Another effort employs online job posting data to differentiate among the GPT-ness of various technological domains, finding that machine learning technologies are more likely to be GPTs than other technologies such as blockchain, nanotechnology, and 3D printing.39

    To be sure, forecasts of future GPTs call attention to other technological trends as well. Other studies have verified the GPT potential of biotechnology.40 Robotics, another candidate GPT for the IR-4, could underpin “the next production system” that will boost economy-wide productivity, succeeding the previous one driven by information technology.41 While my primary reasons for limiting my analysis to AI are based on space constraints as well as on its prominence in the surrounding literature, it is also important to note that developments in both biotechnology and robotics are becoming increasingly dependent on advances in deep learning and big data.42

    The Limits of Technological Foresight

    Unlike exercises to pinpoint key technologies of previous industrial revolutions, which benefited from hindsight, identifying technological drivers in the IR-4 is a more speculative exercise. It is difficult to find true promise amid the hype. The task is made harder by the fact that even experts and technological forecasting bodies regularly miss the next big thing. In 1945, a team led by Dr. Theodore von Kármán, an eminent aerospace engineer, published Toward New Horizons, a thirty-two-volume text about the future of aviation. The study failed to foresee major new horizons such as the first human in space, intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), and solid-state electronics—all of which emerged within fifteen years.43 In the early 1990s, the US Army conducted a technology forecast assessment to identify the technologies most likely to transform ground warfare in the next century. When the forecast was evaluated in 2008 by the Army’s senior scientists and engineers, it graded out at a “C.” Among its most significant misses was the development of the internet.44

    I am no Cassandra. It is very possible that if I were writing this book in 2000, this chapter would focus on the promise of nanotechnology, not AI. At that time, President Bill Clinton had just unveiled the National Nanotechnology Initiative. In a 2003 speech, Philip J. Bond, the undersecretary for technology at the Department of Commerce at the time, declared:

    Nano’s potential rises to near Biblical proportions. It is not inconceivable that these technologies could eventually achieve the truly miraculous: enabling the blind to see, the lame to walk, and the deaf to hear; curing AIDS, cancer, diabetes and other afflictions; ending hunger; and even supplementing the power of our minds, enabling us to think great thoughts, create new knowledge, and gain new insights.45

    Decades later, there is a collective exhaustion around the hype surrounding nanotechnology, a phenomenon one scientist calls “nanofatigue.”46

    One lesson that stands out from mapping the technological landscape in past industrial revolutions is that the most significant GPTs of an era often have humble origins. In the IR-2, new innovations in electricity and chemicals garnered the most attention, but America’s economic rise owed more to advances in machine tools that were first introduced decades earlier. In the same way, “old” GPTs like electricity could still shock the world.47 Today there is still a lot of potential for expanded industrial electrification, which could have a major impact on productivity.48 Similarly, high-capacity battery technologies could transform productivity on a broad scale.49 Interestingly, patent data also demonstrate the continued importance of electrical technologies. Among the top ten GPT candidates as ranked by Petralia’s indicator of “GPT-ness,” there were as many technological classes in the electrical and electronic category as there were in the computers and communications category.50

    For my purposes, it is reassuring that developments in AI also draw on a long history. In the United States, the legitimization of AI as an important field of research dates back to the 1960s.51 Thus, though the rest of the chapter takes AI as the most important GPT for the near future, it does so with a humble mindset, acknowledging that looking forward to the future often starts with digging deeper into the past.

    The GPT vs. LS Mechanisms in the IR-4

    There has been no shortage of speculation about whether the United States or China is better fit for the new AI revolution. Each week it seems there is a new development in the “AI arms race” between the two nations.52 Many believe that China is an AI superpower on the verge of overtaking the United States in the key driver of the IR-4.53 As the following sections will show, these discussions tend to follow the LS template in their assumptions about the trajectory of AI development and key institutional adjustments.

    Conversely, GPT diffusion theory provides an alternative model for how AI could affect the US-China power balance, with implications for the optimal institutional adaptations to the AI revolution. I conclude that, if the lessons of past industrial revolutions hold, the key driver of a possible US-China economic power transition will be the relative success of these nations in diffusing AI throughout their economies over many decades. This technological pathway demands institutional adaptations to widen the base of AI engineering skills and knowledge. While recognizing that international competition over AI is still in the early innings, this chapter outlines a preliminary framework for assessing which country’s roster is better equipped for success.

    Impact Timeframe: The Decisive Years in the US-China AI Competition

    If guided by the LS mechanism, one would expect the impacts of AI on US-China power competition to be very significant in the early stages of the technology’s trajectory. Indeed, many prominent voices have articulated this perspective. Consider, for example, a report titled “Is China Beating the US to AI Supremacy?,” authored by Professor Graham Allison, the director of Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and Eric Schmidt, former CEO of Google and cochair of the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence (NSCAI). For Allison and Schmidt, the decisive years in US-China AI competition are just around the corner. Assuming that AI advances will be rapidly adopted across many economic domains, their aim is to “sound an alarm over China’s rapid progress and the current prospect of it overtaking the United States in applying AI in the decade ahead.”54 Shaped by a similar framework, other influential texts also predict that China’s productivity boost from AI will come to fruition in the 2020s.55

    If GPT diffusion theory serves as the basis for analysis, these influential texts severely underestimate the time needed for economic payoffs from AI. Historical patterns of GPT advance have borne out that, even in early adopter countries, it takes at least three or four decades for these fundamental technologies to produce a significant productivity boost.56

    Using this pattern as guidance, we can roughly project AI’s impact timeframe, after establishing an initial emergence date for this GPT. In 2012, the AlexNet submission to ImageNet, a competition that evaluates algorithms on large-scale image classification, is widely recognized as spurring this current, deep learning–based paradigm of AI development.57 If using the metric of when a GPT achieves a 1 percent adoption rate in the median sector, the AI era probably began in the late 2010s.58 As of 2018, according to the most recent census survey on the extent of AI adoption in the US economy, only 2.75 percent of firms in the median sector reported using AI technologies.59 Thus, regardless of which arrival date is used, if AI, like previous GPTs, requires a prolonged period of gestation, substantial productivity payoffs should not materialize until the 2040s and 2050s.60

    Of course, other factors could affect AI’s expected impact timeframe, including the possibility that the general process of technological adoption is accelerating. Some evidence indicates that the waiting time for a significant productivity boost from a new GPT has decreased over time.61 Lee argues that the AI revolution will be faster than previous GPT trajectories owing to the increasingly frictionless distribution of digital algorithms and more mature venture-capital industry.62 Nevertheless, preliminary evidence suggests that AI will face similar implementation lags as previous GPTs, including bottlenecks in access to computing resources, human capital training, and business process transformations.63

    Phase of Relative Advantage: Innovation-centrism and China’s AI Capabilities

    Debates about China’s scientific and technological power reduce complex dynamics to one magic word—“innovation.”64 Whether China can generate novel technologies is often the crux of debates over China’s growing scientific and technological capabilities and a potential US-China power transition.65 For David Rapkin and William Thompson, the prospect of China overtaking the United States as the leading power is dependent on “China’s capacity to innovate”—specifically as it relates to revolutionary technological changes that allow challengers to leapfrog the leader in economic competition.66 “If … China’s innovativeness continues to lag a considerable distance behind that of the US, then China overtaking the US might wait until the twenty-second century,” they posit.67 China’s innovation imperative, as Andrew Kennedy and Darren Lim describe it in language common to LS analysis, is motivated by “monopoly rents generated by new discoveries.”68

    Innovation-centric views of China’s AI capabilities paint an overly optimistic picture of China’s challenge to US technological leadership. Allison and Schmidt’s Belfer Center paper, for instance, emphasizes China’s growing strength in AI-related R&D investments, leading AI start-ups, and valuable internet companies.69 Likewise, the NSCAI’s final report suggests that China is poised to overtake the United States in the capacity to generate new-to-the-world advances in AI, citing shares of top-cited, breakthrough papers in AI and investments in start-ups.70 These evaluations match up with viewpoints that are bullish on China’s overall technological capabilities, which also point to its impressive performance along indicators of innovation capacity, such as R&D expenditures, scientific publications, and patents.71

    Some other comparisons of US and Chinese AI capabilities arrive at the opposite conclusion but still rely on the LS template. For instance, two Oxford scholars, Carl Frey and Michael Osborne, have likened claims that China is on the verge of overtaking the United States in AI to overestimates of Japan’s technological leadership in computers in the 1980s. In their view, just like Japan, China will fail to overtake the United States as the world’s technological leader because of its inability to produce radical innovations in AI. In fact, they claim, the prospects are even bleaker this time around: “China, if anything, looks less likely to overtake the United States in artificial intelligence than Japan looked to dominate in computers in the 1980s.”72

    If analysis of US-China competition in AI was centered on GPT diffusion theory, it would focus more on China’s capacity to widely adopt AI advances. In this scenario, it is neither surprising nor particularly alarming that China, like other great power contenders such as Japan in the IR-3, Germany in the IR-2, and France in the IR-1, contributes to fundamental innovations. No one country will corner all breakthroughs in a GPT like AI. The key point of differentiation will be the ability to adapt and spread AI innovations across a wide array of sectors.

    A diffusion-centric perspective suggests that China is far from being an AI superpower. Trends in ICT adoption reveal a large gap between the United States and China. China ranks eighty-third in the world on the International Telecommunication Union’s ICT development index, a composite measure of a country’s level of networked infrastructure, access to ICTs, and adoption of ICTs.73 By comparison, the United States sits among the world’s leaders at fifteenth. Though China has demonstrated a strong diffusion capacity in consumer-facing ICT applications, such as mobile payments and food delivery, Chinese businesses have been slow to embrace digital transformation.74

    In fact, it is often Chinese scholars and think tanks that acknowledge these deficiencies. According to an Alibaba Research Institute report, China significantly trails the United States in penetration rates of many digital technologies across industrial applications, including digital factories, industrial robots, smart sensors, key industrial software, and cloud computing.75 China also significantly trails the United States in an influential index for adoption of cloud computing, which is essential to implementing AI applications.76 In 2018, US firms averaged a cloud adoption rate of over 85 percent, more than double the comparable rate for Chinese firms.77

    To be fair, China has achieved some success in adopting robots, a key application sector of AI. China leads the world in total installations of industrial robots. Aided by favorable industry composition and demographic conditions, China added 154,000 industrial robots in 2018, which was more than were installed by the United States and Japan combined.78 Based on 2021 data from the International Federation of Robotics, China outpaces the United States in robot density as measured by the number of industrial robots per 10,000 manufacturing employees.79

    However, China’s reputed success in robot adoption warrants further scrutiny. The IFR’s figures for employees in China’s manufacturing sector significantly underestimate China’s actual manufacturing workforce. If these figures are revised to be more in line with those from the International Labor Organization (ILO), China’s robot density would fall to less than 100 robots per 10,000 manufacturing employees, which would be around one-third of the US figure.80 On top of that, talent bottlenecks hamper robot diffusion in China, since skilled technicians are required to reprogram robots for specific applications.81 An unused or ineffective robot counts toward robot density statistics but not toward productivity growth.

    Breadth of Growth: Picking Winners vs. Horizontal Approaches to AI Development

    Divergent perspectives on the breadth of growth in technological revolutions also separate LS-based and GPT-based views of the US-China case. If technological competition in the IR-4 is limited to which country gets a bigger share of the market in new leading industries like AI, then direct sectoral interventions in the mold of China’s AI strategy could be successful. However, if the breadth of growth in the IR-4 follows the GPT trajectory of the three previous industrial revolutions, another approach will be more effective.

    China’s AI strategy has hewed closely to the LS model. This approach builds off a series of directives that prioritize indigenous innovation in select frontier technologies, an emphasis that first appeared in the 2006 “National Medium- and Long-Term Plan for the Development of Science and Technology” and extends through the controversial “Made in China 2025” plan.82 Since the mid-2000s, the number of sectoral industrial policies issued by the State Council, China’s cabinet-level body, has significantly increased.83 Appropriately, the State Council’s 2017 AI development plan outlined China’s ambitions to become the world’s primary innovation center for AI technology.84

    On the breadth of growth dimension, tension between GPT diffusion theory and China’s application of the LS template is rooted in differing expectations for how the economic boost from revolutionary technologies will unfold. Take, for example, China’s 2010 “Strategic Emerging Industries” (SEI) initiative, which targets seven technological sectors based on opportunities for China to leapfrog ahead in new industries.85 Oriented around assumptions that a limited number of technologically progressive industries will drive China’s future growth, the SEI defines success based on the resultant size of these industries, as measured by their value added as a share of GDP.86

    In contrast, GPT diffusion theory expects that, in the country that best capitalizes on the IR-4, productivity growth will be more dispersed. In this view, the AI industry never needs to be one of the largest, provided that AI techniques trigger complementary innovations across a broad range of industries. Relatedly, some Chinese thinkers have pushed back against industrial policies that favor narrow technology sectors. A research center under China’s own State Council, in a joint analysis with the World Bank, concluded in 2012: “A better innovation policy in China will begin with a redefinition of government’s role in the national innovation system, shifting away from targeted attempts at developing specific new technologies and moving toward institutional development and an enabling environment that supports economy-wide innovation efforts within a competitive market system.”87 The economy-wide transformation enabled by AI, if it lives up to its potential as a GPT, demands a more broad-based response.

    When it comes to technology policy, there is always a push and pull between two ends of a spectrum. Vertical industrial policy, or “picking winners,” targets certain technologies, often leading to top-down intervention to ensure that the nation’s firms are competitive in specific industries. Horizontal industrial policy promotes across-the-board technological development and avoids labeling certain technologies as more significant than others. This book argues that both camps have it partly right, at least when it comes to ensuring long-term economic growth in times of technological revolution. Picking technological winners is needed in that some technologies do matter more than others; however, the “winners” are GPTs, which require horizontal industrial policies to diffuse across many application sectors. Institutions for skill formation in AI engineering, the subject of the next section, split the difference between these two approaches.

    Institutional Complementarities: GPT Skill Infrastructure in the IR-4

    In 2014, Baidu, one of China’s leading tech giants, hired Andrew Ng away from Google, poaching the cofounder of Google’s deep learning team. Three years later, Baidu lured Qi Lu away from Microsoft, where he had served as the architect of the company’s AI strategy. Their departures were headline news and spurred broader discussions about China’s growing AI talent.88

    When Alibaba, another one of China’s tech giants, celebrated its listing on the Hong Kong stock exchange in November 2019, it showcased a different form of AI talent. In one picture of the gong-ringing celebration, Yuan Wenkai, who works for an Alibaba-owned logistics warehouse, stood third from the right. A former tally clerk who graduated from a run-of-the-mill Guangdong vocational school, Yuan holds substantial expertise in automation management. His success with boosting the sorting capacity of a logistics warehouse by twenty thousand orders per hour—responding to elevated demand during the shopping frenzy of Single’s Day (November 11)—merited an invite to the ceremony.89

    Even as AI systems exceed human-level performance at tasks ranging from playing Go to translating news articles, human talent will remain crucial for designing and implementing such systems.90 According to one global survey of more than three thousand business executives, landing the “right AI talent” ranked as the top barrier to AI adoption for companies at the frontier of incorporating AI into their products, services, and internal processes.91 But what makes up the “right AI talent”? In its distilled form, GPT diffusion theory suggests that China’s chance of leading the AI revolution rests more on the Yuan Wenkais of the world than the Andrew Ngs. The most important institutional adjustments to the IR-4 are those that widen the pool of AI engineering skills and knowledge.

    Indeed, alongside the maturation of the AI field, recent reports have emphasized skills linked to implementing theoretical algorithms in practice and in ways suited for large-scale deployment. In early 2022, the China Academy of Information and Communications Technology (CAICT), an influential research institute under the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, published two reports that identified AI’s “engineering-ization” (工程化) as a significant trend that involves addressing challenges in transforming AI-based projects from prototypes to large-scale production.92 Relatedly, per Burning Glass job postings from 2010 to 2019, the overall increase in demand for “AI-adjacent” positions in the United States far exceeded that for “core AI” positions.93 Covering skills needed to implement AI throughout many sectors and legacy systems, this pool of AI-adjacent jobs includes positions for systems engineers and software development engineers.

    GPT Skill Infrastructure for AI: A US-China Comparison

    At present, the United States is better positioned than China to develop the skill infrastructure suitable for AI. First, the United States has more favorable conditions for expanding the number of AI engineers. According to three separate projects that mapped out the global AI talent landscape, many more AI engineers work in the United States than in any other country.94 In 2017, Tencent Research Institute and BOSS Zhipin (a Chinese online job search platform) found that the number of AI “practitioners” (从业者) in the United States far surpassed the corresponding Chinese figure. Figure 7.2 captures this gap across four key AI subdomains: natural language processing (by three times), chips and processors (by fourteen times), machine learning applications (by two times), and computer vision (by three times).95 Overall, the total number of AI practitioners in the United States was two times greater than the corresponding figure for China.96 Furthermore, data from two separate reports by LinkedIn and SCMP Research confirm that the United States leads the world in AI engineers.97

    In addition to statistics on the AI workforce, the quantity and quality of AI education is another consideration for which country is better positioned to develop GPT skill infrastructure for AI. Again, the United States leads China by a significant margin in terms of universities with faculty who are proficient in AI. In 2017, the United States was home to nearly half of the world’s 367 universities that provide AI education, operationalized by universities that have at least one faculty member who has published at least one paper in a top AI conference.98 In comparison, China had only 20 universities that met this standard. After replicating this methodology for the years 2020–2021, the US advantage is still pronounced, with 159 universities to China’s 29 universities.99

    FIGURE 7.2. A US-China Comparison of AI Practitioners in Key Subdomains. Source: Tencent Research Institute and BOSS Zhipin 2017.

    These findings contradict prominent views on the present global distribution of AI engineering talent. In his best-selling book AI Superpowers: China, Silicon Valley, and the New World Order, Kai-Fu Lee argues that the current AI landscape is shifting from an age of discovery, when the country with the highest-quality AI experts wins out, to an age of implementation, when the country with the largest number of sound AI engineers is advantaged.100 In an age of implementation, Lee concludes, “China will soon match or even overtake the United States in developing and deploying artificial intelligence.”101 Pitted against the statistics from the previous passages, Lee’s evidence for China’s lead in AI implementers is meager. His attention is concentrated on anecdotes about the voracious appetite for learning about AI by Chinese entrepreneurs in Beijing.102 While this analysis benefits from Lee’s experience as CEO of Sinovation Ventures, a venture capital fund that invests in many Chinese AI start-ups, it could also be colored by his personal stake in hyping China’s AI capabilities.

    Drawing on Lee’s book, Allison and Schmidt also assert that China is cultivating a broader pool of AI talent than the United States today. Specifically, they point out that China graduates three times as many computer science students as the United States on an annual basis.103 Yet the study on which this figure is based finds that computer science graduates in the United States have much higher levels of computer science skills than their Chinese peers. In fact, the average fourth-year computer science undergraduate in the United States scores higher than seniors from the top programs in China.104 Therefore, estimates of China’s pool of AI engineering talent will be misleading if they do not establish some baseline level of education quality. This is another reason to favor the indicators that support an enduring US advantage in AI engineers.105

    Second, as previous industrial revolutions have demonstrated, strong linkages between entrepreneurs and scientists that systematize the engineering knowledge related to a GPT are essential to GPT skill infrastructure. In the AI domain, an initial evaluation suggests that this connective tissue is especially strong in the United States. Based on 2015–2019 data, it led the world with the highest number of academic-corporate hybrid AI publications—defined as those coauthored by at least one researcher from both industry and academia—more than doubling the number of such publications from China.106 Xinhua News Agency, China’s most influential media organization, has pinpointed the lack of technical exchanges between academia and industry as one of five main shortcomings in China’s AI talent ecosystem.107

    These preliminary indicators align with assessments of the overall state of industry-academia exchanges in China. Barriers to stronger industry-academia linkages include low mobility between institutions, aimless government-sponsored research collaborations, and misguided evaluation incentives for academic researchers.108 One indicator of this shortcoming is the share of R&D outsourced by Chinese firms to domestic research institutes: this figure declined from 2.4 percent in 2010 to 1.9 percent in 2020. Over the same time period, the share of Chinese firms’ R&D expenditures performed by domestic higher education institutions also decreased from 1.2 percent to 0.4 percent.109

    Moreover, the US approach to AI standard-setting could prove more optimal for coordinating information flows between labs working on fundamental AI advances and specific application sectors. Market-mediated, decentralized standardization systems are particularly suited for advancing technological domains characterized by significant uncertainty about future trajectories, which clearly applies to AI.110 In such fields, governments confront a “blind giant’s quandary” when attempting to influence technological development through standards-setting.111 The period when government involvement can exert the most influence over the trajectory of an emerging technology coincides with the time when the government possesses the least technical knowledge about the technology. Government intervention therefore could lock in inferior AI standards compared with market-driven standardization efforts.

    In that light, China’s state-led approach to technical standards development could hinder the sustainable penetration of AI throughout its economy. For example, the Chinese central government plays a dominant role in China’s AI Industry Alliance, which has pushed to wrest leadership of standards setting in some AI applications away from industry-led standardization efforts.112 Excessive government intervention has been a long-standing weakness of China’s standardization system, producing standards not attuned to market demands and bureaucratic rivalries that undermine the convergence of standards.113 Wang Ping, a leading authority on this topic, has argued that China needs to reform its standardization system to allow private standards development organizations more space to operate, like the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers in the United States and the European Committee for Electrotechnical Standardization.114

    In sum, the United States is better positioned than China to not only broaden its pool of AI engineering skills but also benefit from academia-industry linkages in AI engineering. In previous industrial revolutions, these types of institutional adaptations proved crucial to technological leadership. Still, much uncertainty remains in forecasts about GPT skill infrastructure for AI, especially with regard to determining the right measures for the right AI talent. Recent studies of market demand for AI- and ICT-related jobs suggest that employers are softening their demands for a four-year degree in computer science as a requirement for such positions.115 Certificate programs in data science and machine learning that operate under the bachelor-degree level could play an important role in expanding the pool of AI engineering talent.116 Taking into account these caveats, this section’s evaluation of GPT skill infrastructure at the very least calls into question sweeping claims that China is best placed to capitalize on the IR-4.

    Reframing National AI Strategies

    The preceding conclusions offer a marked contrast with how American and Chinese policymakers devise national AI strategies. Policy proposals for pursuing US leadership in AI consistently call for more AI R&D as the highest priority. For example, the report “Meeting the China Challenge: A New American Strategy for Technology Competition,” published in 2020 by a working group of twenty-eight China specialists and experts, provided sixteen policy recommendations for how the United States should ensure its leadership in AI and three other key technological domains. The very first recommendation was for the United States to significantly expand investment in basic research, raising total R&D funding to at least 3 percent of GDP.117 The Trump administration’s “American AI Initiative,” launched to maintain US leadership in AI “in a time of global power competition,” also listed AI R&D spending as its very first policy recommendation.118

    The Chinese government also prioritizes investments in R&D, sometimes at the expense of other routes to productivity growth oriented around technology adoption and education.119 China’s five-year plan (2021–2025) aims to raise basic research spending by over 10 percent in 2021, targeting AI and six other key technological domains.120 China consistently sets and meets ambitious targets for R&D spending, but that same commitment has not extended to education funding. While China’s R&D spending as a percentage of GDP in 2018 was higher than that of Brazil, Malaysia, Mexico, or South Africa (other middle-income countries that industrialized on a similar timeline), China’s public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP was lower than the figure in those countries.121 According to a group of experts on China’s science and technology policy, one possible explanation for this disparity between attention to R&D versus education is the longer time required for efforts in the latter to yield tangible progress in technological development.122

    As both the United States and China transition from initiating a new GPT trajectory to diffusing one across varied application sectors, investing in the broader AI-adjacent skill base will become more crucial than cornering the best and the brightest AI experts. Policies directed at widening the AI talent base, such as enhancing the role of community colleges in developing the AI workforce, deserve more attention.123 Applied technology centers, dedicated field services, and other technology diffusion institutions can incentivize and aid adoption of AI techniques by small and medium-sized enterprises.124 Reorienting engineering education toward maintaining and overseeing AI systems, not solely inventing new ones, also fits this frame.125

    A strategy oriented around GPT diffusion does not necessarily exclude support for the exciting research progress in a country’s leading labs and universities. R&D spending undoubtedly will not just help cultivate novel AI breakthroughs but also contribute to widening the GPT skill infrastructure in AI. All too often, however, boosting R&D spending seems to be the boilerplate recommendation for any strategic technology.126 GPTs like AI are not like other technologies, and they demand a different toolkit of strategies.

    Alternative Factors

    In exploring how the IR-4 could bring about an economic power transition, it is important to compare the implications derived from the GPT diffusion mechanism to those that follow from explanations stressing other factors. Consistent with the previous chapters, I first consider threat-based explanations and the varieties of capitalism (VoC) approach. I then address how US-China competition over emerging technologies could be shaped by differences in regime type, a factor that is particularly salient in this case.

    Threat-Based Explanations

    One potentially dangerous implication of threat-based explanations is that war, or manufacturing the threat of war, is necessary for economic leadership in the IR-4. Crediting the US military’s key role in spurring advances in GPTs during the twentieth century, Ruttan doubts that the United States could initiate the development of GPTs “in the absence of at least a threat of major war.”127 Extending Ruttan’s line of thinking to the US strategic context in 2014, Linda Weiss expressed concerns that the end of the Cold War, along with the lack of an existential threat, removed the impetus for continued scientific and technological innovation. Specifically, she questioned “why China has not yet metamorphosed into a rival that spurs innovation like the Soviet Union and Japan.”128 Weiss only needed a little more patience. A few years later, the narrative of a US-China “Tech Cold War” gained momentum as both sides of the bilateral relationship trumped up threats to push national scientific and technological priorities.129

    GPT diffusion theory strongly refutes the notion that manufacturing external threats is necessary for the United States or China to prevail in the IR-4. An external menace did not drive the rise of the United States in the IR-2. Across all cases, military actors were involved in but not indispensable to spurring the development of GPTs, as many civilian entities also fulfilled the purported role of military investment in providing a large initial demand for incubating GPTs. Furthermore, threat-based interpretations extend only to the moment when one country stimulates the first breakthroughs in a GPT. Even if stoking fears can galvanize support for grand moonshot projects, these do not determine which country is able to benefit most from the widespread adoption of advances in GPTs like AI. That hinges on the more low-key toil of broadening the engineering skill base and advancing interoperability standards in GPTs—not fearmongering.

    VoC Explanations

    Applying the VoC framework to US-China competition in AI gives more ambiguous results. The VoC approach states that liberal market economies (LME)—prototypically represented by the United States—are more conducive to radical innovation than coordinated market economies (CME).130 It is unclear, however, whether China fits into the VoC framework as a CME or LME. While some label China a CME, others characterize it as an LME.131 This disputed status speaks to the substantial hybridity of China’s economy.132 China has been treated as a “white space on the map” of VoC scholarship, which was originally developed to classify different forms of advanced capitalist economies.133 This makes it difficult to derive strong conclusions from VoC scholarship about China’s ability to adapt to the IR-4’s radical innovations.

    The same holds if we focus on the skill formation aspect of the VoC framework. China’s education system emphasizes training for general skills over vocational skills.134 In this respect, it is similar to LMEs like the United States, which means VoC theory provides limited leverage for explaining how the IR-4 could differentially advantage the United States or China. On this topic, GPT diffusion theory points to differences in AI engineering education as more significant than distinctions based on the CME-LME models.

    Case-Specific Factors: Regime Type

    What is the effect of regime type on technological leadership in the IR-4? The distinction between authoritarian China and the democratic United States takes center stage in arguments about the future of great power rivalry.135 Regime type could also influence the specific aspect of great power competition that GPT diffusion tackles—whether one great power is able to sustain productivity growth at greater rates than its rivals by taking advantage of emerging technologies. Some evidence suggests that, owing to investments in inclusive economic institutions, democracies produce more favorable conditions for growth than autocracies.136 Additionally, empirical work shows that democracies outgrow autocracies in the long run because they are more open to absorbing and diffusing new techniques.137 Other studies find, more specifically, that internet technologies diffuse faster in democracies, possibly because nondemocracies are threatened by the internet’s potential to empower antigovernment movements.138

    On the other hand, the impact of democracy on technological progress and economic growth is disputed. Drawing on data from fifty countries over the 1970–2010 period, Taylor finds that regime type does not have a strong relationship with national innovation rates, as measured by patenting rates.139 One review of the econometric evidence on democracy and growth concludes that “the net effect of democracy on growth performance cross-nationally over the last five decades is negative or null.”140 Moreover, China’s rapid economic growth and adoption of internet technologies stands out as an exception to general claims about a democratic advantage when it comes to leveraging new technologies as sources of productivity growth. Contrary to initial expectations, incentives to control online spaces have made some autocratic regimes like China more inclined to spread internet technologies.141 Other scholars point out that the stability of China’s authoritarian regime has encouraged substantial contributions to R&D and technical education, the type of investments in sustained productivity growth typically associated with democracies.142

    It is not within the scope of this chapter to settle these debates.143 Still, the juxtaposition of the GPT and LS mechanisms does speak to how regime type could shape US-China competition in the IR-4. Though the conventional wisdom links democracy to freewheeling thought and capacity for innovation, the most important effects of regime type in US-China technological competition during the IR-4, under the GPT diffusion framework, may materialize through changes in GPT skill infrastructure. Democracies tend to be more politically decentralized than autocracies, and decentralized states could be more responsive to the new demands for engineering skills and knowledge in a particular GPT. This accords with evidence that new technologies consistently diffuse more quickly in decentralized states.144

    Summary

    How far can we take GPT diffusion theory’s implications for the US-China case? I have presented support for the GPT mechanism across a range of historical case studies, each of which covers at least four decades and two countries. At the same time, it is necessary to acknowledge limitations in translating lessons from past industrial revolutions and power transitions to the present.

    To begin, it is important to clarify that my findings directly address the mechanism by which technological breakthroughs enable China to surpass the United States in economic productivity.145 The scenario in which China overtakes the United States as the most powerful economy is different from one in which the US-China power gap narrows but does not fully disappear. Scholars have rightly noted that the latter scenario—“posing problems without catching up,” in the words of Thomas Christensen—still significantly bears on issues such as Taiwan’s sovereignty.146 Even so, the possibility of China fully closing the power gap with the United States is especially crucial to study. When rising and established powers are close to parity, according to power transition theory, the risk of hegemonic war is the greatest.147 China’s ability to sustain economic growth also affects its willingness and ability to exert influence in the international arena.

    Next, GPT diffusion theory speaks to only one pathway to productivity leadership. The historical case studies have demonstrated that institutional responses to disruptive technological breakthroughs play a key part in economic power transitions. However, China’s prospects for long-term economic growth could also hinge on demographic and geographic drivers.148

    A number of factors could affect whether lessons from the past three industrial revolutions extend to the implications of present-day technological advances for a US-China power transition. The most plausible transferability issues can be grouped into those that relate to the nature of great power competition and those that relate to the nature of technological change.

    First, as put forward by Stephen Brooks and William Wohlforth, China’s rise in the twenty-first century could face structural barriers that did not exist in previous eras.149 Relying in part on data from 2005–2006, they argue that the present gap between the United States and China in military capabilities, as captured in long-term investments in military R&D, is much larger than past gaps between rising powers and established powers.150 Arguably, the US-China gap in military expenditures has narrowed to the extent that comparisons to historical distributions of military capabilities are more viable. In 2021, China accounted for 14 percent of global military expenditures. This updated figure, albeit still much lower than the US share (38 percent), reflects China’s military modernization efforts over the past two decades during a time of declining US military spending.151 This ratio is more comparable to distributions of military capabilities in the historical periods analyzed in the case studies.152

    Another structural barrier China faces is that the growing complexity of developing and deploying advanced military systems now makes it more difficult for rising powers to convert economic capacity into military capacity than it was in the past.153 There are a few reasons why it is still relevant to study China’s ability to convert the technological breakthroughs of the IR-4 into sustained productivity growth. To start, rising states could still benefit from the steady diffusion of some complex military technologies connected to advances in the commercial domain, such as armed uninhabited vehicles.154 In addition, military effectiveness does not solely derive from extremely complex systems like the F-22 stealth fighter. Converting production capacity to military strength could be more relevant for China’s investments in asymmetric capabilities and those suited for specific regional conflicts, such as ground-based air defense systems and the rapid replacement of naval forces.155 Lastly, there remains a strong connection between economic development and countries’ capabilities to “produce, maintain, and coordinate complex military systems.”156

    As for the second set of transferability issues, the technological landscape itself is changing. Accelerated globalization of scientific and technological activities may reduce the likelihood of adoption gaps between advanced economies when it comes to emerging technologies.157 Despite these considerations, there are also compelling reasons to think that the nature of technological change in this current period only magnifies the importance of GPT diffusion theory. Cross-country studies indicate that while new technologies are spreading between countries faster than ever, they are spreading to all firms within a country at increasingly slower rates. Networks of multinational firms at the global technology frontiers have reduced cross-national lags in the initial adoption of new technologies, but the cross-national lags in the “intensive adoption” of new technologies, as measured by the time between the technologies’ initial adoption to intensive penetration throughout a country, has only grown.158 These trends give more weight to the GPT mechanism.

    Finally, even if the rise and fall of great technologies and powers is fundamentally different in the twenty-first century, previous industrial revolutions still exert substantial influence in the minds of academics and policymakers.159 To justify and sustain their agendas, influential figures in both the United States and China still draw on these historical episodes. At the very least, this chapter submits different lessons to be learned from these guiding precedents.

    When some of the leading thinkers of our era declare that the AI revolution will be more significant than the industrial revolution, it is difficult to not get caught up in their excitement. Somehow, every generation winds up believing that their lives coincide with a uniquely important period in history. But our present moment might not be so unprecedented. Unpacking how AI could influence a possible US-China power transition in the twenty-first century requires first learning the lessons of GPT diffusion from past industrial revolutions.

    8 Conclusion

    STUDIES OF HOW TECHNOLOGY interacts with the international landscape often fixate on the most dramatic aspect of technological change—the eureka moment. Consistent with this frame, the standard explanation for the technological causes of economic power transitions emphasizes a rising power’s ability to dominate profits in leading sectors by generating the first implementation of radical inventions. This book draws attention, in contrast, to the often unassuming process by which an innovation spreads throughout an economy. The rate and scope of diffusion is particularly relevant for GPTs—fundamental advances like electricity or AI that have the potential to drive pervasive transformation across many economic sectors.

    Based on the process of GPT diffusion, this book puts forward an alternative theory of how and when significant technological breakthroughs generate differential rates of economic growth among great powers. When evaluating how technological revolutions affect economic power transitions, GPTs stand out as historical engines of growth that can provide major boosts to national productivity. Though each is different, GPTs tend to follow a common pattern: after multiple decades of complementary innovations and institutional adaptations, they gradually diffuse across a broad range of industries. Everything, everywhere, but not all at once.

    This impact pathway markedly diverges from existing theories based on leading sectors. Akin to a sprint on a narrow lane, great power competition over leading sectors is framed as a race to dominate initial breakthroughs in the early growth periods of new industries. In contrast, GPT diffusion theory proposes that by more effectively adopting GPTs across many application sectors, some great powers can sustain higher levels of productivity growth than their competitors. Like a marathon on a wide road, great power competition over GPTs is a test of endurance.

    Disruptive technological advances can bring about economic power transitions because some countries are more successful at GPT diffusion than others. A nation’s effectiveness at adapting to emerging technologies is determined by the fit between its institutions and the demands of those technologies. Thus, if economic power transitions are driven by the GPT trajectory, as opposed to LS product cycles, the institutional adaptations that matter most are those that facilitate information exchanges between the GPT sector and application sectors, in particular the ability of nations to widen the engineering skill base linked to a new GPT.

    Three historical case studies, designed and conducted in a way to assess the explanatory power of the GPT mechanism against the LS mechanism, provide support for GPT diffusion theory. The case studies cover periods characterized by both remarkable technological change—the “three great industrial revolutions” in the eyes of some scholars—and major fluctuations in the global balance of economic power.1 Overall, the case study evidence underscores the significance of GPT diffusion as the key pathway by which the technological changes associated with each industrial revolution translated into differential rates of economic growth among the great powers.

    In the case of Britain’s rise to economic preeminence during the First Industrial Revolution, expanded uses of iron in machine-making spurred mechanization, the key GPT trajectory. The gradual progression of mechanization aligned with the period when Britain’s productivity growth outpaced that of France and the Netherlands. Britain’s proficiency in adopting iron machinery across a wide range of economic activities, rather than export advantages from dominating innovation in leading sectors such as cotton textiles, proved more central to its industrial ascent. Though its industrial rivals boasted superior systems of higher technical education for training expert scientists and top-flight engineers, Britain benefited from mechanics’ institutes, educational centers like the Manchester College of Arts and Sciences, and other associations that expanded access to technical literacy and applied mechanics knowledge.

    The Second Industrial Revolution case also favors the GPT mechanism’s explanation of why certain great powers better adapt to periods of remarkable technological change. The LS mechanism focuses on Germany’s discoveries in new science-based industries, such as chemicals, as the driving force behind its catching up to Britain before World War I. However, the United States, emerging as the preeminent economic power during this period, was more successful than Germany in exploiting the technological opportunities of the Second Industrial Revolution. Enabled by innovations in machine tools, the extension of interchangeable manufacturing techniques across many American industries functioned as the key GPT trajectory that fueled the rise of the United States. Scientific infrastructure or industrial R&D capabilities, areas in which the United States lagged behind its industrial rivals, cannot account for its advantage in adopting special-purpose machinery across nearly all branches of industry. Rather, the United States gained from institutional adaptations to widen the base of mechanical engineering talent, including through the expansion of technical higher education schools and the professionalization of mechanical engineering.

    Evidence from the US-Japan rivalry amid the information revolution exposes more gaps in the LS account. During the late twentieth century Japan captured global market shares in new fast-growing sectors such as consumer electronics and semiconductor components, prompting many to predict that it would overtake the United States as the leading economic power. Yet such an economic power transition, an inevitability based on the expectations of the LS mechanism, never occurred. Instead, the United States sustained higher rates of economic growth than Japan owing, in part, to greater spread of computerization across many economic sectors. Japan’s productivity growth kept up with the US rate in sectors that produced information technology but lagged far behind in sectors that intensively used information technology. Once again, differences in institutional adaptations to widen the GPT skill base turned out to be significant. While Japanese universities were very slow to adapt their training to the demand for more software engineers, US institutions effectively broadened the pool of such skills by cultivating a separate discipline of computer science.

    As a supplement to the case studies, I conducted a large-n statistical analysis to test whether countries with superior GPT skill infrastructure preside over higher rates of GPT diffusion. Leveraging time-series cross-sectional data on software engineering education and computerization rates in nineteen countries (the G20 economies) across twenty-five years, the quantitative analysis confirmed this crucial expectation derived from GPT diffusion theory. I found less support for other factors often assumed to have a positive effect on an economy’s broader technological transformation, including institutional factors linked to securing LS product cycles. This empirical test validates a core component of GPT diffusion theory across a sample of the world’s major emerging and developed economies.

    Main Contributions

    First, at its core, Technology and the Rise of Great Powers introduces and defends GPT diffusion theory as a novel explanation for how and when technological change can lead to a power transition. Historical case studies and statistical analysis substantiate the explanatory power of GPT diffusion theory over the standard explanation of technology-driven power transitions based on leading sectors, which exerts enduring influence in policy and academic circles.2 In doing so, the book answers the call by scholars such as Michael Beckley and Matthew Kroenig for the international relations field to devote more attention to the causes of power transitions, not just their consequences.3

    By expounding on the significance of GPT skill infrastructure, the book points toward next steps to better understanding the politics behind some of the most significant technological advances in human history. To investigate why some countries are more successful in cultivating GPT skill infrastructure, promising avenues of research could tap into existing work that concentrates on centralization, inclusiveness of political institutions, government capacity to adopt long time horizons, and industrial organization.4 In these efforts, being careful to differentiate between various pathways by which technological changes make their mark, as this book does with the GPT and LS mechanisms, will be especially important when underlying political factors that satisfy the demands of one type of technological trajectory run counter to the demands of another.

    Future work should also probe other institutional factors beyond GPT skill infrastructure that contribute to cross-national differences in GPT adoption. This opens up a universe of institutions that are often ignored in innovation-centered accounts of technological leadership, including gender gaps in engineering education,5 transnational ethnic networks that facilitate technology transfer,6 and “technology diffusion institutions,” such as standard-setting organizations and applied technology centers.7

    In positioning the LS mechanism as the main foil to the GPT mechanism, my intention is to use this clash between theories to productively advance our understanding of the rise and fall of great technologies and powers. Contestation should not be misread as disparagement. In one sense, GPT diffusion theory builds on previous scholarship about leading sectors, which first identified the need to flesh out more specific linkages between certain technological advances and more highly aggregated economic changes in the context of power transitions.8 Testing, revising, and improving upon established theories is essential to gradual yet impactful scientific progress—not so unlike the incremental, protracted advance of a GPT.

    Second, the book’s central argument also suggests revisions to assessments of power in international politics. Recognizing that scientific and technological capabilities are becoming increasingly central to a nation’s overall power, researchers tend to equate technological leadership with a country’s ability to initiate “key ‘leading sectors’ that are most likely to dominate the world economy into the twenty-first century.”9 For instance, an influential RAND report, “Measuring National Power in the Postindustrial Age,” proposes a template for measuring national power based on a country’s capacity to dominate innovation cycles in “leading sectors.”10 In this effort, the authors draw directly from LS-based scholarship: “The conceptual underpinnings of this template are inspired by the work of Schumpeter, Rostow, Gilpin, Kennedy, and Modelski and Thompson.”11 This study has gained considerable traction in academic and policymaking circles, inspired further workshops on national power, and has been called “the definitive US study on CNP [Comprehensive National Power].”12

    Contrary to these approaches, this book submits that evaluations of scientific and technological power should take diffusion seriously. Assessments that solely rely on indicators of innovation capacity in leading sectors will be misleading, especially if a state lags behind in its ability to spread and embed innovations across productive processes. A more balanced judgement of a state’s potential for technological leadership requires looking beyond multinational corporations, innovation clusters like Silicon Valley, and eye-popping R&D numbers to the humble undertaking of diffusion. It shines the spotlight on a different cast of characters: medium-sized firms in small towns, engineers who tweak and implement new methods, and channels that connect the technological frontier with the rest of the economy.

    In an article published in the Review of International Political Economy journal, I illustrated the value of this diffusion-oriented approach in gauging China’s scientific and technological capabilities.13 Preoccupied with China’s growing strength in developing new-to-the-world advances, existing scholarship warns that China is poised to overtake the United States in technological leadership. This is mistaken. There is still a large gap between the United States and China when it comes to the countries’ readiness to effectively spread and utilize cutting-edge technologies, as measured by penetration rates of digital technologies such as cloud computing, smart sensors, and key industrial software. When the focus shifts away from impressive and flashy R&D achievements and highly cited publications, China’s “diffusion deficit” comes to light. Indeed, a diffusion-centric assessment indicates that China is much less likely to become a scientific and technological superpower than innovation-centric assessments predict.

    Relatedly, the GPT diffusion framework can be fruitfully applied to debates about the effects of emerging technologies on military power. Major theories of military innovation focus on relatively narrow technological developments, such as aircraft carriers, but the most consequential military implications of technological change might come from more fundamental advances like GPTs. In an article that employs evidence from electricity’s impact on military effectiveness to analyze how AI could affect the future of warfare, Allan Dafoe and I challenge studies that predict AI will rapidly spread to militaries around the world and narrow gaps in capabilities.14

    Third, as chapter 7 spells out in detail, GPT diffusion theory provides an alternative model for how revolutionary technologies, in particular AI, could affect the US-China power balance. This, in turn, implies different optimal policies for securing technological advantage. Drawing on the LS template, influential thinkers and policymakers in both the United States and China place undue emphasis on three points: the rapid timeframe of economic payoffs from AI and other emerging technologies; where the initial, fundamental innovations in such technologies cluster; and growth driven by a narrow range of economic sectors.

    GPT diffusion theory suggests diverging conclusions on all three dimensions. The key technological trajectory is the relative success of the United States and China in adopting AI advances across many industries in a gradual process that will play out over multiple decades. It will be infeasible for one side to cut the other off from foundational innovations in GPTs. The most important institutional factors, therefore, are not R&D infrastructure or training grounds for elite AI scientists but rather those factors that widen the skill base in AI and enmesh AI engineers in cross-cutting networks with entrepreneurs and scientists.15

    Yet, the United States is fixated on dominating innovation cycles in leading sectors. When it comes to their grand AI strategy, US policymakers are engrossed in ensuring that leading-edge innovations do not leak to China, whether by restricting the immigration of Chinese graduate students in advanced technical fields or by imposing export controls on high-end chips for training large models like GPT-3 and ChatGPT.16 A strategy informed by GPT diffusion theory would, instead, prioritize improving and sustaining the rate at which AI becomes embedded in a wide range of productive processes. For instance, in their analysis of almost 900,000 associate’s degree programs, Center for Security and Emerging Technology researchers Diana Gehlhaus and Luke Koslosky identified investment in community and technical colleges as a way to unlock “latent potential” in the US AI talent pipeline.17 This recommendation accords with an OECD working paper on the beneficial effects of a wider ICT skills pool on digital adoption rates across twenty-five European countries. The study finds that “the marginal benefit of training for adoption is found to be twice as large for low-skilled than for high-skilled workers, suggesting that measures that encourage the training of low-skilled workers are likely to entail a double dividend for productivity and inclusiveness.”18

    At the broadest level, this book demonstrates a method to unpack the causal effects of technological change on international politics. International relations scholars persistently appeal for the discipline to better anticipate the consequences of scientific and technological change, yet these demands remain unmet. By one measure, between 1990 and 2007, only 0.7 percent of the twenty-one thousand articles published in major international relations journals explicitly dealt with the topic of science and technology.19 One bottleneck to researching this topic, which Harold Sprout articulated back in 1963, is that most theories either grossly underestimate the implications of technological advances or assume that technological advance is the “master variable” of international politics.20

    This book shows that the middle ground can be a place for fruitful inquiry. Technology does not determine the rise and fall of great powers, but some technological trends, like the diffusion of GPTs, do seem to possess momentum of their own. Social and political factors, as represented by GPT skill infrastructure, shape the pace and direction of these technological trajectories. This approach is particularly useful for understanding the effects of technological change across larger scales of time and space.21

  • Richard Dawkins 《The Genetic Book of the Dead_ A Darwinian Reverie》

    Contents
    1 Reading the Animal
    2 ‘Paintings’ and ‘Statues’
    3 In the Depths of the Palimpsest
    4 Reverse Engineering
    5 Common Problem, Common Solution
    6 Variations on a Theme
    7 In Living Memory
    8 The Immortal Gene
    9 Out Beyond the Body Wall
    10 The Backward Gene’s-Eye View
    11 More Glances in the Rear-View Mirror
    12 Good Companions, Bad Companions
    13 Shared Exit to the Future

    1 Reading the Animal

    You are a book, an unfinished work of literature, an archive of descriptive history. Your body and your genome can be read as a comprehensive dossier on a succession of colorful worlds long vanished, worlds that surrounded your ancestors long gone: a genetic book of the dead. This truth applies to every animal, plant, fungus, bacterium, and archaean but, in order to avoid tiresome repetition, I shall sometimes treat all living creatures as honorary animals. In the same spirit, I treasure a remark by John Maynard Smith when we were together being shown around the Panama jungle by one of the Smithsonian scientists working there: ‘What a pleasure to listen to a man who really loves his animals.’ The ‘animals’ in question were palm trees.

    From the animal’s point of view, the genetic book of the dead can also be seen as a predictor of the future, following the reasonable assumption that the future will not be too different from the past. A third way to say it is that the animal, including its genome, embodies a model of past environments, a model that it uses to, in effect, predict the future and so succeed in the game of Darwinism, which is the game of survival and reproduction, or, more precisely, gene survival. The animal’s genome makes a bet that the future will not be too different from the pasts that its ancestors successfully negotiated.

    I said that an animal can be read as a book about past worlds, the worlds of its ancestors. Why didn’t I use the present tense: read the animal as a description of the environment in which it itself lives? It can indeed be read in that way. But (with reservations to be discussed) every aspect of an animal’s survival machinery was bequeathed via its genes by ancestral natural selection. So, when we read the animal, we are actually reading past environments. That is why my title includes ‘the dead’. We are talking about reconstructing ancient worlds in which successive ancestors, now long dead, survived to pass on the genes that shape the way we modern animals are. At present it is a difficult undertaking, but a scientist of the future, presented with a hitherto unknown animal, will be able to read its body, and its genes, as a detailed description of the environments in which its ancestors lived.

    I shall have frequent recourse to my imagined Scientist Of the Future, confronted with the body of a hitherto unknown animal and tasked with reading it. For brevity, since I’ll need to mention her often, I shall use her initials, SOF. This distantly resonates with the Greek sophos, meaning ‘wise’ or ‘clever’, as in ‘philosophy’, ‘sophisticated’, etc. In order to avoid ungainly pronoun constructions, and as a courtesy, I arbitrarily assume SOF to be female. If I happened to be a female author, I’d reciprocate.

    This genetic book of the dead, this ‘readout’ from the animal and its genes, this richly coded description of ancestral environments, must necessarily be a palimpsest. Ancient documents will be partially over-written by superimposed scripts laid down in later times. A palimpsest is defined by the Oxford English Dictionary as ‘a manuscript in which later writing has been superimposed on earlier (effaced) writing’. A dear colleague, the late Bill Hamilton, had the engaging habit of writing postcards as palimpsests, using different-colored inks to reduce confusion. His sister Dr Mary Bliss kindly lent me this example.

    Besides his card being a nicely colorful palimpsest, it is fitting to use it because Professor Hamilton is widely regarded as the most distinguished Darwinian of his generation. Robert Trivers, mourning his death, said, ‘He had the most subtle, multi-layered mind I have ever encountered. What he said often had double and even triple meanings so that, while the rest of us speak and think in single notes, he thought in chords.’ Or should that be palimpsests? Anyway, I like to think he would have enjoyed the idea of evolutionary palimpsests. And, indeed, of the genetic book of the dead itself.

    Both Bill’s postcards and my evolution palimpsests depart from the strict dictionary definition: earlier writings are not irretrievably effaced. In the genetic book of the dead, they are partially overwritten, still there to be read, albeit we must peer ‘through a glass darkly’, or through a thicket of later writings. The environments described by the genetic book of the dead run the gamut from ancient Precambrian seas, via all intermediates through the mega-years to very recent. Presumably some kind of weighting balances modern scripts versus ancient ones. I don’t think it follows a simple formula like the Koranic rule for handling internal contradictions – new always trumps old. I’ll return to this in Chapter 3.

    If you want to succeed in the world you have to predict, or behave as if predicting, what will happen next. All sensible prediction must be based on the past, and much sensible prediction is statistical rather than absolute. Sometimes the prediction is cognitive – ‘I foresee that if I fall over that cliff (seize that snake by its rattling tail, eat those tempting belladonna berries), it is likely that I will suffer or die in consequence.’ We humans are accustomed to predictions of that cognitive kind, but they are not the predictions I have in mind. I shall be more concerned with unconscious, statistical ‘as-if’ predictions of what might affect an animal’s future chances of surviving and passing on copies of its genes.

    This horned lizard of the Mojave, whose skin is tinted and patterned to resemble sand and small stones, embodies a prediction, by its genes, that it would find itself born (well, hatched) into a desert. Equivalently, a zoologist presented with the lizard could read its skin as a vivid description of the sand and stones of the desert environment in which its ancestors lived. And now here’s my central message. Much more than skin deep, the whole body through and through, its very warp and woof, every organ, every cell and biochemical process, every smidgen of any animal, including its genome, can be read as describing ancestral worlds. In the lizard’s case it will no doubt spin the same desert yarn as the skin. ‘Desert’ will be written into every reach of the animal, plus a whole lot more information about its ancestral past, information far exceeding what is available to present-day science.

    The lizard burst out of the egg endowed with a genetic prediction that it would find itself in a sun-parched world of sand and pebbles. If it were to violate its genetic prediction, say by straying from the desert onto a golf green, a passing raptor would soon pick it off. Or if the world itself changed, such that its genetic predictions turned out to be wrong, it would also likely be doomed. All useful prediction relies on the future being approximately the same as the past, at least in a statistical sense. A world of continual mad caprice, an environmental bedlam that changed randomly and undependably, would render prediction impossible and put survival in jeopardy. Fortunately, the world is conservative, and genes can safely bet on any given place carrying on pretty much as before. On those occasions when it doesn’t – say after a catastrophic flood or volcanic eruption or, as in the case of the dinosaurs’ tragic end when an asteroid-strike ravaged the world – all predictions are wrong, all bets are off, and whole groups of animals go extinct. More usually, we aren’t dealing with such major catastrophes: not huge swathes of the animal kingdom being wiped out at a stroke, but only those variant individuals whose predictions are slightly wrong, or slightly more wrong than those of competitors within their own species. That is natural selection.

    The top scripts of the palimpsest are so recent that they are of a special kind, written during the animal’s own lifetime. The genes’ description of ancestral worlds is overlain by modifications and detailed refinements scripted since the animal was born – modifications written or rewritten by the animal’s learning from experience; or by the remarkable memory of past diseases laid down by the immune system; or by physiological acclimatisation, to altitude, say; or even by simulations in imagination of possible future outcomes. These recent palimpsest scripts are not handed down by the genes (though the equipment needed to write them is), but they still amount to information from the past, called into service to predict the future. It’s just that it’s the very recent past, the past enclosed within the animal’s own lifetime. Chapter 7 is about those parts of the palimpsest that were scribbled in since the animal was born.

    There is also an even more recent sense in which an animal’s brain sets up a dynamic model of the immediately fluctuating environment, predicting moment to moment changes in real time. Writing this on the Cornish coast, I take envious pleasure in the gulls as they surf the wind battering the cliffs of the Lizard peninsula. The wings, tail, and even head angle of each bird sensitively adjust themselves to the changing gusts and updraughts. Imagine that SOF, our zoologist of the future, implants radio-linked electrodes in a flying gull’s brain. She could obtain a readout of the gull’s muscle-adjustments, which would translate into a running commentary, in real time, on the whirling eddies of the wind: a predictive model in the brain that sensitively fine-tunes the bird’s flight surfaces so as to carry it into the next split second.

    I said that an animal is not only a description of the past, not just a prediction of the future, but also a model. What is a model? A contour map is a model of a country, a model from which you can reconstruct the landscape and navigate its byways. So too is a list of zeros and ones in a computer, being a digitised rendering of the map, perhaps including information tied to it: local population size, crops grown, dominant religions, and so on. As an engineer might understand the word, any two systems are ‘models’ of each other if their behavior shares the same underlying mathematics. You can wire up an electronic model of a pendulum. The periodicity of both pendulum and electronic oscillator are governed by the same equation. It’s just that the symbols in the equation don’t stand for the same things. A mathematician could treat either of them, together with the relevant equation written on paper, as a ‘model’ of any of the others. Weather forecasters construct a dynamic computer model of the world’s weather, continually updated by information from strategically placed thermometers, barometers, anemometers, and nowadays above all, satellites. The model is run on into the future to construct a forecast for any chosen region of the world.

    Sense organs do not faithfully project a movie of the outer world into a little cinema in the brain. The brain constructs a virtual reality (VR) model of the real world outside, a model that is continuously updated via the sense organs. Just as weather forecasters run their computer model of the world’s weather into the future, so every animal does the same thing from second to second with its own world model, in order to guide its next action. Each species sets up its own world model, which takes a form useful for the species’ way of life, useful for making vital predictions of how to survive. The model must be very different from species to species. The model in the head of a swallow or a bat must approximate a three-dimensional, aerial world of fast-moving targets. It may not matter that the model is updated by nerve impulses from the eyes in the one case, from the ears in the other. Nerve impulses are nerve impulses are nerve impulses, whatever their origin. A squirrel’s brain must run a VR model similar to that of a squirrel monkey. Both have to navigate a three-dimensional maze of tree trunks and branches. A cow’s model is simpler and closer to two dimensions. A frog doesn’t model a scene as we would understand the word. The frog’s eye largely confines itself to reporting small moving objects to the brain. Such a report typically initiates a stereotyped sequence of events: turning towards the object, hopping to get nearer, and finally shooting the tongue towards the target. The eye’s wiring-up embodies a prediction that, were the frog to shoot out its tongue in the indicated direction, it would be likely to hit food.

    My Cornish grandfather was employed by the Marconi company in its pioneering days to teach the principles of radio to young engineers entering the company. Among his teaching aids was a clothesline that he waggled as a model of sound waves – or radio waves, for the same model applied to both, and that’s the point. Any complicated pattern of waves – sound waves, radio waves, or even sea waves at a pinch – can be broken down into component sine waves – ‘Fourier analysis’, named after the French mathematician Joseph Fourier (1768–1830). These in turn can be summed again to reconstitute the original complex wave (Fourier synthesis). To demonstrate this, Grandfather attached his clothesline to rotating wheels. When only one wheel turned, the rope executed serpentine undulations approximating a sine wave. When a coupled wheel rotated at the same time, the rope’s snaking waves became more complex. The sum of the sine waves was an elementary but vivid demonstration of the Fourier principle. Grandfather’s snaking rope was a model of a radio wave travelling from transmitter to receiver. Or of a sound wave entering the ear: a compound wave upon which the brain presumably performs something equivalent to Fourier analysis when it unravels, for example, a pattern even as complex as whispered speech plus intrusive coughing against the background of an orchestral concert. Amazingly, the human ear, well, actually, the human brain, can pick out here an oboe, there a French horn, from the compound waveform of the whole orchestra.

    Today’s equivalent of my grandfather would use a computer screen instead of a clothesline, displaying first a simple sine wave, then another sine wave of different frequency, then adding the two together to generate a more complex wiggly line, and so on. The following is a picture of the sound waveform – high-frequency air pressure changes – when I uttered a single English word. If you knew how to analyse it, the numerical data embodied in (a much-expanded image of) the picture would yield a readout of what I said. In fact, it would require a great deal of mathematical wizardry and computer power for you to decipher it. But let the same wiggly line be the groove in which an old-fashioned gramophone needle sits. The resulting waves of changing air pressure would bombard your eardrums and be transduced to pulse patterns in nerve cells connected to your brain. Your brain would then without difficulty, in real time, perform the necessary mathematical wizardry to recognise the spoken word ‘sisters’.

    Our sound-processing brain software effortlessly recognises the spoken word, but our sight-processing software has extreme difficulty deciphering it when confronted with a wavy line on paper, on a computer screen, or with the numbers that composed that wavy line. Nevertheless, all the information is contained in the numbers, no matter how they are represented. To decipher it, we’d need to do the mathematics explicitly with the aid of a high-speed computer, and it would be a difficult calculation. Yet our brains find it a doddle if presented with the same data in the form of sound waves. This is a parable to drive home the point – pivotal to my purpose, which is why I said it twice – that some parts of an animal are hugely harder to ‘read’ than others. The patterning on our Mojave lizard’s back was easy: equivalent to hearing ‘sisters’. Obviously, this animal’s ancestors survived in a stony desert. But let us not shrink from the difficult readings – the cellular chemistry of the liver, say. That might be difficult in the same way as seeing the waveform of ‘sisters’ on an oscilloscope screen is difficult. But nothing negates the main point, which is that the information, however hard to decipher, is lurking within. The genetic book of the dead may turn out to be as inscrutable as Linear A or the Indus Valley script. But the information, I believe, is all there.

    The pattern to the right is a QR code. It contains a concealed message that your human eye cannot read. But your smartphone can instantly decipher it and reveal a line from my favourite poet. The genetic book of the dead is a palimpsest of messages about ancestral worlds, concealed in an animal’s body and genome. Like QR codes, they mostly cannot be read by the naked eye, but zoologists of the future, armed with advanced computers and other tools of their day, will read them.

    To repeat the central point, when we examine an animal there are some cases – the Mojave horned lizard is one – where we can instantly read the embodied description of its ancestral environment, just as our auditory system can instantly decipher the spoken word ‘sisters’. Chapter 2 examines animals who have their ancestral environments almost literally painted on their backs. But mostly we must resort to more indirect and difficult methods in order to extract our readout. Later chapters feel their way towards possible ways of doing this. But in most cases the techniques are not yet properly developed, especially those that involve reading genomes. Part of my purpose is to inspire mathematicians, computer scientists, molecular geneticists, and others better qualified than I am, to develop such methods.

    At the outset I need to dispel five possible misunderstandings of the main title, Genetic Book of the Dead. First is the disappointing revelation that I am deferring the task of deciphering much of the book of the dead to the sciences of the future. Nothing much I can do about that. Second, there is little connection, other than a poetic resonance, with the Egyptian Books of the Dead. These were instruction manuals buried with the dead, to help them navigate their way to immortality. An animal’s genome is an instruction manual telling the animal how to navigate through the world, in such a way as to pass the manual (not the body) on into the indefinite future, if not actual immortality.

    Third, my title might be misunderstood to be about the fascinating subject of Ancient DNA. The DNA of the long dead – well, not very long, unfortunately – is in some cases available to us, often in disjointed fragments. The Swedish geneticist Svante Pääbo won a Nobel prize for jigsawing the genome of Neanderthal and Denisovan humans, otherwise known only from fossils; in the Denisovan case only three teeth and five bone fragments. Pääbo’s work incidentally shows that Europeans, but not sub-Saharan Africans, are descended from rare cases of interbreeding with Neanderthals. Also, some modern humans, especially Melanesians, can be traced back to interbreeding events with Denisovans. The field of ‘Ancient DNA’ research is now flourishing. The woolly mammoth genome is almost completely known, and there are serious hopes of reviving the species. Other possible ‘resurrections’ might include the dodo, passenger pigeon, great auk, and thylacine (Tasmanian wolf). Unfortunately, sufficient DNA doesn’t last more than a few thousand years at best. In any case, interesting though it is, Ancient DNA is outside the scope of this book.

    Fourth, I shall not be dealing with comparisons of DNA sequences in different populations of modern humans and the light that they throw on history, including the waves of human migration that have swept over Earth’s land surface. Tantalisingly, these genetic studies overlap with comparisons between languages. For example, the distribution of both genes and words across the Micronesian islands of the Western Pacific islands shows a mathematically lawful relationship between inter-island distance and word-resemblance. We can picture outrigger canoes scudding across the open Pacific, laden with both genes and words! But that would be a chapter in another book. Might it be called The Selfish Meme?

    The present book’s title should not be taken to mean that existing science is ready to translate DNA sequences into descriptions of ancient environments. Nobody can do that, and it’s not clear that SOF will ever do so. This book is about reading the animal itself, its body and behaviour – the ‘phenotype’. It remains true that the descriptive messages from the past are transmitted by DNA. But for the moment we read them indirectly via phenotypes. The easiest, if not the only, way to translate a human genome into a working body is to feed it into a very special interpreting device called a woman.

    The Species as Sculpture; the Species as Averaging Computer

    Sir D’Arcy Thompson (1860–1948), that immensely learned zoologist, classicist, and mathematician, made a remark that seems trite, even tautological, but it actually provokes thought. ‘Everything is the way it is because it got that way.’ The solar system is the way it is because the laws of physics turned a cloud of gas and dust into a spinning disc, which then condensed to form the sun, plus orbiting bodies rotating in the same plane as each other and in the same direction, marking the plane of the original disc. The moon is the way it is because a titanic bombardment of Earth 4.5 billion years ago hived off into orbit a great quantity of matter, which then was pulled and kneaded by gravity into a sphere. The moon’s initial rotation later slowed, in a phenomenon called ‘tidal locking’, such that we only ever see one face of it. More minor bombardments disfigured the moon’s surface with craters. Earth would be pockmarked in the same way but for erosive and tectonic obliteration. A sculpture is the way it is because a block of Carrara marble received the loving attention of Michelangelo.

    Why are our bodies the way they are? Partly, like the moon, we bear the scars of foreign insults – bullet wounds, souvenirs of the duellist’s sabre or the surgeon’s knife, even actual craters from smallpox or chickenpox. But these are superficial details. A body mostly got that way through the processes of embryology and growth. These were, in turn, directed by the DNA in its cells. And how did the DNA get to be the way it is? Here we come to the point. The genome of every individual is a sample of the gene pool of the species. The gene pool got to be the way it is over many generations, partly through random drift, but more pertinently through a process of non-random sculpture. The sculptor is natural selection, carving and whittling the gene pool until it – and the bodies that are its outward and visible manifestation – is the way it is.

    Why do I say it’s the species gene pool that is sculpted rather than the individual’s genome? Because, unlike Michelangelo’s marble, the genome of an individual doesn’t change. The individual genome is not the entity that the sculptor carves. Once fertilisation has taken place, the genome remains fixed, from zygote right through embryonic development, to childhood, adulthood, old age. It is the gene pool of the species, not the genome of the individual, that changes under the Darwinian chisel. The change deserves to be called sculpting to the extent that the typical animal form that results is an improvement. Improvement doesn’t have to mean more beautiful like a Rodin or a Praxiteles (though it often is). It means only getting better at surviving and reproducing. Some individuals survive to reproduce. Others die young. Some individuals have lots of mates. Others have none. Some have no children. Others a swarming, healthy brood. Sexual recombination sees to it that the gene pool is stirred and shaken. Mutation sees to it that new genetic variants are fed into the mingling pool. Natural selection and sexual selection see to it that, as generation succeeds generation, the shape of the average genome of the species changes in constructive directions.

    Unless we are population geneticists, we don’t see the shifting of the sculpted gene pool directly. Instead, we observe changes in the average bodily form and behaviour of members of the species. Every individual is built by the cooperative enterprise of a sample of genes taken from the current pool. The gene pool of a species is the ever-changing marble upon which the chisels, the fine, sharp, exquisitely delicate, deeply probing chisels of natural selection, go to work.

    A geologist looks at a mountain or valley and ‘reads’ it, reconstructs its history from the remote past through to recent times. The natural sculpting of the mountain or valley might begin with a volcano, or tectonic subduction and upthrust. The chisels of wind and rain, rivers and glaciers then take over. When a biologist looks at fossil history, she sees not genes but things that eyes are equipped to see: progressive changes in average phenotype. But the entity being carved by natural selection is the species gene pool.

    The existence of sexual reproduction confers on The Species a very special status not shared by other units in the taxonomic hierarchy – genus, family, order, class, etc. Why? Because sexual recombining of genes – shuffling the pack (American deck) – takes place only within the species. That is the very definition of ‘species’. And it leads me to the second metaphor in the title of this section: the species as averaging computer.

    The genetic book of the dead is a written description of the world of no particular ancestral individual more than another. It is a description of the environments that sculpted the whole gene pool. Any individual whom we examine today is a sample from the shuffled pack, the shaken and stirred gene pool. And the gene pool in every generation was the result of a statistical process averaged over all those individual successes and failures within the species. The species is an averaging computer. The gene pool is the database upon which it works.

    2 ‘Paintings’ and ‘Statues’

    When, like that Mojave Desert lizard, an animal has its ancestral home painted on its back, our eyes give us an instant and effortless readout of the worlds of its forebears, and the hazards that they survived. Here’s another highly camouflaged lizard. Can you see it on its background of tree bark? You can, because the photograph was taken in a strong light from close range. You are like a predator who has had the good fortune to stumble upon a victim under ideal seeing conditions. It is such close encounters that exerted the selection pressure to put the finishing touches to the camouflage’s perfection. But how did the evolution of camouflage get its start? Wandering predators, idly scanning out of the corner of their eye, or hunting when the light was poor, supplied the selection pressures that began the process of evolution towards tree bark mimicry, back when the incipient resemblance was only slight. The intermediate stages of camouflage perfection would have relied upon intermediate seeing conditions. There’s a continuous gradient of available conditions, from ‘seen at a distance, in a poor light, out of the corner of the eye, or when not paying attention’ all the way up to ‘close-up, good light, full-frontal’. The lizard of today has a detailed, highly accurate ‘painting’ of tree bark on its back, painted by genes that survived in the gene pool because they produced increasingly accurate pictures.

    We have only to glance at this frog to ‘read’ the environment of its ancestors as being rich in grey lichen. Or, in another of Chapter 1’s formulations, the frog’s genes ‘bet’ on lichen. I intend ‘bet’ and ‘read’ in a sense that is close to literal. It requires no sophisticated techniques or apparatus. The zoologist’s eyes are sufficient. And the Darwinian reason for this is that the painting is designed to deceive predatory eyes that work in the same kind of way as the zoologist’s own eyes. Ancestral frogs survived because they successfully deceived predatory eyes similar to the eyes of the zoologist – or of you, vertebrate reader.

    In some cases, it is not prey but predators whose outer surface is painted with the colours and patterning of their ancestral world, the better to creep up on prey unseen. A tiger’s genes bet on the tiger being born into a world of light and shade striped by vertical stems. The zoologist examining the body of a snow leopard could bet that its ancestors lived in a mottled world of stones and rocks, perhaps a mountainous region. And its genes place a future bet on the same environment as cover for its offspring.

    By the way, the big cat’s mammalian prey might find its camouflage more baffling than we do. We apes and Old World monkeys have trichromatic vision, with three colour-sensitive cell types in our retinas, like modern digital cameras. Most mammals are dichromats: they are what we would call red-green colour-blind. This probably means they’d find a tiger or snow leopard even harder to distinguish from its background than we would. Natural selection has ‘designed’ the stripes of tigers, and the blotches of snow leopards, in such a way as to fool the dichromat eyes of their typical prey. They are pretty good at fooling our trichromat eyes too.

    Also in passing, I note how surprising it is that otherwise beautifully camouflaged animals are let down by a dead giveaway – symmetry. The feathers of this owl beautifully imitate tree bark. But the symmetry gives the game away. The camouflage is broken.

    I am reduced to suspecting that there must be some deep embryological constraint, making it hard to break away from left-right symmetry. Or does symmetry confer some inscrutable advantage in social encounters? To intimidate rivals, perhaps? Owls can rotate their necks through a far greater angle than we can. Perhaps that mitigates the problem of a symmetrical face. This particular photograph tempts the speculation that natural selection might have favoured the habit of closing one eye because it reduces symmetry. But I suppose that’s too much to hope for.

    Subtly different from ‘paintings’ are ‘statues’. Here the animal’s whole body resembles a discrete object that it is not. A tawny frogmouth or a potoo resembling a broken stump of a tree branch, a stick caterpillar sculpted as a twig, a grasshopper resembling a stone or a clod of dry soil, a caterpillar mimicking a bird dropping, are all examples of animal ‘statues’.

    The working difference between a ‘painting’ and a ‘statue’ is that a painting, but not a statue, ceases to deceive the moment the animal is removed from its natural background. A ‘painted’ peppered moth removed from the light-coloured bark that it resembles and placed on any other background will instantly be seen and caught by a predator. In this photograph, the background is a soot-blackened tree in an industrial area, which is perfect for the dark, melanic mutant of the same species of moth that you may have noticed less immediately by its side. On the other hand, the masquerading Geometrid stick caterpillar photographed by Anil Kumar Verma in India, if placed on any background, would have a good chance of still being mistaken for a stick and overlooked by a predator. That is the mark of a good animal statue.

    Although a statue resembles objects in the natural background, it does not depend for its effectiveness on being seen against that background in the way that a ‘painting’ does. On the contrary, it might be in greater danger. A lone stick insect on a lawn might be overlooked, as a stick that had fallen there. A stick insect surrounded by real sticks might be spotted as the odd one out. When drifting alone, the leafy sea dragon’s resemblance to a wrack might protect it, at least more so than its seahorse cousin whose shape in no way mimics a seaweed. But would this statue be less safe when nestling in a waving bed of real seaweed? It’s a moot question.

    Freshwater mussels of the species Lampsilis cardium have larvae that grow by feeding on blood, which they suck from the gills of a fish. The mussel has to find a way to put its larvae into the fish. It does it by means of a ‘statue’, which fools the fish. The mussel has a brood pouch for very young larvae on the edge of its mantle. The brood pouch is an impressive replica of a pair of small fish, complete with false eyes and false, very fish-like, ‘swimming’ movements. Statues don’t move, so the word ‘statue’ is strictly inappropriate, but never mind, you get the point. Larger fish approach and attempt to catch the dummy fish. What they actually catch – and it does them no good – is a squirt of mussel larvae.

    This highly camouflaged snake from Iran has a dummy spider at the tip of its tail. It may look only half convincing in a still picture. But the snake moves its tail in such a way that it looks strikingly like a spider scuttling about. Very realistic indeed, especially when the snake itself is concealed in a burrow with only the tail tip visible. Birds swoop down on the spider. And that is the last thing they do. It is worth reflecting on how remarkable it is that such a trick has evolved by natural selection. What might the intermediate stages have looked like? How did the evolutionary sequence get started? I suppose that, before the tip of the tail looked anything like a spider, simply waggling it about was somewhat attractive to birds, who are drawn to any small moving object.

    Both ‘paintings’ and ‘statues’ are easy-to-read descriptions of ancestral worlds, the environments in which ancestors survived. The stick caterpillar is a detailed description of ancient twigs. The potoo is a perfect model of long-forgotten stumps. Except that they are not really forgotten. The potoo itself is the memory. Twigs of past ages have carved their own likeness into the masquerading body of that caterpillar. The sands of time have painted their collective self-portrait on the surface of this spider, which you may have trouble spotting.

    ‘Where are the snows of yesteryear?’ Natural selection has frozen them in the winter plumage of the willow ptarmigan.

    The leaf-tailed gecko recalls to our minds, though not his, the dead leaves among which his ancestors lived. He embodies the Darwinian ‘memory’ of generations of leaves that fell long before men arrived in Madagascar to see them, probably long before men existed anywhere.

    The green katydid (long-horned grasshopper) has no idea that it embodies a genetic memory of green mosses and fronds over which its ancestors walked. But we can read at a glance that this is so. Same with this adorable little Vietnamese mossy frog.

    Statues don’t always copy inanimate objects like sticks or pebbles, dead leaves, or tree branch stubs. Some mimics pretend to be poisonous or distasteful models, and inconspicuous is precisely what they are not. At first glance you might think this was a wasp and hesitate to pick it up. It’s actually a harmless hoverfly. The eyes give it away. Flies have bigger compound eyes than wasps. This feature is probably written in a deep layer of palimpsest that, for some reason, is hard to over-write. The largest anatomical difference between flies and wasps – two wings rather than four (the feature that gives the fly Order its Latin name, Diptera) – is perhaps also difficult to over-write. But maybe, too, that potential clue is hard to notice. What predator is going to take the time to count wings?

    Real wasps, the models for the hoverfly mimicry, are not trying to hide. They’re the opposite of camouflaged. Their vividly striped abdomen shouts ‘Beware! Don’t mess with me!’ The hoverfly is shouting the same thing, but it’s a lie. It has no sting and would be good to eat if only the predator dared to attack it. It is a statue, not a painting, because its (fake) warning doesn’t depend on the background. From our point of view in this book, we can read its stripes as telling us that the ecology of its ancestors contained dangerous yellow-and-black stripy things, and predators that feared them. The fly’s stripes are a simulacrum of erstwhile wasp stripes, painted on its abdomen by natural selection. Yellow and black stripes on an insect reliably signify a warning – either true or false – of dire consequences to would-be attackers. The beetle to the right is another, especially vivid example.

    If you came face to face with this, peering at you through the undergrowth, would you start back, thinking it was a snake?

    It isn’t peering and it isn’t a snake. It’s the chrysalis of a butterfly, Dynastor darius, and chrysalises don’t peer. As a fine pretence of the front end of a snake, it’s well calculated to frighten. Never mind that rational second thoughts could calculate that it’s a bit on the small side to be a dangerous snake. There exists a distance – still close enough to be worrying – at which a snake would look that small. Besides, a panicking bird has no time for second thoughts. One startled squawk and it’s away. Having more time for reflection, the Darwinian student of the genetic book of the dead will read the caterpillar’s ancestral world as inhabited by dangerous snakes. Some caterpillars, whose rear ends pull the same snake trick, even move muscles in such a way that the fake eyes seem to close and open. Would-be predators can’t be expected to know that snakes don’t do that.

    Eyes are scary in themselves. That’s why some moths have eyespots on their wings, which they suddenly expose when surprised by a predator. If you had good reason to fear tigers or other members of the cat family, might you not start back in alarm if suddenly confronted with this, the so-called owl moth of South East Asia?

    There exists a distance – a dangerous distance – at which a tiger or a leopard would present a retinal image the same size as a close-up moth. OK, it doesn’t look very like any particular member of the cat family to our eyes. But there’s plenty of evidence that animals of various species respond to dummies that bear only a crude resemblance to the real thing – scarecrows are a familiar example, and there’s lots of experimental evidence as well. Black-headed gulls respond to a model gull head on the end of a stick, as though it were a whole real gull. A shocked withdrawal might be all it takes to save this moth.

    I am amused to learn that eyes painted on the rumps of cattle are effective in deterring predation by lions.

    We could call it the Babar effect, after Jean de Brunhoff’s lovable and wise King of the Elephants, who won the war against the rhinoceroses by painting scary eyes on elephant rumps.

    What on Earth is this? A dragon? A nightmare devil horse? It is in fact the caterpillar of an Australian moth, the pink underwing. The spectacular eye and teeth pattern is not visible when the caterpillar is at rest. It is screened by folds of skin. When threatened, the animal pulls back the skin screen to unveil the display, and, well, all I can say is that if I were a would-be predator, I wouldn’t hang about.

    PHOTO: HUSEIN LATIF

    The scariest false face I know? It’s a toss-up between the octopus on the left and the vulture on the right. The real eyes of the octopus can just be seen above the inner ends of the ‘eyebrows’ of the large, prominent false eyes. You can find the real eyes of the Himalayan griffon vulture if you first locate the beak and hence the real head. The false eyes of the octopus presumably deter predators. The vulture seems to use its false face to intimidate other vultures, thereby clearing a path through a crowd around a carcase.

    Some butterflies have a false head at the back of the wings. How might this benefit the insect? Five hypotheses have been proposed, of which the consensus favourite is the deflection hypothesis: birds are thought to peck at the less vulnerable false head, sparing the real one. I slightly prefer a sixth idea, that the predator expects the butterfly to take off in the wrong direction. Why do I prefer it? Perhaps because I am committed to the idea that animals survive by predicting the future.

    Paintings and statues aimed at fooling predators constitute the nearest approach achieved by any book of the dead to a literal readout, a literal description of ancestral worlds. And the aspect of this that I want to stress is its astounding accuracy and attention to detail. This leaf insect even has fake blemishes. The stick caterpillar (here) has fake buds.

    I see no reason why the same scrupulous attention to detail should not pervade less literal, less obvious parts of the readout. I believe the same detailed perfection is lurking, waiting to be discovered, in internal organs, in brain-wiring of behaviour, in cellular biochemistry, and other more indirect or deeply buried readings that can be dug out if only we could develop the tools to do so. Why should natural selection escalate its vigilance specifically for the external appearance of animals? Internal details, all details, are no less vital to survival. They are equally subject to becoming written descriptions of past worlds, albeit written in a less transparent script, harder to decipher than this chapter’s superficial paintings and statues. The reason paintings and statues are easier for us to read than internal pages of the genetic book of the dead is not far to seek. They are aimed at eyes, especially predatory eyes. And, as already pointed out, predatory eyes, vertebrate ones at least, work in the same way as our eyes. No wonder it is camouflage and other versions of painting and sculpture that most impress us among all the pages of the book of the dead.

    I believe the internally buried descriptions of ancestral worlds will turn out to have the same detailed perfection as the externally seen paintings and statues. Why should they not? The descriptions will just be written less literally, more cryptically, and will require more sophisticated decoding. As with the ear’s decoding of Chapter 1’s spoken word ‘sisters’, the paintings and statues of this chapter are effortlessly read pages from books of the dead. But just as the ‘sisters’ waveform, when presented in the recalcitrant form of binary digits, will eventually yield to analysis, so too will the non-obvious, non-skin-deep details of animals and their genes. The book of the dead will be read, even down to minute details buried deep inside every cell.

    This is my central message, and it will bear repeating here. The fine-fingered sculpting of natural selection works not just on the external appearance of an animal such as a stick caterpillar, a tree-climbing lizard, a leaf insect or a tawny frogmouth, where we can appreciate it with the naked eye. The Darwinian sculptor’s sharp chisels penetrate every internal cranny and nook of an animal, right down to the sub-microscopic interior of cells and the high-speed chemical wheels that turn therein. Do not be deceived by the extra difficulty of discerning details more deeply buried. There is every reason to suppose that painted lizards or moths, and moulded potoos or caterpillars, are the outward and visible tips of huge, concealed icebergs. Darwin was at his most eloquent in expressing the point.

    It may be said that natural selection is daily and hourly scrutinising, throughout the world, every variation, even the slightest; rejecting that which is bad, preserving and adding up all that is good; silently and insensibly working, whenever and wherever opportunity offers, at the improvement of each organic being in relation to its organic and inorganic conditions of life. We see nothing of these slow changes in progress, until the hand of time has marked the long lapse of ages, and then so imperfect is our view into long past geological ages, that we only see that the forms of life are now different from what they formerly were.

    3 In the Depths of the Palimpsest

    It’s all very well for me to say an animal is a readout of environments from the past, but how far into the past do we go? Every twinge of lower-back pain reminds us that our ancestors only 6 million years ago walked on all fours. Our mammalian spine was built over hundreds of millions of years of horizontal existence when the working body depended on it – depended in the literal sense of hanging from it. The human spine was not ‘meant’ to stand vertically, and it understandably protests. Our human palimpsest has ‘quadruped’ boldly written in a firm hand, then over-written all too superficially – and sometimes painfully – with the tracery of a new description – biped. Parvenu, Johnny-come-lately biped.

    The skin of Chapter 1’s Mojave horned lizard proclaimed to us an ancestral world of sandy, stony desert, but that world was presumably recent. What can we read from the palimpsest about earlier environments? Let’s begin by going back a very long way. As with all vertebrates, lizard embryos have gill arches that speak to us of ancestral life in water. As it happens, we have fossils to tell us that the watery scripts of all terrestrial vertebrates, including lizards, date back to Devonian times and then back to life’s marine beginning. The poetic point has often been made – I associate it with that salty, larger-than-life intellectual warrior JBS Haldane – that our saline blood plasma is a relic of Palaeozoic seas. In a 1940 essay called ‘Man as a Sea Beast’, Haldane notes that our plasma is similar in chemical composition to the sea but diluted. He takes this as an indication, not a very strong one in my reluctant opinion (‘reluctant’ because I like the idea), that Palaeozoic seas were less salty than today’s:

    As the sea is always receiving salt from the rivers, and only occasionally depositing it in drying lagoons, it becomes saltier from age to age, and our plasma tells us of a time when it possessed less than half its present salt content.

    The phrase ‘tells us of a time’ resonates congenially with the title of this book. Haldane goes on:

    we pass our first nine months as aquatic animals, suspended in and protected by a salty fluid medium. We begin life as salt-water animals.

    Whatever the plausibility of Haldane’s inference about changing salinity, what is undeniable is this. All life began in the sea. The lowest level of palimpsest tells a story of water. After some hundreds of millions of years, plants and then a variety of animals took the enterprising step out onto the land. Following Haldane’s fancy, we could say they eased the journey by taking their private sea water with them in their blood. Animal groups that independently took this step include scorpions, snails, centipedes and millipedes, spiders, crustaceans such as woodlice and land crabs, insects (who later took a further giant leap into the air) and a range of worms who, however, never stray far from moisture to this day. All these animals have ‘dry land’ inscribed on top of the deeper marine layers of palimpsest. Of special interest to us as vertebrates, the lobefins, a group of fish represented today by lungfish and coelacanths, crawled out of the sea, perhaps initially only in search of water elsewhere but eventually to take up permanent residence on dry land, in some cases very dry indeed. Intermediate palimpsest scripts tell of juvenile life in water (think tadpole) accompanying adult emergence on land.

    That all makes sense. There was a living to be made on land. The sun showers the land with photons, no less than the surface of the sea. Energy was there for the taking. Why wouldn’t plants take advantage of it via green solar panels, and then animals take advantage of it via plants? Do not suppose that a mutant individual suddenly found itself fully equipped genetically for life on land. More probably, individuals of an enterprising disposition made the first uncomfortable moves. This was perhaps rewarded by a new source of food. We can imagine them learning to make brief, snatch-and-grab forays out of water. Genetic natural selection would have favoured individuals who were especially good at learning the new ploy. Successive generations would have become better and better at learning it, spending less and less time in the sea.

    The general name for learned behaviour becoming genetically incorporated is the Baldwin Effect. Though I won’t discuss it further here, I suspect that it’s important in the evolution of major innovations generally, perhaps including the first moves towards defying gravity in flight. In the case of the lobe-finned fishes who left the water in the Devonian era around 400 million years ago, there are various theories for how it happened. One that I like was proposed by the American palaeontologist AS Romer. Recurrent drought would have stranded fishes in shrinking pools. Natural selection favoured individuals able to leave a doomed pool and crawl overland to find another one. A point in strong favour of the theory is that there would have been a continuous range of distances separating the pools. At the beginning of the evolutionary progression, a fish could save its life by crawling to a neighbouring pool only a short distance away. Later in evolution, more distant pools could be reached. All evolutionary advances must be gradual. A suffocating fish’s ability to exploit air requires physiological modification. Major modification cannot happen in one fell swoop. That would be too improbable. There has to be a gradient of step-by-step small improvement. And a gradient of distances between pools, some near, some a bit further, some far, is exactly what is needed. We shall meet the point again in Chapter 6 and the astonishingly rapid evolution of Cichlid fishes in Lake Victoria. Unfortunately, Romer prefaced his theory by quoting evidence that the Devonian was especially prone to drought. When this evidence was called into question, Romer’s whole theory suffered in appreciation. Unnecessarily so.

    In whatever way the move to the land happened, profound re­design became necessary. Water really is a very different environment from airy land. For animals, the move out of water was accompanied by radical changes in anatomy and physiology. Watery scripts at the base of the palimpsest had to be comprehensively over-written. It is the more surprising that a large number of animal groups later went into reverse, throwing their hard-won retooling to the winds as they trooped back into the water. Among invertebrates, the list includes pond snails, diving bell spiders, and water beetles. The water that they re-invaded is fresh water, not sea. But some vertebrate returnees, notably whales (including dolphins), sea cows, sea snakes, and turtles, went right back into the salted marine world that their ancestors had taken such trouble to leave.

    Seals, sea lions, walruses, and their kin, also Galapagos marine iguanas, only partially returned to the sea, to feed. They still spend much time on land, and breed on land. So do penguins, whose streamlined athleticism in the sea is bought at the cost of risible maladroitness on land. You cannot be a master of all trades. Sea turtles laboriously haul themselves out on land to lay eggs. Otherwise, they totally recommitted to the sea. As soon as baby turtles hatch in the sand, they lose no time in racing down the beach to the sea. Lots of other land vertebrates moved part-time into fresh water, including snakes, crocodiles, hippos, otters, shrews, tenrecs, rodents such as water voles and beavers, desmans (a kind of mole), yapoks (water opossums), and platypuses. These still spend a good deal of time on land, taking to the water mainly to feed.

    Sea turtle

    You might think that returnees to water would unmask the lower layers of palimpsest and rediscover the designs that served their ancestors so well. Why don’t whales, why don’t dugongs, have gills? Their embryos, like the embryos of all mammals, even have the makings of gills. It would seem the most natural thing in the world to dust off the old script and press it into service again. That doesn’t happen. It’s almost as though, having gone to such trouble to evolve lungs, they were reluctant to abandon them, even if, as you might think, gills would serve them better. Given gills, they wouldn’t have to keep coming to the surface to breathe. But rather than revive the gill, what they did was stick loyally to the lung, even at the cost of profound modifications to the whole air-breathing system, to accommodate the return to water.

    They changed their physiology in extreme ways such that they can stay under water for over an hour in some cases. When whales do come to the surface, they can exchange a huge volume of air very quickly in one roaring gulp before submerging again. It’s tempting to toy with the idea of a general rule stating that old scripts from lower down the palimpsest cannot be revived. But I can’t see why this should in general be true. There has to be a more telling reason. I suspect that, having committed their embryological mechanics to air-breathing lungs, the repurposing of gills would be a more radical embryological upheaval, more difficult to achieve than rewriting superficial scripts to modify the air-breathing equipment.

    Sea snakes don’t have gills, but they obtain oxygen from water through an exceptionally rich blood supply in the head. Again, they went for a new solution to the problem, rather than revive the old one. Some turtles obtain a certain amount of oxygen from water via the cloaca (waste disposal plus genital opening), but they still have to come to the surface to breathe air into their lungs.

    Steller’s sea cow

    Never parted from the buoyant support of water, whales are freed to evolve in massively (indeed so) different directions from their terrestrial ancestors. The blue whale is probably the largest animal that ever lived. Steller’s sea cows (see previous page), extinct relatives of dugongs and manatees, reached lengths of 11 metres and masses of 10 tonnes, larger than minke whales. They were hunted to extinction in the eighteenth century, soon after Steller first saw them. Like whales, sea cows breathe air, having failed to rediscover anything equivalent to the gills of their earlier ancestors. For reasons just discussed, that word ‘failed’ may be ill-advised.

    Ichthyosaurs were reptilian contemporaries of the dinosaurs, with fins and streamlined bodies, and with powerful tails, which were their main engines of propulsion: like dolphins, except that ichthyosaur tails would have moved from side to side rather than up and down. The ancestors of whales and dolphins had already perfected the mammalian galloping gait on land, and the up-and-down motion of dolphin flukes was naturally derived from it. Dolphins ‘gallop’ through the water, unlike ichthyosaurs, who would have swum more like fish. Otherwise, ichthyosaurs looked like dolphins and they probably lived pretty much like dolphins. Did they leap exuberantly into the air – wonderful thought – wagging their tails like dolphins (but from side to side)? They had big eyes, from which we might guess that they probably didn’t rely on sonar as the small-eyed dolphins do. Ichthyosaurs gave birth to live babies in the sea, as we know from a fossil ichthyosaur who unfortunately died during the act of giving birth (see above). Unlike turtles, but like dolphins and sea cows, ichthyosaurs were fully emancipated from their terrestrial heritage. So were plesiosaurs, for there’s evidence that they were livebearers too. Given that viviparity has evolved, according to one authoritative estimate, at least 100 times independently in land reptiles, it seems surprising that sea turtles, buoyant in water but painfully heavy on land, still labour up the sands to lay eggs. And that their babies, when they hatch, are obliged to flap their perilous way down to the sea, running a gauntlet of gulls, frigate birds, foxes, and even marauding crabs.

    Ichthyosaur died while giving birth

    Sea turtles revert to land to lay their eggs, in holes that they dig in a sandy beach. And an arduous exertion it is, for they are woefully ill-equipped to move out of water. Seals, sea lions, otters, and many other mammals whom we’ll discuss in a moment, spend part of their time in water and are adapted to swimming rather than walking, which makes them clumsy on land, though less so than sea turtles. As already remarked, the same is true of penguins, who are champions in water but comically awkward on land. Galapagos marine iguanas are proficient swimmers, but they can manage a surprising turn of speed on land too, when fleeing snakes. All these animals show us what the intermediates might have been like, on the way to becoming dedicated mariners like whales, dugongs, plesiosaurs, and ichthyosaurs.

    Tortles and turtoises – a tortuous trajectory

    Turtles and tortoises are of special interest from the palimpsest point of view, and they deserve special treatment. But first I have to dispel a confusing quirk of the English language. In British common usage, turtles are purely aquatic, tortoises totally terrestrial. Americans call them all turtles, tortoises being those turtles that live on land. In what follows, I’ll try to use unambiguous language that won’t confuse readers from either of the two nations ‘separated by a common language’. I’ll sometimes resort to ‘chelonians’ to refer to the entire group.

    Land tortoises, as we shall see, are almost unique in that their palimpsest chronicles a double doubling-back during the long course of their evolution. Their fish ancestors, along with the ancestors of all land vertebrates including us, left the sea in Devonian times, around 400 million years ago. After a period on land they then, like whales and dugongs, like ichthyosaurs and plesiosaurs, returned to the water. They became sea turtles. Finally, uniquely, some aquatic turtles came back to the land and became our modern dry-land (in some cases very dry indeed) tortoises. This is the ‘double doubling-back’ that I mentioned. But how do we know? How has the uniquely complicated palimpsest of land tortoises been deciphered?

    We can draw a family tree of extant chelonians, using all available evidence including molecular genetics. The diagram below is adapted from a paper by Walter Joyce and Jacques Gauthier. Aquatic groups are shown in blue, terrestrial in orange. I’ve taken the liberty of colouring the ‘ancestral’ blobs blue when the majority of their descendant groups are blue. Today’s land tortoises constitute a single branch, nested among branches consisting of aquatic turtles.

    This suggests that modern land tortoises, unlike most land reptiles and mammals, have not stayed on land continuously since their fish ancestors (who were also ours) emerged from the sea. Land tortoises’ ancestors were among those who, like whales and dugongs, went back to the water. But, unlike whales and dugongs, they then re-emerged back onto the land. I suppose this means I should reluctantly admit that American terminology has something going for it. As it turns out, what we British call tortoises are just sea turtles who turned turtle and returned to the land. They’re terrestrial turtles. No, I can’t do it. My upbringing leads me to go on calling them tortoises, but I’ll curb my tendency to wince at a phrase like ‘desert turtles’. In any case, what is interesting from the point of view of the genetic book of the dead is this: where reversals are concerned, land tortoises appear to have the most complicated palimpsests of all, with the largest number of almost perverse-seeming reversals.

    Modern land tortoise

    Moreover, it appears that our modern land tortoises may not be the first of their kind to achieve this remarkable double doubling-back. What looks like an earlier case occurred in the Triassic era. Two genera, Proganochelys and Palaeochersis, date way back to the first great age of dinosaurs, indeed long before the more spectacular and famous giant dinosaurs of the Jurassic and Cretaceous. It appears that they lived on land. How can we know? This is a good opportunity to return to our ‘future scientist’ SOF, faced with an unknown animal, and invite her to ‘read’ its environment from its skeleton. Fossils present the challenge in earnest because we can’t watch them living – whether swimming or walking – in their environment.

    Proganochelys

    So, what might SOF say of those enigmatic fossils, Proganochelys and Palaeochersis? Their feet don’t look like swimming flippers. But can we be more scientific about this? Joyce and Gauthier, whom we’ve already met, used a method that can point the way for anyone who wants to quantitatively decipher the genetic book of the long dead. They took seventy-one living species of chelonians whose habitat is known, and made three key measurements of their arm bones, the humerus (upper arm), the ulna (one of the two forearm bones), and the hand, as a percentage of total arm length. They plotted them on triangular graph paper. Triangular plotting makes convenient use of a proof in Euclidean geometry. From any point inside an equilateral triangle, the lengths of perpendiculars dropped to the three sides add up to the same value. This provides a useful technique for displaying three variables when the three are proportions that add up to a fixed number such as one, or percentages that add up to 100. Each coloured point represents one of the seventy-one species. The perpendicular distances of a point from each of the three lines of the big triangle represent the lengths of their three skeletal measurements. And when you colour-code the species according to whether they live in water or on land, something significant leaps off the page. The coloured points elegantly separate out. Blue points represent species living in water, yellow points species living on land. Green points represent genera that spend time in both environments and they, satisfyingly, occupy the region between the blues and yellows.

    So now, the interesting question is, where do the two ancient fossil species, Palaeochersis and Proganochelys, fall? They are represented by the two red stars. And there’s little doubt about it. The red stars fall among the yellow points, the dry-land species of modern tortoises. They were terrestrial tortoises. The two stars fall fairly close to the green points, so maybe they didn’t stray far from water. This kind of method shows one way in which our hypothetical SOF might ‘read’ the environment of any hitherto unknown animal – and hence read the environment in which its ancestors were naturally selected. No doubt SOF will have more advanced methods at her disposal, but studies such as this one might point the way.

    Palaeochersis and Proganochelys, then, were landlubbers. But had they stayed on land ever since their (and our) fishy ancestors crawled out of the sea? Or did they, like modern land tortoises, number sea turtles among their forebears? To help decide this, let’s look at another fossil. Odontochelys semitestacea lived in the Triassic, like Palaeochersis and Proganochelys but earlier. It was about half a metre long, including a long tail, which modern chelonians lack. The ‘Odonto’ in the generic name records the fact that it had teeth, unlike all modern chelonians, who have something more like a bird’s beak. And the specific name semitestacea testifies to its having only half a shell. It had a ‘plastron’, the hard shell that protects the belly of all chelonians, but it lacked the domed upper shell. The ribs, however, were flattened like those that support the shell in a normal chelonian.

    The fossil was discovered in China and described by a group of scientists led by Li Chun. They believe Odontochelys, or something like it, is ancestral to all chelonians and that the turtle shell evolved ‘from the bottom up’. They referred to the Joyce and Gauthier paper on forelimb proportions and concluded that Odontochelys was aquatic. In case you’re wondering what was the use of half a shell, sharks (who have been around since long before any of this story) often attack from below, so the armoured belly might have been anti-shark. If we accept this interpretation, it again suggests that the chelonian shell evolved in water. Against land predators we would not expect that the breastplate should be the first piece of armour to evolve. Quite the reverse. Odontochelys was probably something like a swimming lizard, a sort of Galapagos marine iguana but armoured with a large ventral breastplate.

    Although it’s controversial, the Chinese scientists favour the view that an aquatic turtle like Odontochelys, with its half shell, was ancestral to chelonians. Like all reptiles, it would have been descended from terrestrial, lizard-like ancestors, perhaps something like Pappochelys. If they are right that the chelonian shell evolved, Odontochelys-style, from the bottom up in shark-infested waters, what can we say about Palaeochersis and Proganochelys out on the land?

    Odontochelys

    It would seem that these represent an earlier emergence from water, an earlier incarnation of doubling-back terrestrial tortoises, to parallel today’s behemoths of Galapagos and Aldabra, who evolved from a later generation of aquatic turtles. In any case, the group we know as land tortoises stand as poster child for the very idea of an elaborate palimpsest. Not only did they leave the water for the land, return to water, and then double back onto the land again. They may even have done it twice! The doubling-back was achieved first by the likes of Proganochelys, and then again, independently, by our modern land tortoises. Maybe some went back to water yet again. It wouldn’t surprise me if some freshwater terrapins represent such a triple reversal, but I know of no evidence. Even one doubling-back is remarkable enough.

    Pappochelys

    If this giant Galapagos tortoise could sing a Homeric epic of its ancestors, its DNA-scored Odyssey would range from ancient legends of Devonian fishes, through lizard-like creatures roaming Permian lands, back to the sea with Mesozoic turtles, and finally returning to the land a second time. Now that’s what I call a palimpsest!

    Giant Galapagos tortoise

    Who Sings Loudest

    I said in Chapter 1 that the palimpsest chapter would return to the question of the relative balance between recent scripts and ancient ones. It is time to do so. You might conjecture something like the scriptural rule for internal Koranic contradictions: later verses supersede earlier ones. But it’s not as simple as that. In the genetic book of the dead, older scripts of the palimpsest can amount to ‘constraints on perfection’.

    Famous cases of evolutionary bad design, such as the vertebrate retina being installed back to front, or the wasteful detour of the laryngeal nerve (see below), can be blamed on historical constraints of this kind.

    ‘Can you tell me the way to Dublin?’

    ‘Well, I wouldn’t start from here.’

    The joke is familiar to the point of cliché, but it strikes to the heart of our palimpsest priority question. Unlike an engineer who can go back to the drawing board, evolution always has to ‘start from here’, however unfavourable a starting point ‘here’ may be. Imagine what the jet engine would look like if the designer had had to start with a propellor engine on his drawing board, which he then had to modify, step by tinkering step, until it became a jet engine. An engineer starting with the luxury of a clean drawing board would never have designed an eye with the ‘photocells’ facing backwards, and their output ‘wires’ being obliged to travel over the surface of the retina and eventually dive through it in a blind spot on their way to the brain. The blind spot is worryingly large, although we don’t notice it because the brain, in building its constrained virtual reality model of the world, cunningly fills in a plausible replacement for the missing patch on the visual field. I suppose such guesswork could be dangerous if a hazard happened to fall on the blind spot at a crucial moment. But this piece of bad design is buried deep in embryology. To change it in order to make the end product more sensible would require a major upheaval early in the embryonic development of the nervous system. And the earlier in embryology it is, the more radical and difficult to achieve. Even if such an upheaval could at length be achieved, the intermediate evolutionary stages on the way to the ultimate improvement would probably be fatally inferior to the existing arrangement, which works, after all, pretty well. Mutant individuals who began the long trek to ultimate improvement would be out-competed by rivals who coped adequately with the status quo. Indeed, in the hypothetical case of reforming the retina, they would probably be totally blind.

    You can call the backwards retina ‘bad design’ if you wish. It’s a legacy of history, a relic, an older palimpsest script partially over-written. Another example is the tail of humans and other apes, prominent in the embryo, shrunk to the coccyx in the adult. Also faintly traced in the palimpsest is our sparse covering of hair. Once useful for heat insulation, it is now reduced to a relic, still retaining its now almost pointless erectile properties in response to cold or emotion.

    The recurrent laryngeal nerve in a mammal or a reptile serves the larynx. But instead of going directly to its destination, it shoots straight past the larynx, on its way down the neck into the chest, where it loops around a major artery and then rushes all the way back up the neck to the larynx. If you think of it as design, this is obviously rotten design. The length of the detour in the giant dinosaur Brachiosaurus would have been about 20 metres. In a giraffe it is still impressive, as I witnessed at first hand when, for a Channel Four documentary called Inside Nature’s Giants, I assisted in the dissection of a giraffe, who had unfortunately died in a zoo. Who knows what inefficiencies or outright errors might have resulted from the transmission delay that such a detour must have imposed. But natural selection is not wantonly silly. It wasn’t originally bad design in our fishy ancestors when the nerve in question went straight to its end organ – not larynx, for fish don’t have a larynx. Fish don’t have a neck either. When the neck started to lengthen in their land-dwelling descendants, the marginal cost of each small lengthening of the detour was small compared to what would have been the major cost of radically reforming embryology to re-route the nerve along a ‘sensible’ path, the other side of the artery. Mutant individuals who began the embryologically radical evolutionary journey towards re-routing the laryngeal nerve would have been out-competed by rival individuals who made do with the working status quo. There’s a very similar example in the routing of the tube connecting testis to penis. Instead of taking the most direct route, it loops over the tube connecting kidney to bladder: an apparently pointless detour. Once again, the bad design is a constraint buried deep in embryology and deep in history.

    Recurrent laryngeal nerve

    ‘Buried deep in embryology and deep in history’ is another way of saying ‘buried deep under layers of younger scripts in the palimpsest’. Far from a ‘Koranic’ type of rule in which ‘Later trumps Earlier’, we might be tempted to toy with the reverse, ‘Earlier trumps Later’. But that won’t do either. The selection pressures that winnowed our recent ancestors are probably still in force today. So, to change the metaphor from a book to a cacophony of voices, the youngest voice, in its youthful vigour, might have something of a built-in advantage. Not an overriding advantage, however. I’d be content with the more cautious claim that the genetic book of the dead is a palimpsest made up of scripts ranging from very old to very young and including all intermediates between. If there are general rules governing relative prominence of old versus young or intermediate, they must wait for later research.

    Biologists have long recognised morphological features that lie conservatively in basal layers of the palimpsest. An example is the vertebrate skeleton: the dorsally placed spinal column, with a skull and tail at the two ends, the column made of serially segmented vertebrae through which runs the body’s main trunk nerve. Then the four limbs that sprout from it, each consisting of a single, typically long bone (humerus or femur) connected to two parallel bones (radius/ulna, tibia/fibula); then a cluster of smaller bones terminating in five digits. It’s always five digits in the embryo, although in the adult some may be reduced or even missing. Horses have lost all but the middle digit, which bears the hoof (a massively enlarged version of our nail). A group of extinct South American herbivores, the Litopterns, included some species, such as Thoatherium (left), which independently evolved almost exactly the same hoofed limb as the horse (right). The two limbs have been drawn the same size for ease of comparison, but Thoatherium was considerably smaller than a typical horse, about the size of a small antelope. Think of the horse in the picture as a Shetland pony!

    LitopternHorse

    Arthropods have a different Bauplan (building plan or body plan), although they resemble vertebrates in their segmented pattern of units repeated fore-and-aft in series. Annelid worms such as earthworms, ragworms, and lugworms also have a segmented body plan, and they share with arthropods the ventral position of the main nerve. This difference in position of the body’s main nerve has led to the provocative speculation that we vertebrates may be descended from a worm who developed the habit of swimming upside down – a habit that has been rediscovered by brine shrimps today. If this is so, the ‘basic’ vertebrate Bauplan may not be quite as basic as we thought.

    Brine shrimp

    But, important and even stately as such morphological bauplans are, morphology has become overshadowed by molecular genetics when it comes to reading the lower layers of biological palimpsests in order to reconstruct animal pedigrees. Here’s a neat little example. South American trees are inhabited by two genera of tree sloths, the two-toed and the three-toed. There was also a giant ground sloth, which went extinct some ten or twelve thousand years ago, just recently enough to supply molecular biologists with DNA. Since the two tree sloths are so alike, in both anatomy and behaviour, it was natural to suppose that they are closely related, descended from a tree-dwelling ancestor quite recently, and more distantly related to the giant ground sloth. Molecular genetics now shows, however, that the two-toed tree sloth is closer to the giant sloth – all 4 tonnes of it – than it is to the three-toed tree sloth.

    Long before modern molecular taxonomy burst onto the scene, morphological evidence aplenty showed us that dolphins are mammals not fish, for all that they look and behave superficially like large fish – mahi-mahi are indeed sometimes called ‘dolphinfish’ or even ‘dolphins’. But although science long knew that dolphins and whales were mammals, no zoologist was prepared for the bombshell released in the late twentieth century by molecular geneticists when they showed, beyond all doubt, that whales sprang from within the artiodactyls, the even-toed, cloven-hoofed ungulates. The closest living cousins of hippos are not pigs, as I was taught as a zoology undergraduate. They are whales. Whales don’t have hooves to cleave. Indeed, their land ancestors probably didn’t actually have cloven hooves, but broad four-toed feet, as hippos do today. Nevertheless, they are fully paid-up members of the artiodactyls. Not even outliers to the rest of the artiodactyls but buried deep within them, closer cousins to hippos than hippos are to pigs or to other animals who actually have cloven hooves. A staggering revelation that nobody saw coming. Molecular gene sequencing may have other shocks in store for us yet.

    Just as a computer disc is littered with fragments of out-of-date documents, animal genomes are littered with genes that must once have done useful work but now are never read. They’re called pseudogenes – not a great name, but we’re stuck with it. They are also sometimes called ‘junk’ genes, but they aren’t ‘junk’ in the sense of being meaningless. They are full of meaning. If they were translated, the product would be a real protein. But they are not translated. The most striking example I know concerns the human sense of smell. It is notoriously poor compared with that of coursing hounds, seal-hunting polar bears, truffle-snuffling sows, or indeed the majority of mammals. You’d be right to credit our ancestors with feats of smell discrimination that would amaze us if we could go back and experience them. And the remarkable fact is that the necessary genes, large numbers of them, are still with us. It’s just that they are never read, never transcribed, never rendered into protein. They’ve become sidelined as pseudogenes. Such older scripts of the DNA palimpsest are not only there. They can be read in total clarity. But only by molecular biologists. They are ignored by the natural reading mechanisms of our cells. Our sense of smell is frustratingly poor compared to what it could be if only we could find a way to turn on those ancient genes that still lurk within us. Imagine the high-flown imagery that mutant wine connoisseurs might unleash. ‘Black cherry offset by new-mown hay in the attack, with notes of lead pencil in the satisfying finish’ would be tame by comparison.

    Hippos are closer cousins to whales than to any other ungulates

    The analogy between genome and computer disc is a more than usually close one. If I invite my computer to list the documents on my hard disc, I see an orderly array of letters, articles, chapters of books, spreadsheets of accounts, music, holiday photos, and so on. But if I were to read the raw data as it is actually laid out on the disc, I would face a phantasmagoria of disjointed fragments. What seems to be a coherent book chapter is made up of here a scrap, there a fragment, dotted around the disc. We think it’s coherent only because system software knows where to look for the next fragment. And when I delete a document, I may fondly imagine it has gone. It hasn’t. It’s still sitting where it was. Why waste valuable computer-time to expunge it? All that happens when you delete a document is that the system software marks its territory on the disc as available to be over-written by other stuff, as and when the space is needed. If the territory is not needed it will not be over-written and the original document, or parts of it, will survive – legible but never actually read – like the smell pseudogenes that we still possess but don’t use. This is why, if you want to remove incriminating documents from your computer, you must take special steps to expunge them completely. Routine ‘deletion’ is not proof against hackers.

    Pseudogenes are a lucid message from the past: a significant part of the genetic book of the dead. If she hadn’t already deduced it from other cues, SOF would know, from the graveyard of dead genes littering the genome, that our ancestors inhabited a world of smells richer than we can imagine. The DNA tombstones are not only there, the lettering on them is more or less clear and distinct. Incidentally, these molecular tombstones are a huge embarrassment to creationists. Why on earth would a Creator clutter our genome with smell genes that are never used?

    This chapter has been mainly concerned with deep layers of the palimpsest, the legacies of more ancient history. In the next four chapters we turn to layers nearer the surface. This amounts to a look at the power of natural selection to override the deep legacies of history. One way to study this is to pick out convergent resemblances between unrelated animals. Another way is ‘reverse engineering’. To which we now turn.

    4 Reverse Engineering

    One of the central messages of this book – that the meticulously detailed perfection we see in the external appearance of animals pervades the whole interior too – obviously rests on an assumption that something approaching perfection is there in the first place. There, and to be expected on Darwinian grounds. It’s an assumption that has been criticised and needs defending, which is the purpose of the next three chapters.

    The most prominent critics of what they called ‘adaptationism’ were Richard Lewontin and Stephen Gould, both at Harvard, both distinguished, in their respective fields of genetics and palaeontology. Lewontin defined adaptationism as ‘That approach to evolutionary studies, which assumes without further proof that all aspects of the morphology, physiology and behavior of organisms are adaptive optimal solutions to problems.’ I suppose I am closer to being an adaptationist than many biologists. But I did devote a chapter of The Extended Phenotype to ‘Constraints on Perfection’. I distinguished six categories of constraint, of which I’ll mention five here.

    1. Time lags (the animal is out of date, hasn’t yet caught up with a changing environment). Quadrupedal relics in the human skeleton supply one example.
    2. Historical constraints that will never be corrected (e.g. recurrent laryngeal nerve, back-to-front retina).
    3. Lack of available genetic variation (even if natural selection would favour pigs with wings, the necessary mutations never arose).
    4. Constraints of costs and materials (even if pigs could use wings for certain purposes, and even if the necessary mutations were forthcoming, the benefits are outweighed by the cost of growing them).
    5. Mistakes due to environmental unpredictability or malevolence (e.g. when a reed warbler feeds a baby cuckoo it is an imperfection from the point of view of the warbler, engineered by natural selection on cuckoos).

    If such constraints are allowed for and admitted, I think I could fairly be called an adaptationist. There remains the point, which will occur to many people, that certain ‘aspects of the morphology, physiology and behavior of organisms’ may be too trivial for natural selection to notice them. They pass under the radar of natural selection. If we are talking about genes as molecular geneticists see them, then it is probably true that most mutations pass unnoticed by natural selection. This is because they are not translated into a changed protein, therefore nothing changes in the organism. They are literally neutral, in the sense of the Japanese geneticist Motoo Kimura, not mutations at all in the functional sense. It’s like changing the font in which an instruction is printed, from Times New Roman to Helvetica. The meaning is exactly the same after the mutation as it was before. But Lewontin had sensibly excluded such cases when he specified ‘morphology, physiology and behavior’. If a mutation affects the morphology, physiology, or behaviour of an animal, it is not neutral in the trivial ‘changing the font’ sense.

    Nevertheless, some people still have an intuitive feeling that many mutations are probably still negligible, even if they really do affect morphology, physiology, or behaviour. Even if there’s a real change visible in the animal’s body, mightn’t it be too trivial for natural selection to bother about? My father used to try to persuade me that the shapes of leaves, say the difference between oak shape and beech shape, couldn’t possibly make any difference. I’m not so sure, and this is where I tend to part company with the sceptics like Lewontin. In 1964, Arthur Cain (my sometime tutor at Oxford) wrote a polemical paper in which he forcefully (some might say too forcefully) argued the case for what he called ‘The Perfection of Animals’. On ‘trivial’ characters, he argued that what seems trivial to us may simply reflect our ignorance. ‘An animal is the way it is because it needs to be’ was his slogan, and he applied it both to so-called trivial characters and to the opposite – fundamental features like the fact that vertebrates have four limbs and insects have six. I think he was on firmer ground where so-called trivial characters were concerned, for instance in the following memorable passage:

    But perhaps the most remarkable functional interpretation of a ‘trivial’ character is given by Manton’s work on the diplopod [a kind of millipede] Polyxenus, in which she has shown that a character formerly described as an ‘ornament’ (and what could sound more useless?) is almost literally the pivot of the animal’s life.

    Even in those cases where the character is very close to being genuinely trivial, natural selection may be a more stringent judge than the human eye. What is trivial to our eyes may still be noticed by natural selection when, in Darwin’s words, ‘the hand of time has marked the long lapse of ages’. JBS Haldane made a relevant hypothetical calculation. He assumed a selection pressure in favour of a new mutation so weak as to seem trivial: for every 1,000 individuals with the mutation who survive, 999 individuals without the mutation will survive. That selection pressure is much too weak to be detected by scientists working in the field. Given Haldane’s assumption, how long will it take for such a new mutation to spread through half the population? His answer was a mere 11,739 generations if the gene is dominant, 321,444 generations if it is recessive. In the case of many animals, that number of generations is an eye-blink by geological standards. A relevant point is that, however seemingly trivial a change may be, the mutated gene has very many opportunities to make a difference – via all the thousands of individuals in whose bodies it finds itself over geological time. Moreover, even though a gene may have only one proximal effect, because embryology is complicated, that one primary effect may ramify. As a result, the gene appears to have many seemingly disconnected effects in different parts of the body. These different effects are called pleiotropic, and the phenomenon is pleiotropism. Even if one of a mutation’s effects was truly negligible, it’s unlikely that all its pleiotropic effects would be.

    With all due recognition to the various constraints on perfection, I think a fair working hypothesis is one that, surprisingly, Lewontin himself expressed, admittedly long before his attacks on adaptationism: ‘That is the one point, which I think all evolutionists are agreed upon, that it is virtually impossible to do a better job than an organism is doing in its own environment.’

    Some biologists prefer to say natural selection produces animals that are just ‘good enough’ rather than optimal. They borrow from economists the term ‘satisficing’, a jargon word that they love to namedrop. I’m not a fan. Competition is so fierce, any animal who merely satisficed would soon be out-competed by a rival individual who went one better than satisficing. Now, however, we have to borrow from engineers the important notion of local optima. If we think of a landscape of perfection where improvement is represented by climbing hills, natural selection will tend to trap animals on the top of the nearest relatively low hill, which is separated from a high mountain of perfection by an impassable valley. Going down into the valley is the metaphor for getting temporarily worse before you can get better. There are various ways, known to both biologists and engineers, whereby hill-climbers can escape local optima and make their way to ‘broad, sunlit uplands’, though not necessarily to the highest peak of all. But I shall leave the topic now.

    Engineers assume that a mechanism designed by somebody for a purpose will betray that purpose by its nature. We can then ‘reverse engineer’ it to discern the purpose that the designer had in mind.

    Reverse engineering is the method by which scientific archaeologists reconstructed the purpose of the Antikythera mechanism, a mesh of cogwheels found in a sunken Greek ship dating from about 80 BC. The intricate gearing was exposed by modern techniques such as X-ray tomography. Its original purpose has been reverse engineered as an ancient equivalent of an analogue computer, designed to simulate the movement of heavenly bodies according to the system of epicycles later associated with Ptolemy.

    Reverse engineering assumes that the object facing us had a purpose in the mind of a competent designer, a purpose that can be guessed. The reverse engineer sets up a hypothesis as to what a sensible designer might have had in mind, then checks the mechanism to see if it fits the hypothesis. Reverse engineering works well for animal bodies as well as for man-made machines. The fact that the latter were deliberately designed by conscious engineers while the former were designed by unconscious natural selection makes surprisingly little difference: a potential for confusion readily exploited by creationists with their characteristically eager appetite for it. The grace of a tiger and of its prey could not easily, it would seem, be bettered:

    What immortal hand or eye
    Could frame thy fearful symmetry.

    Indeed, animals sometimes seem too symmetrically designed, to their own detriment: remember the owl pictured in Chapter 2.

    Darwin had a section of Origin of Species called ‘Organs of extreme perfection and complication’. It’s my belief that such organs are the end products of evolutionary arms races. The term ‘armament race’ was introduced to the evolution literature by the zoologist Hugh Cott in his book on Animal Coloration published in 1940, during the Second World War. As a former officer in the regular army during the First World War, he was well placed to notice the analogy with evolutionary arms races. In 1979, John Krebs and I revived the idea of the evolutionary arms race in a presentation to the Royal Society. Whereas an individual predator and its prey run a race in real time, arm races are run in evolutionary time, between lineages of organisms. Each improvement on one side calls forth a counter-improvement on the other. And so the arms race escalates, until called to a halt, perhaps by overwhelming economic costs, just like military arms races.

    Antelopes could always outrun lions, and vice versa, but only by counter-productive investment of too much ‘capital’ in leg muscles at the expense of other calls on investment in, say, milk production. If the language of ‘investment’ sounds too anthropomorphic, let me translate. Individuals who excel in running speed would be out-competed by slightly slower individuals who divert resources more usefully, from athletic legs into milk. Conversely, individuals who overdo milk production are out-competed by rivals who economise on milk production and put the energy saved into running speed. To quote the economists’ hackneyed saw, there’s no such thing as a free lunch. Trade-offs are ubiquitous in evolution.

    I think arms races are responsible for every biological design impressive enough to, in the words of David Hume’s Cleanthes, ravish ‘into admiration all men who have ever contemplated them’. Adaptations to ice ages or droughts, adaptations to climate change, are relatively simple, less prone to ravish into admiration because climate is not out to get you. Predators are. So are prey, in the indirect sense that, the more success prey achieve at evading capture, the closer their would-be predators come to starvation. Climate doesn’t menacingly change in response to biological evolution. Predators and prey do. So do parasites and hosts. It is the mutual escalation of arms races that drives evolution to Cleanthean heights, such as the feats of mimetic camouflage we met in Chapter 2, or the sinister wiles of cuckoos that will amaze us in Chapter 10.

    And now for a point that at first sight seems negative. Whereas animals look beautifully designed on the outside, as soon as we cut them open, we seem superficially to get a different impression. An untutored spectator of a mammal dissection might fancy it a mess. Intestines, blood vessels, mesenteries, nerves seem to spill out all over the place. An apparent contrast with the sinewy elegance of, say, a leopard or antelope when seen from outside. On the face of it, this might seem to contradict the conclusion of Chapter 2. The central point stated there was that the perfection typical of the outer layer must pervade every internal detail as well. Now compare your heart with the village pump, which seems neatly and simply fit for purpose. Admittedly, the heart is two pumps in one, serving the lungs on the one hand and the rest of the body on the other. But you could be forgiven for wondering whether a more minimally elegant pump might profitably have been designed.

    Each eye sends information to the brain on the opposite side. Muscles on the left side of the body are controlled by the right side of the brain and vice versa. Why? I suppose we are again dealing with ancient scripts long buried in low strata of the palimpsest. Given such deep constraints, natural selection busily tinkers with the upper-level scripts, making good, as far as possible, the inevitable imperfections imposed by deeper levels. The backwards wiring of the vertebrate retina is well compensated by post-hoc making good. You might think that ‘from such warped beginnings nothing debonair can come’. The great German scientist Hermann von Helmholtz is said to have remarked that if an engineer had produced the eye for him, he would have sent it back. Yet after tweaking, ‘in post’ as movie-makers say, the vertebrate eye can become a fine piece of optical kit.

    Two pumps

    Why do animals look obviously well designed on the visible outside but apparently less so inside? Does the clue reside in that word ‘visible’? In the case of Chapter 2’s camouflage, and also ornamental extravaganzas like the peacock’s fan, (human) eyes are admiring the external appearance of the animal, and (peahen or predator) eyes are doing the natural selection of external appearance: similar vertebrate eyes in both cases. No wonder external appearance looks more perfectly ‘designed’ than internal details. Internal details are every bit as subject to natural selection, but they don’t obviously look that way because it is not selection by eyes.

    That explanation won’t do for the streamlined flair of a sprinting cheetah, or its equally graceful Tommy prey. Those beauties did not evolve for the delectation of eyes but to satisfy the lifesaving requirements of speed. Here it would seem to be the laws of physics that impose what we perceive as elegance: as it is for the aerodynamic grace of a fast jet plane. Aesthetics and functionality converge on the same stylish elegance.

    I confess that I find the interior of the body bewilderingly complex. I might even go so heretically far as to dismiss it as a mess. But I am a naive amateur where internal anatomy is concerned. A consultant surgeon whom I have consulted (what else should one do with a consultant?) assures me in no uncertain terms that, to his trained eye, internal anatomy has a beautiful elegance, everything neatly stowed away in its proper place, all shipshape and Bristol fashion. And I suspect that ‘trained eye’ is exactly the point. In Chapter 1, I contrasted the ear’s effortless deciphering of the spoken word ‘sisters’ with the eye’s fumbling impotence to see anything beyond a wavy line on an oscilloscope. My eye sees elegance on the outside. Then when I cut an animal open, my amateur eye contemplates only a mess. The trained surgeon sees stylish perfection of design, inside as well as out. It is, at least partly, the story of ‘sisters’ all over again. Yet there is more to be said. Something about embryology.

    Veins, nerves, arteries, lymphatic system – a whole armful of complexity

    The sceptic vocally doubts whether it can really matter whether this vein in the arm passes over or under that nerve. Maybe it doesn’t in the sense that, if their relationship could be reversed with a magic wand, the person’s life might not suffer, and might even improve. But I think it does matter in another sense – the sense that solved the riddle of the laryngeal nerve. Every nerve, blood vessel, ligament, and bone got that way because of processes of embryology during the development of the individual. Exactly which passes over or under what may or may not make a difference to their efficient working, once their final routing is achieved. But the embryological upheaval necessary to effect a change, I conjecture, would raise problems, or costs, sufficient to outweigh other considerations. Especially if the embryological upheaval strikes early. The intricate origami of embryonic tissue-folding and invagination follows a strict sequence, each stage triggering its successor. Who can say what catastrophic downstream consequences might flow from a change in the sequence – the kind of change necessary to re-route a blood vessel, say.

    Moreover, perhaps Darwinian forces have worked on human perception to sharpen our appreciation of external appearances as opposed to internal details. At all events, I revert with confidence to the conclusion of Chapter 2. It is entirely unreasonable to suppose that the chisels of natural selection, so delicately adept at perfecting external and visible appearance, should suddenly stop at the animal’s skin rather than working their artistry inside. The same standards of perfection must pervade the interior of living bodies, even if less obviously to our eyes. To dissect the non-obvious and make it plain will be the business of future zoological reverse engineers, and it is to them that I appeal.

    Ideally, reverse engineering is a systematic scientific project, perhaps involving mathematical models in the sense discussed in Chapter 1. More usually, at present at least, it involves intuitive plausibility arguments. If the object in question has a lens in front of a dark chamber, focusing a sharp image on a matrix of light-sensitive units at the back of the chamber, any person living after the invention of the camera can instantly divine the purpose for which it evolved. But there will be numerous details that will matter and will require sophisticated techniques of reverse engineering, including mathematical analysis. In this chapter our reverse engineering is mostly of the intuitive, common sense kind, like the example of the eye and the camera.

    Reverse engineering is supplemented by comparison across species. If SOF is confronted with a hitherto unknown animal, she can read it both by pure reverse engineering (‘a device designed by an engineer to do such-and-such would probably look rather like this’) and also by comparison with known species (‘this organ looks like an organ in so-and-so species that we already know, and it probably is used for the same purpose’).

    An indirect version of reverse engineering can be used to infer aspects of an animal that cannot be seen, for example when all we have is fossils. We have no fossil evidence about the heart of a dinosaur. But fossils tell us that some sauropods such as Brontosaurus and the even larger Sauroposeidon had extraordinarily long necks. The CGI artists of Jurassic Park beautifully illustrated the dominant view that they reached up to browse tall trees. Like giraffes, only more so. Now the engineer steps in and invokes simple laws of physics to dictate that the heart would have had to generate very high pressure in order to push blood to the height of the animal’s brain when plucking leaves from a high tree. You can’t suck water through a straw that’s more than 10.3 metres tall, even if your sucking is powerful enough to generate a perfect vacuum in the straw. Sauroposeidon’s head probably overtopped its heart by about that much, which gives an idea of the pressure that the heart would have had to generate to push blood up to the head. Without ever seeing a fossilised sauropod heart, the engineer infers that it must have generated especially high pressure. Either that or that they didn’t browse trees at all.

    I can’t resist reflecting that the difficulty of pumping blood to a head so high might have been partially responsible for those large dinosaurs outsourcing some brain functions to a second ‘brain’, in the pelvis. Also, I never miss an excuse to quote Bert Leston Taylor’s delightfully witty poem on the subject.

    Behold the mighty dinosaur,
    Famous in prehistoric lore,
    Not only for his power and strength
    But for his intellectual length.

    You will observe by these remains

    The creature had two sets of brains –

    One in his head (the usual place),

    The other at his spinal base,

    Thus he could reason A priori

    As well as A posteriori.

    No problem bothered him a bit

    He made both head and tail of it.

    So wise was he, so wise and solemn,

    Each thought filled just a spinal column.

    If one brain found the pressure strong

    It passed a few ideas along.

    If something slipped his forward mind

    ’Twas rescued by the one behind.

    And if in error he was caught

    He had a saving afterthought.

    As he thought twice before he spoke

    He had no judgment to revoke.

    Thus he could think without congestion

    Upon both sides of every question.

    Oh, gaze upon this model beast,

    Defunct ten million years at least.

    The pelvic ‘brain’ would have been about on a level with the heart, and impressively much lower than the head.

    Alas, there are no sauropods for us to test such ideas, and we must make do with the next best thing, which is the giraffe. Though not in the same league as a giant dinosaur, the giraffe’s head is quite lofty enough to require an abnormally high blood pressure, out of the ordinary for a mammal. And the following graph bears out the expectation.

    I have plotted mean arterial blood pressure against the logarithm of body mass for a range of mammals from mouse to elephant. It’s best to use logarithms for the weights – otherwise it would be hard to fit mouse and elephant on the same page, with intermediate animals conveniently spread out between. The dotted line is the straight line that best fits the data. The line slopes upwards – larger animals tend to have higher blood pressure. Most species are pretty close to the line, meaning that their blood pressure is close to typical for their weight. But the big exception is the giraffe, which is far above the line. Its blood pressure is way higher than it ‘should be’ for an animal of its size. Surprisingly, other evidence shows that the giraffe heart is not especially large. It seems to be prevented from enlarging in evolution by the need to share the body cavity with large herbivorous guts. It achieves the extra-high blood pressure in a different way, by a greater density of heart muscle cells, an improvement that probably imposes costs of its own. Without ever seeing a Brontosaurus heart, we can predict that it too would have stood way above the line in the equivalent graph for reptiles.

    The teeth of a hitherto unknown animal speak volumes, and this is fortunate because teeth, being necessarily hard enough to crunch food, are also hard enough to outlast anything else in the fossil record. Some important extinct species are known only from teeth. In the rest of this chapter, we shall use teeth and other biological food-processing devices as our example of choice. Look at this ancient skull. The first thing you notice is the scary canine teeth. You might reverse engineer these as being good for either fighting rivals or stabbing prey to death and holding onto them. Seeking further evidence, you might then look at the other teeth near the back of the jaw, the molars. They don’t mesh surface-to-surface in the way that ours or a horse’s do, but shear past each other like scissors as the jaws close. They seem designed to slice rather than to mill. This says ‘carnivore’. Well, obviously. But it’s only obvious because we are rather good at intuitive reverse engineering, and because we have living large carnivores like lions and tigers for comparison. It does no harm to make the reasoning explicit.

    Sabretooth

    Animals, perhaps because they are themselves made of meat, find meat relatively easy to digest, and carnivore intestines tend to be appropriately short. If SOF were handed an unknown animal, very long intestines would signal ‘herbivore’ to her. I’ll return to this. Meat, moreover, demands relatively little pre-processing with teeth before digestion. Cutting off substantial chunks to be swallowed whole is sufficient. Plants may be easier to catch than animals – they don’t run away – but they make up for it by being harder to process once you’ve caught them. Plant cells are different from animal cells. They have thick walls toughened by cellulose and silica. For this and other reasons, herbivores need to grind their food into tiny pieces before it is ready to pass into the gut for further breaking up chemically into even smaller pieces. Herbivore teeth are millstones which, like the mills of God, grind slowly and they grind exceeding small. Carnivore teeth don’t resemble millstones and they don’t grind. They cut, shearing through fibrous tissues.

    Looking at the back teeth of the above skull, then, we confirm our initial diagnosis from the dagger-like canines, and convincingly reverse-engineer our scary specimen as telling a tale of ancestral carnivores. Moving to the rest of the skull, we note that the articulation of the lower jaw allows only up-and-down movement suitable for scissoring food, not side-to-side movement such as would be needed for milling. Up and down is putting it mildly: the sheer size of the gape is formidable. As you’ll have guessed, this is the skull of a sabretooth cat, often called sabretooth tiger, although it could just as well be called sabretooth lion. It was a big cat, Smilodon, not closer to any particular modern big cat than to any other. Contemporaneous with Smilodon, there were true lions in America, now extinct, bigger than Smilodon, bigger than African lions.

    How did Smilodon use those formidable fangs? It’s notable that among modern carnivores, the cat family (Felidae) runs to long canine teeth more than the dog family (Canidae), despite the name ‘canine’ for the teeth. A plausible reason is as follows. Canids are mostly pursuit-hunters. They run their prey down to exhaustion. When they finally catch up with it, the poor spent creature is in no state to escape. Killing it is not a problem. Just start eating! Felids, on the other hand, tend to be stalkers and ambushers. Their prey, when they first pounce upon it, is fresh and in a strong position to escape. Either a swift killing stab or an inescapable grip is desirable, and long penetrating canines answer both needs. Among living cats, the clouded leopard sports the nearest approach to the sabres of Smilodon. Clouded leopards spend much of their time in trees and drop on their prey. Long, sharp daggers would be especially suited to subduing an animal taken by surprise from above, not ‘heated in the chase’ and in full possession of its powers.

    Turning to other parts of the skull of Smilodon, we notice that the eye sockets point forward, indicating binocular vision, useful for pouncing on prey and no good for seeing danger creeping up from behind. Sabretooths had no need to watch their back. Herbivorous animals, whose ancestors became ancestors by virtue of noticing would-be killers, tend to have lookout eyes pointing sideways, giving almost 360° vision, calculated to spot a predator stalking from any direction.

    Clouded leopard

    So now, suppose you are presented with the skull below. It’s obviously very different. The eyes look sideways, as if scanning all around for danger while not being especially concerned with what is ahead. Probably an animal with a need to fear predation, then. The incisor teeth at the front look well suited to cropping grass. Most noticeable are the back teeth. They are broad grinders rather than sharp slicers, and they meet their opposite numbers in a precise fit when the jaws close. Their whole shape with its articulation is well suited to grinding plant food into very small pieces, again confirming the suspicion that this animal’s genes survived in a world of grass or other plant food. And the lower jaw, unlike that of Smilodon, moves sideways as well as up and down, a good milling action. This fossil is Pliohippus, an extinct horse that lived in the Pliocene, probably in mortal fear of Smilodon.

    Pliohippus

    The contrast between the skulls of the carnivorous sabretooth and the herbivorous horse is stark and clear. There was an animal called Tiarajudens, one of those we used to call a mammal-like reptile (nowadays we’d call it an early mammal), which flourished perhaps 280 million years ago, before the great age of dinosaurs. It had impressive sabretooth canines, much like Smilodon, which indicate a carnivorous diet similar to that of the formidable cat. But the back teeth suggest that, along with other animals to whom it was related, it was in fact a herbivore. So, we have a mismatch. Why would a creature with grinding back teeth have canine teeth like Smilodon? Perhaps Tiarajudens was a herbivore equipped with daggers for defence against predators. Or perhaps, like modern walruses, for fighting against rivals of its own species, as elephants use their gigantic tusks (elephant tusks are enlarged incisor teeth, not canines as in walruses).

    Walrus

    Walruses have been seen using their (upper canine) tusks to lever themselves out of the water and to make holes in the ice. Anyway, Tiarajudens stands as a cautionary warning against over-hasty reverse engineering, looking at only one thing, in this case the canine teeth.

    Hedgehog

    Some mammals such as shrews and small bats eat insects. Dolphins eat fish. Though technically carnivorous, the dental demands of these diets are different. Insectivorous teeth are neither grinders nor cutters but piercers. They tend to have sharp points, well suited to piercing the external skeletons of insects. If SOF’s unknown specimen sported piercing teeth like those of this hedgehog, she’d suspect that its ancestors survived on a diet of insects and other arthropods. And that is correct, but they like earthworms too. Ants and termites are a special case (see below).

    Common dolphin

    Gavial

    And now here’s the skull of a dolphin (top), and a gavial (bottom), to show typical fish-eating teeth and jaws. These two fish-eaters, a mammal and a crocodilian, have independently evolved pretty much the same dentition and jaw shape, an example of convergent evolution (which is the topic of Chapter 5). What’s the reverse-engineering explanation for this convergent resemblance? Fish-eaters, unlike, say, lions, are usually much larger than their prey. They don’t need to grind or cut or pierce their prey. Their prey is small enough to swallow whole. Long rows of small, pointed teeth are well equipped to grasp a slippery, soft fish and prevent it from escaping. And the slender jaws can snap shut on the fish without expelling a rush of water that might propel it out of harm’s way.

    Ichthyosaur

    If you were lucky enough to stumble upon a fossil like the above, you could apply the lesson of the previous paragraph: fish-eater. It’s an ichthyosaur such as we met in Chapter 3, a contemporary and relative of dinosaurs, member of a large group that went extinct somewhat earlier than the last of the dinosaurs. Both reverse engineering, and comparison with the dolphin and gavial pictures, speak to us loud and clear: its ancestors ate fish.

    Killer whales (Orca) and sperm whales can be thought of as giant dolphins. They too eat prey smaller than themselves, and they too have long rows of dolphin-like teeth but hugely enlarged. Sperm whales have them only in the lower jaw (very occasionally in the upper jaw, and we may take this as a vestigial relic). Killer whales have them in both jaws. All other large whales, the so-called baleen whales, are filter feeders, sieving krill (crustaceans). They have no teeth at all (though, revealingly, their embryos have them and never use them). Their huge baleen filters are made of keratin, like hooves, fingernails, and rhinoceros horn. The reverse engineer would have no trouble in diagnosing a baleen whale as a trawler. Actually, they are better than trawlers, for they will target a huge aggregation of krill, and gulp it in with copious quantities of sea water, which is then forced out through the curtain of baleen, trapping the krill.

    Ants and termites are colossally numerous. A specialist capable of penetrating an ant nest’s formidable defences can hoover up a bonanza of food denied to an ordinary insectivore like a hedgehog. And their dentition is correspondingly specialised. For this purpose, by the way, termites are honorary ants. Mammals who preferentially eat ants and/or termites are all called anteaters. There’s a group of three South American mammals whose name in English is ‘anteater’: the Giant Anteater, the Lesser Anteater, and the Silky Anteater.

    Giant Anteater

    Tamandua

    Giant Anteater

    Pangolin

    Armadillo

    Echidna

    The Giant Anteater’s scientific name, Myrmecophaga, is simply Greek for ‘anteater’. You will already have concluded that, since other mammals also specialise in eating ants, ‘Anteater’ is not a great name for a taxonomic group. I’ll use a capital letter for the three South American ‘Anteaters’ and a lower-case letter for other mammals who eat ants (or termites).

    The South American Anteaters push the anteating habit to its extreme. The skulls of two of them, Tamandua and the Giant Anteater Myrmecophaga, are pictured at the top of the page opposite. Notice the extreme prolongation of the snout and the total absence of teeth. You’d hardly recognise the Giant Anteater’s skull as a skull at all. All anteaters show the same features, if to a lesser extent. The pangolin has no teeth and a moderately long snout. Armadillos have a longer snout and rather small teeth. The aardvark or antbear of Africa has back teeth, but no teeth at all along most of its long snout. Myrmecobius, the numbat, marsupial anteater of Australia, has a long, pointy head. It has teeth but doesn’t use them for eating except in infancy. Adults seem to use them only for gripping and preparing nest material.

    Tachyglossus, the spiny anteater or echidna of Australia and New Guinea, is as distant as you can get from all the above while still being a mammal. It’s an egg-laying mammal like the platypus, a leftover from the ‘mammal-like reptiles’ of the ancient supercontinent of Gondwana. But unlike the platypus, with which it shares deep palimpsest features, it does, as its English name suggests, eat ants and termites. And its rather weird-looking skull does indeed have a long, slender snout and no teeth. Let’s not get carried away, however. A slightly longer snout is possessed by the related echidna genus, Zaglossus, and Zaglossus eats almost nothing but earthworms. Evidently, we must be careful before we jump too precipitately to the conclusion that ‘long snout’ necessarily means anteater. Anteating is not the only habit capable of writing ‘long snout’ in the palimpsest.

    What else might SOF use to diagnose an animal as an anteater? Myrmecophaga, the Giant Anteater of South America, whose hugely elongated skull we have already seen, has a giant-sized sticky tongue, which it can protrude to a length of 60 cm, having deployed its formidable claws to break into an ant or termite nest. Huge numbers of the insects stick to the tongue and are drawn in before the tongue shoots out again. Despite its great length, the tongue flicks out and in again at high speed, more than twice per second. Though none can quite match Myrmecophaga, creditably long, sticky tongues are also found, convergently evolved, in aardvarks and the unrelated aardwolves, who, unlike other members of the hyaena family, specialise in eating termites. Pangolins, too, have convergently evolved a long sticky tongue. That of the giant pangolin can be 40 cm long and is attached way back near the pelvis instead of to the hyoid bone in the throat, like ours. A pangolin can extend its tongue deep inside an ants’ nest, skilfully steering through the labyrinth of tunnels, turning left, turning right, leaving no subterranean avenue unexplored. Tamanduas also have a long sticky tongue but, in this case, their evolution was not independent of Myrmecophaga. They surely inherited the long tongue from their shared ancestor, also an anteater. The egg-laying spiny anteater too has a long, sticky tongue, and this time it really is convergent. As is that of the numbat, the marsupial anteater.

    There are also physiological resemblances among anteating mammals, notably a low metabolic rate and low body temperature, convergently evolved enough times to impress our hypothetical SOF. However, a low metabolic rate is not exclusively diagnostic of an ant-eating habit. Sloths, befitting their name, also have a low metabolic rate. So do koalas, whom you could regard as a kind of marsupial equivalent of sloths. Both live up trees, eating relatively un-nutritious leaves, and both are slow moving, you might even say lethargic. The convergence doesn’t extend to both ends of the alimentary canal, however. Koalas defecate more than a hundred times per day, while sloths hold the record for the other extreme. They defecate about once per week, maybe because they laboriously climb down from the tree in order to do so.

    Some of my reverse-engineering conjectures could be wrong. They are only provisional, to illustrate the point that the teeth of an animal, if properly read, will tell a story. In many cases, a story of ancient grassland prairies or leafy forests. Or, if the teeth resemble those of Smilodon or the clouded leopard, they speak to us of ambush and stalking. No doubt, if we could read them, every tooth we find could plunge us ever deeper into more specific, detailed stories. Teeth are enamelled archives of ancient history.

    Teeth constitute the first food processor in the conveyor belt of digestion. The revealing differences between carnivores and herbivores continue on into the gut. Weight for weight, plants are not so nutritious as meat, so cows, for example, need to graze pretty continuously. Food passes through them like an ever-rolling stream, and they defecate some 40 or 50 kilograms per day. Plant stuff being so different from their own bodies, herbivores need help from chemical specialists to digest it. Those specialist chemists, some of whom were honing their skills perhaps a billion years before animals came on the scene at all, include bacteria, archaea (formerly classified as bacteria but actually far separated from them), fungi, and (what we used to call) protozoa. Ruminants such as cows and antelopes do their fermentation in a different way from horses and rabbits, and at different ends of the gut, but all rely on help from micro-organisms. As already mentioned above, herbivores have longer guts than carnivores, and their guts are complicated by elaborate blind alleys and fermentation chambers, specially fashioned to house symbiotic micro-organisms. Ruminants have the added complication of sending the food back for reprocessing by the teeth for a second time after it’s been swallowed – chewing the cud.

    Herbivore gutCarnivore gut

    There is one bird, the hoatzin of South America, which eats nothing but leaves, the only bird to do so. And – an example of convergent evolution, the process we’ll meet in the next chapter – the hoatzin resembles ruminant mammals in having lots of little gut chambers in which are housed bacteria wielding the necessary chemical expertise to digest leaves. Incidentally, there’s a widely believed myth that the hoatzin is unique among birds in retaining ancient claws in the front of the wing, like the Jurassic ‘intermediate’ fossil Archaeopteryx. It’s true that hoatzin chicks have these primitive claws, but so do the chicks of many other birds, as David Haig pointed out to me. He went on to suggest that this mythic meme is popular among both biologists and creationists, who respectively want Archaeopteryx to be, and not to be, an ‘evolutionary intermediate’. No animal exists to be primitive for the sake of it, nor to serve as an evolutionary intermediate. The claws are useful to the chicks, who used them for clambering back into a tree when they fall.

    Tiktaalik

    By the same token animals don’t exist for the sake of ‘moving on to the next stage in evolution’. The Devonian fossil Tiktaalik is widely touted as a transition between fish and land vertebrates. So it may be, but being transitional is not a way to earn a living. Tiktaalik was a living, breathing, feeding, reproducing creature, which should be reverse-engineered as such – not as a half-way stage on the way to something better.

    What of our own teeth and jaws, our own guts, and those of our near relatives? What tales of long-gone ancestral meals do they tell? Comparison of our Homo sapiens lineage with extinct hominins such as Paranthropus (Australopithecusrobustus and boisei shows a marked trend over time towards shrinkage of both jaws and teeth in our sapiens lineage. The ribcage of those robust old hominins could accommodate a large vegetarian gut. They were evidently less carnivorous than we are, equipped with large plant-milling teeth, strong grinding jaws, and correspondingly powerful jaw muscles. Even though the muscles themselves have not fossilised, their bony attachments, sometimes culminating in a vertical (‘sagittal’) crest like a gorilla’s to increase their purchase, speak to us eloquently of generations of plant roughage. Our own jaw muscles don’t reach so high up the side of our head and we have no bony crest.

    The primatologist Richard Wrangham has promoted the intriguing hypothesis that the invention of cooking was the key to human uniqueness and human success. He makes a persuasive case that our reduced jaws, teeth, and guts are ill-suited to either a carnivorous or a herbivorous diet unless a substantial proportion of our food is cooked. Cooking enables us to get energy from foods more quickly and efficiently. For Wrangham it was cooking that led to the dramatic evolutionary enlargement of the human brain, the brain being by far the most energy-hungry of our organs. If he’s right, it’s a nice example of how a cultural change (the taming of fire) can have evolutionary consequences (the shrinking of jaws and teeth).

    Birds have no teeth, nor bony jaws. Surprising as it sounds, they may have lost them to save weight – an important concern in a flying animal – replacing them with light, horny beaks. The word ‘mandible’ is used for both parts of the beak – the upper mandible and the lower mandible. Beaks can tear but they can’t chew. Birds do the equivalent of chewing with the gizzard, a muscular chamber of the gut, often containing hard gastroliths – stones or grains of sand that the bird swallows to help with the milling process. Ostriches swallow appropriately large stones, up to 10 cm. Being flightless, they don’t have to worry so much about weight. Even larger stones found with fossil birds such as the giant moas of New Zealand are identified as gastroliths by their polished surfaces – polished by the grinding action in the gizzard.

    1. Macaw

    2. Crossbill

    3. Spoonbill

    4. Eagle

    5. Skimmer

    6. Hummingbird

    Beaks vary greatly, and speak to us eloquently of different ways of procuring food. Their variety has been compared with the set of pliers in a mechanic’s toolkit. Pointed beaks delicately select small targets such as single seeds or grubs. Parrot beaks are robust nutcrackers or large seed crushers, and the curved upper mandible with its pointed tip is used as something like a hand. Caged parrots can often be seen climbing on the bars, levering themselves up with the beak as if it were a hand. In the wild they use the same trick in trees. Hummingbird beaks are long tubes for imbibing nectar. Imperious, hooked eagle beaks rip flesh from carcases. Woodpecker beaks hammer like high-powered pneumatic drills, pounding rhythmically into trees in search of larvae. They have specially reinforced skulls to cope with the shock of hammering. Flamingo beaks are upside-down filters for small crustaceans, the bird world’s nearest approach to the krill-sieving baleen of whales. Oystercatchers use their long, pointed beaks to chisel into mussels and other shellfish. Curlews use theirs to probe mud for worms and shellfish. Spoonbills have flat paddle-like bills that they sweep from side to side, at the same time using their feet to stir up mud and expose small animals lurking in it. Skimmer beaks are even more specialised. The lower mandible is longer than the upper. The bird flies close to the water with the mouth open and the tip of the lower mandible skimming the surface. When it hits a fish, the beak snaps shut, trapping the fish. Pelicans have a voluminous pouch of skin under the beak, which nets fish.

    Nestling birds who are fed by their parents don’t need beaks to do anything other than gape. Their beaks are grotesquely wide, with brightly coloured linings – advertising surfaces garishly designed to out-compete their siblings for parental largesse. The huge difference from adult beaks of the same species reminds us that juvenile needs can be very different from adult ones, a principle writ large by caterpillars and butterflies, tadpoles and frogs, and many other examples where larval forms occupy a completely different niche from the adults they become.

    GALAPAGOS FINCHES

    Large ground finch

    Medium ground finch

    Small tree finch

    Green warbler finch

    Crossbills sport a weird crossover of upper and lower jaw beaks, which is helpful in prying apart the scales of pinecones. Insectivorous birds have differently shaped beaks from seed-eaters. And specialists on seeds of different sizes have correspondingly different beaks, the differences making total sense from a reverse-engineering point of view. The evolution of such differences is the subject of a beautiful and still proceeding long-term study of ‘Darwin’s Finches’ on one of the smaller Galapagos Islands by Peter and Rosemary Grant, and their collaborators.

    Galapagos is matched as a Pacific island showcase of Darwinian evolution by the archipelago of Hawaii. Both island chains are volcanic and very young by geological standards. The biology of Hawaii differs in being more contaminated by humans, and by the other invasions for which humans are to blame. The evolutionary divergence of Hawaiian honeycreepers (below) shows a variety of beaks that outdoes even that of the Galapagos finches (above). There are eighteen surviving species (more than twice that number have gone extinct), all apparently descended from a single species of Asian finch, probably looking not unlike a Galapagos finch. The range of bill types that has evolved in such a short time is astonishing.

    Some have retained the seed-eating habits of the ancestor, and still look finch-like with stout, stubby beaks. Others have modified their beaks for nectar-sipping, like African sunbirds rather than like New World hummingbirds. Yet others, with long downward-curving beaks, are probers for insects. Of these, the so-called ‘I’iwi’ (below) has a sharp, stout, stabbing lower mandible, which hammers into bark. Then the long curved upper mandible, which has been held out of the way during the hammering, comes into action to probe insects out of the cracks. The Maui parrotbill uses its powerful callipers to crush twigs and rip off bark in search of insects.

    HAWAIIAN HONEYCREEPERS

    Laysan finch

    Kakawahie (extinct)

    ‘Akiapola’au

    ‘I’iwi

    Heron beaks are long fishing spears, stabbing down into the water with sudden precision. The African black heron uses its wings to shade its field of view, which would otherwise be troubled by reflections from the rippling water surface. It dramatically sweeps its black wings across its body, laughably recalling a black-cloaked villain in Victorian melodrama. A separate problem for anyone spearfishing from above is refraction at the water surface – the illusion that makes oars look bent. There is some evidence that herons and kingfishers adjust their aim to compensate. The archer fishes of Southeast Asia face the same problem in reverse. They lurk under water and shoot insects sitting on tree branches above the surface, by squirting a sudden jet of water straight at the target. That’s remarkable enough in itself. Even more so, they seem to compensate for refraction, like herons but in the other direction.

    Archer fish

    Reverse engineering, then, is one method by which we can read the body of an animal. Another method is to compare it with other animals, both related and unrelated. We used this method to some extent in this chapter. When the genetic books of unrelated animals spell the same message about their environment and way of life, we call it convergence. Convergent resemblances can be spectacular, as we’ll see in the next chapter.

    5 Common Problem, Common Solution

    This book’s main thesis is that every animal is a written description of ancestral worlds. It rests upon the hidden assumption – well, not so very hidden – that natural selection is an immensely powerful force, carving the gene pool into shape, deep down among the smallest details. As we saw in Chapter 2, among the most convincing evidence for the power of natural selection is the perfection of camouflage, the consummate detail with which some animals resemble their (ancestral) environment, or resemble an object in that environment. Equally impressive is the detailed resemblance of an animal to another, unrelated animal, because both have converged on the same way of life. Matt Ridley’s How Innovation Works documents how our greatest human innovations have been hit upon many times independently by inventors in different countries, working in ignorance of each other’s efforts. Just the same is true of evolution by natural selection. This chapter is about convergent evolution as an eloquent witness to the power of natural selection.

    Despite appearances, the animal above opposite is not a dog. It is an unrelated marsupial, Thylacinus, the Tasmanian wolf (often called Tasmanian tiger, for no better reason than the stripes). In (what hindsight can now see as) a heinous crime against nature, the Tasmanian government in 1888 put a bounty on thylacine heads. The last one to be seen in the wild was infamously shot in 1930 by someone called Wilf Batty. He must have known it was almost extinct, though he couldn’t have known his victim was the last one. I suppose in 1930 people still didn’t care about such things, a poignant example of what I have called the shifting moral Zeitgeist. A captive specimen called Benjamin survived in Hobart Zoo until 1936. Thylacinus is one of the best-known examples of convergence. It looked like a dog because it had the same way of life as a dog. Its skull especially is so like a dog’s that it is a favourite trick question in zoology student examinations. Such a favourite, indeed, that in my year at Oxford they gave us a real dog skull as a double bluff, assuming that we’d automatically plump for Thylacinus.

    Thylacine

    Rhinoceros beetle

    You’d never mistake this for a rhinoceros. But if you watched two rhinoceros beetles fighting, and then two rhinoceroses, you’d realise that convergent resemblances can vault over many orders of magnitude of body size. A fight is a fight is a fight, and a horn is a handy weapon at any size. The same goes for stag beetles and stags, with a somewhat dramatic embellishment. Stag beetles, but not stags, can lift their rivals high in the air on the prongs of their ‘antlers’.

    PacaChevrotain

    On the left is a paca, a rodent from the rainforests of South and Central America. To its right is a chevrotain or ‘mouse deer’, an even-toed ungulate that lives in Old World forests. They look like each other convergently because they have similar ways of life. In Africa, the niche is filled by a small ungulate, in South America, by a large rodent.

    Armadillos are South American mammals, armoured against predators. When threatened, they roll up into a ball. The picture to the left shows the three-banded armadillo, which rolls up with especially compact elegance. In one of its illustrative quotations, the Oxford English Dictionary startlingly records that ‘Formerly the armadillo was used in medicine, being swallowed as a pill in its rolled-up state.’ Quite a stretch! Until you realise that ‘armadillo’ in this 1859 quotation referred not to the mammal but to a convergent crustacean, a woodlouse, whose Latin name Armadillidium means ‘little armadillo’. Armadillo itself is a Spanish word, a diminutive of armado or ‘armed’. So Armadillidium is a diminutive of a diminutive, a double diminutive. The commonality of name speaks to the power of convergent evolution. As befits its vernacular name of ‘pill bug’, in its rolled-up state you could indeed swallow a woodlouse whole, although as to its alleged medicinal value, I shall not comment. The mammalian armadillo and the crustacean Armadillidium have converged in their evolution, independently hitting on the same protective habit, albeit at very different sizes, rolling themselves into a ball.

    The Latin language has the virtue of condensing into one word what might take three in a language such as English. Latin even has a specialised verb, glomero, meaning ‘I roll into a ball’ (from which we get English words like conglomerate and agglomerate). And Glomeris is the scientific name of yet another animal that rolls itself into a ball, and is also called ‘pill’ in vernacular English. It is not a crustacean but a millipede, the ‘pill millipede’, a member of the order Glomerida. As if that wasn’t enough, two different orders of millipede have independently converged on the roll-up pill body. In addition to the order Glomerida, members of the order Sphaerotheriida (Greek ‘spherical beast’) look just like Glomeris and indeed like Armadillidium, except that they are bigger.

    Pill woodlousePill millipede

    Pill woodlouse (above left) and pill millipede (above right) provide what may be my favourite example – in a strong field – of convergent evolution. They are almost indistinguishable when you see them crawling along, or when they roll into a ball. But the one is a crustacean, related to shrimps and crabs, while the other is a myriapod, related to centipedes. To make sure which is which, I have to turn them over. The crustacean has only one pair of legs per segment, making seven pairs in all. The millipede has many more legs, two pairs per segment. These two deeply different ‘pill’ animals look extremely alike in their surface palimpsest layers because they make their living in the same kind of way and in the same kind of place. Starting from widely separated ancestors they converged, in evolutionary time, on very similar end points.

    Giant isopod

    The deep palimpsest layers show that one is unmistakeably an isopod crustacean, the other a myriapod. Isopods are an important group of crustaceans, and they include members who grow to alarmingly large size on the sea bottom. We shall refer to them again in the next chapter, which goes to town on crustaceans.

    Latin isn’t the only language to impress with its parsimony. The Malay noun pengguling means ‘one who rolls up’ and from it we get the name pangolin. We met the pangolin in the previous chapter. You might mistake it for a large, animated fir cone. It is not closely related to any other mammals but is out in its own order, Pholidota. That name comes from a Greek word meaning ‘covered with scales’, and an alternative English name for pangolin is ‘scaly anteater’. The scales are made of keratin, like hooves and fingernails. They aren’t as hard as the bony armour plates of armadillos.

    However, when it comes to glomerising, pangolins perhaps outdo armadillos, pill woodlice, and pill millipedes. According to a report by a biologist on the island of Siberut in Indonesia, a pangolin ran away from him to the top of a steep slope, then formed itself into a ball and rolled down the slope at a speed of about 3 metres per second, twice as fast as a pangolin can run. The witness of this event interpreted the rolling down the hill as a normal response to predation. I reluctantly wonder if it might have been accidental.

    There seems to be no doubt as to the effectiveness of rolling up as protection. Lions engage in futile endeavours to penetrate a pangolin’s defence. The pangolin’s enviable insouciance makes one wonder why other hunted animals don’t adopt the same strategy – the tortoise or armadillo strategy – instead of frantically fleeing. I suppose armour is expensive to make, but then so are long, well-muscled, fast-running legs. And it’s not a good argument – though possibly true – that if all antelopes, say, were to jettison speed for armour-plated roll-ups, lions on their side of the evolutionary arms race would come up with a counter-strategy. What might be a better argument is that the first individual antelopes to essay rudimentary, and still inadequate, armour would suffer compared with unencumbered rival antelopes disappearing in a cloud of dust.

    Lion thwarted by pangolin

    Two of the best-known examples of convergent evolution, too familiar to need detailed illustration yet again, are flight and eyes. The laws of physics allow the possibility of using energy to stay aloft for indefinite periods, and the wing has been independently and convergently invented five times: by insects, pterosaurs, birds, bats, and … human technology.

    Eyes have been independently evolved many dozens of times, to nine basic designs. The convergent similarity between the camera, the vertebrate eye, and the cephalopod eye has become almost legendary. Here I’ll just mention that the most revealing difference – the vertebrate retina but not the mollusc one being wired up backwards – is a difference at a deep palimpsest level. This is another way of saying there’s a fundamental difference in their embryology. The vertebrate eye develops mostly as an outgrowth of the brain, while the cephalopod eye develops as an invagination from the outside. That difference lies deep down among the oldest palimpsest layers.

    A less familiar example of convergence, compound eyes, have also evolved independently several times. Some bivalve molluscs have a form of compound eye, as do some tube-dwelling annelid worms. These are convergent on each other and on the more highly developed compound eyes of crustaceans, insects, trilobites, and other arthropods. Camera eyes have one lens, which focuses an upside-down image on a retina. The image of a compound eye, if you can call it an image, is the right way up. Think hunting dragonfly, with its pair of large hemispheres, each a cluster of tubes radiating outwards in different directions. Whichever tube sees the target, that’s the direction to fly in order to catch it.

    A familiar sight throughout both North and South America is the ‘turkey vulture’. It looks like a vulture, behaves like a vulture, lives the life of a vulture, feeding on carrion that it finds, like a vulture, with a sense of smell keener than is typical among birds. But it is not a vulture. Or rather, it has converged on vulturehood independently of true vultures. But wait, who is to say that Old World vultures are any more ‘true’ than New World turkey vultures? Americans might see the priority differently. Let us call both of them vultures, in enthusiastic recognition of convergent evolution and its impressive power to mislead.

    We could settle much the same argument about which are the ‘true’ porcupines. Old World and New World porcupines are both rodents. But within the very large order of rodents, they are not particularly closely related, and they evolved their spiny defences independently. The two pictures show a leopard about to suffer the same punishment from an Old World porcupine as the dog has endured from a New World porcupine.

    Contrary to legend, no porcupine shoots its quills. But they do have a quick-release mechanism so that a predator injudicious enough to molest a porcupine comes away with a face full of quills. New World quills prolong the agony by means of backward-facing barbs, which make them difficult to remove. This detail is not shared by the otherwise convergent Old World porcupines but it is convergent, at a much smaller scale, on the barbs of bee stings (American stingers).

    Dog after approaching New World porcupine

    Leopard approaching Old World porcupine

    The sting of a bee, unlike a porcupine quill, is double. There are two barbed blades rubbing against each other with the venom running between them. The two move alternately against each other, sawing their way into the victim. Both are serrated with backward-pointing barbs like those on a New World porcupine quill. The sting is a modified ovipositor, a tube for egg-laying. Porcupine quills are modified hairs. Bees are not the only insects whose ovipositors are serrated. In cicadas (which don’t sting), the serrations, and the bee-like alternate sawing action of the two blades, serve to dig the ovipositor (egg-laying tube) into (for example) a tree, where the eggs are laid.

    The sting of a bee, derived from the ovipositor and therefore possessed only by females, is a hypodermic syringe for injecting venom. The hypodermic venom injector has evolved convergently in eleven different animal groups by my count (probably more than once independently in some groups): in insects, scorpions, snakes, lizards, spiders, centipedes, stingrays, stonefish, cone shells, and the hind-leg claw of the male duckbilled platypus. The stinging cells, ‘cnidoblasts’, of jellyfish are miniature harpoons that shoot out on the ends of threads, and inject venom. Among plants, stinging nettles have miniature hypodermic syringes.

    The short spikes of hedgehogs are like the long quills of porcupines in being modified hairs. And these too have arisen independently at least three times. There are spiky tenrecs in Madagascar, which look remarkably like hedgehogs although they are not members of the same Order as hedgehogs. They are Afrotheres, related to elephants, aardvarks and dugongs. A third convergence is provided by the spiny anteaters of Australia and New Guinea. Egg-layers, they are as distant from hedgehogs and tenrecs as it is possible to be while still being mammals. They too are covered with spikes, again modified hairs.

    We have seen that porcupine quills are a nice example of convergent evolution, independently arisen within the rodents. So-called flying squirrels also arose twice independently in different families of rodents, the true squirrels, and the so-called scaly-tails or anomalures. We know they evolved their gliding habit independently of each other because the closest relatives of both, within the rodents, are not gliders. It’s the same way we know New World and Old World porcupines are convergent, again within the large order of rodents.

    Not surprisingly, the gliding skill has evolved convergently in a number of vertebrates. The picture shows four mammal examples, including the two rodents just mentioned. The colugo of the Southeast Asian forests is sometimes called the flying lemur, but it isn’t a lemur (all true lemurs come from Madagascar, though that’s not what makes the colugo a non-lemur) and it doesn’t really fly, although it is perhaps a more accomplished glider than the others in the picture. The sugar glider, although it looks extremely like a flying squirrel, is actually a marsupial from Australasia, one of several ‘flying phalangers’. Despite the startlingly close resemblance between sugar glider and flying squirrel, we know that one is a marsupial and the other a rodent, because of deeper layers of palimpsest. For example, the female phalanger has a pouch, the squirrel a placenta.

    1. Colugo

    2. Flying squirrel

    3. Marsupial sugar glider

    4. Anomalure
    (Not to scale)

    The Australian marsupial fauna provides many other examples of convergent evolution, of which perhaps the most famous is the extinct thylacine or Tasmanian wolf, already mentioned. The picture opposite shows a selection of comparisons between Australian marsupials and their placental equivalents in the rest of the world. These include a pair of anteaters and a pair of ‘mice’. The marsupial ‘mole’ of Australia resembles not only the familiar Eurasian mole but also the ‘golden mole’ of South Africa. Also very mole-like, among the rodents there are the zokors of Asia.

    All these ‘moles’ independently adopted the same burrowing way of life, all have adapted their hands into powerful spades and all four look pretty alike. So convincing is the convergence that the golden moles were once classified as moles until it was realised that they belong to a radically different branch of (African) mammals, the Afrotheria, together with elephants, aardvarks, and manatees. Eurasian moles, by contrast, are Laurasiatheres, related to hedgehogs, horses, dogs, bats, and whales. Rodent zokors are related to the blind mole rats, who are thoroughly committed to subterranean life and look like moles, but, as you might expect from a rodent, they dig with their teeth rather than their hands. The family tree, overleaf, showing the affinities of four ‘moles’ is quite surprising.

    PLACENTAL MAMMALSMARSUPIALS
    DogThylacine
    European moleMarsupial mole
    MouseMarsupial mouse
    Flying squirrelSugar glider
    TamanduaNumbat

    Independently evolved ‘moles’

    Impressive as are the convergences of Australian marsupials with a whole variety of placental mammals, we mustn’t overlook the exceptions. Kangaroos don’t look very like the African antelopes with whom they share a way of life. They easily might have converged. But they didn’t. They diverged, mostly because they early committed themselves to a different gait for travelling fast. I suppose there was a time when the ancestors of either could have adopted the hopping gait of a kangaroo or the galloping gait of an antelope. Both gaits are fast and efficient, a least after many generations of evolutionary perfecting. But once an evolutionary lineage starts down a path like hopping or galloping, it is difficult to change. ‘Commitment’ really is a thing, in evolution. Once a lineage of mammals had advanced some way along the hopping gait path, any mutant that tried to gallop would have been out-competed. Perhaps its front legs were already too short. Conversely, in a lineage that was somewhat committed to galloping, a mutant that tried to hop would clumsily fail. There’s no rule that says placental mammals couldn’t have taken the kangaroo route. Indeed, there are rodents whose ancestors travelled that path very successfully. A colleague teaching zoology at the University of Nairobi said in a lecture that there were no kangaroos in Africa. This was denied by a student who excitedly claimed to have seen a small one. What he had seen was a springhaas or springhare, a rodent that looks and hops just like a wallaby, complete with foreshortened arms and enlarged, counterbalancing tail.

    Springhare

    If you could witness an ichthyosaur sporting in Mesozoic waves, you’d be irresistibly reminded of dolphins. A classic case of convergent evolution. On the other hand, your time machine might also present to you a plesiosaur. Far from looking like a dolphin or an ichthyosaur, it doesn’t resemble anything else you ever saw. Ichthyosaurs and plesiosaurs are both descended from land reptiles that went back to the sea. But they started out along, and then became ‘committed to’, alternative paths towards efficient swimming ‘gaits’. Ichthyosaurs rediscovered the ancient side-to-side tailbeat of their fish ancestors. They probably passed through a phase resembling the serpentine wavy motion of Galapagos marine iguanas. Plesiosaurs, instead, relied like sea turtles on their limbs, all four of which became huge flippers. Once committed, both ichthyosaurs and plesiosaurs became increasingly dedicated to their respective evolutionary pathways. And ended up looking extremely different.

    Convergently evolved animals are not necessarily contemporaries. In North America in the Eocene period there were mole-like subterranean animals, the Epoicotheriids, with mole-like digging hands, not closely related to any living burrowers but belonging to the pangolin family, Pholidota. I’d be surprised if there weren’t dinosaur ‘moles’, but I must confess I don’t know of any. There were smallish dinosaurs such as Oryctodromeus who dug burrows, but I don’t know of any who could be called convergent on moles.

    Then there were the so-called ‘false sabretooths’. We’ve already met Smilodon, the sabretooth ‘tiger’, that large, robust and doubtless frightening cat, which went extinct along with most of the American megafauna at the end of the Pleistocene era, only about 10,000 years ago, when man discovered America. What is less well known is that Smilodon was not the only member of the order Carnivora to evolve such terrifying fangs. Thirty million years earlier, spanning the Oligocene epoch, lived a group called Nimravids. The Nimravids were not cats but an older group within the Carnivora, and they independently evolved stabbing canine teeth just like those of Smilodon. Nimravids are sometimes called false sabretooths. False? Tell that to the early horse Mesohippus and the other terrified victims of those giant daggers. Those ‘false’ sabretooths were living, breathing, snarling, pouncing, probably strong-smelling carnivores, to whose victims they would have seemed anything but false. Another extinct group of ‘false sabretooths’, the Barbourofelids, lived in the Miocene epoch, later than the Nimravids but earlier than Smilodon, and convergently occupying the same niche.

    ‘False’ sabretooth – Nimravid

    Given that the Carnivora have endowed us with three independently evolved sabretooths at different times in geological history, we might even feel a little let down if there were no marsupial sabretooth. And sure enough, South America rose to the occasion.

    Marsupial sabretooth – Thylacosmilus

    The marsupial Thylacosmilus looks to have been nearly as formidable as Smilodon and the other convergent sabretooths of the Carnivora. On the other hand, it was a bit smaller.

    Convergences between animals and human technology can be especially impressive, as we saw in the case of the camera and the vertebrate or octopus eye. Though the discovery was originally thought an outrageous hoax, it is now well accepted that bats hunting by night have their own version – ‘echolocation’ – of what submariners have converged upon under the name ‘sonar’ – using echoes of their own sounds to detect targets. Bats are divided into two main groups, the small Microchiroptera, and the large Megachiroptera (‘fruit bats’ and ‘flying foxes’). Microchiropteran bats ‘see’ with their ears. They have highly sophisticated echolocation, good enough to hunt fast-flying insects. The brain pieces together a detailed model of the world, including insect prey, by a highly sophisticated real-time analysis of the echoes of the bats’ own shrieks. When a bat is cruising, its cries just tick over. But when homing in on a moth, which is likely to be taking evasive action, the sounds come out as a rapid-fire stutter like a machine gun. Since each pulse gives the bat an updated picture of the world, machine-gun repetition enables it to cope with a moth’s high-speed twists and turns. The higher the pitch, the shorter the wavelength by definition. And only short wavelengths can resolve a detailed picture. That means ultrasound: too high, mostly way too high, for us to hear. Young people can hear the lower end of the bat’s frequency range. I nostalgically remember them from my youth as sounding like something between a click and a squeak. We can use instruments called bat detectors, which translate ultrasound into audible clicks.

    Slightly less well known is the fact that dolphins and other toothed whales (sperm whales, killer whales) do the same thing, also using ultrasound, and they are up there with bats in sophistication. A more rudimentary form of echolocation has also evolved in shrews, and in cave-nesting birds at least twice independently: in South American oilbirds and Asian cave swiftlets (of bird’s-nest soup fame). The birds don’t use ultrasound: their cries are low enough for us to hear. Some megachiropterans also use a less precise form of echolocation, but they generate their clicks with their wings rather than with the voice. This too must be seen as yet another convergent evolution of echolocation. One genus of Megachiroptera echolocates using the voice, like Microchiroptera but not so skillfully. Interestingly, molecular evidence indicates that one group of Microchiroptera, the Rhinolophids, are more closely related to Megachiroptera than they are to other Microchiroptera. This would seem to suggest that the Rhinolophids evolved their advanced sonar convergently with the other Microchiroptera. Either that or the majority of Megachiroptera lost it.

    Small bats and toothed whales are in a class of their own. Their sonar is of such high quality that ‘seeing with their ears’ scarcely exaggerates what they do. Echolocation using ultrasound provides them with a detailed picture of their world, which bears comparison with vision. We know this through experimental testing of bats’ ability to fly fast between thin wires without hitting them. I have even published the speculation (probably untestable, alas) that bats ‘hear in color’. I stubbornly maintain that it’s plausible, because the hues that we perceive are internally generated labels in the brain, whose attachment to particular wavelengths of light is arbitrary. When bat ancestors gave up on eyes, substituting echoes for light, the internal labels for hues would have gone begging, left hanging in the brain with nothing to do. What more natural than to commandeer them as labels for echoes of different quality? I suppose you might call it an early exploitation of what some humans know as ‘synaesthesia’.

    In one of modern philosophy’s most cited papers, Thomas Nagel didactically asked, ‘What is it like to be a bat?’ One of his points was that we cannot know. My suggestion is that it is perhaps not so very different from what it’s like to be us, or another visual animal like a swallow. Pursuing a point from Chapter 1, both swallows and bats build up an internal virtual reality model of their world. The fact that swallows use light, while bats use echoes, to update the model from moment to moment is less important than the nature and purpose of the internal model itself. This is likely to be similar in the two cases, because it is used for a similar purpose – navigation in real time between obstacles, and detection of fast-moving prey. Swallows and bats need a very similar internal model, a three-dimensional one, inhabited by moving insect targets. Both are champion insect hunters on the wing, swallows by day and then, at nightfall, the bats take over. If my speculation is right, the similarity may extend to the use of colors to label objects in the model, even in the case of bats ‘seeing with their ears’. Incidentally, each swallow eye has two foveas (regions of special acuity – our eyes have only one, which we use for reading etc.), probably one for distance and one for close vision. Instead of bifocal glasses they have bifocal retinas.

    The James Webb Telescope presents us with stunning images of distant nebulae, glowing clouds of red, blue and green. Color is used to represent wavelength of radiation. But the colours in the photographs are false. They use color to represent different wavelengths, but they actually lie in the invisible infrared part of the spectrum. And my point is that the brain’s convention for representing visible light of different wavelengths is just as arbitrary. One is tempted to feel dissatisfied by false colour images such as those from the James Webb Telescope: ‘But is that really what it looks like? Is the telescope telling the truth, or are we being fobbed off with false colours?’ The answer is that we are always being ‘fobbed off’ when we look at anything. If you must talk about false colours, everything you ever see – a rose, a sunset, your lover’s face – is rendered in the brain’s own ‘false’ colours. Those vivid or pastel hues are internal concoctions manufactured by the brain as coded labels for light of different wavelength. The truth lies in the actual wavelength of electromagnetic radiation. The perceived hue is a fiction, whether it is the false colour rendering of a James Webb photograph, or whether it is the labels that the brain generates to tag the wavelengths of light hitting the retina. My conjecture about bats ‘hearing in colour’ makes use of the same idea of internally perceived hues being arbitrary labels.

    Doctors use ultrasound to ‘look’ through the body wall of a pregnant woman and see a black-and-white moving image of her developing foetus. The computer uses the ultrasound echoes to piece together an image compatible with our eyes. There is anecdotal evidence that dolphins pay special attention to pregnant women swimming with them. It seems plausible that they are doing with their ears what doctors do with their instruments. If this is so, they could presumably also ‘see’ inside female dolphins and detect which ones are pregnant. Might this skill be useful to male dolphins choosing mates? No point inseminating a female who is already pregnant.

    Bats and dolphins evolved their echo-analysing skills independently of each other. In the family tree of mammals, both are enveloped by relatives who don’t do echolocation. A strong convergence, and another powerful demonstration of the power of natural selection. And now for a point that’s especially telling for the genetic book of the dead. There’s a type of protein called prestin, which is intimately involved in mammal hearing. It’s expressed in the cochlea, the snail-shaped hearing organ in the inner ear. As with all biological proteins, the exact sequence of amino acids in prestins is specified by DNA. And, also as is usual, the DNA sequence is not identical in different species. Now here’s the interesting point. If you construct a family tree of resemblance based on the genome as a whole, whales and bats are far apart, as you’d expect: their ancestors have been evolving independently of one another since way back in the age of dinosaurs. If, however, you ignore all genes except the prestin gene – if you construct a tree of resemblance based on prestin sequences alone – something remarkable emerges. Dolphins and small bats cluster together with each other. But small bats don’t cluster together with non-echolo-cating large bats, to whom they are much more closely related. And dolphins don’t cluster together with baleen whales, which, although related to them, don’t echolocate. This suggests that SOF could read the prestin gene of an unknown animal and infer whether it (more precisely its ancestors) lived and hunted in conditions where ultrasonic sonar would be useful: night, dark caves, or other places where eyes are useless, such as the murky water of the Irrawaddy river or the Amazon. I’d like to know whether the two echolocating bird species have bat-like prestins.

    This finding on bats and dolphins – the specific resemblance of their prestin genes – strikes me as a pattern for a whole field of future research on the genetic book of the dead. Another example concerns flight surfaces in mammals. Bats fly properly, and marsupial flying phalangers glide, using stretched flaps of skin that catch the air. There’s a specific complex of genes, shared by both bats and marsupial phalangers, which is involved in making the skin flaps. It will be interesting to know whether the same genes are shared by the other gliding mammals that we met earlier in this chapter, so-called flying lemurs and the two groups of rodents that independently evolved the gliding habit.

    It would be nice to look in the same kind of way at those animals who have returned from land to water – of which whales are only the most extreme example, along with dugongs and manatees. Do returnees to water have genes in common that are not shared by non-aquatic mammals? What other features do they share? Many aquatic mammals and birds have webbed feet. If our hypothetical SOF is presented with an unknown animal who has webbed feet, she can safely ‘read’ the feet as saying, ‘Water in the recent ancestral environment.’ But that’s obvious. Can we be systematic in our search for less obvious signals of water in the genetic book of the dead? How many other features are diagnostic of aquatic life? Are there some shared genes, such as we saw in the case of prestin for sonar, and skin flaps in bats and sugar gliders? There are probably lots of shared features buried deep in an aquatic animal’s physiology and genome. We have just to find them. We can get a sort of negative clue by looking at genes that were made inactive when terrestrial animals took to the water. Just as humans have a large number of smell genes inactivated (see here), whale genomes contain several inactivated genes, whose inactivation has been interpreted as beneficial when diving to great depths.

    We could proceed along the following lines. We borrow from medical science the technique known as GWAS (genome-wide association study). The idea of GWAS is lucidly and conversationally explained by Francis Collins, former Director of the Human Genome Project, as follows:

    What you do for a genome-wide association study is find a lot of people who have the disease, a lot of people who don’t, and who are otherwise well matched. And then, searching across the entire genome … you try to find a place where there is a consistent difference. And if you’re successful – and [you’ve] got to be really careful about the statistics here, so that you don’t jump on a lot of false positives – it allows you to zero in on a place in the genome that must be involved in disease risk without having to guess ahead of time what kind of gene you’re going to find.

    Substitute ‘lives in water’ for ‘disease’, and ‘species’ for ‘people’, and you have the procedure I am here advocating. Let’s call it ‘Interspecific GWAS’ or IGWAS.

    Gather a large number of mammals known to be aquatic. Match each one with a related mammal (the more closely related the better) who lives on land, preferably in dry conditions. We might start with the following list of matched pairs, and the list could be extended.

    Water voleVole
    Water shrewShrew
    DesmanMole
    PlatypusEchidna
    Water tenrecLand tenrec
    OtterBadger
    SealWolf
    YapokOpossum
    Polar bearBrown bear

    To do the IGWAS, you would now look at the genomes of all the animals and try to pinpoint genes shared by the left-hand column and not by the right-hand column. Until all those animals have had their genomes sequenced, and until mathematical techniques are up to the task, proceed with a non-genomic version of IGWAS as follows. Go to work taking measurements of all the animals. Measure all the bones. Weigh the heart, the brain, the kidneys, the lungs, etc., all these weights being expressed relative to total body weight (to correct for absolute size, which is unlikely to be of much interest). By the same token, the bone measurements should be expressed as a proportion of something, just as, in the chelonian example of Chapter 3, the bone lengths were expressed as a proportion of total arm length. Measure the body temperature, blood pressure, the concentrations of particular chemicals in the blood, measure everything you can think of. Some of the measurements might not be continuously varying quantities like centimetres or grams: they might be ‘yes or no’, ‘present or absent’, ‘true or false’.

    Feed all the measurements into a computer. And now for the interesting part. We want to maximise the discrimination between aquatic mammals and their terrestrial opposite numbers. We want to discover which measurements discriminate them, pull them apart. At the same time, we want to identify those features that unite all aquatic mammals, however distantly related from each other. Webbing between the toes will presumably emerge as a good discriminator, but we want to find the non-obvious discriminators, biochemical discriminators, ultimately gene discriminators. Where genomic comparisons are concerned, the GWAS methods already developed for medical purposes will serve. A possible graphic method is a version of the triangular plot of tortoise and turtle limbs that we saw in Chapter 3. Another graphic method is drawing pedigrees with genetic convergences coloured in.

    A refinement of IGWAS might order species along an ecological dimension. You could, perhaps, string mammals out along a dimension of aquaticness, from whales and dugongs at one extreme to camels, desert foxes, oryxes, and gundis at the other. Seals, otters, yapoks and water voles would be intermediate. Or we might explore a dimension of arboreality. We might conclude that a squirrel is a rat who has moved a measurable distance along the dimension of arboreality. Are moles, golden moles and marsupial moles situated at one extreme on a dimension of fossoriality. Could we distribute birds along a dimension from flightless cormorants and emus who never fly, at one extreme, to albatrosses at the other, or, even more extreme, to swifts, who even copulate on the wing? Having identified such ‘dimensions’, could we look for trends in gene frequency as you move along from one extreme to the other. I can immediately foresee alarming complications. The dimensions would interact with other dimensions, and we’d have to call in experts with mathematical wings to fly through multi-dimensional spaces. My own sadly amateur ventures, limited to three dimensions, and using computer simulation rather than mathematics, are in my book Climbing Mount Improbable, especially the chapter called ‘The Museum of All Shells’.

    A group at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh performed a model example of what I call (they don’t) IGWAS. What they studied was not aquaticness but hairlessness in mammals. Most mammals are hairy, and all had hairy ancestors, but if you survey the mammal family tree you notice that hairlessness pops up sporadically among unrelated mammals. See the diagram, which shows a few of the sixty-two species whose genomes were examined.

    Sporadic distribution of hair loss among mammals

    Whales, manatees, pigs, walruses, naked mole rats, and humans have all lost their hair more or less completely (yellow names in the diagram). And, which is important, independently of each other in many cases. We can tell this by looking at the hairy closer relatives from among whom they sprang. You remember that echolocating bats and echolocating whales had something else in common – their prestin gene. Do the genomes of the naked species have a gene for hairlessness that they share with each other? The answer is literally no. But only literally. The truth is equally interesting. It turns out that we and other naked species still retain the ancestral genes that make hairs. But the genes have been disabled. And disabled in different ways. What is convergent is the fact of being disabled, but the details are not shared. Incidentally, we again have here a problem for creationists. If an intelligent designer wished to make a naked animal, why would he equip it with genes for making hair and then disable them? Chapter 3 mentions the similar example of the human sense of smell: the olfactory sense genes of our mammal ancestors still lurk within us, but they have been turned off.

    One of my favourite examples of convergent evolution is that of weakly electric fish. Two separate groups of fish, Gymnotids in South America and Gymnarchids in Africa, have independently and convergently discovered how to generate electric fields. They have sense organs all along the sides of the body, which can detect distortions that objects in the environment cause in the electric fields. It is a sense of which we can have no awareness. Both groups of fish use it in murky water where vision is impossible. There’s just one difficulty. The normal undulating movements typical of fish fatally compromise the analysis of the electric fields measured along the body. It is necessary for the fish’s body to maintain a rigid stance. But if their body is rigid, how do they swim? By means of a single longitudinal fin traversing the whole length of the body. The body itself, with its row of electrical sensors, stays rigid, while the single longitudinal fin alone performs the sinuous movements typical of fish locomotion. But there’s one revealing difference. In the South American fish, the longitudinal fin runs along the ventral surface, while in the African fish it runs along the back. In both groups of fish, the undulating waves can be thrown into reverse: the fish swim backwards and forwards with apparently equal facility.

    The ‘duck bill’ of the platypus and the huge, flat ‘paddle’ sticking out of the front end of the paddlefish (Polyodontidae) are both covered with electrical sensors, convergently and independently evolved. In this case the electric fields they pick up are generated, inadvertently, by the muscles of their prey. There is a long-extinct trilobite that also had a huge paddle-like appendage like that of the paddlefish. Its paddle was studded with what look like sense organs, and it seems probable that this represents yet another convergence.

    A ringed plover’s eggs and chicks lie out on the ground, defenceless except for their camouflage. A fox approaches. The parent is much too small to put up any kind of resistance. So it does an astonishing thing. It attempts to lure the predator away from the nest by offering itself as a bigger prize than the nest. It limps away from the nest, pretending to have a broken wing, simulating easy prey. It flutters pathetically on the ground, wings outstretched, sometimes with one wing stuck incongruously in the air. There’s no assumption that it knows what it is doing or why it is doing it (although it may). The minimal assumption we need make is that natural selection has favoured ancestors whose brains were genetically wired up to perform the distraction display, and perfect it over generations. Now, why tell the story in this chapter on convergent evolution? It’s because the broken wing display has arisen not once but many times independently in different families of birds. The diagram on the following page is a pedigree of birds, wrapped around in a circle so it fits on the page. Birds who perform the broken wing display are coloured in red, those who don’t in blue. You can see that the habit is distributed sporadically around the pedigree, a lovely example of convergent evolution.

    My final example of convergence will lead us into the next chapter. More than 200 species, belonging to thirty-six different fish families, practise the ‘cleaner’ trade. They remove surface parasites and damaged scales from the bodies of larger ‘client’ fish. Each individual cleaner fish has its own cleaning station, and its own loyal clients who return repeatedly to the same ‘barber’s shop’ on the reef. This site tenacity is important in keeping the benefit exclusively mutual: the cleaner eats the parasites and worn-out scales from the skin of particular client fish, and the client refrains from eating its particular benefactor. Without individual site fidelity, and therefore repeat visits, clients would have no incentive to refrain from eating the cleaner – after being cleaned, of course. Sparing a cleaner would benefit fish in general, including competitors of the sparer. Natural selection doesn’t ‘care’ about general benefit. Quite the contrary. Natural selection cares only about benefit to the individual and its close relations, at the expense of competitors. A bond of individual loyalty between particular cleaner and particular client therefore really matters, and it is achieved by site tenacity. Some cleaners even venture inside the mouth of a client to pick its teeth – and survive to repeat the service on the client’s next visit. Cleaner fish advertise their trade and secure their safety by a characteristic dance, often enhanced by a striped pattern – the fishy equivalent of the striped pole insignia of a human barber’s shop. This constitutes a safe-conduct pass.

    Broken wing display

    The remarkable ‘broken wing display’ crops up again and again in different bird groups (shown in red). Striking testimony to the power of natural selection.

    The interesting point for this chapter is that the cleaner habit has evolved many times convergently, not only many times independently in fish but many times in shrimps too. As before, the client fish abide by the covenant and refrain from eating their cleaner shrimps, in just the same respectful way as for cleaner fish. In many cases, cleaner shrimps sport a similar stripe, the ‘barber’s pole’ insignia. It is to the benefit of all that all the ‘barber’s pole’ badges should look similar.

    When swimming in the sea, you would be well advised to steer clear of the sharp-toothed jaws of the moray eel. Yet here is a shrimp, calmly picking its teeth. Note, yet again, the red stripe or ‘barber’s shop pole’, telling the moray, ‘Don’t eat me, I’m your special cleaner. You and I have a mutual relationship. You’ll need me again.’ Does the shrimp feel fear as it trustingly enters those formidable jaws? Does some equivalent of ‘trust’ pulsate through its cephalic ganglion? I doubt it, but not everyone would agree. Do you?

    Moray eel and cleaner shrimp

    Not only has the habit evolved independently – convergently – in fish and shrimps. It has evolved convergently many times within shrimps, just as it has many times within fish. Even within one family of shrimps, the Palaemonidae, the cleaner trade is practised by sixteen different species, having evolved within the Palaemonidae five times independently. Here’s how we know the five evolutions were independent of each other. The method again serves as a model for how we ever know instances of evolution are independent of each other. Look at the family tree of the Palaemonidae, constructed with the aid of molecular genetic sequencing. It contains sixty-eight species of shrimp. Those species that practise the fish-cleaning trade have a little fish symbol by them. There are sixteen species of palaemonid cleaner shrimps. But many of the sixteen cannot be said to have evolved the habit independently. For example, the three species of Urocardella are all cleaners, but the picture warns us against counting them as independent: they probably inherited it from their common ancestor.

    Six members of the genus Ancyclomenes are cleaners, but again we must make the conservative assumption that they inherited it from their common ancestor – and that the habit has been lost in A.aqabaiA.kuboiA.luteomaculatus, and A.venustus. Using this conservative approach, we conclude that the cleaning habit evolved independently in five palaemonid genera but not in all species of those five genera. And the story doesn’t end with the Palaemonidae. Two other families of shrimps not shown in the diagram, the Hippolytidae (see moray eel picture above) and the Stenopodidae, also have many species of cleaner.

    The Cambridge palaeontologist Simon Conway Morris has treated convergent evolution more vividly and thoroughly than anyone else. In his wittily written Life’s Solution he points out that convergent evolution is commonly sold as amazing, astounding, uncanny, etc., but there is no need for this. Far from being especially amazing, it’s exactly what we should expect of natural selection. Convergent evolution is, nevertheless, great for confounding armchair philosophers and others who underestimate the power of natural selection and the magnificence of its productions. In addition to 110 densely packed pages of massively researched endnotes and references to the biological literature, Life’s Solution has three indexes: a general index, a name index and – this must surely be unique – a ‘convergences index’. It runs to five double-column pages and around 2,000 examples of convergence. Of course, not all of them are as impressive as the pillbugs, the moles, the gliders, the sabretooths, or the fish-cleaners but even so …

    Independent evolution of cleaners

    Convergent evolution can be so impressive, it makes you wonder how we know the resemblance really is convergent. That’s the power of natural selection, the immense yet subtle power that underpins the whole idea of the genetic book of the dead. Pill woodlouse and pill millipede, alike as two pills, how do we know one is a crustacean, the other a distant myriapod? There are numerous tell-tale clues. The deep layers of the palimpsest are never completely over-written. The glyphs of history keep breaking through. And, if all else fails, molecular genetics cannot be denied.

    Convergence of animals with widely separated histories is one manifestation of the power of selection to write layer upon layer of the palimpsest. Another is its converse: evolutionary divergence from a common historic origin, natural selection seizing a basic design and moulding and twisting it into an often bizarre range of functionally important shapes. The next chapter goes there.

    6 Variations on a Theme

    As we saw in Chapter 3, molecular comparison conclusively shows that whales are located deep within the even-toed ungulates, the artio­dactyls. By ‘located deep within’, I mean something very specific and surprising. It’s worth repeating. We’re talking about much more than just a shared ancestor, with the whales going one way, and the artiodactyls the other. That would not have been surprising. ‘Deep within’ means that some artiodactyls (hippos) share a more recent ancestor with whales than they share with the rest of the artiodactyls whom they much more strongly resemble. This has been known for more than twenty years, but I still find it almost incredible, so overwhelming is the submersion under surface layers of palimpsest. Of course, this doesn’t mean whales’ ancestors were hippos or even resembled hippos. But whales are hippos’ closest living relatives.

    What is it that’s so special about whales, so special that new writings in their book of the dead so comprehensively obliterated almost every trace of that earlier world, of grazing prairies and galloping feet, which must lie buried far down in the palimpsest? How did the whales manage to diverge so completely from the rest of the artiodactyls? How were they able so comprehensively to escape their artiodactyl heritage?

    The answer probably lies in that word ‘escape’. Cattle, pigs, antelopes, sheep, deer, giraffes, and camels are relentlessly disciplined by gravity. Even hippos spend significant amounts of time on land, and indeed can accelerate their ungainly bulk to an alarming speed. The land-dwelling artiodactyl ancestors of whales had to submit to gravity. In order to move, land mammals must have legs stout enough to bear their weight. A land animal as big as a blue whale would need legs half way to Stonehenge pillars, and it’d have a hard time surviving, with heart and lungs smothered suffocatingly by the body’s own weight. But in the sea, whales shook off gravity’s tyranny. The density of a mammal body is approximately that of water. Gravity never goes away, but buoyancy tames it. When their artiodactyl ancestors took to the water, whales shed the need for leggy support, and the fossil evidence beautifully lays out the intermediate stages.

    A major milestone marks the point where, like dugongs and manatees but unlike seals and turtles, whales gave up returning to land even to reproduce. That was the final release from gravity, as buoyancy totally took over. Whales were free to grow to prodigious size, literally insupportable size. A whale is what happens when you take an ungulate, cut it adrift from the land and liberate it from gravity. All manner of other modifications followed in the wake of the great emancipation, and they richly defaced the ancient palimpsest. Forelegs became flippers, hind limbs disappeared inside and shrank to tiny relics, the nostrils moved to the top of the head, two massive horizontal flukes – lobes stiffened not by bone but by dense fibrous tissue – sprouted sideways to form the propulsive organ. Numerous profound alterations of physiology and biochemistry allowed deep diving, and hugely prolonged intervals between breaths. Whales switched from a (presumed) herbivorous diet to one dominated by fish, squid, and – in the case of the baleen whales – filtered shoals of krill in lavish quantities.

    Fish, too, are allowed by buoyancy to adopt bizarre shapes (see pictures here), which gravity on land would forbid. In the case of teleost (bony as opposed to cartilaginous) fish, the buoyancy is perfect, owing to that exquisite device, the swim-bladder, buried deep within the body. By manipulating the amount of gas in the swim-bladder, the fish is able to adjust its specific gravity and achieve perfect equilibrium at whatever happens to be its preferred depth at any time.

    I think that’s what makes a home aquarium such a restful furnishing for a room. You can dream of drifting effortlessly through life, as a fish drifts through water in perpetual equilibrium. And it is the same hydrostatic equilibrium that frees fish to assume such an extravaganza of shapes. The leafy sea dragon trails clouds of glorious fronds, and you feel you could almost identify the species of wrack that those fronds mimic. You must peer deep between them to discern that they are parts of a fish: a modified sea horse – which is itself a distorted caricature of the ‘standard fish’ design of more familiar cousins such as trout and mackerel.

    Most predatory fish actively seek and pursue prey, and this expends a considerable proportion of the energy obtained from the food caught. Angler fish, of which there are several hundred species sitting on the sea bottom, save energy by luring prey to come to them. The anglers themselves are superbly camouflaged. A fishing rod (modified fin spine) sprouts from the head. At its tip is a lure or bait, which the angler fish waves around in a tempting manner. Unsuspecting prey are attracted to the bait, whereupon the angler opens its enormous mouth and engulfs the prey. Different species of angler favour different baits. With some it resembles a worm, and it jiggles about plausibly as the angler waves its rod. Angler fish of the dark deep sea harbour luminescent bacteria in the tip of the rod. The resultant glowing lure is very attractive to other deep-sea fish, and invertebrate prey such as shrimps. Convergently, snapping turtles rest with their mouth open, wiggling their tongue like a worm, as bait for unsuspecting prey fish.

    Sea horses and angler fish are extreme exponents of the adaptive radiation of teleost fish. They also, in their different ways, sport unusual sex lives. The sex life of angler fish is nothing short of bizarre. Everything I said in the previous paragraph applies to female angler fish only. The males are tiny ‘dwarf males’, hundreds of times smaller than females. A female releases a chemical, which attracts a dwarf male. He sinks his jaws into her body, then digests his own front end, which becomes buried in the female’s body. He becomes no more than a small protuberance on her, housing male gonads from which she extracts sperm when she needs to. It is as though she becomes a hermaphrodite, except that ‘her’ testes possess a different genotype from her own, having invaded from outside in the form of the dwarf male locked into her skin.

    Lionfish

    Weedy sea dragon

    Marlin

    Leafy sea dragon

    Trumpet fish

    Sunfish

    Gulper eel

    Seahorse

    Puffer

    Sloane’s viper fish

    Ghost pipefish

    Angler fish

    Freed by buoyancy from the constraints of gravity, fish were able to evolve an astonishing variety of shapes

    Many species of fish are livebearers – females get pregnant like mammals and give birth to live young. Sea horses are unusual in that it’s the male who gets pregnant, carries the young in a belly pouch, and eventually gives birth to them. Do you wonder, then, how we define him as male? Throughout the animal and plant kingdoms, the male sex is easily defined as the one that produces lots of small gametes, sperms, as opposed to fewer, larger, eggs.

    Adaptive radiation means evolutionary divergence fanning out from a single origin. It is seen in an especially dramatic way when new territory suddenly becomes available. When, 66 million years ago, a celestial catastrophe cleared 76 per cent of all species from the planet, the stage was wide open for mammalian understudies to step into the dinosaurs’ vacated costumes. The subsequent adaptive radiation of mammals was spectacular. From the small, burrowing creatures who survived the devastation, probably by hibernating in safe little underground bunkers, a comprehensive range of descendants, ranging hugely in size and habit, appeared in surprisingly quick time.

    On a smaller scale and a much shorter timescale, a volcanic island can spring up suddenly (suddenly by the standards of geological time) through volcanic upwelling from the bottom of the sea. For animals and plants it is virgin territory, barren, untenanted, open to exploitation afresh. Slowly (by the standards of a human lifetime) the volcanic rock crumbles and starts to make soil. Seeds fly in on the wind, or are transported by birds and fertilised with their droppings. From being a black lava desert, the island greens. Winged insects waft in, and tiny spiders parachuting under floating threads of silk. Migrating birds are blown off course, land for recuperation, stay, reproduce; their descendants evolve. Fragments of mangrove drift in from the mainland, and the occasional tree uprooted by a hurricane. Such freak raftings carry stowaways – iguanas, for instance. Step by accidental step, the island is colonised. And then descendants of the colonists evolve, rapidly by geological standards, diversifying to fill the various empty niches. Diversification is especially rich in archipelagos, where driftings between islands happen more frequently than from the mainland to the archipelago. Galapagos and Hawaii are textbook examples.

    A volcano is not the only way new virgin territory for evolution can open up. A new lake can do it too. Lake Victoria, largest lake in the tropics and larger than all but one of the American Great Lakes, is extremely young. Estimates range from 100,000 years to a carbon-dated figure of only 12,400 years. The discrepancy is easily explained. Geological evidence shows that the lake basin formed about 100,000 years ago, but the lake itself has dried up completely and refilled several times. The figure of 12,400 years represents the age of the latest refilling, and therefore the age of the current lake in its large geography. And now, here is the astonishing fact.

    There are about 400 species of Cichlid (pronounced ‘sicklid’) fish in Lake Victoria, and they are all descended from probably as few as two founder lineages that arrived from rivers within the short time that the lake has existed. The same thing happened earlier in the other great lakes of Africa, the much deeper Lakes Tanganyika and Malawi. Each of the three lakes has its own unique radiation of Cichlid fishes, different from, but parallel to, the others.

    Nimbochromis livingstoniiLamprologus lemairii

    Here’s a slightly macabre example of this parallelism. In Lake Malawi (where I spent my earliest bucket-and-spade beach holidays), there is a predatory fish called Nimbochromis livingstonii. It lies on the bottom of the lake pretending to be dead. It even has light and dark blotches all over its body, giving the appearance of decomposition. Deceived into boldness, small fish approach to nibble at the corpse, whereupon the ‘corpse’ suddenly springs into action and devours the small fish. This hunting technique was thought to be unique in the animal kingdom. But then exactly the same trick was discovered in Lake Tanganyika, the other great Rift Valley lake. Another Cichlid fish, Lamprologus lemairii, has independently, convergently, hit upon the same death-shamming trick. And it has the same blotchy appearance, suggestive of death and decay. In both lakes, adaptive radiation independently hit upon the same somewhat gruesome way of getting food. Along with dozens of other ways of life, independently discovered in parallel in the two similar lakes.

    My old friend, the late George Barlow, vividly described the three great lakes of Africa as Cichlid factories. His book, The Cichlid Fishes, makes fascinating reading. The Cichlids have so much to teach us about evolution in general and adaptive radiation in particular. Each of the three great lakes has its own, independently evolved radiation of several hundred Cichlid species. All three lakes tell the same story of explosive Cichlid evolution, yet the three histories unfolded entirely independently. All three began with a founder population of very few species. Each of the three followed a parallel evolutionary course of massive radiation into a huge variety of ‘trades’ or ways of life – the same great range of trades being independently discovered in all three lakes.

    You might think the oldest lake would have the most species. After all, it’s had the longest time to evolve them. But no. Lake Tanganyika, easily the oldest at about 6 million years, has only (only!) 300 species. Victoria, a baby of only 100,000 years, has about 400 species. Lake Malawi, intermediate in age at between 1 and 2 million years, has the largest species count, probably around 500, although some estimates exceed 1,000. Moreover, the size of the radiation seems unrelated to the number of founder species. The huge radiations in Victoria and Malawi trace back substantially to only one lineage of Cichlids, the Haplochromines. The relatively venerable Lake Tanganyika’s approximately 300 species appear to stem from twelve different founder lineages, of which the Haplochromines are only one.

    What all this suggests is that young Lake Victoria’s dramatic explosion of species is the model for all three lakes. All three probably took only tens of thousands of years to generate several hundred species. After the explosive beginning, the typical pattern is probably to stabilise the number, or it may even decrease, such that the final number of species is not correlated with the age of the lake, or with the number of founder species. The Cichlids of Lake Victoria show how fast evolution can proceed when it dons its running shoes. We cannot expect that such an explosive rate is typical of animals in general. Think of it as an upper bound.

    And when you work it out, even Lake Victoria’s feat is not quite so surprising as first appears. Although the lake in its present form is only some 12,400 years old, I’ve already mentioned that a lake filled the same shallow basin 100,000 years ago. In the intervening years it has largely dried up several times and refilled, the latest such episode occuring with the refill of 12,400 years ago. Lake Malawi shows how dramatically these lake levels can fall and rise. Between the fourteenth and nineteenth centuries, the water level was more than 100 metres lower than today. Unlike Lake Victoria, however, it came nowhere close to drying up altogether. In its Rift Valley chasm, it is nearly ten times as deep as Victoria. In shallow Lake Victoria, as each drying cycle occurred, the lowering of the water level would have left numerous ponds and small lakes, these becoming reunited at the next iteration of the refill cycle. The temporary isolation of the fish trapped in the residual ponds and small lakes enabled them to evolve separately – no gene flow between ponds. At the next refill of the cycle, they were reunited, but by then they would have drifted apart genetically, too far to interbreed with those who had been stranded in other ponds. If this is correct, the drying/refilling alternation provided ideal conditions for speciation (the technical term for the evolutionary origin of a new species, by splitting of an existing species). And it means that, from an evolutionary point of view, we could regard the true age of Lake Victoria as 100,000 years, not 12,400. Still very young.

    Given 100,000 years to play with, what sort of interval between speciation events would yield 400 species, starting, hypothetically, with a single founding species? Is 100,000 years long enough? Here’s how a mathematician might reason: a back-of-the-envelope calculation, making conservative assumptions throughout, to be on the safe side. There are two extremes, two bounds bracketing the possible rate of speciation, depending on the pattern of splitting. The most prolific pattern (an improbable extreme) is where every species splits into two, yielding two daughter species which, in turn, split into two. This pattern yields exponential growth of species numbers. It would take only between eight and nine speciation cycles to yield 400 species (29 is 512). An interval of 11,000 years between speciations would do the trick. The least prolific pattern (also an improbable extreme) is where the founder species ‘stays put’ and successively throws off one daughter species after another. This would require far more speciation events, about 400, to reach the tally of 400 species: a speciation event every 250 years. How to estimate a realistic intermediate between these two extremes? A simple average (arithmetic mean) gives an estimate of between 5,000 and 6,000 years between speciations, which is enough time. Our mathematician, however, might be more cautious and recommend the geometric mean (multiply the two numbers together and take the square root). One reason to prefer it is that it captures the stronger influence of an occasional very bad year. This more conservative estimate asks for an interval of about 1,600 years between speciations. Somewhere between the two estimates is plausible, but let’s bend over backwards to be cautious and use the estimate of 1,600 years. Cichlid fish typically reach sexual maturity in under two years, so let’s again be conservative and assume a two-year generation time. Then we’d need about 800 fish generations between speciation events, in order to generate 400 species in 100,000 years. Eight hundred generations is enough for plenty of evolutionary change.

    How do I know 800 generations is plenty of time? Again, mathematicians can do back-of-the-envelope calculations to assist intuition. One calculation that I like was done by the American botanist Ledyard Stebbins. Imagine that natural selection is driving mouse-sized animals towards larger size. Stebbins, too, bent over backwards to be conservative, by assuming a very weak selection pressure, so weak that it could not be detected by scientists working in the field, trapping mice and measuring them. In other words, natural selection in favour of larger size is assumed to exist but to be so slight and subtle that it is below the threshold of detectability by field researchers. If the same undetectably weak selection pressure were maintained consistently, how long would it take for the mice to evolve to the size of an elephant? The answer Stebbins calculated was about 20,000 generations, the blink of an eye by geological standards. Admittedly, it’s a lot more than our 800 generations, but we weren’t talking about anything so grandiose as mice turning into elephants. We were only talking about Cichlid fishes changing enough to be incapable of interbreeding with other species. Moreover, Stebbins’s assumptions, like ours, were conservative. He assumed a selection pressure so weak that you couldn’t measure it. Selection pressures have actually been measured in the wild, for example on butterflies. Not only are they easily detectable, they are orders of magnitude stronger than the sub-threshold, under-the-radar pressure assumed by Stebbins. I conclude that 100,000 years is a comfortably long time in Cichlid evolution, easily enough time for an ancestral species to diversify into 400 separate species. That’s fortunate, because it happened!

    Incidentally, Stebbins’s calculation is an instructive antidote to sceptics who think geological time is not long enough to accommodate the amount of evolutionary change we observe. His 20,000 generations to wreak the change from mouse to elephant is so short that it would ordinarily not be measurable by the dating methods of geologists. In other words, a selection pressure too weak to be detectable by field geneticists is capable of yielding major evolutionary change so fast that it could look instantaneous to geologists.

    The crustaceans are another great group of mostly aquatic animals with spectacular evolutionary radiations, from much more ancient common sources. In this case, it is the modification of a shared anatomy that impresses. Rigid skeletons permit movement only if built up of hinged units, bones in the case of vertebrates, armoured tubes and casings in the case of crustaceans and other arthropods. Because these bones and tubes are rigid and articulated, there is a finite number of them, each one a unit that can be named and recognised across species. The fact that all mammals have almost the same repertoire of nameable bones (206 in humans) makes it easy to recognise evolved differences as distortions of each named bone: ulna, femur, clavicle, etc. The same is true of crustacean skeletal elements, with the bonus that, unlike bones, they are externally visible.

    The great Scottish zoologist D’Arcy Thompson took six species of crab and looked at just one unit of the skeleton, the main portion of the body armour, the carapace, of each.

    GeryonCorystes
    ChorinusScyramathia
    LupaParalomis

    He arbitrarily chose one of the six, it happened to be Geryon (far left), and drew it on a rectangular grid. He then showed that he could approximate the shape of each of the other five, simply by distorting the grid in a mathematically lawful way. Think of it as drawing one crab on a sheet of stretched rubber, then distorting the rubber sheet in mathematically specified directions to simulate five other shapes. These distortions are not evolutionary changes. The six species are all contemporary. No one species is ancestral to any other, they share ancestors who are no longer with us. But they show how easily changes in embryonic development (altered gradients of growth rates, for instance) can yield an illuminating variety of crustacean form with respect to one part of the exoskeleton. D’Arcy Thompson did the same thing with many other skeletal elements including human and other ape skulls.

    Of course, bodies are not drawn on anything equivalent to stretched rubber. Each individual develops afresh from a fertilised egg. But changes in growth rates, of each part of the developing embryo, can end up looking like the distortions of stretched rubber. Julian Huxley applied D’Arcy Thompson’s method to the relative growth of different body parts in the developing embryo. Such embryological changes are under genetic control, and evolutionary changes in gene frequencies generate evolutionary variety, again looking like stretched rubber. And of course it isn’t just the carapace. The same kind of evolutionary distortion is seen in all the elements of the crustacean body (and the bodies of all animals but often less obviously). You can see how the same parts are present in each specimen, just emphasised to different degrees. The differential emphasis is achieved by different growth rates in different parts of the embryo.

    Crustaceans are exceedingly numerous. With characteristic wit, the Australian ecologist Robert May said, ‘To a first approximation, all species are insects,’ yet it has been calculated that there are more individual copepods (crustacean water fleas) than there are individual insects in the world. The painting opposite, by the zoologist Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919), Darwin’s leading champion in Germany, is a dazzling display of the anatomical versatility of the copepods.

    Wondrous copepods from Ernst Haeckel’s Art Forms in Nature

    Mantis shrimp

    Here’s a typical adult crustacean, a mantis shrimp. Well, mantis shrimps (Stomatopods) are typical with respect to their body plan, which, together with their colourful beauty, is why I’ve chosen one for this purpose. But they include some formidable customers who are far from typical in one alarming respect. They pack a punch, literally. With vicious blows from club-like claws, they smash mollusc shells in nature, while in captivity the blow from a large smasher, travelling as fast as a small-calibre rifle bullet, will shatter the glass of your aquarium tank. The energy released is so great that the water boils locally and there is a flash of light. You don’t want to mess with a mantis shrimp, but they’re a wonderful example of the diverse modification of the basic crustacean body plan.

    Mantis shrimps are not to be confused with the (literally) stunning ‘pistol shrimps’ or ‘snapping shrimps’ (Alpheidae), who in their way also beautifully illustrate the diversity of crustacea. These have one enlarged claw, somewhat bigger than the other. They snap the enlarged claw with terrific force, generating a shock wave – a violent pulse of extreme high pressure immediately followed by extreme low pressure in its wake. The shock wave stuns or kills prey. The noise is among the loudest heard in the sea, comparable to the bellows and squeaks of large whales. Muscles are too slow to generate high-speed movement such as the snapping claws of pistol shrimps or the punching clubs of mantis shrimps (or indeed the jump of a flea). They store energy in an elastic material or spring, and then suddenly release it – the catapult or bow-and-arrow principle.

    Crustacea dazzle with diversity. But it is a constrained diversity. To repeat the point, which is the reason I chose crustaceans for this chapter, you can in every species easily recognise the same parts. They are connected to each other in the same order, while differing hugely in shape and size. The first thing you notice about the basic crustacean body plan is that it is segmented. The segments are arrayed from front to rear like a goods train with trucks (American freight train with wagons or cars). The segmentation of centipedes and millipedes is even more obviously train-like because most of their segments are the same. A mantis shrimp or a lobster is like a train whose trucks are the same in a few respects (wheels, bogies, and coupling hooks, say) but different in other ways (cattle wagons, milk tanks, timber carriers, etc.).

    Crustaceans in their evolution achieve astonishing variety by changing the trucks over evolutionary time, while never losing sight of the train. Varied as they are, the segments of a mantis shrimp are still visibly a train built to the same pattern as any other crustacean, each bearing a pair of limbs that fork at the tip. The claw of a crab or lobster is a conspicuous example of the fork. As you move from front to rear of the animal, the paired appendages consist of antennae, various kinds of mouth parts, claws, then four pairs of legs. Move backwards further, and the segments of a lobster or mantis shrimp’s abdomen each have small, jointed appendages called swim-merets underneath, on both sides, each often ending in a little paddle. In a lobster or, even more so, a crab, the segments of the thorax and head are hidden beneath a shared cover, the carapace. But their segmentation is betrayed by the appendages, walking legs in the case of four of them, antennae, large claws and mouth parts at the front end. The rear end of the abdomen, the guard’s van (American caboose) of the train, has a special pair of flattened appendages called uropods. When I first visited Australia, I was intrigued to see, laid out in a buffet, what they call bay bugs. These have what look like uro-pods at the front end as well as the rear, a sort of crustacean version of Doctor Dolittle’s Pushmi-Pullyu, but with two rear ends instead of two heads. This is not all that surprising, as we shall now see.

    The segmentation of arthropods and vertebrates was once thought to have evolved independently. No longer, and thereby hangs a fascinating tale, a tale that is true too of other segmented animals such as annelid worms. Just as the segments are arrayed in series from front to rear like a train, so the genes controlling the segments are arrayed in series along the length of a chromosome. This revolutionary discovery overturned the whole attitude to zoology that I had learned as a student, and I find it wonderful. To pursue the railway analogy, there’s a train of gene trucks in the chromosome to parallel the train of segment trucks in the body.

    It’s been known for more than a century that mutant fruit flies can have a leg growing where an antenna ought to be. That mutation is called antennapedia for obvious reasons, and it breeds true. There are other dramatic mutations in fruit flies, for example bithorax, which has four wings like normal insects, instead of the two-winged pattern that gives flies their name, Diptera. These major mutations are all explained by changes in the sequentially arranged genes in the ‘chromosome train’. When I first saw that bay bug in a Great Barrier Reef restaurant, I immediately wondered whether bay bugs had originally evolved by a mutation similar to antennapedia, in this case duplicating uropods at the front end of the animal.

    This kind of effect has been neatly shown by Nipam Patel and his colleagues. They work on a marine crustacean called Parhyale, belonging to the Amphipod order. I remember being fascinated by the hundreds of small amphipods in the cold stream on our farm, in the course of which my parents dug out a pool for us to swim. The swarms of exuberantly jumping ‘sandhoppers’ that we so often encounter on beaches are another familiar example. We met iso-pods, in the flattened shape of ‘pill bugs’, in the previous chapter. Amphipods are different. They are flattened left to right rather than back to belly. And, in Parahyale and many others, their appendages are far from all the same. Some of their legs point in what seems to be the ‘wrong’ direction. Three of the ‘trucks’ appear to be ‘coupled’ up backwards (red shading in left picture on the next page). Patel and his colleagues, by means of ingenious manipulations of the genes controlling the trucks of the train, were able to change the three reversed segments, coupling the trucks so that all the limbs faced in the same direction (right picture). The way this works is that the three backwards segments are replaced by duplicates of the three segments in front of them. The Patel group achieved equally interesting manipulations of other segments but the work, though fascinatingly ingenious, would take us too far afield.

    ILLUSTRATION: KALLIOPI MONOYIOS

    We vertebrates too are segmented, but in a different way. This is obvious in fish, and it remains pretty clear in our ribs and vertebral column. Snakes carry it to an extreme – sort of like centipedes but with internal ribs instead of external legs. We now understand the embryological mechanism whereby segments are multiplied up. Surprisingly, actually rather wonderfully, it has turned out to be pretty much the same in vertebrates and arthropods. Hence, we understand how it is that different snake species evolve radically different numbers of vertebrae ranging from around 100 to more than 400 – compared to our thirty-three. Vertebrae, whether or not they sprout ribs, all have similar coupling mechanisms to the neighbouring ‘trucks of the train’, and all have similar blood vessels, and sensory and motor nerves, connected to the spinal cord, which passes through them. As I just mentioned, one of the most revolutionary discoveries of recent zoology is that the embryological mechanisms underlying segmentation in arthropods and vertebrates, deep in the lower levels of their palimpsests, are tantalisingly similar. Once again, the truly beautiful fact is that in both groups, genes are laid out along chromosomes in the same order as the segments that they influence.

    Although crustaceans all follow the segmented plan boldly written in the depths of the palimpsest, the ‘trucks’ vary so extravagantly that the simile of the train can become rather strained. Sometimes many of the segments join together to form a singular body, as in crabs. Often the appendages sprouting from the segments vary spectacularly, ranging from the formidable claws near the front of a lobster, or the punching clubs of a mantis shrimp, to the swimmerets arrayed under the abdomen. Crustaceans range in size from ‘water fleas’ at less than 1 millimetre to the Japanese spider crab Macrocheira with a limb span that can reach 3 metres (10 feet). Frightening as this creature might be to meet, it is harmless to humans. Imagine the handshake of a lobster, or the punch of a mantis shrimp, that size!

    Japanese spider crab

    Crabs can be thought of as lobsters with a truncated tail (abdomen) curled up under the main body, so you don’t see it unless you upend the animal. The crab abdomen bears a passing resemblance to the ape/human coccyx, both being made of a handful of segments from an ancestral tail squashed up. Hermit crabs are strictly not crabs, but belong in their own group (Anomura) within the crustacea. Their abdomen is not squashed up underneath them as in true crabs, but soft and curled round to one side, to fit the discarded mollusc shells that hermit crabs inhabit. The process by which they choose their shells, and compete with one another for favoured shells, is fascinating in its own right. But that’s another story. In this chapter they serve as yet another illustration of the wonderful diversity of crustaceans.

    The larvae of crustaceans show the group’s diversity at least as gloriously as the adults. But still the basic train design is palpable throughout. Perhaps even more dramatically than in the case of adult crustaceans, it is as though natural selection pulled, pushed, kneaded, or distorted the various segments of the body with wild abandon. Different species of crustacean pass through nameable larval stages, free-living animals in their own right, often leading a very different life from the adults – as caterpillars live very differently from butterflies among the insects. The zoea is one such larval type. It is the last stage before the adult, in crabs, lobsters, crayfish, shrimps, bay bugs, and their kind – the decapod crustaceans.

    Overleaf is a page full of assorted zoeas to show how easily the basic crustacean plan can be stretched and bent around in evolution, as though made of modelling clay. What I take away from these exquisite little creatures is that all have the same parts, they just vary the relative sizes and shapes of those parts. They all look like distorted versions of each other. That’s what evolutionary diversification is all about, and the crustacea show it as plainly as any animal group. You can match up the corresponding parts in all the species, and can clearly see how the different species have pulled, stretched, twisted, swelled, or shrunk the same parts in different ways over evolutionary time. It is wondrous to behold, you surely agree.

    Crustacean larvae. Always the same parts, yet pulled and pushed in different directions

    Zoeas may look a little like the adults they are to become. But they need to survive in a very different world, usually the world of plankton, and their bodies are versatile enough to evolve into all sorts of unlikely distortions – written in surface layers of the palimpsest. Many of them sport long spikes, presumably to make them difficult to swallow. The impressive spikes of the planktonic zoea at top middle are nowhere to be seen in the typical adult crab it is to become. Truth be told, the adult in this case is not easily seen at all under the sea urchin that it habitually carries around on its back – presumably to gain protection via the urchin’s own spikes. Notice the long, prominent abdomen of the larva, with its easily discerned segments. As with all crabs, the adult abdomen is neither long nor prominent but tucked discreetly under the thorax.

    An earlier larval stage than the zoea, found in most crustacean life cycles, is the nauplius larva. Unlike zoeas, which bear some sort of resemblance to the adult they will become, naupliuses have an appearance all their own. There’s another larval stage possessed by some crustaceans, the cyprid larva, presumably so called because it resembles the adult of a water flea called Cypris. Perhaps the adult Cypris is an example of the overgrown larva phenomenon, which is a fairly common way for evolution to progress. Below is the cyprid larva of a member of the rather obscure crustacean sub-class, Facetotecta.

    Facetotectan larva

    This larva is unmistakeably crustacean, with a head shield, and abdominal segments bearing typically crustacean forked appendages. From 1899, when the larvae were first discovered, until 2008, nobody knew what adult facetotectans looked like. And they still have never been seen in the wild. What happened in 2008 was that a group of experimentalists succeeded in persuading larvae to turn into a precursor of the adult. They did it by means of hormone treatment. The subtitle of their paper is ‘Towards a solution to a 100-year-old riddle’. The adults turn out to be soft, unarmoured, slug-like or worm-like creatures with no visible segments and no appendages, presumably parasites, although nobody knows who their victims are. You wouldn’t know, to look at them, that they are crustaceans at all. This experiment recalls a similar one by Julian Huxley with axolotls in 1920. Axolotls are vertebrates, members of the Amphibia. They look like tadpoles; indeed they are tadpoles, but sexually mature tadpoles, and they reproduce. They evolved from larvae who would once have turned into salamanders. The adult stage of their life history was cut off during their evolution, as the larvae became sexually capable. By treating them with thyroid hormone, Julian Huxley succeeded in turning them into the salamanders that their ancestors once were. This experiment may have inspired his younger brother Aldous Huxley to write his novel After Many a Summer, in which an eighteenth-century aristocrat discovered how to cheat death – and developed, 200 years later, into a shaggy, long-armed ape humming a Mozart aria. We humans are ‘larval’ apes!

    Those slug-like facetotectans are yet another manifestation of crustacean diversity. They must be descended from adults who had segments and limbs like any respectable crustacean. But the most characteristically crustacean scripts of the palimpsest have been almost completely obliterated by parasitic over-writing, while being retained in the larva. Degenerative evolution of this kind is common in parasites hailing from many parts of the animal kingdom. Within the crustacea, it is also shown to an extreme in certain members of the barnacle family, though not the typical barnacles that encrust rocks at the seaside and prick your bare feet when you walk on them.

    As a boy on a seaside holiday, I remember being frankly incredulous when my father told me barnacles are really crustaceans. I thought they were molluscs because, well, they look like molluscs. Nothing like crustaceans, anyway, until you look carefully inside. The barnacles that cling close to rocks look like miniature limpets, while goose barnacles look like mussels on stalks. So how do we know they are really crustaceans? Look inside. Or see Darwin’s own drawing above and you find a shrimp-like creature lying on its back and sweeping the water with its comb-like limbs to filter out swimming morsels of food. As we have by now come to expect, the larvae of barnacles are more unmistakeably crustacean than the adults. Before the adult settles down to its sedentary permanence, it is a free-swimming larva in the plankton. On the left is the nauplius larva of Semibalanus, a small rock barnacle with, for comparison, the nauplius larva of a shrimp, Sicyonia.

    Barnacle larvaShrimp larva

    Barnacles don’t encrust only rocks. To a barnacle, a whale would seem like a gigantic mobile rock. Not surprisingly, some barnacles make their home on the surface of whales, and there are species of barnacle who live nowhere else. Others ride on crabs, and some of them, especially Sacculina, evolved into the most extreme examples of divergence from normal crustacean form. They moved, in evolutionary time, from the outside of the crabs to the inside, and became internal parasites bearing no apparent resemblance to a barnacle – or even any kind of animal. Parasites often evolve in a direction that could fairly be called degeneration, and Sacculina is an extreme example of this. I shall return to it in the final chapter.

    There are many groups of animals that I could have chosen to illustrate evolutionary divergence and variation on a theme. Fish and crustaceans do it perhaps more spectacularly than any other groups, and I chose especially the larvae of crustaceans, partly because, living in the plankton as most of them do, they are less familiar than adult lobsters, crabs, and prawns. I regret that in this book I have been able to show only a small number of them. See the splendid Atlas of Crustacean Larvae, published by Johns Hopkins University Press, for the full and amazing range of diversity that these mesmerising little creatures display. Sir Thomas Browne (1605–82) was unaware of them when he wrote the following, about bees, ants, and spiders, but crustacean larvae might have moved him to even greater eloquence.

    Ruder heads stand amazed at those prodigious pieces of nature, Whales, Elephants, Dromedaries and Camels; these I confess, are the Colossus and Majestick pieces of her hand but in these narrow Engines there is more curious Mathematicks, and the civilitie of these little Citizens more neatly sets forth the wisdome of their Maker.

    7 In Living Memory

    The most recent scripts, those in the top layer of the palimpsest, are those written during the animal’s own lifetime. I said that the genes inherited from the past can be seen as predicting the world into which an animal is going to be born. But genes can predict only in a general way. Conditions change on a timescale faster than the generational turnover with which natural selection can cope. Many details are usefully filled in during the animal’s own lifetime, mostly by memories stored in the brain, as opposed to the genetic book of the dead, in which ‘memories’ are written in DNA. Like gene pools, brains store information about the animal’s world, information that can be used to predict the future, and hence aid survival in that world. But brains can do it on a swifter timescale. Strictly speaking, where learning – indeed, this whole chapter – is concerned, we are talking not about the genetic book of the dead but about the non-genetic book of the living. However, as we shall see, naturally selected genes from the past prime the brain to learn certain things rather than others.

    The gene pool of a species is sculpted by the chisels of natural selection, with the result that an individual, programmed as it is by a sample of genes drawn from the well-carved gene pool, tends to be good at surviving in environments that did the carving: that is, an averaged set of ancestral environments. An important part of the body’s equipment for survival is the brain. The brain – its lobes and crevices, its white matter and grey matter, its bewildering byways of nerve cells and highways of nerve trunks – is itself sculpted by natural selection of ancestral genes. The brain is subsequently changed further by learning, during the animal’s lifetime, in such a way as to improve yet further the animal’s survival. ‘Sculpting’ might not seem so appropriate a word here. But the analogy between learning and natural selection has impressed many, not least BF Skinner, a leading – if controversial – authority on the learning process.

    Skinner specialised in the kind of learning called operant conditioning, using a training apparatus that later became known as the Skinner Box. It’s a cage with an electrically operated food dispenser. An animal, often a rat or a pigeon, gets used to the idea that food sometimes appears in the automatic dispenser. Built into the wall of the box is a pressable lever or a peckable key. Pressing the lever or key causes food to be delivered, not every time but on some automatically scheduled fraction of occasions. Animals learn to operate the device to their advantage. Skinner and his associates have developed an elaborate science of so-called operant conditioning or reinforcement learning. Skinner Boxes have been adapted to a wide variety of animals. I once saw a film of a rotund gourmand, in a specially reinforced Skinner Box, noisily exercising the lever-bashing skill of his bulbous pink snout. I found it endearing, and I hope the pig enjoyed it as much as I enjoyed the spectacle.

    You can train an animal to do almost anything you like, by operant conditioning, and you don’t have to use the automated Skinner Box apparatus. Suppose you want to train your dog to ‘shake hands’, that is, politely raise his right front paw as if to be shaken. Skinner called the following technique ‘shaping’. You watch the animal, waiting until he spontaneously makes a move that you perceive as being slightly in the right direction: an incipient, tentative, upward movement of the right front paw, say. You then reward him with food. Or perhaps not with food but with a signal such as the sound of a ‘clicker’, which he has previously been taught to associate with a food reward. The clicker is known as a secondary reward or secondary reinforcement, where the food is the primary reward (primary reinforcement). You then wait until he moves his right front paw a little further in the right direction. Progressively, you ‘shape’ his behaviour closer and closer to the target you have chosen, in this case ‘shaking hands’. You can use the same shaping technique to teach a dog to do all manner of cute tricks, even useful ones like shutting the door when there’s a cold draught and you are too lazy to get out of your armchair. It is elaborations of the same shaping technique that erstwhile circus trainers employed to teach bears and lions to do undignified tricks.

    I think you can see the analogy between behaviour ‘shaping’ and Darwinian selection, the parallel that so appealed to Skinner and many others. Behaviour-shaping by reward and punishment is the equivalent of shaping the bodies of pedigree dogs by artificial selection – domestic breeding. The gene pools of pedigree cattle, sheep, and cats, of racehorses and greyhounds, pigs and pigeons, have been carefully sculpted by human breeders over many generations to improve running speed, milk or wool yield, or in the case of dogs, cats, and pigeons, aesthetic appeal according to various more-or-less bizarre standards. Darwin himself was an enthusiast of the pigeon fancy, and he devoted an early chapter of On the Origin of Species to the power of artificial selection to modify domestic animals and plants.

    Now, back to shaping in Skinner’s sense. The animal trainer has a particular end result in mind, such as handshaking in a dog. She waits for spontaneous ‘mutations’ (please note well the quotation marks) of behaviour thrown by an individual animal and selects which ones to reward. As a consequence of the reward, the chosen spontaneous variant is then ‘reproduced’ by the animal itself in the form of a repetition. Next, the trainer waits for a new ‘mutant’ (again please don’t ignore the quotation marks) extension of the desired behaviour. When the dog spontaneously goes a little further in the desired direction of the handshake, she rewards him again. And so on. By a careful regimen of selective rewards, the trainer shapes the dog’s behaviour progressively towards a desired end.

    The analogy with genetic selection is evident and was expounded by Skinner himself. But so far, the analogy is with artificial selection. How about natural selection? What role does reinforcement learning play in the wild, where there are no human trainers? Does the analogy with reward learning extend from artificial selection to natural selection. How does reward learning improve the animal’s survival?

    Darwin bridged the gap from domestic breeding to natural selection with his great insight that human breeders aren’t necessary. Human selective breeders – let’s call them gene pool sculptors – are replaced by natural sculptors: the survival of the fittest, differential survival in wild environments, differential success in attracting mates and vanquishing sexual rivals, differential parenting skills, differential success in passing on genes. And just as Darwin showed that we don’t need a human breeder, the analogy with learning does without a human trainer. With no human trainers, animals in the wild learn what’s good for them and shape their behaviour so as to improve their chances of survival.

    ‘Mutation’ consists of spontaneous trial actions that might be subject to ‘selection’ – i.e. reward or punishment. The rewards and punishments are doled out by nature’s own trainers. When a hen scratches the ground with her feet, the action has a good chance of uncovering food of some kind, perhaps a grub or a seed. And so ground-scratching is rewarded, and repeated. When a squirrel bites the kernel of a nut, it’s hard to crack unless held at a particular angle in the teeth. When the squirrel spontaneously discovers the right angle of attack, the nut cracks open, the squirrel is rewarded, the correct alignment of the teeth on the nut is remembered and repeated, and the next nut is cracked more quickly.

    Much depends on the rewards that nature doles out. Food is not the only reward that we can use, even in the lab. Once, for a research project that I needn’t go into, I wanted to train baby chickens to peck differently coloured keys in a Skinner Box. There were reasons not to use food as reward, so I used heat instead. The reward was a two-second blast from a heat lamp, which the chicks found agreeable, and they readily learned to peck keys for the heat reward. But now we need to face the question, what, in general, do we mean by ‘reward’? As Darwinians, we must expect that natural selection of genes is ultimately responsible for determining what an animal treats as rewarding. It’s not obvious what will be rewarding, however obvious it might seem to us because we are animals ourselves.

    We may define a reward as follows. If a random act by an animal is reliably followed by a particular sensation and if, in consequence, the animal tends to repeat the random act, then we recognise that sensation (presence of food or warmth or whatever it is) as a reward by definition. If a Skinner Box delivered not food or heat but an attractive and receptive member of the opposite sex, I have no doubt that it would – at least under some circumstances – fit the definition of a reward: an animal in the right hormonal condition would learn to press a key to obtain such a reward. A mother animal, cruelly deprived of her child, would learn to press a key to restore access. And the child would learn to press a key to obtain access to its lost mother. I know of no direct evidence for any of those guesses, nor for my conjecture that a beaver would treat access to branches, stones, and mud suitable for dam-building as a reward by the above definition. And a crow in the nesting season would define access to twigs as a reward. But as a Darwinian, in all those cases I make the prediction with a modicum of confidence.

    Brain scientists are able to implant electrodes painlessly in the brains of animals, through which they can stimulate the brain electrically. Normally they do this in order to investigate which parts of the brain control which behaviour patterns. The experimenter controls an animal’s behaviour by passing weak electric currents. Stimulate a chicken’s brain here, and the bird shows aggressive behaviour. Stimulate a rat’s brain there, and the rat lifts its right front paw. The neurologists James Olds and Peter Milner conceived a variant of the technique. They handed the switch over to the rat. By pressing a lever, rats were able to stimulate their own brain. Olds and Milner discovered particular areas of the brain where self-stimulation by rats was highly rewarding: the rats appeared to become addicted to lever-pressing. Not only did electrical stimulation in these brain regions fulfil the definition of a reward. It did so in a big way. When the electrodes were inserted in these so-called pleasure centres, rats would obsessively press the switch, to the extent of unfortunately neglecting other vital activities. They would sometimes press the lever at a rate of 7,000 presses per hour, would ignore food and receptive members of the opposite sex and go for the lever instead, would run across a grid delivering electric shocks in order to get at the lever. They would press the lever continually for twenty-four hours until the experimenters removed them for fear they’d die of starvation. The experiments have been repeated on humans with similar results. The difference is that humans could verbalise what it felt like:

    A sudden feeling of great, great calm … like when it’s been winter, and you have just had enough of the cold, and you go outside and discover the first little shoots and know that spring is finally coming.

    Another woman (and you have to wonder whether the experiment was approved by an ethics committee)

    quickly discovered that there was something erotic about the stimulation, and it turned out that it was really good when she turned it up almost to full power and continued to push on her little button again and again … she often ignored personal needs and hygiene in favor of whole days spent on electrical self-stimulation.

    Rat addict

    It seems plausible that natural selection has wired up animal brains in such a way that external stimuli or situations that are good for the animal (which will vary from species to species) are internally connected to the ‘pleasure centres’ discovered by Olds and Milner.

    Punishment is the opposite of reward. If an action is reliably followed by a stimulus X and, as a consequence, the animal becomes less likely to repeat the action, then X is defined as a punishment. In the laboratory, psychologists sometimes use electric shock as punishment. More humanely (I guess) they use a ‘time out’ – an interval during which the animal is denied access to reward. Dog trainers (the practice is frowned upon by many experts, rightly in my opinion) sometimes smack an animal as punishment. When I was at boarding school (and this practice is now not only frowned upon but illegal) my friends and I were from time to time caned by the headmaster, hard enough (astonishing as it now seems) to leave bruises that took weeks to heal (and were admired at bath-time like battle scars). What my offences were I have now forgotten, but I’m sure I didn’t forget while I was still at the school and within range of Slim Jim and Big Ben, the two canes in the headmaster’s quiver. My probability of repeating the offence undoubtedly decreased. Therefore, beatings were punishments by definition, as well as by the intention of the headmaster.

    In nature, bodily injury is perceived as painful. If an action is followed by pain, the probability of repeating that action goes down. Not only is that how we define punishment: it also explains what pain is for, in the Darwinian sense. Injury often presages death and hence failure to reproduce. Therefore, the nervous system defines bodily injury as painful.

    Sometimes pain is endured when offset by reward. We’ve already seen that rats will endure painful electric shock to get to the self-stimulation lever. The punishment of a bee sting may be offset by the reward of honey. The taste of honey is such an intense reward that many animals, including bears, honey badgers, raccoons, and human hunter-gatherers, are prepared to endure the pain for the sake of it. Rewards and punishments trade off against each other, just as mutually opposing natural selection pressures trade off against each other.

    The Darwinian interpretation of pain as a warning not to repeat the preceding action has ethical implications. In our treatment of non-human animals, on farms and hunting fields, in slaughterhouses and bullrings, we are apt to assume that their capacity to suffer is less than ours. Are they not less intelligent than we are? Surely this means they feel pain, if at all, less acutely than us? But why should we assume that? Pain is not the kind of thing you need intelligence to experience.

    The capacity to feel pain has been built into nervous systems as a warning, an aid to learning not to repeat actions that caused bodily damage and might next time lead to death. So, if a species is less intelligent, might its pain need to be more agonising, rather than less? Shouldn’t humans, being cleverer, get away with less painful pain in order to learn not to repeat the self-harming action? A clever animal, you might think, could get away with a mild warning, ‘Er, probably a good idea not to do that again, don’t you think?’ Whereas a less intelligent animal would need the sort of dire warning that only excruciating pain can deliver. How should this affect our attitude towards slaughterhouses and agricultural husbandry? Should we not, at very least, give our animal victims the benefit of the doubt? It’s a thought, to put it at its mildest!

    Rewards and punishments, pleasure and pain, are so familiar and obvious to us as human animals that you probably wonder why I am labouring the topic in this chapter. Here is where things start to become less obvious and more interesting. The brain’s choice of what shall constitute reward and what punishment is not fixed in stone. It is ultimately determined by genetic natural selection. Animals come into the world equipped with genetically granted definitions of reward and punishment. These definitions have been made by natural selection of ancestral genes. Any sensation associated with an increased probability of death will become defined as painful. A dislocated limb in the wild dramatically increases the probability of death. And it is intensely painful, as I recently and very vocally testified, all the way to the hospital. It has certainly made me take great care to avoid risking a repeat. Copulation increases the probability of reproduction, and genetic selection has consequently made the accompanying sensations pleasurable – which means rewarding. It has been suggested, with support from rat experiments and from the self-stimulating woman mentioned above, that sexual pleasure is directly linked to the ‘pleasure centres’ discovered by Olds and his colleagues. Presumably other sensations, too, could be so linked by natural selection.

    I conjecture that by artificial selection you could breed a race of pigeons who enjoy listening to Mozart but dislike Stravinsky. And vice versa. After many generations of selective breeding, perhaps spread over several human lifetimes, the birds would be genetically equipped with a definition of reward such that they would learn to peck a key that caused a recording of Mozart to be played, and would learn to peck a key that caused a recording of Stravinsky to be switched off. And of course, the experiment would be incomplete unless we also bred a line of pigeons who treated Mozart as punishment and Stravinsky as reward. Let’s not get pedantic as to whether it is really Mozart that they’d treat as rewarding. The learned preference would probably generalise from Mozart to Haydn! The only point I am trying to make is that the definitions of what is rewarding and what is punishing are not carved in stone. They are carved in the gene pool and therefore potentially changeable by selection.

    As a corollary, I conjecture that, by artificial selection, you could (though I wouldn’t wish to, and it might take an unconscionable number of generations) breed a race of animals who regarded what had previously been pain as rewarding. By definition, it would no longer be pain! It would be cruel to release them into their species’ natural environment because, of course, they would be unfitted to survive there – that’s the whole point. But the mere fact that they enjoy what normal members of their species would call pain is not cruel – because, however hard it is for us to imagine, at least within the confines of my thought experiment, they enjoy it! Anyway, the more interesting conclusion is that, in a state of nature, it is natural selection that determines what is reward and what is punishment. My thought experiment was devised to dramatise that conclusion.

    Experimental psychologists have long known that you can train an animal to treat as a reward something that previously had neutral value for the animal. As mentioned above, it’s called secondary reinforcement, and an example is the clicker used by dog trainers. But secondary reinforcement is not what I’m talking about here, and I really want to emphasise that. I’m not talking about secondary reinforcement, but about genetically changing the very definition of what constitutes primary reinforcement. I conjecture that we could achieve it by breeding, as opposed to training. I called it a conjecture because the experiment has not, as far as I know, been done. I’m now talking about selectively breeding animals in such a way as to change their own genetically instilled definition of what constitutes a primary reward in training. To repeat my suggestion above, I predict that by artificial selection you could in principle breed a race of animals who would treat bodily injury as rewarding.

    Douglas Adams carried the point to a wonderful comedic reductio in The Restaurant at the End of the Universe. Zaphod Beeblebrox’s table was approached by a large bovine creature, who announced himself as the dish of the day. He explained that the ethical problem of eating animals had been solved by breeding a species that wanted to be eaten and was capable of saying so. ‘Something off the shoulder, perhaps, braised in a white wine sauce?’

    Birds don’t naturally listen to human music, so my Mozart/Stravinsky flight of fancy may seem implausible. But do they have a music of their own? A respected ornithologist and philosopher named Charles Hartshorne suggested that we should regard birdsong as music, appreciated aesthetically by the birds themselves. He may not have been wrong, as I shall soon argue.

    The role of learning and genes in the development of birdsong has been intensively studied, especially by WH Thorpe, Peter Marler, and their colleagues and students. Many birds learn to imitate the song of their father or other members of their own species. Spectacular feats of mimicry by the likes of mynahs and lyre birds are an extreme. In addition to mimicking other species such as kookaburras (‘laughing jackass’), lyre birds have been recorded by David Attenborough giving remarkably convincing imitations of car alarms, camera shutters (with or without a motor drive), the chainsaws of lumberjacks and the mixed noises of a building site. I have even heard it said, but have failed to verify it, that lyre birds can distinctly mimic Nikon versus Canon camera shutters. Such virtuoso mimics incorporate an amazing variety of such sounds in an ample repertoire.

    This raises the question of why many songbirds have large repertoires in the first place. Individual male nightingales can sport more than 150 recognisably distinct songs. Admittedly that’s an extreme, but the general phenomenon of song repertoires demands an explanation. Given that song serves to deter rivals and attract mates, why not stick to one song? Why switch between alternatives? Several hypotheses have been proposed. I’ll mention just my favourite, the ‘Beau Geste’ hypothesis of John Krebs.

    In the adventure yarn of that name by PC Wren, an outnumbered unit of the French Foreign Legion was beleaguered in a desert fort, and the commander beat off the opposing force with a spectacular bluff.

    As each man fell, throughout that long and awful day, [the commander] had propped him up, wounded or dead, set the rifle in its place, fired it, and bluffed the Arabs that every wall and every embrasure and loophole of every wall was fully manned.

    Krebs’s hypothesis is that the bird with a large repertoire is pretending his territory is already occupied to the full. He is, as it were, mimicking the sounds that would emerge from an area if it were already overpopulated with too many members of his species. This deters rivals from attempting to set up their territory in the area. The more densely populated an area is, the less will it benefit an individual to settle there. Above a certain critical density, it pays an individual to leave and seek territory elsewhere, even an otherwise inferior territory. So, by pretending to be many nightingales, an individual nightingale seeks to persuade others to find a different place to set up his territory. In the case of lyre birds, the sound of a chainsaw is just another addition to the repertoire, the size of which conveys the message: ‘Go away, there’s no future for you here, the place is fully occupied.’

    Virtuoso impressionists like lyre birds, mynahs, parrots, and starlings are outliers. Probably they are just manifesting, in extreme form, the normal way young birds learn their species song – imitating their fathers or other species members. The point of learning the correct species song is to attract mates and intimidate rivals. And now we return to our discussion of the definition of a reward: how natural selection defines what will be treated as reward and what punishment.

    In an experiment by JA Mulligan, three American song sparrows (Melospiza melodia) were reared by canaries in a soundproof room so that they never heard the song of a song sparrow. When they grew up, all three produced songs that were indistinguishable from those of typical wild song sparrows. This shows that song sparrow song is coded in the genes. But it is also learned. In the following special sense. Young song sparrows teach themselves to sing, with reference to a built-in template, a genetically installed idea of what their song ought to sound like.

    What’s the evidence for this? It is possible surgically, under anaesthetic and I trust painlessly, to deafen birds. This has been done, with both song sparrows and the related white-crowned sparrows, Zonotrichia leucophrys. If birds of either species are deafened as adults, they continue to sing almost normally: they don’t need to hear themselves sing. As adults, that is. If, however, they are deafened when three months old, too young to sing, their song when they reach adulthood is a mess, bearing little resemblance to the correct song. On the template hypothesis, this is because they have to teach themselves to sing, matching their random efforts against the template of correct song for the species. There’s an interesting difference between the two species. Whereas the song sparrow never needs to hear another bird sing – its template is innate – the white-crowned sparrow makes a ‘recording’ of white-crowned sparrow song, early in life, long before it starts to develop its own song. Once the template is in place, whether innate as in the song sparrow or recorded as in the white-crowned, the nestlings then use it to teach themselves to sing.

    Doves and chickens push this to an extreme: they don’t need to listen to themselves, ever. Ring dove (also known as barbary dove) squabs, who have been surgically rendered completely deaf, later develop vocalisations that are just like those of intact doves. That the behaviour is innate is further testified by the fact that hybrid doves coo in a way that is intermediate between the parental species’ coos. As we shall see in Chapter 9, young crickets (nymphs), before they achieve their final moult to become adults, can artificially be induced to display nerve-firing patterns identical to their species song patterns, even though nymphs never sing. And hybrid crickets have a song that is intermediate between the two parental species.

    But I want to get back to the sparrows. As we have seen, they teach themselves to sing by listening to their own random babblings, and repeating those fragments that are rewarded by a match to a template – whether the template is genetically built-in (song sparrow), or a ‘recording’ (white-crowned sparrow) remembered from infancy. Did you notice this means that a sound that matches the template is a reward by our definition? We have identified a new kind of reward to add to food and warmth. The song template is a much more specialised kind of reward. It’s easy to see how food (relief of hunger pangs) and warmth (relief of cold discomfort) would be general, non-specific rewards. Indeed, psychologists of the early twentieth century delighted in reducing all rewards to one simple formula, which they called ‘drive reduction’. Hunger and thirst were seen as examples of ‘drives’, analogous to forces driving the animal. A particular pattern of sounds, complicated and characteristic enough to be recognised, by ornithologists and birds alike, as belonging to one species and one species alone, is a reward of a very different kind from generalised drive-reduction. And, I would personally add, of a much more interesting kind. As a student I tried to read up that rat psychology literature, and I’m sorry to admit that I found it rather boring compared to the zoology literature on wild animals.

    The ethologist Keith Nelson once gave a conference talk with the title ‘Is bird song music? Well, then, is it language? Well, then, what the hell is it?’ It isn’t language: not rich enough in information, and it doesn’t seem to be grammatical in the sense of possessing a hierarchical nesting of ‘clauses’ enclosing ‘sub-clauses’. Hartshorne, as I mentioned previously, thought it was music, and I think there’s a sense in which he was right. I believe we can make a case that birds have an aesthetic sense, which responds to song. I think there’s also a sense in which it works like a drug. In what follows, I am drawing on a pair of papers that I wrote jointly with John Krebs some years ago, about animal signals generally. We were critically responding to a then prevalent idea that animal signals function to convey useful information from the sender to the recipient, for the mutual benefit of both. For example, ‘I am a male of the species Luscinia megarhynchos, I am in breeding condition, and I have a territory over here.’ The gene’s-eye view of evolution, then quite novel, did not sit well with ‘mutual benefit’. Krebs and I followed the gene’s-eye view to a more cynical view of animal signals, substituting the idea of manipulation of the receiver by the signaller. ‘You are a female of the species Luscinia megarhynchos. COME HITHER! COME HITHER! COME HITHER!’

    When an animal seeks to manipulate an inanimate object, it has only one recourse – physical power … But when the object it seeks to manipulate is itself another live animal there is an alternative way. It can exploit the senses and muscles of the animal it is trying to control … A male cricket does not physically roll a female along the ground and into his burrow. He sits and sings, and the female comes to him under her own power.

    Now, you might object, surely the female should respond to male song in this way only if it benefits her. But we regarded the relationship between signaller and signallee as an arms race, run in evolutionary time. Perhaps she does put up some sales-resistance. But that provokes the male, on the other side of the arms race, to up the ante: increase the intensity of his signal. And now we come to another strand to the argument, which Krebs and I advanced in the second of our two papers. This concerns what we called ‘mind-reading’. Any animal in a social encounter can benefit itself by predicting (behaving as if predicting) the behaviour of another. There are all kinds of give-away clues. If a male dog raises his hackles, this is an involuntary indicator of an aggressive mood. Responding appropriately to such give-aways is what we dubbed ‘mind-reading’. Humans can become quite adept at mind-reading in this sense, making use of such cues as shifty eyes or fidgety fingers. And now, to bring the argument full circle, an animal who is the victim of a mind-reader can exploit the fact of being mind-read, in such a way as to render inappropriate the very word ‘victim’. A male, for instance, might manipulate a female by ‘feeding’ her mind-reading machinery, perhaps with deceptive cues. This is just to say that where victimhood is concerned, manipulation is not a one-way street. Mind-reading turns the tables. And then manipulation potentially turns them back again, against the mind-reader.

    On this view animal signals, to repeat, evolve as an arms race between mind-reading and manipulation, an arms race between salesmanship and sales-resistance. In those cases where the sender benefits from being mind-read and the receiver benefits from being manipulated, we suggested that the ensuing signal should shrink to a ‘conspiratorial whisper’. Why escalate a signal when there is no push-back. Conversely – the opposite of a conspiratorial whisper – loud, conspicuous, vivid signals will arise where the recipient does not ‘want’ to be manipulated. In such cases the arms race, in evolutionary time, escalates towards exaggeration on the part of the sender, to combat increased ‘sales-resistance’ on the part of the receiver.

    Why, you might wonder, should there ever be ‘sales-resistance’? It’s most easily seen in the case of the arms race between the sexes. You might think it’s always a good idea for males and females to get together and coordinate. You’d be wrong, and for an interesting reason. Ultimately because sperms are smaller and more numerous (‘cheaper’) than eggs, females need to be choosier than males. A male is more likely to ‘want’ to mate with a female than the female will ‘want’ to mate with him. Females pay a higher cost if they mate with the wrong male than males pay if they mate with the wrong female. In extreme cases, there is no such thing as the wrong female. Hence males are more likely to escalate salesmanship when trying to persuade females. And females more likely to favour sales-resistance. Where you see high-amplitude signals – bright colours, loud sounds – that means there’s probably sales-resistance. Where there’s no sales-resistance, signals are likely to sink to a conspiratorial whisper. Conspicuous signals are costly, if not in energy, in risk of attracting predators or alerting prey.

    I’ve been a bit terse in condensing two full-sized papers into four paragraphs. It should become clearer when I now apply it to birdsong. Birdsong is too loud and conspicuous to be a ‘conspiratorial whisper’, so let’s go for the other extreme: increased sales-resistance fomenting exaggerated efforts to manipulate. Is birdsong an attempt to manipulate the behaviour of females and other males: an attempt to change their behaviour to the advantage of the singer?

    If biologists wish to manipulate the behaviour of a bird, what can they do? This chapter has already introduced one possibility that birds themselves, unfortunately for them, cannot do: electrical stimulation of another’s brain through implanted electrodes. The Canadian surgeon Wilder Penfield pioneered the technique on human patients whose brains were undergoing surgery for other reasons. By exploring different parts of the cerebral cortex, he was able to jerk specific muscles into action like a puppeteer pulling strings. When he drew a map of which parts of the brain pulled which muscles, it looked like a caricature of a human body, the so-called ‘motor homunculus’ (there’s also a ‘sensory homunculus’ on the left-hand side of the picture, which looks rather similar). The grotesque exaggeration of the homunculus’s hand goes some way towards explaining the formidable skill of a concert pianist, for example. And the large brain area given over to the lips and tongue is no doubt related to speech. The German biologist Erich von Holst, working with chickens in a deeper part of the brain, the brain stem, was able to control what might be called the bird’s ‘mood’ or ‘motivation’, resulting in changes to the observed behaviour, including ‘guiding hen to nest’ and ‘uttering call warning of predator’. I repeat that these operations are painless, by the way. There are no pain receptor nerves in the brain.

    Now, a male nightingale might well ‘wish’ he could implant electrodes in a female’s brain and control her behaviour like a puppet. He can’t do that, he’s no von Holst, and he has no electrodes. But he can sing. Might song have something like the same manipulative effect? No doubt he might benefit, if only he could inject hormones into her bloodstream. Again, he can’t literally do that. But evidence on ring doves and canaries suggests that birds can do something close to it. Male doves vigorously court females with a display called the bow-coo. The bow is a characteristic movement resembling an un­usually obsequious human bow, and it is accompanied by an equally characteristic coo, consisting of a staccato note followed by a purring glissando. A week’s exposure to a bow-cooing male reliably causes massive growth of a female’s ovary and oviduct, with accompanying changes in sexual, nest-building, and incubation behaviour. This was shown by the American animal psychologist Daniel S Lehrman. Lehrman went on to show that the behaviour of male ring doves has a direct effect on the hormones circulating in female bloodstreams. Parallel work by Robert Hinde and Elizabeth Steel in Cambridge on nest-building behaviour in female canaries showed the same thing.

    The ring dove and canary type experiments have not been done on nightingales, but it probably is generally the case that male birdsong changes the hormonal state of females. Male song manipulates female behaviour, as though the male had the power to inject her with chemicals, presumably nightingales no less than other species.

    My heart aches, and a drowsy numbness pains

    My sense, as though of hemlock I had drunk,

    Or emptied some dull opiate to the drains

    One minute past, and Lethe-wards had sunk.

    John Keats was not a bird, but his brain was a vertebrate brain like a female nightingale’s. The male nightingale song drugged him – almost to death in his poetic fancy. If it can so intoxicate the mammal Keats, might it not have a yet more powerful effect on the vertebrate brain that it was designed to beguile, the brain of another nightingale? To answer yes, we hardly need the testimony of the dove and canary experiments. I believe natural selection has shaped the male nightingale’s song, perfecting its narcotic power to manipulate the behaviour of a female, presumably by causing her to secrete hormones.

    But now, let’s return to learning, and the deafening experiments. The evidence shows that young white-crowned sparrows and song sparrows teach themselves to sing with reference to a template. Young white-crowneds need to hear song in order to make their ‘recording’ of the template. But any old song won’t do. They have to hear the song of their own species. This shows that, even when the template is recorded, there is an innate component to it, built in by the genes. And in the case of the song sparrow, it doesn’t even need to be recorded.

    I suggested above that birdsong might be appreciated as music, enjoyed aesthetically by the birds themselves. We are now in a position to spell out the argument. The male teaches himself to sing by comparing his ‘random’ burblings against a template. The template serves as reward, positively reinforcing those random attempts that happen to match it. Reflect, now, that the male songster has a brain much like the female he later hopes to manipulate. When he teaches himself to sing, he is finding out which fragments of song appeal to a bird of his own species (himself … but later, a female). What is that, if not the employment of aesthetic judgment?

    Burble. I like it (conforms to my template). Repeat it.

    Burble warble. Ooooh, that’s even better. I like that very much.

    It really turns me on. Repeat that too. YES!

    What turns him on will probably turn a female on too, for they are, after all, members of the same species with the same typical brain of the species. At the end of the developmental period when the final adult song has been perfected, it will be equally beguiling to the singer himself and his female target. He learns to sing whichever phrases turn him on. There seems no powerful reason to deny that both enjoy an aesthetic experience – as did John Keats when he heard the nightingale.

    We’ve come a long way from the idea of reward as generalised ‘drive reduction’. And we’ve arrived at what I think is a much more interesting place. The lesson of these experiments on birdsong is that reward can be a highly specific stimulus, or stimulus-complex, ultimately laid down by genes: what Konrad Lorenz, one of the fathers of ethology, dubbed the ‘Innate Schoolmarm’.

    If this is right, we should predict the following result in a Skinner Box. A young song sparrow who has never heard song should learn to peck a key that yields the sound of song sparrow, but no other species’ song. That hasn’t been done, but various similar experiments have. Joan Stevenson found that chaffinches preferred to settle on a perch attached to a switch that turned on chaffinch song. However, the control sound for comparison was white noise, not the song of another species. Her chaffinches, moreover, were not naive but wild caught. Her method was adopted by Braaten and Reynolds with hand-reared, naive zebra finches and using starling song for comparison instead of white noise. They showed a clear preference for perches that played zebra finch song rather than starling song. It would be nice to do a big experiment with, say, naive young songbirds of six different species, with six perches, each perch playing one of the six songs. We should predict that each species should learn to sit on the perch that played their own species song. It wouldn’t be an easy experiment. Hand-rearing baby songbirds is hard work. A neat design might be to give each baby to foster parents of one of the other six species.

    The template of song sparrows is innate. The ‘recorded’ template of young white-crowned sparrows, laid down early in life before they start singing, looks like the kind of learning called ‘imprinting’, most closely associated with Konrad Lorenz and his pursuing geese. Imprinting was first recognised in nidifugous baby birds.

    Nidifugous, from the Latin, means ‘fleeing the nest’. Nidifugous hatchlings start life equipped with warm and protective downy feathers and well-coordinated limbs. Examples are ducklings, goslings, moorhen chicks, chicken chicks, ground-nesting species generally. Within hours of hatching, as soon as their feathers are dry, nidifugous chicks are up and about, walking competently, looking around alertly, pecking at food prospects, and dogging parental footsteps. The opposite of nidifugous is nidicolous. All songbirds are nidicolous. Nidicolous bird species typically nest in trees. The babies are helpless, naked, incapable of walking (they’re in a nest balanced up a tree, where would they walk to?), incapable of feeding themselves but with a huge gaping beak, a begging organ into which their parents tirelessly shovel food. Many seabirds such as gulls are nidifugous in that they hatch with downy feathers and don’t gape for food. But they are dependent on the parents bringing food that they regurgitate for the chicks.

    Mammals, too, have their own equivalent to nidifugous (think gambolling lambs; and wildebeest calves must follow the herd on the day they’re born) and nidicolous (baby mice are hairless and helpless). Man is a nidicolous species. Our babies are almost completely helpless. There has been an evolutionary trade-off between a pressure towards a bigger brain, conflicting with the difficulty of being born imposed by a large head. The result was to push our babies towards being born earlier, before the head became insufferably (for the mother) large to push out. The result was to make us even more helplessly nidicolous than other ape species.

    Nidifugous species, both mammals and birds, are in danger if they become separated from their parent(s), and this is where imprinting comes in. Nidifugous babies, as soon as they hatch, do something equivalent to taking a mental photograph of the first large moving object they see. They then follow it about, at first very closely, then venturing gradually further away as they grow older. The first moving object they see is usually their parent, so the system works fine in nature. Goslings hatched in an incubator, however, tend to imprint on a human carer, for example Konrad Lorenz.

    The idea of imprinting in mammals is imprinted in child minds by the nursery rhyme ‘Mary had a little lamb’ (Everywhere that Mary went / The lamb was sure to go). Imprinted animals, both birds and mammals, often retain their mental photograph into adulthood and attempt to mate with creatures (such as humans) who resemble it. One of the reasons zoos have difficulty with breeding is that the frustrated animals hanker after their keepers.

    Imprinting may or may not be a special kind of learning. Some say it’s just a special case of ordinary learning. It’s controversial. Either way, it’s a nice example of a recent, ‘top layer’ palimpsest script. The genes could have equipped the animal with a built-in image or specification of precisely what to follow, what to mate with, what song to sing. Instead, they equip the animal with rules for colouring in the details.

    Reinforcement learning and imprinting are not the only kinds of learning by which an animal, during its own lifetime, supplements the inherited ancestral wisdom. Elephants make important use of traditional knowledge. The brains of old matriarchs contain a wealth of knowledge about such vital matters as where water can be found. Young chimpanzees learn from their elders skills such as using a stone as a hammer to crack nuts, and preparing a twig to probe termite nests. The handover from adept to apprentice is a kind of inheritance, but it is memetic, not genetic. This is why these skills are practised in particular local areas and not others. The skill of sweet potato washing in Japanese macaques is another example. So is pecking through the foil or cardboard lids of milk bottles by British tits, in the days when milk was delivered daily on the doorstep. In this case, the skill was seen to radiate geographically outwards from focal points, in the manner of an epidemic.

    What else equips animals to improve on their genetic endowment, apart from learning? Perhaps the most important example of a ‘memory’ not mediated by the brain is the immune system. Without it, none of us would have survived our first infection. Immunology is a huge subject, too big for me to do it justice in this book. I’ll say a few words, just enough to make the point that genes don’t attempt the impossible task of equipping bodies with information about all the bacteria, viruses, and other pathogens that they might ever encounter. Instead, genes furnish us with tools for ‘remembering’ past infections, forearming us against future infection. We carry not just the genetic book of the dead (the ancestral past) but a special molecular book in which is written a continually updated medical record of our infections and how we dealt with them.

    Geese imprinted on Konrad Lorenz. A special kind of learning, which casts light on the mind of birds

    Bacteria, too, suffer from infection – by viruses called bacteriophages, or phages for short – and they have their own immune system, which is rather different from ours. When a bacterium is infected, it stores a copy of part of the viral DNA within its own single circular chromosome. These copies have been called ‘mug shots’ of criminal viruses. Each bacterium sets aside a portion of its circular chromosome as a kind of library of these mug shots. The mug shots will later be used to apprehend criminals in the form of the same or related viruses making a reappearance. The bacterium makes RNA copies of the mug shots. These RNA images of ‘criminal’ DNA are circulated through the interior of the bacterial cell. If a virus of a familiar type should invade, the appropriate mug shot RNA binds to it, and special protein enzymes cut up the joined pair, rendering the virus harmless.

    The bacterium needs a way to label the mug shots, so they aren’t confused with its own DNA. They are labelled by the presence of adjacent nonsense sequences of DNA, which are palindromes called CRISPR: Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats. Each time a bacterium is assailed by a new kind of virus, another CRISPR-flanked mug shot is added to the CRISPR region of the chromosome. It’s another story, but CRISPR has become famous because scientists have discovered a way in which the bacterial skill can be borrowed for the human purpose of editing genomes.

    The vertebrate immune system works rather differently. It’s more complicated but we too have a ‘memory’ of pathogens of the past. Our immune system is then able to mount a rapid response, should any of those old enemies venture to return. This is why those of us who have had mumps or measles can safely mingle with victims, confident that we shall not get the disease a second time. And the enormous boon of vaccination works by tricking the immune system into building up a false memory, normally by injecting either a killed strain or a weakened strain of the pathogen.

    The Covid-19 pandemic was largely stopped in its tracks, saving thousands of lives, by a wonderful new type of vaccine, the mRNA vaccine. The role of mRNA (messenger RNA) is to convey coded messages from DNA in the nucleus to where proteins are made to the code’s specification. Now, here’s how mRNA vaccines work. Instead of injecting a killed or weakened strain of the dangerous virus, a harmless protein in its jacket is first sequenced. The genetic code appropriate to that protein is then written into mRNA. The mRNA does its thing, which is to code the synthesis of protein – in this case the harmless jacket protein of the Covid virus. And then, the immune system does its thing and attacks the virus if it enters the body, recognising it by the protein in its jacket.

    What is especially interesting, in pursuit of our analogy between learning and evolution, is that the vertebrate immune system’s ‘memory’ (unlike the bacterial one) works in a kind of Darwinian way, by an internal version of natural selection, within the body. But that is another story, beyond our scope here.

    The immune system, and the brain, are the two rich data banks in which entries are written during the animal’s own lifetime, to update the genetic book of the dead, or ‘colour in the details’. More minor examples need mentioning for the sake of completeness. Darkening of the skin is a kind of memory of lying out in the sun. It provides useful screening against the damage that the sun’s rays, especially ultraviolet, can wreak, for example in causing skin cancers. This is a case where genetic and post-genetic scripts both contribute. People whose ancestors have lived many generations in fierce tropical sun tend to be born with dark skin, for example native Australians, many Africans, and people from the south of the Indian sub-continent. By contrast, those whose ancestors have lived many generations at higher latitudes are at risk from too little sun. They tend to lack Vitamin D and hence are prone to rickets. Genetic natural selection at high latitudes has therefore favoured lighter skins. That’s all written in the genetic book of the dead. But this chapter is about palimpsest scripts written after birth, and here is where suntan comes in. Browning in the sun, a post-birth ‘colouring-in’, achieves in light-skinned, high-latitude people a temporary approach towards what is written into the genome of tropical peoples. You could think of the two as short-term memory and long-term memory of sunlight.

    Another example is acclimatisation to high altitude. The higher you go, the thinner the atmosphere, where lack of oxygen causes ‘mountain sickness’, whose symptoms include headaches, dizziness, nausea, and complications of pregnancy. People whose ancestors have long lived at high altitude have evolved genetic adaptations such as elevated haemoglobin levels in the blood. Those ‘memories’ of ancestral natural selection are written in the genetic book of the dead. Interestingly, the details differ between Andean and Himalayan peoples, not surprisingly because they have independently, over 10,000 years or more, adapted to a lack of oxygen in mountainous regions widely separated from each other. There are several routes to acclimatisation, and it is not surprising that different mountain peoples have followed different evolutionary paths.

    Once again, ancestral scripts can be over-written during the animal’s own lifetime. Lowland people who move to high areas can acclimatise. In 1968, when the Olympic Games were held in Mexico City, national teams deliberately arrived early, in order to train at the high altitude (2,200 metres, more than 7,000 feet) of the Anahuac Plateau. Changes that develop during a period of weeks living at high altitude are written into the post-birth palimpsest layer. As with skin colour, they mimic the older, gene-authored scripts.

    Talking of skin colour, the ‘paintings’ of Chapter 2 were all done by ancestral genes, replaying ancestral worlds. But there are some animals who can repaint their skin on the fly, to match the changing background they happen to be sitting on at any given moment. This is another example of the non-genetic book of the living. Chameleons are proverbial, but they aren’t the top virtuosi when it comes to impromptu skin artistry. Flatfish such as plaice can change not just their colour but also their patterning. The one above is capable of changing its colour to match the yellow background on which it now sits. But you only have to take one look at it to read it as a detailed description of the lighter bottom it has just moved off, with its mottled pattern projected by shimmering light from surface ripples.

    Even flatfish are upstaged by octopuses and other cephalopod molluscs, who have perfected the art of dynamic cross-dressing to an astonishing extent. And they, uniquely in the animal kingdom, do their changes at high speed. Roger Hanlon, while diving off Grand Cayman, saw a clump of brown seaweed suddenly turn ghostly white and swim rapidly away in a puff of sepia smoke. It was an octopus, with a perfect painting of brown seaweed all over its skin. As Hanlon approached, an emergency order from the octopus brain twitched the muscles controlling the tiny bags of pigment peppering the skin. Instantaneously, the whole surface changed colour from perfect camouflage (trying not to be noticed by predators) to scary white (startling would-be predators). Finally, the puff of dark brown ink deflects the attention of would-be predators away from the fleeing octopus.

    Thaumoctopus mimicus

    Sea snake

    Thaumoctopus mimicus

    Flounder

    Hanlon saw an octopus (upper right) in Indonesian waters, Thaumoctopus mimicus, who mimicked a flounder (lower right), not just its appearance but also its behaviour, stopping and starting in jerky glides over the sand surface. What’s the point? Hanlon is unsure, but he suspects it deceives predators who like to bite off a tentacle but cannot cope with a substantial flatfish. This octopus also can put on a show with its tentacles (upper left), making each one resemble a venomous sea snake (lower left) common in tropical waters. Cephalopods can even change their skin’s texture, ruffling up or puckering it into extraordinary shapes. A colleague once dramatised their other-world strangeness by beginning a lecture on Cephalopods: ‘These are the Martians.’

    The main thesis of this book is that the animal can be read as a description of much older, ancestral environments. This chapter has shown how further details are added, on top of the ancestral palimpsest scripts. Earlier chapters invoked a future scientist, SOF, presented with an animal and challenged to read its body and reconstruct the environments that shaped it. There, we spoke only of ancestral environments, described in the genomic database and its phenotypic manifestations. In this chapter we’ve seen how SOF could supplement her reading of ancestral environments, by additional readings of the more recent past, including the other two great databases that supplement the genes, namely the brain and the immune system. Today’s doctors can read your immune system database and reconstruct a moderately complete history of the infections you have suffered – or been vaccinated against. And if SOF could read what is written in the brain (a big if, she really would have to be a scientist of the future), she could reconstruct much detail of the animal’s past environments in its own lifetime.

    Experience, either literal experience stored in the brain as memories, disease experience, or genetic ‘experience’ sculpted into the genome by natural selection, enables an animal to predict (behave as if predicting) what will happen next. But there’s one more trick that the brain can pull off in order to foretell the future: simulation, or imagination. Human imagination is a much grander affair than this but, from the point of view of an animal’s survival, and our analogy between natural selection and learning, we could regard imagination as a kind of ‘vicarious trial and error’. Unfortunately, that particular phrase has been usurped by rat psychologists. A rat in a ‘maze’ (usually just a choice between turning left or right) will sometimes physically vacillate, looking left, right, left, right before finally making up its mind. This ‘VTE’ may be a special case of imagining alternative futures, but it’s probably safest if I reluctantly surrender the phrase itself to the rat-runners and not use it here. Instead, I’ll prefer an analogy with computer simulation: the animal’s brain simulates likely consequences of alternative actions internally, thereby sparing itself the dangers of trying them out externally in the real world.

    I said the human imagination is a much grander affair. It finds expression in art and literature. Words written by one person can call up an imagined scene in the brain of another. Gertrude’s lament for Ophelia can move a reader to tears four centuries after the poet’s death. Less ambitiously, let me ask you to imagine a baboon atop a steep cliff. Someone has balanced a plank over the edge of the cliff. Resting at the far end of the plank, over the abyss, is a bunch of bananas. Imagine them, yellow and tempting. The baboon is indeed tempted to venture out along the plank. However, his brain internally simulates the consequence, sees that his extra weight would topple the plank – imagines himself tumbling to his death. So he refrains.

    Let’s now imagine a range of brains faced with the banana on the plank. First, the genetic book of the dead can build in an innate fear of heights. I myself experience a tingling of the spine, which inhibits me from walking within a metre of the edge of a precipice such as the Cliffs of Moher in Western Ireland. This, even when there’s no wind and no reason to suppose that I would fall.

    The visual cliff

    A whole genre of experimentation, the so-called ‘visual cliff’ experiment, has been devised to investigate fear of heights. The baby in the picture is quite safe: there’s strong glass over the ‘cliff’. I recently visited one of the world’s tallest buildings where one could stand on toughened glass looking down on the street far below. Perfectly safe, and I watched others walk on the glass, but I avoided doing so myself. Irrational, but innate fears are hard to conquer. Perhaps an innate fear of heights is inherited from tree-climbing ancestors who survived because they possessed it. Not everyone succumbs, of course. These New York construction workers are enjoying a relaxed lunch with evident (though incomprehensible to me) nonchalance.

    Death by falling is the crudest route through which a fear of heights might be built into animals. Another way is by learning, reinforced by pain. Young baboons who fall down smaller cliffs are not killed, but they experience pain. Pain, as we’ve seen, is a warning: ‘Don’t do that again. Next time the cliff might be higher, and it will kill you.’ Pain is a kind of vicarious, relatively safe substitute for death. Pain stands in for death in the analogy between learning and natural selection.

    The ‘detour problem’

    But now, since you are human with a human power of imagination, you are probably simulating in your brain an unusually bright baboon. He sees himself, in his own imagination, pulling the plank carefully inwards, complete with bananas. Or reaching out with a stick and nudging the bananas along the plank towards him. Probably only highly evolved brains are capable of such simulations. Even dogs (above) perform surprisingly poorly on the so-called ‘detour problem’. But if he succeeds, this imaginative baboon risks no pain and doesn’t fall to his death but does it all by internal simulation. He simulates the fall in his imagination, and consequently refrains from venturing out along the plank. He then simulates the safe solution to the problem and gets the bananas.

    I need hardly say that internal simulation of dangerous futures is preferable to the actual actions. Provided, of course, that the simulation leads to accurate prediction. Aircraft designers find it cheaper and safer to test model wings in wind tunnels rather than actual wings on real aeroplanes. And even wind tunnel models are more expensive than computer simulations or analytical calculations, if these can be done. Simulation still leaves some room for uncertainty. The maiden flight of a new plane is still an informative event, however rigorously its parts have been subjected to ordeal by wind tunnel or computer simulation.

    Once a sufficiently elaborate simulation apparatus is in place in a brain, emergent properties spring up. The brain that can imagine how alternative futures might affect survival can also, in the skull of a Dante or a Hieronymus Bosch, imagine the torments of Hell. The neurons of a Dalí or an Escher simulate disturbing images that will never be seen in reality. Non-existent characters come alive in the head of the great novelist and in those of her readers. Albert Einstein, in imagination, rode a sunbeam to his place among the immortals with Newton and Galileo. Philosophers imagine impossible experiments – the brain in a vat (‘Where am I?’), atom-for-atom duplication of a human (which ‘twin’ would claim the ‘personhood’?). Beethoven imagined, and wrote down, glories that he tragically could never hear. The poet Swinburne happened upon a forsaken garden on a sea cliff, and his imagination revived a pair of long-dead lovers whose eyes went seaward, ‘a hundred sleeping years ago’. Keats reconstructed the ‘wild surmise’ with which stout Cortez and all his men stared at the Pacific, ‘silent upon a peak in Darien’.

    The ability to perform such feats of imagination sprang, emergently, from the Darwinian gift of vicarious internal simulation within the safe confines of the skull, of predicted alternative actions in the unsafe real world outside. The capacity to imagine, like the capacity to learn by trial and error, is ultimately steered by genes, by naturally selected DNA information, the genetic book of the dead.

    8 The Immortal Gene

    The central idea of The Genetic Book of the Dead grows out of a view of life that may be called the gene’s-eye view. It has become the working assumption of most field zoologists studying animal behaviour and behavioural ecology in the wild, but it has not escaped criticism and misunderstanding, and I need to summarise it here because it is central to the book.

    There are times when an argument can helpfully be expressed by contrast with its opposite. Disagreement that is clearly stated deserves a clear reply. I could hypothetically invent the opposite of the gene’s-eye view, but fortunately I don’t need to because the diametric opposite has been put, articulately and clearly, by my Oxford colleague (and incidentally my doctoral examiner, on a very different subject long ago) Professor Denis Noble. His vision of biology is alluring, and is shared by others whose expression of it is less explicit and less clear. Noble is clear. He ringingly hits a nail on the head, but it’s the wrong nail. Here is his lucid and unequivocal statement, right at the beginning of his book Dance to the Tune of Life:

    This book will show you that there are no genes ‘for’ anything. Living organisms have functions which use genes to make the molecules they need. Genes are used. They are not active causes.

    That is precisely and diametrically wrong, and it will be my business in this chapter to show it.

    If genes are not active causes in evolution, almost all scientists now working in the fields known as Behavioural Ecology, Ethology, Sociobiology, and Evolutionary Psychology have been barking up a forest of wrong trees for half a century. But no! ‘Active causes’ is precisely what genes must be: necessarily so if evolution by natural selection is to occur. And, far from being used by organisms, genes use organisms. They use them as temporary vehicles, which they exploit in the service of journeying to future generations. This is not a trivial disagreement, no mere word game. It is fundamental. It matters.

    A physiologist of distinction, Denis Noble is captivated by the shattering complexity of the organism, of every last one of its trillions of cells. He sets out to impress his readers with the intricate co-dependency of all aspects of the living organism. As far as this reader is concerned, he succeeds. He sees every part as working inextricably with every other part in the service of the whole. In that service – and this is where he goes wrong – he sees the DNA in the nucleus of a cell as a useful library to be drawn upon when the cell needs to make a particular protein. Go into the nucleus, consult the DNA library there, take down the manual for making the useful protein, and press it into service. I devised that characterisation of Noble’s position during a public debate with him in Hay-on-Wye, and he vigorously nodded his assent. DNA, in Noble’s view, is the servant of the organism, in just the same way as the heart or the liver or any cell therein. DNA is useful to make a particular enzyme when you need it, just as the enzyme is useful for speeding up a chemical reaction … and so on.

    Dance to the Tune of Life has the subtitle ‘Biological Relativity’. Noble’s usage of ‘relativity’ has only a tenuous and contrived connection with Einstein’s, but it exactly matches that of the historian Charles Singer in A Short History of Biology:

    The doctrine of the relativity of functions is as true for the gene as it is for any of the organs of the body. They exist and function only in relation to other organs.

    Now here is Noble some ninety years later. He has the advantage over Singer in that we now know genes are DNA. But his sentiment about biological relativity, in conjunction with the quotation above, resonates perfectly with Singer’s.

    The principle of Biological Relativity is simply that there is no privileged level of causation in biology.

    I shall argue that, no matter how complicatedly interdependent the parts of a living organism are when we are talking physiology, when we move to the special topic of evolution by Darwinian natural selection there is one privileged level of causation. It is the level of the gene. To justify that is the main purpose of this chapter.

    Here’s Singer’s whole vitalistic passage from which I took the above quotation. It’s the peroration of his book and is a perfect prefiguring of Noble’s ‘relativity’.

    Further, despite interpretations to the contrary, the theory of the gene is not a ‘mechanist’ theory. The gene is no more comprehensible as a chemical or physical entity than is the cell or, for that matter, the organism itself. Further, though the theory speaks in terms of genes as the atomic theory speaks in terms of atoms, it must be remembered that there is a fundamental distinction between the two theories. Atoms exist independently, and their properties as such can be examined. They can even be isolated. Though we cannot see them, we can deal with them under various conditions and in various combinations. We can deal with them individually. Not so the gene. It exists only as a part of the chromosome, and the chromosome only as part of a cell. If I ask for a living chromosome, that is, for the only effective kind of chromosome, no one can give it to me except in its living surroundings any more than he can give me a living arm or leg. The doctrine of the relativity of functions is as true for the gene as it is for any of the organs of the body. They exist and function only in relation to other organs. Thus the last of the biological theories leaves us where the first started, in the presence of a power called life or psyche which is not only of its own kind but unique in each and all of its exhibitions.

    Watson and Crick blew that out of the water in 1953. The triumphant field of digital genomics that they initiated falsifies every single one of Singer’s sentences about the gene. It is true but trivial that a gene is impotent in the absence of its natural milieu of cellular chemistry. Here’s Noble again, bringing Singer up to date but agreeing with his sentiment:

    There really is nothing alive in the DNA molecule alone. If I could completely isolate a whole genome, put it in a petri dish with as many nutrients as we may wish, I could keep it for 10,000 years and it would do absolutely nothing other than to slowly degrade.

    Obviously a gene in a petri dish cannot do anything, and it would degrade as a physical molecule within months, let alone 10,000 years. But the information in DNA is potentially immortal, and causally potent. And that is the whole point. Never mind the physical molecule and never mind the petri dish. Let the sequence of A, T, C, G triplet codons of an organism’s genome be written on a long paper scroll. Or, no, paper is too friable. To last 10,000 years, carve the letters deep in the hardest granite. To be sure, world-spanning ranges of highland massif would still be too small, but that is a superficial difficulty. In 10,000 years, if scientists still walk the Earth, they will read the sequence and type it into a DNA-synthesising machine such as we already have in early form. They’ll have the embryological knowhow to create a clone of whoever donated the genome in the first place (just a version of the way Dolly the sheep was made). Of course, the DNA information would need the biochemical infrastructure of an egg cell in a womb, but that could be provided by any willing woman. The baby she bears, an identical twin of its 10,000-year dead predecessor, would be living repudiation of Singer and Noble.

    That the information necessary to create the twin could be carved in lifeless granite and left for 10,000 years is a truth that fills me with amazement still, even seventy years after Watson and Crick prepared us for it. Charles Singer would be forced to recant his vitalism, while Charles Darwin, I suspect, would exult.

    The point is that, transitory though physical DNA molecules themselves may be, the information enshrined in the nucleotide sequence is potentially eternal. Essential though the surrounding machinery is – messenger RNA, ribosomes, enzymes, uterus and all – they can be provided anew by any woman. But the information in an individual’s DNA is unique, irreplaceable, and potentially immortal. Carving it in granite is a way to dramatise this. But it’s not the practical way. In the normal course of events, DNA information achieves its immortality through being copied. And copied. And copied. Copied indefinitely, potentially eternally, down the generations. Of course, DNA can’t copy itself on its own. Obviously, just as a computer disc can’t copy itself without supporting hardware, DNA needs an elaborate infrastructure of cellular chemistry. But of all the molecules that are involved in the process, however essential they may be for the copying process, only DNA is actually copied. Nothing else in the body is so honoured. Only the information written in DNA.

    You might think every part of the body is replicated. Does not every individual have arms and kidneys, and are these not renewed in every generation? Yes, but you’d be utterly wrong if you called it replication in the sense that genes are replicated. Arms and kidneys don’t replicate to make new arms and kidneys. Here’s the acid test, and it really matters. Make a change to an arm, say by a fracture or by pumping iron, and the change is not propagated to the next generation. Make a change in a germline gene, on the other hand, and the mutation may long outlast 10,000 years, copied again and again down the generations.

    Before the invention of printing, biblical scriptures were painstakingly copied by scribes at regular intervals to forestall decay. The papyrus might crumble but the information lived on. Scrolls don’t replicate themselves. They need scribes, and scribes are complicated, just as the enzymes involved in DNA replication are complicated. Through the mediation of scribes/enzymes information in scrolls/DNA is copied with high fidelity. Actually, scribes might copy with lower fidelity than DNA replication can achieve. With the best will in the world human copyists make errors, and some zealous scribes were not above a little well-meant improvement. Older manuscripts of Mark 9, 29 quote Jesus as saying that a particular kind of demonic possession can be cured only by prayer. Later versions of the text, not content with mere prayer, say ‘prayer and fasting’. It seems that some zealous scribe, perhaps belonging to a monkish order that especially valued fasting, thought to himself that Jesus must surely have meant to mention fasting, how could he not? So it was scarcely taking a liberty to put the words into his mouth. DNA is capable of higher fidelity of replication than that, but even DNA is not perfect. It does make mistakes – mutations. And in one important respect, DNA is unlike the over-zealous scribe: mutation is never biased towards improvement. Mutation has no way to judge in which direction improvement lies. Improvement is judged retrospectively. By natural selection.

    So the information in DNA is potentially eternal even though the physical medium of DNA is finite. And let me repeat why this matters. Only the information contained in DNA is destined to outlive the body. Outlive in a very big way. Most animals die in a matter of years if not months or weeks. Few survive the ravages of decades, almost none centuries. And their physical DNA molecules die with them. But the information in the DNA can last indefinitely. I once attended an evolution conference in America where, at the farewell dinner, we were all challenged to produce an appropriate poem. My limerick ran as follows:

    An itinerant Selfish Gene

    Said ‘Bodies a-plenty I’ve seen.

    You think you’re so clever

    But I’ll live for ever:

    You’re just a survival machine.’

    And I raided Rudyard Kipling for the body’s reply:

    What is a body that first you take her,

    Grow her up and then forsake her,

    To go with the old Blind Watchmaker.

    I have emphasised the immortality of the gene in the form of copies. But how big is the unit that enjoys such immortality? Not the whole chromosome: it is far from immortal. With minor exceptions such as the Y-chromosome, our chromosomes don’t march intact down the centuries. They are sundered in every generation by the process of crossing over. For the purposes of this argument, the length of chromosome that should be considered significant in the long run depends upon how many generations it is allowed, by crossing over, to remain intact, when measured against the relevant selection pressures. I expressed this only slightly facetiously in my first book, The Selfish Gene, by saying that the title strictly should have been The slightly selfish big bit of chromosome and the even more selfish little bit of chromosome. A small fragment of chromosome, such as a gene responsible for programming one protein chain, can last 10,000 years. In the form of copies. But only fragments that are successful in negotiating the obstacle course that is natural selection actually do that. It’s arguable that a better book title would have been The Immortal Gene, and I have adopted it as the title of this chapter. As we shall see in Chapter 12, it is no paradox that The Cooperative Gene would also have been appropriate.

    How does a gene earn ‘immortality’? In the form of copies, it influences a long succession of bodies so that they survive and reproduce, thereby handing the successful gene on to the next generation and potentially the distant future. Unsuccessful genes tend to disappear from the population, because the bodies they successively inhabit fail to survive into the next generation, fail to reproduce. Successful genes are those with a statistical tendency to inhabit bodies that are good at surviving and reproducing. And they enjoy that statistical tendency, positive or negative, by virtue of the causal influence they exert over bodies. So, we have arrived at the reason why it was profoundly wrong to say that genes are not active causes. Active causes is precisely and indispensably what they must be. If they were not, there could be no natural selection and no adaptive evolution.

    ‘Cause’ has a testable meaning. How do we ever identify a causal agent in practice? We do it by experimental intervention. Experimental intervention is necessary, because correlation does not imply causation. We remove, or otherwise manipulate, the putative cause, and we strictly must do so at random, a large number of times. Then we look to see whether there tends to be a statistically significant change in the putative effect. To take an absurd example, suppose we notice that the church clock in the village of Runton Acorn reliably chimes immediately after that of Runton Parva. If we’re very naive, we jump to the conclusion that the earlier chiming causes the later. But of course it’s not good enough to observe a correlation. The only way to demonstrate causation is to climb up the church tower in Runton Parva and manipulate the clock. Ideally, we force it to chime at random moments, and we repeat the experiment many times. If the correlation with the Runton Acorn chiming is maintained, we have demonstrated a causal link. The important point is that causation is demonstrated only if we manipulate the putative cause, repeatedly and at random. Of course, nobody would be silly enough to actually do this particular experiment with the church clocks. The result is too obvious. I use it only to clarify the meaning of ‘cause’.

    Now back to Denis Noble’s statement that ‘Genes are used. They are not active causes.’ By our ‘church clock’ definition, genes most definitely are active causes because, if a gene mutates (a random change), we consistently observe a change in the body of the next generation – and subsequent generations for the indefinite future. Mutation is equivalent to climbing the Runton Parva tower and changing the clock. By contrast, if there is a non-genetic change in the body (a scar, a lost leg, circumcision, an exaggeratedly muscular arm due to exercise, a suntan, acquired fluency in Esperanto or virtuosity on the bassoon), we do not observe the same thing in the next generation. There is no causal link.

    Genetic information, then, is potentially immortal, is causal, and there’s a telling difference between potentially immortal genes that succeed in being actually immortal and potentially immortal genes that fail. The reason some succeed and others fail is precisely that they have a causal influence, albeit a statistical one, on the survival and reproductive prospects of the many bodies that they inhabit, through successive generations and across many bodies through populations. It’s important to stress ‘statistical’. One copy of a good gene may fail to survive to the next generation because the body it inhabits is struck by lightning or otherwise suffers bad luck. More relevantly, one copy of a good gene may happen to find itself sharing a body with bad genes, and is dragged down with them. Statistics enter in because sexual recombination sees to it that good genes don’t consistently share bodies with bad genes. If a gene is consistently found in bodies that are bad at surviving, we draw the statistical conclusion that it is a bad gene. After 10,000 years of recombining, shuffling, recombining again, a gene that remains in the gene pool is a gene that is good at building bodies: in collaboration with the other genes that it tends to share bodies with, and that means the other genes in the gene pool of the species (you may remember from Chapter 1 that the species can be seen as an averaging computer).

    In The Selfish Gene, I used the image of the Oxford vs Cambridge Boat Race, the parable of the rowers. Eight oarsmen and a cox all have their part to play, and the success of the whole boat depends upon their cooperation. They must not only be strong rowers, they must be good cooperators, good at melding with the rest of the crew. The rowers, of course, represent genes, and they are arrayed along the length of the boat, as genes are arrayed along a chromosome. It’s hard to separate the roles of the individual oarsmen, so intimate is their cooperation, and so vital is cooperative pulling together for the success of the whole boat. The coach swaps individual rowers in and out of his trial crews. Although it’s hard to judge individual performance by watching them, he notices that certain individuals consistently seem to be members of the fastest trial crews. Other individuals consistently are seen to be members of slower crews. Although single individuals never row on their own, in the long run the best rowers show their mettle in the performance of the successive boats in which they sit.

    Natural selection sorts out the good genes from the bad, precisely because of the causal influence of genes on bodies. The practical details vary from species to species. Genes that make for good swimmers are ‘good genes’ in a dolphin gene pool but not in a mole gene pool. Genes that make for good diggers are ‘good genes’ in a mole, wombat, or aardvark gene pool but not in a dolphin or salmon gene pool. Genes for expert climbing flourish in a monkey, squirrel, or chameleon gene pool but not in a swordfish, rhinoceros, or earthworm gene pool. Genes for aerodynamic proficiency flourish in a swallow or bat gene pool though not in a hippo or alligator gene pool.

    But however varied the details of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ may be from species to species, the central point remains. Depending on their causal influence on bodies, genes either survive or don’t survive to the next generation, and the next, and the next … ad infinitum. Let me put it more forcefully: any Darwinian process, anywhere in the universe – and I’m pretty sure if there’s life elsewhere in the universe it will be Darwinian life – any Darwinian process depends on trans-generational replicated information, and that information must have a causal influence on its probability of being replicated from one generation to the next. It happens that on our planet the replicated information, the causal agent in the Darwinian process, is DNA. It is wrong, utterly, blindingly, flat-footedly, downright wrong, to deny its fundamental role as a cause in the evolutionary process.

    Have I labored the point excessively? Would that it were excessive, but unfortunately there is reason to think that views such as those I have criticized here have been widely influential. Stephen Jay Gould (whose errors were consistently masked by the graceful eloquence with which he expressed them) went so far as to reduce the role of genes in evolution to mere ‘bookkeeping’. The metaphor of the bookkeeper has a dramatic appeal so seductive that it evidently seduced Gould himself. But it’s as wide of the mark as it is possible to be. It is the bookkeeper’s role to keep a passive record of transactions after they happen. When the bookkeeper makes an entry in his ledger, the entry does not cause a subsequent monetary transaction. It is the other way around.

    I hope the preceding pages have convinced you that ‘bookkeeping’ is worse than a hollow travesty of the central causal role that genes play in evolution. It is the exact opposite of the truth, a metaphor as deeply wrong as it is superficially persuasive. Gould was also a proponent of ‘multi-level selection’, and this is another respect in which he is seen as an opponent of the gene’s-eye view of evolution (see, for instance, the philosopher Kim Sterelny’s perceptive book Dawkins Versus Gould: Survival of the Fittest). Gould, and others, insisted that natural selection occurs at many levels in the hierarchy of life: species, group, individual, gene. The first thing to say about this is that although there is a persuasive hierarchy, a real ladder, the gene doesn’t belong on it. Far from being the bottom rung of a ladder, far from being on the ladder at all, the gene is set off to one side. Precisely because of its privileged role as a causal agent in evolution. The gene is a replicator. All other rungs in the ladder are vehicles, a term that I shall explain later in this chapter.

    As for higher levels of selection, there is, to be sure, a sense in which some species survive at the expense of others. This can look a bit like natural selection at the species level. The native red squirrel in Britain is steadily going extinct as a direct result of the lamentable whim of the 11th Duke of Bedford in the nineteenth century to introduce American grey squirrels. The greys out-compete the smaller reds, and also infect them with squirrel pox, to which they themselves have evolved resistance over many generations in America. Ecological replacement of a species by a competitor species looks superficially like natural selection. But the resemblance is empty and misleading. This kind of ‘selection’ does not foster evolutionary adaptation. It’s not natural selection in the Darwinian sense. You would not say that any aspect of the grey squirrel’s body or behaviour was a device to drive red squirrels extinct, whereas you might happily talk about the Darwinian function of its bushy tail, meaning those aspects of the tail that assisted ancestral squirrels to out-compete rival squirrel individuals of the same species, with a slightly different tail.

    In 1988, I published a paper called ‘The Evolution of Evolvability’. This is the closest I have come to supporting something like ‘multi-level selection’. My thesis was that certain body plans, for example the segmented body plans of arthropods, annelids, and vertebrates, are more ‘evolvable’ than others. I quote from that paper:

    I suspect that the first segmented animal was not a dramatically successful individual. It was a freak, with a double (or multiple) body where its parents had a single body. Its parents’ single body plan was at least fairly well‑adapted to the species’ way of life, otherwise they would not have been parents. It is not, on the face of it, likely that a double body would have been better adapted … What is important about the first segmented animal is that its descendant lineages were champion evolvers. They radiated, speciated, gave rise to whole new phyla. Whether or not segmentation was a beneficial adaptation during the individual lifetime of the first segmented animal, segmentation represented a change in embryology that was pregnant with evolutionary potential.

    I envisioned that my concept of ‘evolvability’ should be regarded as a property of embryology. Thus, a segmented embryology has high evolvability potential, meaning an embryology that lends itself to rich evolutionary divergence. The world tends to become populated by clades with high evolvability potential. A clade is a branch of the tree of life, meaning a group plus its shared ancestor. ‘Birds’ constitutes a clade, for all birds have a single common ancestor not shared by any non-birds. ‘Fish’ is not a clade, because the common ancestor of all fish is shared by all terrestrial vertebrates including us, who are not fish. ‘Mammals’ is a clade, but only if you include so-called ‘mammal-like reptiles’. It would be unhelpful and confusing to call the evolution of evolvability group selection. ‘Clade selection’, a coining of George C Williams, fits the bill.

    What other criticisms of the gene’s-eye view should we consider? Many would-be critics have pointed out that there is no simple one-to-one mapping between a gene and a ‘bit’ of body. Though true, that’s not a valid criticism at all, but I need to explain it because some people think it is. You know those gruesome butchers’ diagrams, where a map of a cow’s body is defaced by lines representing named ‘cuts’ of meat: ‘rump’, ‘brisket’, ‘sirloin’, etc? Well, you can’t draw a map like that for domains of genes. There’s no ‘border’ you can draw on the body, marking where the ‘territory’ of one gene ends and that of the next one begins. Genes don’t map onto bits of body; they map onto timed embryological processes. Genes influence embryonic development, and a change in a gene (mutation) maps onto a change in a body. When geneticists notice a gene’s effects, all they are really seeing is a difference between individuals that have one version (‘allele’) of the gene and individuals that don’t. The units of phenotype that geneticists count, or trace through pedigrees, traits such as the Hapsburg jaw, albinism, haemophilia, or the ability to smell freesias, loop the tongue, or disperse the froth on contact with beer, are all identified as differences between individuals. For, of course, countless genes are involved in the development of any jaw, Hapsburg or not; any tongue, loopy or not. The Hapsburg jaw gene is no more than a gene for a difference between some individuals and other individuals. Such is the true meaning whenever anyone talks of a gene ‘for’ anything. Genes are ‘for’ individual differences. And, just as the eyes of a geneticist are focused on individual differences in phenotype, so also, precisely and acutely, are the eyes of natural selection: differences between those who have what it takes to survive and those who don’t.

    As for the all-important interactions between genes in influencing phenotype, here’s a better metaphor than the butcher’s map. A large sheet hangs from the ceiling, suspended from hooks by hundreds of strings attached to different places all over the sheet. It may help the analogy to consider the strings as elastic. The strings don’t hang vertically and independently. Instead, they can run diagonally or in any direction, and they interfere with other strings by cross-links rather than necessarily going straight to the sheet itself. The sheet takes on a bumpy shape, because of the interacting tensions in the tangled cat’s-cradle of hundreds of strings. As you’ve guessed, the shape of the sheet represents the phenotype, the body of the animal. The genes are represented by the tensions in the strings at the hooks in the ceiling. A mutation is either a tug towards the hook or a release, perhaps even a severing of the string at the hook. And, of course, the point of the parable is that a mutation at any one hook affects the whole balance of tensions across the tangle of strings. Alter the tension at any one hook, and the shape of the whole sheet shifts. In keeping with the sheet model, many, if not most, genes have ‘pleiotropic’ (multiple) effects, as defined in Chapter 4.

    A balance of tensions

    For practical reasons, geneticists like to study the minority of genes that do have definable, seemingly singular effects, like Gregor Mendel’s smooth or wrinkled peas, for example. But even such ‘major genes’ often have a surprisingly miscellaneous collection of other pleiotropic effects, sprinkled seemingly at haphazard around the body. And it’s not surprising that this should be so: genes exert their effects at many stages of embryonic development. It’s only to be expected, therefore, that they’ll have pleiotropic consequences even at opposite ends of the body. A change in tension at one hook leads to a comprehensive shapeshift, all over the whole sheet.

    There’s no one-to-one mapping, then, from single gene to single ‘bit’ of body. We have no butcher’s map here. But not by a jot or even a tittle does this fact threaten the gene’s-eye view of evolution. However pleiotropic, however complicated and interactive the effects of a gene may be, you can still add them all up to derive a net positive or net negative effect of a change (mutation) in its influence on the body: a net effect on its chances of surviving into the next generation. Such causal influences on a gene’s own survival in the gene pool come unscathed through the complications, notwithstanding numerous interactions with other genes – the other genes with which it jointly affects the tensions in all the strings. When the gene in question mutates, the whole shape of the sheet may shift, with perhaps lots of pleiotropic changes all over the body. But the net effect of all these changes, in different parts of the body, and in interaction with many other genes, must be either positive or negative (or neutral) with respect to survival and reproduction. That is natural selection.

    The tension in the genetic strings is affected too by environmental influences. See these as yet more strings tugging from the side, rather than from hooks in the ceiling. The developing animal is, of course, influenced by the environment as well as by the genes, always in interaction with the genes. But again, this doesn’t matter one iota to the gene’s-eye view of evolution. To the extent that, under available environmental conditions, a change in a gene causes a change in that gene’s chances of making it through the generations (either positive or negative), natural selection will occur. And natural selection is what the gene’s-eye view is all about.

    So much for that criticism of the gene’s-eye view. What else do we have? Granted that genes are active causes in evolution, it is the whole individual body that we observe behaving as an active agent. This fact, too, is often wrongly seen as a weakness of the gene’s-eye view. Yes, of course, it is the whole animal who possesses executive instruments with which to interact with the world – legs, hands, sense organs. It’s the whole animal who restlessly searches for food, trying first this avenue of hope, then switching to another, showing all the symptoms of questing appetite until consummation is reached. It is the individual animal who shows fear of predators, looks vigilantly up and around, jumps when startled, runs in evident terror when pursued. It is the individual animal who behaves as a unitary agent when courting the opposite sex. It is the individual animal who skilfully builds a nest, and works herself almost to death caring for her young.

    The animal, the individual animal, the whole animal, is indeed an agent, striving towards a purpose, or set of purposes. Sometimes the purpose seems to be individual survival. Often it is reproduction and the survival of the individual’s children. Sometimes, especially in the social insects, it is the survival and reproduction of relatives other than children – sisters and nieces, nephews and brothers. My late colleague WD Hamilton (he of the palimpsest postcard in Chapter 1) formulated the general definition of the exact mathematical quantity that an individual under natural selection is expected to maximise as it engages in its purposeful striving. It includes individual survival. It includes reproduction. But it includes more, because genes are shared with collateral relatives, and gene survival can therefore be fostered by enabling the survival and reproduction of a sister or a nephew. He gave a name to the exact quantity that an individual organism should strive to maximise: ‘inclusive fitness’. He condensed his difficult mathematics into a long and rather complicated verbal definition:

    Inclusive fitness may be imagined as the personal fitness which an individual actually expresses in its production of adult offspring as it becomes after it has been first stripped and then augmented in certain ways. It is stripped of all components which can be considered as due to the individual’s social environment, leaving the fitness which he would express if not exposed to any of the harms or benefits of that environment. This quantity is then augmented by certain fractions of the quantities of harm and benefit which the individual himself causes to the fitnesses of his neighbours. The fractions in question are simply the coefficients of relationship appropriate to the neighbours whom he affects: unity for clonal individuals, one-half for sibs, one-quarter for half sibs, one-eighth for cousins … and finally zero for all neighbours whose relationship can be considered negligibly small.

    Pretty convoluted? A bit hard to read? Well, it has to be convoluted because inclusive fitness is a hard idea. It’s necessarily convoluted in my view because looking at it from the individual’s point of view is an unnecessarily convoluted way of thinking about Darwinism. It all becomes blessedly simple if you dispense with the individual organism altogether and go straight to the level of the gene. Bill Hamilton himself did this in practice. In one of his papers, he wrote:

    let us try to make the argument more vivid by attributing to the genes, temporarily, intelligence and a certain freedom of choice. Imagine that a gene is considering the problem of increasing the numbers of its replicas, and imagine that it can choose between causing purely self-interested behaviour by its bearer … and causing ‘disinterested’ behaviour that benefits in some way a relative.

    See how clear and easy to follow that is, compared to the previous quotation on inclusive fitness. The difference is that the clear passage adopts the gene’s-eye view of natural selection. The difficult passage is what you get when you re-express the same idea from the point of view of the individual organism. Hamilton gave his blessing to my half-humorous informal definition: ‘Inclusive fitness is that quantity that an individual will appear to be maximising, when what is really being maximised is gene survival.’

    RoleMaximises
    GeneReplicatorSurvival
    OrganismVehicleInclusive fitness

    Bill Hamilton

    The individual organism, in my terminology, is a ‘vehicle’ for survival of copies of the ‘replicators’ that ride inside it. The philosopher David Hull got the point after an extensive correspondence with my then student Mark Ridley, but he substituted the word ‘interactor’ for my ‘vehicle’. I never quite understood why. Depending on your preference you can see either the vehicle or the replicator as the agent that maximises some quantity. If it’s the vehicle, then the quantity maximised is inclusive fitness, and rather complicated. But equivalently, if it’s the replicator, the quantity maximised is simple: survival. I don’t want to downplay the importance of vehicles as units of action. It is the individual organism who possesses a brain to take decisions, based on information supplied by senses, and executed by muscles. The organism (‘vehicle’) is the unit of action. But the gene (‘replicator’) is the unit that survives. On the gene’s-eye view, the very existence of vehicles should not be taken for granted but needs explaining in its own right. I essayed a kind of explanation in ‘Rediscovering the Organism’, the final chapter of The Extended Phenotype.

    Replicators (on our planet, stretches of DNA) and vehicles (on our planet, individual bodies) are equally important entities, equally important but they play different, complementary roles. Replicators may once have floated free in the sea but, to quote The Selfish Gene, ‘they gave up that cavalier freedom long ago. Now they swarm in huge colonies, safe inside gigantic lumbering robots’ (individual bodies, vehicles). The gene’s-eye view of evolution does not play down the role of the individual body. It just insists that that role (‘vehicle’) is a different kind of role from that of the gene (‘replicator’).

    Successful genes, then, survive in bodies down the generations, and they cause (in a statistical sense) their own survival by their ‘phenotypic’ effects on the bodies that they inhabit. But I went on to amplify the gene’s-eye view by introducing the notion of the extended phenotype. For the causal arrow doesn’t stop at the body wall. Any causal effect on the world at large – any causal effect that can be attributed to the presence of a gene as opposed to its absence, and that influences the gene’s chances of survival, may be regarded as a phenotypic effect, of Darwinian significance. It has only to exert some kind of statistical influence on the chances, positive or negative, on that gene’s surviving in the gene pool. I must now revisit the extended phenotype, for it is, to me, an important part of the gene’s-eye view of evolution.

    Alternative titles for The Selfish Gene, all true to its content

    9 Out Beyond the Body Wall

    Imagine the furore if Jane Goodall reported seeing chimpanzees building an amazing stone tower in a forest clearing. They meticulously select stones of the correct shape for the purpose, rotating each one until it snugly fits neighbouring stones. Then the chimps cement it securely in place before picking out another stone. They evidently like to use two radically different sizes of stones, small ones to build the walls themselves, and much larger ones to provide outer fortification and structural strength, the all-important supporting walls. The discovery would be a sensation, headline news, the subject of breathless BBC discussions. Philosophers would jump on it, there’d be passionate debates about personhood, moral rights, and other topics of philosophical moment. The tower is ill-suited to housing its builders. If not functional, then, is it some kind of monument? Does it have ritual or ceremonial significance like Stonehenge? Does the tower show that religion is older than mankind? Does it threaten the uniqueness of man?

    The edifice pictured is a real animal construction, but not one built by chimpanzees; the reality is much smaller, and it doesn’t stand up like a monument but lies flat on the bottom of a stream. It is the house of a little insect, the larva of a caddis fly, Silo pallipes. Caddis adults fly in search of mates and live only a few weeks, but their larvae grow for up to two years under water, living in mobile homes that they build for themselves out of materials gathered from their surroundings, cementing them with silk that they secrete from glands in the head. In the case of Silo pallipes (see top left of picture) the building material is local stone. Its astonishing building skills were unravelled by Michael Hansell, now our leading expert on animal architecture in general.

    These larvae are master masons. Just look at the delicate placing of the small stones between the carefully chosen large ones buttressing the sides. Hansell showed how they select stones, choosing by size and shape but not by weight. Ingenious experiments in whichhe removed parts of the house showed how the larvae fit appropriate stones in the gaps, and cement them in place. Just as impressive is the log house at top right of the picture. This was built not by a caddis larva but by a caterpillar, a so-called bagworm. Caddises in water and bagworms on land have converged independently on the habit of building houses from materials that they gather from their surroundings. The picture shows a selection of caddis and bagworm houses.

    If only chimps had the skills of a caddis larva…

    The word ‘phenotype’ is used for the bodily manifestation of genes. The legs and antennae, eyes and intestines are all parts of the caddis’s phenotype. The gene’s-eye view of evolution regards the phenotypic expression of a gene as a tool by which the gene levers itself into the next generation – and, by implication, an indefinite number of future generations. What this chapter adds is the notion of the extended phenotype. Just as the shell of a snail is part of its phenotype, its shape, size, thickness, etc. being affected by snail genes, so the shape, size, etc. of a stone caddis house or twiggy bagworm cocoon are all manifestations of genes. Because these phenotypes are not part of the animal’s own body, I refer to them as extended phenotypes.

    These elegant constructions must be the products of Darwinian evolution, no less than the armoured body wall of a lobster, a tortoise, or an armadillo. And no less than your nose or big toe. This means they have been put together by the natural selection of genes. Such is the Darwinian justification for speaking of extended phenotypes. There must be genes ‘for’ the various details of caddis and bagworm houses. This means only that there must be, or have been, genes in the insects’ cells, variants of which cause variation in the shape or nature of houses. To conclude this, we need assume only that these houses evolved by Darwinian natural selection, an assumption that no serious biologist would dispute, given their elegant fitness for purpose. The same is true of the nests of potter wasps, mud dauber wasps, and ovenbirds. Built of mud rather than living cells, they are extended phenotypes of genes in the bodies of the builders.

    While their grasshopper cousins sing with serrated legs, male crickets sing with their wings, scraping the top of one front wing against a rough ‘file’ on the underside of the other front wing. Among their songs, the ‘calling song’ is loud enough to attract females within a certain radius, and to deter rival males. But what if it could be amplified, widening the catchment area for pulling females? Some kind of megaphone, perhaps? We use a megaphone as a simple directional amplifier, which works by ‘impedance matching’. No need to go into what that means, except to say that, unlike an electronic amplifier, it adds no extra energy. Instead, it concentrates the available energy in a particular direction. Could a cricket grow a megaphone out of its horny cuticle – a phenotype in the conventional sense? Like the remarkable backwards-facing trombone of the dinosaur Parasaurolophus, which probably served as a resonator for its bellowings. Crickets could have evolved something like that. But an easier material was to hand, and mole crickets exploited it.

    CADDISBAGWORM

    EXTENDED PHENOTYPES BUILT OF MUD

    Potter wasp

    Mud dauber

    Ovenbird

    Mole crickets, as their name suggests, are digging specialists. Their front legs are modified to form stout spades, strongly resembling those of moles, albeit on a smaller scale. The similarity, of course, is convergent. Some species of mole crickets are so deeply committed to underground life that they cannot fly at all. Given that a mole cricket could benefit from a megaphone, and given that it digs a burrow, what more natural than to shape the burrow as a megaphone? In the case of Gryllotalpa vineae it is a double megaphone, like an old-fashioned clockwork gramophone with two horns. Henry Bennet-Clark showed that the double horn concentrates the sound into a disc section rather than letting it dissipate in all directions as a hemisphere. Bennet-Clark was able to hear a single Gryllotalpa vineae (a species he discovered himself) from 600 metres away. The range of no ordinary cricket comes close.

    Parasaurolophus

    Assuming it’s as beautifully functional as it seems to be, the mole cricket’s megaphone must have evolved by natural selection, as a step-by-step improvement, in just the same way as the digging hand or as any part of the cricket’s own body. Therefore, there must be genes controlling horn shape, just as there are genes controlling wing shape or antenna shape. And just as there are genes controlling the patterning of cricket song itself. If there were no genes for horn shape, there would be nothing for natural selection to choose. Once again, remember that a gene ‘for’ anything is only ever a gene whose alternative alleles encode a difference between individuals.

    Mole cricketMole

    Mole cricket with double megaphone burrow

    Now, when contemplating the double megaphone (or, for that matter, the houses of caddises and bagworms) you might be tempted to say something along the following lines. Cricket burrows are not like wings or antennae. They are the product of cricket behaviour, whereas wings and antennae are anatomical structures. We are accustomed to the idea of anatomical structures being under the control of genes. Can the same be said of behaviour, of cricket digging behaviour, or the sophisticated stonemasonry behaviour of a caddis larva? Yes, of course it can. And there is nothing to stop it being said of artifacts that are produced by the behaviour. The artifacts are just one further step in the causal chain from gene to protein to … a long cascade of processes in the embryo, culminating in the adult body.

    There are numerous studies of the genetics of behaviour, including, as it happens, the genetics of cricket song. I want to discuss this work because, weirdly, behaviour genetics arouses a scepticism never suffered by anatomical genetics. Cricket song (though not specifically mole cricket song) has been the subject of penetrating genetic research by David Bentley, Ronald Hoy, and their colleagues in America. They studied two species of field cricket, Teleogryllus commodus from Australia and Teleogryllus oceanicus, also Australian but found in Pacific islands too. Adult crickets who have been brought up in isolation from other crickets sing normally. Nymphs who have not yet undergone their final moult to adulthood never sing, but in the laboratory their thoracic ganglia can be induced to emit nerve impulses with a time-pattern identical to the species song pattern. These facts strongly suggest that the instructions for how to sing the species song are coded in the genes. And those genes must be relevantly different in the two species, for their song patterns are different. This is beautifully confirmed by hybridisation experiments.

    In nature these two Teleogryllus species don’t interbreed, but they can be induced to do so in the laboratory. The diagram, from Bentley and Hoy, shows the songs of the two species and of various hybrids between them. All cricket songs are made up of pulses separated by pauses. T.oceanicus (A in the picture) has a ‘chirp’ consisting of about five pulses followed by a series of about ten ‘trills’, each trill always made up of two pulses, closer to each other than the pulses of the chirp. We hear a rhythmic repetition pattern of trills. To my ears the trills sound slightly quieter than the chirps. After about ten of these double-pulse trills there’s another chirp. And the cycle repeats rhythmically, over and over again indefinitely. T.commodus (F) has a similar pattern of alternating chirps and trills. But instead of a series of ten or so double-pulse trills, there is only one long trill or perhaps two, between chirps.

    Songs of pure bred and hybrid crickets

    Now to the interesting question: what about the hybrids? Hybrid songs (C and D) are intermediate between those of the two parent species (A and F). It makes a difference which species is the male (compare C with D), but we needn’t go into that here, interesting though it is for what it might tell us about sex chromosomes. In any case, hybrid song is a beautiful confirmation of genetic control of a behaviour pattern. Further evidence (B and E) comes from crossing hybrids with each of the two wild species (what geneticists call a backcross). If you compare all five songs, you’ll note a satisfying generalisation: hybrid songs resemble the two wild species’ songs in proportion to the number of genes the hybrid individual has inherited from each species. The more oceanicus genes an individual has, the more its song resembles wild oceanicus rather than commodus. And vice versa. As your eyes move down the page from oceanicus towards commodus, the more you detect resemblance to commodus song. This suggests that several genes of small effect (‘polygenes’) sum their effects. And what is not in doubt is that the species-specific song patterns that distinguish these two species of crickets are coded in the genes: a nice example of how behaviour is just as subject to genetic control as anatomical structures are. Why on earth shouldn’t it be? The logic of gene causation is identical for both. Both are products of a chain of causation, with the behaviour having one more link in the chain.

    You could do a similar study of the genetics of megaphone-building behaviour. But you might as well go to the next step in the causal chain, the megaphone itself. Do a genetic study of differences between megaphones. They are extended phenotypes of mole cricket genes. This has not been done, but nothing prevents it. Again, nobody has studied the genetics of caddis houses, but there’s no reason why they shouldn’t, although there might be practical difficulties in breeding them in the lab. Michael Hansell was once giving a talk at Oxford, on the building behaviour of caddis larvae. In passing, he was lamenting his failed attempts to breed caddises in the lab, for he wished he could study their genetics. At this, the Professor of Entomology growled from the front row: ‘Haven’t you trrrried cutting their heads off?’ It seems that the insect brain exercises inhibitory influences such that beheading can be expected to have a releasing effect.

    If you were to succeed in breeding caddises in captivity, you could systematically select changes in caddis houses over generations. Or you could artificially select for mole cricket megaphone size or shape, generation by generation, breeding from those individuals whose horns happen to be wider, or deeper, or of a different shape. You could breed giant megaphones, just as you might breed giant antennae or mandibles.

    That would be artificial selection, but something like it must have happened through natural selection. Whether by artificial or natural selection, the evolution of larger megaphones could come about only by differential survival of genes for megaphone size. For the megaphone to have evolved in the first place as a Darwinian adaptation, there had to be genes for megaphone shape. The notion of the extended phenotype is a necessary part of the gene’s-eye view of evolution. The extended phenotype should be an uncontroversial addition to Darwinian theory.

    But aren’t those ‘genes for megaphone shape’ really genes for altered digging behaviour, which is part of the ‘ordinary’ phenotype of the cricket? Aren’t genes for caddis house shape ‘really’ genes for building behaviour, that is to say, ‘ordinary’ phenotypic manifestations within the body? Why talk about ‘extended’ phenotypes outside the body at all? Well, you could equally well say that the genes for altered digging behaviour are ‘really’ genes for changed wiring in the ganglia in the thorax. And genes for changes in the thoracic ganglia are, in turn, ‘really’ genes for changes in cell-to-cell interactions in embryonic development. And they, in turn, are ‘really’ … and so on back until we hit the ultimate ‘really’. Genes are really really really only genes for changed proteins, assembled according to the rules for translating the sixty-four possible DNA triplet codons into twenty amino acids plus a punctuation mark. I repeat, because it is important, we have here a chain of causation whose first steps (DNA codons choosing amino acids) are knowable, whose final step (megaphone shape) is observable and measurable, and whose intermediate steps are buried in the details of embryology and nerve connections – perhaps inscrutable but necessarily there. The point is that any one of those many intermediate steps in the chain of causation could be regarded as ‘phenotype’, and could be the target of selection, artificial or natural. There is no logical reason to stop the chain at the animal’s body wall. Megaphone is ‘phenotype’, every bit as much as nerve-wiring is phenotype. Every one of those steps, both in the cricket’s body and extended outside it, can be regarded as caused by gene differences. Just the same is true of the chain of causation leading from genes to caddis house, even though the behavioural step, the actual building itself, involves sophisticated trial and error in the selection of suitable stones and rotating them into position to fit the existing structure. And now to advance the argument a stage further. The extended phenotype of a gene can reach into the body of a different individual.

    Natural selection doesn’t see genes for digging behaviour directly, nor does it see neuron circuitry directly, nor indeed megaphone shape directly. It sees, or rather hears, song loudness. Gene selection is what ultimately matters, but song loudness is the proxy by which gene selection is mediated, via a long series of intermediates. But even song loudness is not the end of the causal chain. As far as natural selection is concerned, song loudness only matters insofar as it attracts females (and deters males, but let’s not complicate the argument). The causal chain extends to a radius where it exerts an influence on a female cricket. This has to mean that a change in female behaviour is part of the extended phenotype of genes in a male cricket. Therefore, the extended phenotype of a gene can reside in another individual. The general point I am aiming towards is that the phenotypic expression of a gene can extend even to living bodies other than the body in which the genes sit. Just as we can talk of a gene ‘for’ a Hapsburg lip, or a gene ‘for’ blue eyes, so it is entirely proper to talk of a gene (in a male cricket) ‘for’ a change in another individual’s behaviour (in this case a female cricket).

    We saw in Chapter 7 that song in male canaries and ring doves has a dramatic effect on female ovaries. They swell hugely, with a corresponding rush of hormones and all that it entails. The consequent changes in female behaviour and physiology are in truth phenotypic expression of male genes. Extended phenotypic expression. You may deny it only if you deny Darwinian selection itself.

    Ears are not the only portals into a female dove’s brain through which a male’s genes might exert an extended phenotypic influence. Male birds of many species glow with conspicuous colours. These cannot be good for individual survival, but they are still good for the survival of the genes that fashioned them. They achieve this good by assisting individual reproduction at the expense of individual survival. With few exceptions, it is males that sacrifice their personal longevity on the altar of gene survival, through sexually attractive coloration. In those species such as pheasants or birds of paradise, where males dazzle, females are usually drabber in colour, often well camouflaged. Bright coloration in males is favoured, either through attracting females or through besting rival males. In both cases, the naturally selected genes for bright coloration have extended phenotypic expression in the changed behaviour of other individuals. I don’t know whether exposure to a male peacock fan causes peahen ovaries to change, as male dove bow-cooing song does to female dove ovaries. It wouldn’t surprise me. I’d even be surprised if it didn’t.

    Unfortunately, predators tend to have eyes like the eyes of the females whom the male is seeking to impress. What is conspicuous to one will probably be conspicuous to all. It’s worth it to the male, or rather to the genes that coloured him. Even if his finery costs him his life, it can already have paid its way in previous success with females. But is there some way a male bird could manipulate females via their eyes without calling attention to himself? Could he shed his dangerously conspicuous personal phenotype, offloading it to an extended phenotype at a safe distance from his own body? ‘Shed’ and ‘offload’, of course, must be understood over evolutionary time. We aren’t talking about shedding feathers in an annual moult, although that happens too – perhaps for the same reason. Black-headed gulls, for instance, shed their conspicuously contrasting face masks as soon as the breeding season is over.

    Bower birds are a family of birds inhabiting the forests of New Guinea and Australia. Their name comes from a remarkable and unique habit. They build ‘bowers’ to seduce females. The skills needed to build a bower could be seen as a distant derivative of nest-building skills, and perhaps ultimately derived from them. But the bower is emphatically not a nest. No eggs are laid in it, no chicks reared there. Female bower birds build nests to house eggs as other birds do, and their nests don’t resemble male bowers.

    The bower’s sole purpose is to attract females, and males take enormous pains in their creation. First, they clear stray leaves and other debris from the arena in which the bower is to be built. Then the bower itself is assembled from twigs and grass. The details vary from species to species. Some resemble a Robinson Crusoe hat, some a grand archway, others a tower. The final stage of bower design is, I think, the most remarkable of all. The ground in front of and under the bower is colourfully and – I can’t resist saying – tastefully decorated. The male gathers decorative objects – coloured berries, flowers, even bottle tops. Movies of male bower birds at work irresistibly remind me of an artist putting the finishing touches to a canvas, standing back, head cocked judgmentally, then darting forward to make a delicate adjustment, standing back again and surveying the effect with head on one side before darting forward again. That is what emboldened me to use a word like ‘tastefully’. It is hard to resist the impression that the bird is exercising his aesthetic judgement in perfecting a work of art. Even if the decorated bower is not to every human’s taste, or even every female bower bird’s, the ‘touching up’ behaviour of the male almost forces the conclusion that the male has taste of his own, and he is adjusting his bower to meet it.

    Remember the discussion in Chapter 7, where I suggested that when male songbirds learn to sing, they are exercising their own aesthetic judgement? The evidence shows, you’ll remember, that young birds burble at random, choosing, by reference to a template, which random fragments to incorporate into their mature song. The male, I argued, has a similar brain to a female of his own species. Not surprisingly, therefore, whatever appeals to him can be expected to appeal to her. The development of song in the young bird could be regarded as a work of creative composition in which the male adopts the principle of ‘whatever turns me on will probably appeal to a female too’. I see no reason to refrain from a similar aesthetic interpretation of bower-building. ‘I like the look of a heap of blue berries just there. So there’s a good chance that a female of my own species will like it too … And perhaps a single red flower over there … or, no, it looks better here … and better still, slightly to the left, and why not set it off with some red berries?’ Of course, I am not literally suggesting that he thinks it through in so many words.

    Species differ as to their preferred decoration colours, as well as the shape of their bowers. The satin bower bird (here) goes for blue, a fact that may be connected with the blue-black sheen of his plumage, or the species’ brilliant blue eyes. The male satin bower bird who built this bower has discovered blue drinking straws and bottle tops, and laid out a rich feast of blue to delight the female eye. More soberly, the Great Bower Bird, Chlamydera nuchalis, says it with shells and pebbles (opposite).

    The bower is an extended phenotype of genes in the body of the male bower bird. An external phenotype, which presumably has the advantage that its extravagance is not worn on the body and therefore will not call predators’ attention to the male himself. I do not know whether exposure to a more than usually magnificent bower stimulates a hormone surge in the blood of a female, but again the research on ring doves and canaries would lead me to expect this.

    We are accustomed to thinking of genes as being physically close to their phenotypic targets. Extended phenotypes can be large, and far distant from the genes that cause them. The lake flooded by a beaver’s dam is an extended phenotype of beaver genes, extended in some cases over acres. The songs of gibbons can be heard a kilometre away in the forest, howler monkeys as much as five kilometres: true genetic ‘action at a distance’. These vocalisations have been favoured by natural selection because of their extended phenotypic effect on other individuals. Chemical signals can achieve a great range among moths. Visual signals require an uninterrupted line of sight, but the principle of genetic action at a distance remains. The gene’s-eye view of evolution necessarily incorporates the idea of the extended phenotype. Natural selection favours genes for their phenotypic effects, whether or not those phenotypic effects are confined to the body of the individual whose cells contain the genes.

    In 2002, Kim Sterelny, editor of the journal Biology and Philosophy, marked the twentieth anniversary of the publication of The Extended Phenotype by commissioning three critical appraisals, plus a reply from me. The special issue of the journal came out in 2004. The criticisms were thoughtful and interesting, and I tried to follow suit in my reply, but all this would take us too far afield here. I concluded my piece with a humorously grandiose fantasy about the building of a future Extended Phenotypics Institute. This pipedream edifice was to have three wings, the Zoological Artifacts Museum (ZAM), the laboratory of Parasite Extended Genetics (PEG), and the Centre for Action at a Distance (CAD). The subjects covered by ZAM and CAD have dominated this chapter. PEG must wait till the final chapter. Parasites often exert dramatic extended phenotypic effects on their hosts, manipulating the host’s behaviour to the parasite’s advantage, often in bizarrely macabre ways. The parasite doesn’t have to reside in the body of the host, so there is an overlap with CAD, the Action at a Distance wing. Cuckoo chicks are external parasites who exert extended phenotypic influence over the behaviour of their foster parents. And cuckoos are so fascinating they deserve a chapter of their own. For a different reason, now to be explained.

    10 The Backward Gene’s-Eye View

    The previous two chapters constituted my short reprise of the gene’s-eye view of evolution as I explained it in The Selfish Gene and The Extended Phenotype. I want, now and in the next chapter, to offer the gene’s-eye view in another way, a way that is particularly suitable for The Genetic Book of the Dead. This is to imagine the view seen by a gene as it ‘looks’ backwards at its ancestral history. A vivid example concerns the cuckoo. To which deplorable bird we now turn.

    ‘Deplorable bird’? Of course I don’t really mean that. The phrase amused me in a Victorian bird book belonging to my Cornish grandparents, where it referred to the cormorant. Each page of the book was devoted to one species. When you turned to the cormorant’s page, the very first sentence to greet you was, ‘There is nothing to be said for this deplorable bird.’ I can’t remember what grudge the author held against the cormorant. He might have had better grounds with the cuckoo, which is certainly deplorable from the point of view of its foster parents but, as a Darwinian biologist, I think it is a supreme wonder of the world. ‘Wonder’, yes, but there’s also an element of the macabre in the spectacle of a tiny wren devotedly feeding a chick big enough to swallow it whole.

    Everyone knows that cuckoos are brood parasites who trick nesting birds of other species into rearing their young. ‘Cuckoo in the nest’ is proverbial. John Wyndham’s The Midwich Cuckoos, about aliens implanting their young in unwitting human wombs, is one of several works of fiction whose titles sound the cuckoo motif. Then there are cuckoo bees, cuckoo wasps, and cuckoo ants who, in their own hexapod ways, hijack the nurturing instincts of other species of insect. The cuckoo fish, a kind of catfish from Lake Tanganyika, drops its eggs among the eggs of other fish. In this case the hosts are ‘mouthbreeders’, fish belonging to the Cichlid family who take their eggs and young into their own mouths for protection. The cuckoo fish’s eggs and later fry are welcomed into the unsuspecting host’s mouth, and tended as lovingly as the mouthbreeder’s own.

    Plenty of bird species have independently evolved their own versions of the cuckoo habit, for example the cowbirds of the New World, and cuckoo finches of Africa. Within the cuckoo family itself (Cuculidae), 59 of the 141 species parasitise other species’ nests, the habit having evolved there three times independently. In this chapter, unless otherwise stated, for the sake of brevity I use the name cuckoo to mean Cuculus canorus, the so-called common cuckoo. Alas, it’s not common anymore, at least in England. I miss their springtime song even if their victims don’t, and was delighted to hear it on a recent visit to a beautiful, remote corner of western Scotland where it ‘shouts all day at nothing’. My main authority – indeed today’s world authority – is Professor Nick Davies of Cambridge University. His book Cuckoo is a delightful amalgam of natural history and memoir of his field research on Wicken Fen, near Cambridge. Described by David Attenborough as one of the country’s greatest field naturalists, he achieves heights of lyrical word-painting unsurpassed in the literature of modern natural history:

    North towards the horizon is the eleventh-century cathedral of Ely, which sits on the raised land of the Isle of Ely, from where Hereward led his raids against the Normans. In the early mornings, when the mist lies low, the cathedral appears as a great ship, sailing across the fens.

    The ruthlessness of the cuckoo begins straight out of the egg. The newly hatched chick has a hollow in the small of the back. Nothing sinister about that, you might think. Until you are told the sole use to which it is put. The cuckoo nestling needs the undivided attention of its foster parents. Rivals for precious food must be disposed of without delay. If it finds itself sharing the nest with either eggs or chicks of the foster species, the hatchling cuckoo fits them neatly into the hollow in its back. It then wriggles backwards up the side of the nest and tosses the competing egg or chick out. There is, of course, no suggestion that it knows what it’s doing, or why it is doing it, no feelings of guilt or remorse (or triumph) in the act. The behavioural routine simply runs like clockwork. Natural selection in ancestral generations favoured genes that shaped nervous systems in such a way as to play out this instinctive act of (foster) fratricide. That is all we can say.

    And there’s no more reason to expect the foster parents to know what they are doing when they fall for the cuckoo’s trick. Birds are not little feathered humans, seeing the world through the lens of intelligent cognition. It makes at least as much sense to see the bird as an unconscious automaton. This helps us understand the otherwise surprising behaviour of foster parents. A pioneering cinematographer of the cuckoo’s dark ways was Edgar Chance, avid ornithologist of the early twentieth century. By Nick Davies’s account of his film, a mother meadow pipit appeared totally unconcerned as it watched its own precious offspring being murdered by the cuckoo chick in its nest. The mother then left on a foraging trip, as if nothing untoward had happened. When she returned, she pointlessly fed her chick as it lay dying on the ground. From a human cognitive point of view, her behaviour makes no sense: neither the impassive watching of the initial murder nor the subsequent futile feeding of the doomed chick. We shall meet this point again and again throughout the chapter.

    The name ‘cuckoo’ is derived from the simple, two-note tune of the male bird’s song, so simple indeed that some ornithologists downgrade it from ‘song’ to ‘call’ (on parallel grounds to the hysterically unpopular downgrading of Pluto to sub-planet status). The cuckoo’s song (or call) is commonly described as dropping through a minor third, but I’m happy to quote no less an authority than Beethoven in support of my hearing it as a major third. His famous cuckoo in the Pastoral Symphony descends from D to B Flat. Whether major or minor, whether song or call, it is simple – and perhaps has to be simple because the male never gets a chance to learn it by imitation. A cuckoo never meets either biological parent. It knows only its foster parents, who could belong to any of a variety of species, each with its own song, which the young cuckoo must not learn. So the male cuckoo’s song has to be hard-wired genetically, and a kind of common sense concludes, not very confidently, that it should therefore be simple.

    Now we approach the remarkable story that earns the cuckoo its place in a chapter on genes ‘looking backwards in time’. Cuckoo eggs mimic the colour and patterning of the other eggs in the particular foster nest in which they sit. And they mimic them even though many different foster species are involved, with very different eggs. Here is a clutch of six brambling eggs plus one cuckoo egg. The only way I, and doubtless you, can tell which one is the cuckoo egg is by its slightly larger size.

    At first sight, such egg mimicry might seem no more remarkable than the ‘paintings’ of Chapter 2. Well, that’s quite remarkable enough! But now look at the next picture showing a parasitised nest of meadow pipit eggs.

    Again, you can spot the tell-tale size of the cuckoo egg. But what is really noticeable is that the cuckoo egg in the second picture is dark with black speckles like meadow pipit eggs, whereas the cuckoo egg in the first picture is light and with rusty speckles like brambling eggs. Meadow pipit eggs are dramatically different from brambling eggs. Yet cuckoo eggs achieve a near-perfect colour match in each of the two nests.

    Once again, the mimicry might seem par for the course, all of a piece with the lizard, frog, spider, or ptarmigan ‘paintings’ of Chapter 2. It would indeed be relatively unremarkable if the cuckoos that parasitise bramblings were a different species from the cuckoos that parasitise meadow pipits. But they aren’t. They’re the same species. Males breed indiscriminately with females reared by any foster species, so the genes of the whole species are mixed up as the generations pass. That mixing is what defines them all as of the same species. Different females, all belonging to the same species and consorting with the same males, parasitise redstarts, robins, dunnocks, wrens, reed warblers, great reed warblers, pied wagtails, and others. But each female parasitises only one of those host species. And the remarkable fact is that (with a few revealing exceptions) the eggs of each female cuckoo faithfully mimic those of the particular host in whose nest she lays them. The only consistent betrayer is that cuckoo eggs are slightly larger than the host eggs that they mimic. Even so, they are smaller than they ‘should’ be for the size of the cuckoo itself. Presumably, if the pressure to mimic drove them to be any smaller, the chicks would be penalised in some way. The actual size is a compromise between pressure to be small to mimic the host eggs, and an opposite pressure towards the larger optimum for the cuckoo’s own size.

    I doubt that you’re wondering why egg mimicry benefits the cuckoos. Foster parents are mostly very good at spotting cuckoo eggs, and they often eject them. A cuckoo egg of the wrong colour would stand out like a sore thumb. Actually, that’s an unusually poor cliché. Have you ever seen a sore thumb, and did it stand out? Let’s initiate a new simile. Stands out like a baseball at Lord’s? Like a Golden Delicious in a basket of genuinely delicious apples? Just look at that cuckoo egg in the brambling nest and imagine transplanting it into the meadow pipit nest. Or vice versa. The host birds would unhesitatingly toss it out. Or, if tossing it out is too difficult, abandon the nest altogether. Such discrimination is not a surprise when you consider that bird eyes are acute enough to perfect the exquisitely detailed painting of lichen-mimicking moths and stick-mimicking caterpillars.

    Foster parents, then, whether as automata or cognitively, can be expected to provide the selection pressure that explains why it might benefit cuckoo eggs to show such beautiful egg mimicry. They throw out eggs that don’t look like their own. But what is surprising, hugely so, is that cuckoos, all of one intrabreeding species, manage to mimic the eggs of many different foster parent species. To drive home the point, here’s yet another example: a reed warbler nest with, once again, wonderful egg mimicry by the single, slightly larger cuckoo egg.

    These beautiful examples force us back to the central question of this whole discussion. How is it possible for female cuckoos, all belonging to the same species and all fathered by indiscriminate males, to produce eggs that match such a range of very different host eggs? Are we to believe that female cuckoos take one look at the eggs in a nest and take a decision to switch on some kind of alternative egg-colouring mechanism in the lining of the oviduct? That is improbable, to say the least. There are women who might love to control, by sheer willpower and for very different reasons, the behaviour of their own oviduct. But it’s not the kind of thing willpower does. And, with the best will in the world, it’s not clear how will will power it.

    What is the true explanation for the female cuckoo’s apparent versatility? Nobody knows for sure, but the best available guess makes use of a peculiarity of bird genetics. As you know, we mammals determine our sex by the XX / XY chromosome system. Every woman has two X-chromosomes in all her body cells, so all her eggs have an X-chromosome. Every man has an X- and a Y-chromosome in all his body cells. Therefore, half his sperms are Y sperms (and would father a son when coupled with a necessarily X egg) and half are X sperms (would father a daughter when coupled with a necessarily X egg). Less well known is that birds have a similar system, but it evidently arose independently because it is reversed. The chromosomes are called Z and W instead of X and Y, but that’s not important. What matters is that in birds females are ZW and males are ZZ. That’s opposite to the mammal convention, but otherwise the principle is the same. Whereas the Y-chromosome passes only down the male line in mammals, in birds the W chromosome passes only down the female line. The W comes from the mother, the maternal grandmother, the maternal maternal great grandmother and so on back through an indefinite number of female generations.

    Now recall the title of this chapter: ‘The Backward Gene’s-Eye View’. It’s all about genes looking back at their own history. Imagine you are a gene on the W-chromosome of a cuckoo, looking back at your ancestry. Not only are you in a female bird today, you have never been in a male bird. Unlike the other genes on ordinary chromosomes (autosomes), which have found themselves in male and female bodies equally often down the ages, the ancestral environments of the W-chromosome have been entirely confined to female bodies. If genes could remember the bodies they have sat in, the memories of W-chromosomes would be exclusively of female bodies not male ones. Z-chromosomes would have memories of both male and female bodies.

    Hold that thought while we look at a more familiar kind of memory: memory by the brain, individual experience. It is a fact that female cuckoos remember the kind of nest in which they were reared, and choose to lay their own eggs in nests of the same foster species. Unlike the improbable feat of controlling your own oviduct, remembering early experience is exactly the kind of thing bird brains are known to do. When they come to choose a mate, as we saw in Chapter 7, birds of many species refer back to a kind of mental photograph of their parent, which they filed away in memory after their first encounter on hatching (‘imprinting’): even if – in the case of incubator-hatched goslings, for instance – what they later find attractive is Konrad Lorenz. To remember Lorenz, parental plumage, father’s song, or foster-parent’s nest – it’s all the same kind of problem. The same imprinting brain mechanism works well enough in nature even if, in captivity, it misfires.

    I think you can see where this argument is going. Each female mentally imprints on the same foster nest as her mother; and therefore her maternal grandmother; and her maternal maternal great grandmother. And so on back. And her childhood imprinting leads her to choose the same kind of nest as her female forebears. So, she belongs to a cultural tradition going exclusively down the female line. Among females there are robin cuckoos, reed warbler cuckoos, dunnock cuckoos, meadow pipit cuckoos, etc., each with their own female tradition. But only females belong to these cultural traditions. Each cultural line of females is called a gens – plural gentes. A female may belong to the meadow pipit gens, or the robin gens, or the reed warbler gens, etc. Males don’t belong to any gens. They are descended from – and they father – females of all gentes indiscriminately.

    Finally, we put these two strands of thought together, again in the light of the chapter’s title. With the exception of W-chromosome genes, all the genes in a female cuckoo look back through a chain of ancestors belonging to every gens that’s going. W-chromosomes aside, gentes are not genetically separate like true races, because males confound them. Only W-chromosome genes are gens-specific. Only W-chromosomes look back on ancestors of a particular gens to the exclusion of any other. We talked of two kinds of memory: genetic memory and brain memory. See how the two coincide where W-chromosome genes are concerned!

    With respect to the W-chromosome, and only the W-chromosome, gentes are separate genetic races. So – I think you’ve already completed the argument yourself – if the genes that determine egg coloration and speckling are carried on the W-chromosome, it would solve the riddle we began with, the riddle of how it’s possible for the females of one species of cuckoo to mimic the eggs of a wide variety of host species. It isn’t willpower that chooses egg colour, it’s W-chromosomes.

    You will have guessed that it’s not as simple as that. Things seldom are in biology. Although female cuckoos have a strong preference for their natal nest type when they come to lay, they occasionally make a mistake and lay in the ‘wrong’ nest, different from their natal nest. Presumably that’s how new gentes get their start. And not all gentes achieve good egg mimicry. Dunnock (hedge sparrow) eggs are a beautiful blue. But cuckoo eggs in dunnock nests aren’t blue (left). They aren’t even ‘trying’ to be blue, we might say. The cuckoo egg in the picture stands out like a sore … like a bloodhound in a pack of dachshunds. Are cuckoos, perhaps, constitutionally incapable of making blue eggs? No. Cuculus canorus in Finland has achieved a most beautiful blue, in perfect mimicry of redstart eggs (right). So why don’t cuckoo eggs mimic dunnock eggs? And how do they get away with it? The answer is simple, although it remains puzzling. Dunnocks are among several species that don’t discriminate, don’t throw out cuckoo eggs. They seem blind to what looks to us glaringly obvious. How is this possible, given that other small songbirds have powers of discrimination acute enough to perfect the finishing touches to the egg mimicry achieved by their respective gentes of female cuckoos? And given that bird eyes are capable of perfecting the detailed mimicry of stick caterpillars, lichen-mimicking moths, and the like?

    Cuckoos and their hosts, as with stick caterpillars and their predators, are engaged in an ‘evolutionary arms race’ with one another. As mentioned in Chapter 4, arms races are run in evolutionary time. It’s a persuasive parallel to human arms races, which are run in ‘technological time’, and a lot faster. The aerial swerving and dodging chases of Spitfires and Messerschmitts were run in real time measured in split seconds. But in the background and more slowly, in factories and drawing-offices in Britain and Germany, races were run to improve their engines, propellers, wings, tails, weaponry, etc., often in response to improvements on the other side. Such technological arms races are run over a timescale measured in months or years. The arms races between cuckoos and their various host species have been running for thousands of years, again with improvements on each side calling forth retaliatory improvements in the other.

    Nick Davies and his colleague Michael Brooke suggest that some gentes have been running their respective arms races for longer than others. Those against meadow pipits and reed warblers are ancient arms races, which is why both sides have become so good at outdoing the other – and therefore why the cuckoo eggs are such good mimics. The arms race against dunnocks, they suggest, has only just begun. Not enough time for the dunnocks to evolve discrimination and rejection. And not enough time for the dunnock gens of cuckoos to evolve the appropriate blue colour.

    If it’s true that cuckoos have only just ‘moved into’ dunnock nests, we must suppose that these ‘pioneer’ cuckoos have ‘migrated’ from another host species, presumably one with rusty-spotted grey eggs because that’s the egg colour of the ‘newly arrived’ dunnock gens of cuckoo. I suppose this is how any new gens gets its start. But don’t be misled by ‘pioneer’ and ‘migrated’. It would not have been any kind of bold decision to sally forth into fresh nests and pastures new. It would have been a mistake. As we’ve seen, cuckoos do indeed occasionally lay an egg in the wrong kind of nest, a nest appropriate to a different gens. Their egg then really does stand out like a … invent your own substitute for the sore thumb cliché. Natural selection normally penalises such blunders, we can presume, pretty promptly. But what if it’s a new host species that hasn’t yet been ‘invaded’ by cuckoos. The new host species is naive. They haven’t hitherto had any reason to throw out mismatched eggs. Once again, remember, birds are not little feathered humans with human judgement. The arms race has yet to get properly under way. And the host species can expect to remain naive while the arms race is yet young. But how young is young? Strangely enough, we are not totally without evidence bearing on the question, as Nick Davies points out.

    Call the witness Geoffrey Chaucer. In The Parlement of Foules (1382), the cuckoo is reproached: ‘Thou mordrer of the heysugge on the braunche that broghte thee forth.’ Another name for dunnock is hedge sparrow or, in Middle English, heysugge (heysoge, heysoke, eysoge). This would seem to suggest that cuckoos were already parasitising dunnocks in the fourteenth century, when Chaucer wrote. Is 650 years long enough for an arms race to reach some sort of perfection of mimicry? Perhaps not, given that, as Davies points out, only 2 per cent of dunnock nests are parasitised. Maybe, then, the selection pressure is so weak that a 600-year-old arms race is indeed young.

    I prefer to add two further suggestions. The first concerns identification. Did Chaucer really mean dunnock when he said heysugge? When we say ‘sparrow’ we normally mean the house sparrow, Passer domesticus, not the hedge sparrow or dunnock, Prunella modularis. Yet the English word ‘sparrow’ is used for both. To many who are not avid twitchers, all little brown birds (LBBs) look much the same, and we might even sink so low as to call them all ‘sparrows’. I can’t help wondering whether Chaucer was using ‘heysugge’ to mean LBB rather than specifically Prunella modularis?

    My second suggestion is more biologically interesting. If we think carefully about it, there’s no reason, is there, to suppose that there’s only one cuckoo gens for each host species? Maybe Chaucer’s gens of dunnock cuckoos has died out, and a new gens of dunnock cuckoos is just beginning its arms race. Perhaps other gentes of dunnock cuckoos have perfect egg mimicry today, but have not come to the notice of ornithologists. There would be no relevant gene flow between them because males don’t have W-chromosomes.

    Claire Spottiswoode and her colleagues are running a parallel study of an unrelated South African finch, which convergently evolved the cuckoo habit. The cuckoo finch, Anomalospiza imberbis, lays its eggs in the nests of grass warblers. Different gentes of cuckoo finch mimic the eggs of different grass warbler species. There is genetic evidence that what distinguishes the gentes is indeed their W-chromosomes, which reinforces the idea that the same thing is going on in cuckoos. As Dr Spottiswoode points out, this doesn’t have to mean that every detail of all the egg colours is carried on the W-chromosome. In both cuckoos and cuckoo finches, genes for making all the different egg colours have very probably been built up on other chromosomes (‘autosomes’) over many generations, and are carried by all the gentes and passed on by males as well as females. The W-chromosome need only have switch-genes – genes that switch on or off whole suites of genes carried on autosomes. And the relevant autosomal genes would be carried by males as well as females.

    This is indeed how sex itself is determined. If you have a Y-chromosome, you have a penis. If you have no Y-chromosome, you have a clitoris instead. But there’s no reason to suppose that the genes that influence the shape and size of a penis are confined to the Y-chromosome. Far from it. It’s entirely plausible that they are scattered over many autosomes. There’s no reason to doubt that a man may inherit genes for penis size from his mother as well as from his father. Presence or absence of a Y-chromosome determines only which alternative suite of genes on autosomes will be switched on. For most purposes you can think of the entire Y-chromosome as a single gene that switches on suites of other genes on autosomes elsewhere in the genome. A point of terminology: members of these suites of autosomal genes are called ‘sex-limited’ as distinct from ‘sex-linked’. Sex-linked genes are those that are actually carried on the sex-chromosomes themselves.

    Probably the best guess towards a solution of the riddle of cuckoo egg mimicry is that suites of genes on lots of chromosomes determine egg coloration and spotting. These are equivalent to ‘sex-limited’, and we may call them ‘gens-limited’. They are switched on or off by the presence or absence of one or more genes on the W-chromosome, genes that, by analogy, we can call ‘gens-linked’. All cuckoo autosomes may have suites of genes for mimicking a whole repertoire of host eggs. W-chromosomes contain switch genes that determine which suite of genes is turned on. And it is W-chromosomes that are peculiar to each gens of females, W-chromosomes that look back at their history and see a long line of nests of only one foster species.

    This interpretation of egg mimicry in cuckoos is my introduction to the topic of the backward gene’s-eye view, genes looking over their shoulder at their own ancestry. Here’s a similar but more complicated example involving fish and the Y-chromosome. Different kinds of fish display a bewildering variety of sex-determining systems. Some don’t use sex chromosomes at all but determine sex by external cues. Some fish are like birds in that females are XY and males are XX. Others are like us mammals: males are XY, females XX. Among these are small fish of the genus Poecilia, which includes mollies and guppies among popular aquarium fish. One species, Poecilia parae, has a remarkable colour polymorphism, which affects only the males. Polymorphism means that there are different genetically determined colour types coexisting in the population (in this case five colour patterns) and the proportions of the different types remain stable in the population through time. All five male morphs can be found swimming together in South American streams. There’s only one female morph: females look alike.

    Since the polymorphism affects only one sex, we can call them five gentes, by analogy with the cuckoos, with the difference that in these fish it’s the males who are separated by gens. The picture shows the five male types plus a female at the bottom. Three of the five male types have two long stripes like tramlines. Between the tramlines there is colour, and I’ll call them reds, yellows, and blues respectively. These three ‘tramliners’ can, for many purposes, be lumped together. The fourth type has vertical stripes. They’re officially named ‘parae’, but confusingly that’s also the name of the whole species. I’ll call them ‘tigers’. The fifth type, ‘immaculata’, is relatively plain grey, like females but smaller, and I’ll call them ‘greys’.

    Tigers are the largest. They behave aggressively, chasing rival males away, and copulating with females by force. Greys are the smallest, and they manage to copulate only by occasionally sneaking up on females opportunistically. When they get away with it, it seems to be because otherwise aggressive males mistake them for females, which they do indeed resemble. Greys have the largest testes, presumably capable of producing the most sperm, perhaps to take advantage of their scarce opportunities to use it. Red, yellow, and blue tram-liners are of intermediate size. Rather than rape or sneak, they court females in a civilised manner, displaying their respective coloured flanks.

    Tiger
    Grey
    Blue
    Yellow
    Red
    Female

    Male ‘gentes’ in fish?

    Now here’s where the parallel to cuckoos kicks in. Evidence suggests that colour morph inheritance runs entirely down the male line. In every case studied, sons belong to the same type as their father, and therefore paternal grandfather, paternal paternal great grandfather, etc. Their mother has no genetic say in the matter, and nor does their maternal grandfather, etc., even though each one belongs to one colour gens or another. This suggests the hypothesis that the five types of males differ with respect to their Y-chromosomes – just as gens-inheritance in female cuckoos seems to be carried on the W-chromosome. The details of colour pattern and behaviour of the male fish may be carried in suites of genes on autosomes (gens-limited). But the genes determining which gens an individual belongs to (and presumably which suite of colour and pattern genes on other chromosomes is switched on) seem to be gens-linked, that is, carried on the Y-chromosome.

    Researchers are doing fascinating work on mate choice in these fish and are homing in on what maintains the polymorphism. It seems that each of the five male types has an equilibrium frequency, fitting the definition of a true polymorphism. If its frequency falls below the equilibrium, it is favoured and therefore becomes more frequent in the population. If its frequency rises too high, it is penalised and its frequency decreases. This so-called ‘frequency-dependent selection’ is a known way for polymorphisms to be maintained in a population. How might it work in practice? The details are not yet clear but might look something like this. The grey sneakers benefit from being mistaken for females. If they become too frequent, perhaps the real females or aggressive tigers get ‘wise’ to them. How about the tigers themselves? If they get too frequent, they waste time fighting each other instead of mating. This might give the greys more opportunity to sneak matings. As for the three ‘tramliners’, who court females in a gentlemanly manner by flashing their vividly coloured flanks, there is some evidence that females prefer rarer types. This would fit the ‘equilibrium frequency’ idea, although it’s not clear why females should exhibit such a preference. More research is needed and is under way now. I am grateful to Dr Ben Sandkam, formerly of the University of British Columbia and now at Cornell, for sharing with me his thoughts on these matters.

    Now let’s again apply the backward-looking technique of this chapter. Every male of Poecilia parae can look back through a long line of male ancestors, all belonging to the same gens as him, and all sharing the same Y-chromosome. This is what makes it possible for suites of genes for colour patterning and associated behaviour to become switched on in separate gentes of males, despite their sharing the same ancestors in the female line. The gene’s-eye view of the past comes into its own again, as with the cuckoos. Autosomal genes, governing characteristics other than gens-specific colour, look back on ancestors of all gentes.

    Returning to cuckoos, the ‘looking back’ ploy can help us answer another riddle, and it’s an even tougher one. Although most host species are very good at distinguishing cuckoo eggs from their own (how else could natural selection have perfected cuckoo egg mimicry?), they turn out to be lamentably bad later, failing to notice that the growing cuckoo fledgling is an impostor. Even though it dwarfs them, in most cases grotesquely so. A tiny warbler is in danger, you might think, of being swallowed whole by its monstrous foster child. Foster parents, of whatever species, end up dwarfed by the cuckoo nestling into whom they tirelessly shovel food, working every devoted daylight hour to do so. How do the cuckoo nestlings get away with such a transparent, over-the-top deception? Once again, we have to be more than usually on our guard against anthropomorphism. Do not ask whether the bird’s behaviour makes sense from a human-like cognitive perspective. Of course it doesn’t. Ask instead about selection pressures acting on ancestral genes that control the development of behavioural automatisms.

    A warbler feeding a cuckoo

    Even given this preliminary, I must admit that available answers to the riddle epitomised by the picture on the previous page remain unsatisfying, compared to the explanations that I am accustomed to offering in my books. And indeed, compared to the explanation of egg mimicry. But here’s the best explanation – or series of partial explanations – I can find. We return to the idea of the arms race. In our 1979 paper, John Krebs and I considered ways in which an arms race might end in ‘victory’ for one side (here again, the quotation marks are strongly advised). We identified two principles, the ‘Life Dinner’ and the ‘Rare Enemy’ principle. These are closely related, maybe just different aspects of the same thing.

    In one of Aesop’s Fables, a hound was pursuing a hare, got tired and gave up. Taunted for his lack of stamina, the hound replied, ‘It’s all very well for you to laugh, but we had not the same stake at hazard. He was running for his life, but I was only running for my dinner.’

    As in military arms races, predators and prey must balance design improvements and resources against economic costs. The more they put into servicing the arms race – muscles, lungs, heart, the machinery of speed and endurance – the less is available for other aspects of life such as making eggs or milk, building up fat reserves for the winter etc. In the language of Darwinism, Aesop’s hares have been subject to stronger selection to invest resources into the arms race than the hounds. There is an asymmetry in the cost of failure – loss of life versus mere loss of dinner. The failed predator lives to pursue another prey. The failed prey has fled its last pursuer. But now, notice how we can say the same thing more piercingly in the language of the genetic book of the dead. The predator’s genes can look back on ancestors many of whom were outrun by prey. But not one of the prey’s ancestors was outrun by a predator. At least not before it had passed on its genes. Plenty of predator genes can look back on ancestors who failed to outrun prey. Not a single prey gene can look back on ancestors who had lost a race against a predator.

    Apply the Life Dinner Principle to the cuckoo nestling and its host. The cuckoo nestling can look back on an unbroken line of ancestors, literally not a single one of whom was outwitted by a discriminating host. If it had been, it would not have become an ancestor. Cuckoo genes for failing to fool hosts are never passed on. But genes that lead foster parents to fail to notice cuckoos? Plenty of hosts who were fooled by cuckoos could live to breed again. Genetic tendencies among hosts to be fooled by cuckoos can be passed on. Genetic tendencies among cuckoos to fail to fool hosts are never passed on. It’s the Life Dinner Principle in operation.

    Moreover, the host can look back on ancestors many of whom may never have met a cuckoo in their lives. In Nick Davies and Michael Brooke’s long-running study on Wicken Fen, only 5 to 10 per cent of reed warbler nests were parasitised by cuckoos. And this brings us to the Rare Enemy Effect. Cuckoos are comparatively rare. Most reed warblers, wagtails, pipits, dunnocks, etc. probably get through their lives and successfully reproduce without ever encountering a cuckoo. They may look back on many ancestors who never encountered a cuckoo in their lives. But every single cuckoo looks back at an unbroken line of ancestors who successfully fooled a host into feeding them. Asymmetries of this kind could favour ‘victory’ such that even a monstrous cuckoo nestling gets away with fooling its diminutive foster parent. The selection pressure to outwit cuckoos is weak compared to the selection pressure on cuckoos to do the outwitting.

    Another parable with an Aesopian flavour is the fable of the boiled frog. A frog dropped into very hot water might do anything in its power to jump out. But a frog in cold water that is slowly heated up does not notice until it is too late. When the baby cuckoo first hatches, the deceiver is indistinguishable from the real thing. As it gradually grows, there is no one day when it suddenly becomes obvious that it’s a fake. Just as there’s never a day when a baby becomes a child; or a child a teenager; or a middle-aged man old. Every day, it looks much the same as the day before. Perhaps this helps the outwitting. Note that the boiled frog effect doesn’t apply to eggs. A cuckoo egg suddenly appears in the nest. It doesn’t gradually become more and more imposterish like a cuckoo nestling.

    In another pair of papers already mentioned, Krebs and I proposed that animal communication in general can be seen as manipulation. I discussed this in Chapter 7 in connection with nightingale song bewitching John Keats. Birdsong is known to cause female gonads to swell. This is an example of what we called manipulation. It will not always be to the female’s advantage to submit to it. There will be an arms race between salesmanship and sales-resistance, each side escalating in response to the other. What tricks of salesmanship might the cuckoo nestling employ, in response to the sales-resistance of the host? They’d need to be pretty powerful to outweigh the eventually incongruous mismatch in size between foster parent and cuckoo nestling. But that’s no argument against their existence.

    All nestlings open their gapes wide and squawk their appeals for food. If you’re a baby reed warbler, say, the louder you cry, the more likely you are to persuade your parent to drop food into your gape rather than a sibling’s (and there is indeed good Darwinian reason for competition among siblings, even real gene-sharing siblings). On the other hand, loud vocalisation costs vital energy. This applies to baby birds as much as to adults. In one study of wrens at Oxford, the researcher allowed himself to speculate that a male literally sang himself to death. The calling rate and loudness of a baby reed warbler will normally be regulated to an optimum level: enough to compete with siblings, but not so much as to overtax itself or attract predators. The oversized baby cuckoo needs as much food as four young reed warblers. It urges the foster parent on by sounding like a clutch of reed warbler chicks rather than just one very loud reed warbler chick.

    Among the ingenious field experiments done by Nick Davies, he and his colleague Rebecca Kilner put a blackbird nestling in a reed warbler nest. The young blackbird was about the same size as a cuckoo nestling. The reed warblers fed it, but at a lower rate than they would normally feed a baby cuckoo. Then the experimenters played their masterstroke: a sound recording of a baby cuckoo piped through a little loudspeaker next to the nest, switched on whenever the baby blackbird was seen to beg. Now the reed warbler adults upped the rate with which they fed the blackbird chick, to a rate appropriate to a baby cuckoo – the same rate as for a clutch of baby reed warblers. And indeed, a recording of four baby reed warblers crying had the same effect. It would seem that baby cuckoo squawks have evolved to become a super-stimulus. Super-stimuli are well attested in experiments on bird behaviour. My old maestro Niko Tinbergen reported that oystercatchers, offered a choice, will preferentially attempt to incubate a dummy egg eight times the volume of their own egg. It’s called a supernormal stimulus. Something like this is what we’d expect as the culmination of an evolutionary arms race, with escalating salesmanship on the cuckoo’s side keeping pace with escalating sales-resistance on the part of the foster parents.

    How about a visual equivalent of such a super-stimulus? The open beak of all nestlings is conspicuous, often bright yellow, orange, or red. Doubtless such bright coloration persuades the parents to drop food in, the brighter the gape the greater the chance of their favouring this gape rather than a sibling’s. Reed warbler chicks have a yellow gape. Davies and colleagues found that reed warbler parents gauge their food-fetching efforts according to the total area of yellowness gaping at them in the nest, and also to the rate of begging cries. Cuckoo chicks have a red gape. Is this, perhaps, a stronger stimulus than yellow? An experiment with painted gapes failed to support the hypothesis. Is the cuckoo gape, then, larger than a reed warbler chick’s gape? Yes, cuckoo chicks have a bigger gape than any one reed warbler chick. But its area is not equal to the sum of four reed warbler chicks – perhaps closer to two. Cuckoo chicks use sound to compensate for this, and by two weeks of age a cuckoo chick sounds like a clutch of reed warbler chicks. The combination of a somewhat bigger gape than one reed warbler chick’s, together with supernormal begging cries, is just enough to persuade the adult reed warblers to pump into the cuckoo chick as much food as they would normally bring to a whole clutch of their own chicks. Once again, we could see the supernormal begging call as the end product of an escalating arms race between salesmanship and sales-resistance.

    A cardinal feeding a goldfish

    That birds are susceptible to large gapes – even the alien gape of a fish – is shown by the well-attested observation of a cardinal (an American bird) repeatedly dropping food into the open mouth of a goldfish. We view the scene through human eyes and think, how absurd, how could a bird be so stupid? But the example of the oystercatcher sitting on the giant egg should warn us that human eyes are precisely what we should not trust. We have no right to be sarcastic. Birds are not little humans, cognitively aware of what they are doing and why they are doing it. And after all, a human male can be sexually aroused by a supernormal caricature of a female, even though he is well aware that it is a drawing on two-dimensional paper, with unnaturally exaggerated features, and a fraction of normal size. The baby cuckoo has no idea what it is doing when it tosses eggs out of the nest. Think of it as a programmed automaton. The oystercatcher does not know why it sits on a giant egg. Think of it as a pre-programmed incubation machine. And in the same way, think of a parent bird as a robot mother, programmed to drop food into wide-open gapes, however ridiculous it may seem to us when the gape belongs to a fish. Or to the giant imposter who is a nestling cuckoo.

    If cuckoo nestlings have a supernormal gape, mimicking two ordinary chicks, there’s an Asian cuckoo, Horsfield’s hawk cuckoo, Cuculus fugax, that goes one better. It has the visual equivalent of a clutch of gapes. In addition to its yellow gape, it has a pair of dummy gapes: a patch of bare skin on each wing, the same yellow colour as the real gape. It waves the wing patches about, usually one at a time, next to the real gape. The foster parent (a species of blue robin was the host in this Japanese study by Dr Keita Tanaka) is stimulated by the double whammy of gape plus patch. Dr Tanaka has kindly sent me several photographs plus some amazing film footage. As soon as the foster parent flies in, the cuckoo chick dramatically raises its right wing and waves it about. The gesture reminds me of a swordsman raising his shield to intercept an attack. But this analogy has it exactly wrong. The point is not to repel but to attract. One film even shows the robin vigorously stuffing food up against the yellow patch on the upheld right wing, before turning and shoving it into the wide-open gape instead. The Japanese researchers ingeniously blacked out the wing patch, and this reduced the feeding rate by the robins. There’s a similar story for another brood parasite, the whistling hawk cuckoo, Hierococcyx nisicolor, in China. Like the Horsfield’s hawk cuckoo, the nestlings have yellow wing patches that they display in the same way, to fool foster parents.

    So much for cuckoos, not deplorable because a true wonder of nature and natural selection. Now, let’s see what else we can do with the notion of genes looking over their shoulder.

    Horsfield’s hawk cuckoo with fake gape on wing

    11 More Glances in the Rear-View Mirror

    Where once they would have talked of the good of the species, nowadays essentially all serious biologists studying animal behaviour in the wild have adopted what I am calling the gene’s-eye view. Whatever the animal is doing, the question these modern workers ask is, ‘How does the behaviour benefit the self-interested genes that programmed it?’ David Haig, now at Harvard University, is one of those pushing this way of thinking towards the limit, illuminating a great diversity of topics, including some important ones that doctors should care about, such as problems of pregnancy.

    Among other things, Haig noticed a lovely example of genes looking backwards – actually at the immediate past generation. There’s a phenomenon called genomic imprinting. A gene can ‘know’ (by a chemical marker) whether it came from the individual’s father or mother. As you can imagine, this radically changes the ‘strategic calculations’ whereby a gene looks after its own self-interest. Haig shows how genomic imprinting changes how a gene views kin. Normally, a gene for kin altruism should regard a half-sibling as equivalent to a nephew or niece – half the value of a full sib or offspring. But if the altruistic gene ‘knows’ it came from the mother and not the father, it should see a maternal half-sibling as equal to its own offspring, or to a normal full sibling. The other way round if it ‘knows’ it came from the father. It should then see the maternal half-sibling as equivalent to an unrelated individual. Genomic imprinting opens up a whole lot of ways in which genes within an individual can come into conflict with one another, the topic of Burt and Trivers’ book Genes in Conflict. Haig goes so far as to blame warring genes for the familiar psychological sensation of being pulled in two directions at once, as in short-term gratification versus longer-term benefit. Genomic imprinting provides a stark example of how a gene might look in the ‘rear-view mirror’. Other examples constitute the topics of this chapter.

    A gene on a mammalian Y-chromosome ‘looks back’ at an immensely long string of ancestral male bodies and not a single female one, probably as far back as the dawn of mammals if not further. Our mammal Y-chromosome has been swimming in testosterone for perhaps 200 million years. But if Y-chromosomes look back at only male bodies, what about X-chromosomes? If you are a gene on an X-chromosome, you might come from the animal’s father, but you are twice as likely to come from its mother. Two-thirds of your ancestral history has been in female bodies, one-third in male bodies. If you are a gene on a chromosome other than a sex chromosome, an autosome, half your ancestral history was in female bodies, half in male bodies. We should expect many autosomal genes to have sex-limited effects, programmed with an IF statement: one effect whenever they find themselves in a male body, a different effect when in a female body.

    But when any gene looks back at the male bodies that it has inhabited, what it sees will not be a random sample of male bodies but a restricted sub-set. This is because the average male is often denied the Darwinian privilege of reproduction. A minority of males monopolises the mating opportunities. Most females, on the other hand, enjoy close to the average reproductive success. Red deer stags with large antlers prevail in fights over access to females. So when a red deer gene looks back at its male ancestors, it will see the minority of male bodies that are topped by abnormally large antlers.

    Even more extreme is the asymmetry shown by seals, especially Mirounga, the elephant seal. There are two species: the southern elephant seal, which I have seen, close enough to touch (though I would not), on the remote island of South Georgia, and the northern elephant seal, which Burney Le Boeuf has thoroughly studied on the Pacific beaches of California. Like many mammals, elephant seals have harem-based societies but they carry it to an extreme. Successful males, ‘beachmasters’, are gigantic: up to 4 metres long and weighing 2 tonnes. Females are relatively small and are gathered into harems, which may typically number as many as fifty ‘belonging to’, and vigorously defended by, a single dominant male. Most of the males in the population have no harem, and either never reproduce or bide their time hoping to sneak an occasional copulation, as well as aspiring eventually to get big and strong enough to displace a beachmaster. In one report from Le Boeuf’s long-term California study of northern elephant seals, only eight males inseminated an astonishing 348 females. One male inseminated 121 females, while the great majority of males had no reproductive success at all. An elephant seal gene on a Y-chromosome looks back at, not just a long sequence of male bodies, but specifically at the overgrown, blubbery, belching, bloated bodies of a tiny minority of dominant, harem-holding beachmasters: highly aggressive males, over-endowed with testosterone and with the dangling trunks used as living trombones to resonate roars that intimidate other males. On the other hand, an elephant seal gene will look back at a succession of female bodies that are close to the average.

    Do you find something puzzling about the fact that only a small minority of males does almost all the fathering? Isn’t it terribly wasteful? Think of all those bachelor males, consuming a fat slice of the food resources available to the species, yet never reproducing. A ‘top-down’ economic planner with species welfare in mind would protest that most of those males shouldn’t be there. Why doesn’t the species evolve a skewed sex ratio such that only a few males are born: just enough males to service the females, the same number of males as would normally hold harems? They wouldn’t have to fight each other, they’d all get a harem as a matter of automatic entitlement, just for being male. Wouldn’t a species with such an economically sensible, planned economy prevail over the present, wildly uneconomical, strife-ridden species? Wouldn’t the planned economy species win out in natural selection?

    Sexual inequality on the beach

    Yes, if natural selection chose between species. But, contrary to a widespread misunderstanding, it doesn’t. Natural selection chooses between genes, by virtue of their influence on individuals. And that makes all the difference. If the sensible planned economy were to come about by Darwinian means, it would have to be through the natural selection of genes controlling the sex ratio. This is not impossible. A gene could bias the number of X sperms versus Y sperms produced by males. Or it could favour selective abortion of some male foetuses. Or it could favour starving some baby sons to death and keeping just a favoured few. Never mind how it does it, just call this hypothetical gene the Planned Economy Gene, pegged to top-down common sense.

    Imagine a planned economy population where most of the individuals are female, say one male for every ten females. This is the kind of population our sensible economist would expect to see. It is economically sensible because food is not wasted on males who are never going to reproduce. Now imagine a mutant gene arising, a mutation that biases individuals towards having sons. Will this male-favouring gene spread through the population? Alas for the planned economy, it certainly will. In the planned economy, females outnumber males ten to one, so a typical male can expect ten times as many descendants as a typical female. It’s a bonanza for males. The son-biased mutant gene will spread rapidly through the population. And the males will have good reason to fight. It’s the flip side of our observation that our hypothetical gene looks back at a successful minority of male bodies, not at an average sample of male bodies.

    Will the population sex ratio swing right round to the opposite extreme and become male-biased? No, natural selection will stabilise the sex ratio we actually see, a 50/50 sex ratio (but see the important reservation below) with a minority of harem-holding males and a majority of frustrated bachelors. Here’s why. If you have a son, there’s a good chance he’ll end up a disconsolate bachelor who’ll give you no grandchildren. But if your son does end up a harem-holder, you’ve hit the jackpot where grandchildren are concerned. The expected reproductive success of a son, averaged over his slim chance of the jackpot plus the much greater chance of bachelor misery, equals the expected average reproductive success of a daughter. Equal sex ratio genes prevail, even though the society they create is so horribly uneconomical. Sensible as it sounds, the ‘planned economy’ cannot be favoured by natural selection. In this respect at least, natural selection is not a ‘sensible’ economist.

    I said that selection would stabilise the sex ratio at 50/50 but I added a cautionary reservation. There are various reasons for that caution, and they are important. Here’s one of them. Suppose it costs twice as much to rear a son as to rear a daughter. To equip a son to fight off rivals and win a harem, he must be big. Being big doesn’t come free. It costs food. If a mother seal must suckle a son for longer than a daughter, if a son costs twice as much as a daughter to rear, the ‘choice’ facing the mother is not ‘Shall I have a son or a daughter’ but ‘Shall I have a son or two daughters?’ The general principle, first clearly understood by RA Fisher, is that the sex ratio stabilised by natural selection is 50/50 measured in economic expenditure on daughters versus economic expenditure on sons. That will amount to 50/50 in numbers of male and female bodies, only if the cost of making sons and daughters is the same. Fisher’s principle balances what he called parental expenditure on sons versus daughters. This may cash out in the form of equal numbers of males and females in the population, but only if sons and daughters are equally costly to rear. There are other complications, some pointed out by WD Hamilton, but I won’t stay to deal with them.

    Elephant seals are an extreme example of a principle that typifies many mammal species. Females tend to have nearly the same reproductive success as each other, close to the population average, while a minority of males enjoys a disproportionate monopoly of reproduction. In statistical language, mean reproductive success of males and females is equal, but males tend to have a higher variance in reproductive success. And, to return to the title of this chapter, the ancestral females that genes ‘look back on’ will be close to the average. But they’ll look back on an ancestral history dominated by a minority of males: that minority endowed with whatever it takes in the species concerned – large antlers, fearsome canine teeth, sheer bodily bulk, courage, or whatever it might be.

    ‘Courage’ can be given a more precise meaning. Any animal must balance the short-term value of reproducing now against its own long-term survival to reproduce in the future. A brutal fight against a rival male may end in victory and a harem. But it may end in death, or serious injury which presages death. Courage is at a premium. Risking death is worthwhile because the stakes for a male are so high: a huge number of pups to his name if he wins, zero and perhaps death if he loses. A female seal would give higher priority to surviving to reproduce next year. She only has one pup in a year, so she’ll maximise her reproductive success by surviving herself. Natural selection would favour females who are more risk-averse than males; would favour males who are more courageous or foolhardy. Males are biased towards a high-stakes high-risk strategy. This is probably why males tend to die younger. Even if they’re not killed in battle, their whole physiology is skewed towards living to the full while young, even at the expense of living on at all when old.

    A complication is that, in some species, including elephant seals, subordinate males sneak surreptitious matings at the risk of punishment from dominant males. They may adopt a particular strategy known as the ‘sneaky male’ strategy. This means that as a Y-chromosome looks back at its history, it will see mostly a river of dominant harem-holders but also a side rivulet, that of the sneaky males. And now, a change of topic.

    As will be apparent by now, my late colleague WD Hamilton had a restless and highly original curiosity, which led him to solve many outstanding riddles in evolutionary theory, problems that lesser intellects never even recognised as problems. A naturalist from boyhood, he noticed that many insect species come in two distinct types which could be named ‘dispersers’ and ‘stay-at-homes’. Dispersers typically have wings. ‘Stay-at-homes’ often don’t. It’s surprising how many species of insects have both winged and wingless members, seemingly in balanced proportion. If you like human parallels, think of human families in which one brother comfortably inherits the farm while the other brother emigrates to the far side of the world in search of an improbable fortune. In the case of plants, dandelion seeds with their fluffy parachutes are ‘winged’ dispersers, while other members of the daisy family have, to quote Hamilton, ‘a mixture of winged and wingless within a single flower head’.

    To stolid common sense, it seems intuitively obvious that if parents live in a good place (and they probably do live in a good place, or they wouldn’t have succeeded in becoming parents), the best strategy for an offspring must be to stay in the same good place. ‘Stay at home and mind the family farm’ would seem to be the watchword, and that was the conventional wisdom among most evolutionary theorists before Bill Hamilton. Bill suspected, by contrast, that selection would favour a balance between stay-at-homes and dispersers, the point of balance varying from species to species. He enlisted the help of his mathematical colleague Robert May, and together they developed mathematical models that supported his intuition.

    My own, less mathematical way to express Bill’s intuition is in terms of the gene’s-eye view of the past. No matter how favourable the ‘family farm’ – the environment in which parents have flourished – it is sooner or later going to be subject to a catastrophe: a forest fire perhaps, or a disastrous flood or drought. So, as a gene looks back at the history of ‘the family farm’, the parental, grandparental, and great grandparental generations may indeed have flourished there. The success story might go back an unbroken ten or even twenty generations. But eventually, if it looks far enough back into the past, the stay-at-home gene will eventually hit one of those catastrophes.

    The disperser gene may look back on the recent past as one of comparative failure: life on the family farm was milk and honey. But if we look back sufficiently far, we come to a generation where only the disperser gene, the gene for wild wanderlust, made it through. There’s also the anthropomorphic point that wanderlust occasionally strikes gold.

    Naked mole rat

    I perhaps went too far when in 1989 I published a speculation about naked mole rats, but it serves to dramatise the point. Naked mole rats are small, spectacularly ugly (by human aesthetics) African mammals, who live underground. They are famous among biologists as the nearest mammalian approach to social insects: ants and termites. They live in large colonies of as many as 100 individuals in which only one female, the ‘queen’, normally reproduces, and she is fecund enough to compensate for the near sterility of all the other females, who function as ‘workers’. A colony can extend through a huge network of 2 or 3 miles of burrows, gathering underground tubers as food.

    This much has become lore among biologists intrigued by the obvious similarity to social insects. However, one discrepancy always worried me. Although the ants and termites that we ordinarily see are wingless, sterile workers, their underground nests periodically erupt in a boiling mass of winged reproductive individuals of both sexes. These fly up to mate, after which the newly fertilised young queens settle down, lose their wings (in many cases even biting them off), dig a hole, and attempt to found a new underground nest with the aid of sterile, wingless worker daughters (and sons in the case of termites). The winged castes are Hamilton’s dispersers, and they are an essential part – indeed, the essential part – of the biology of social insects. You could say they are what the whole social insect enterprise is all about. Why don’t naked mole rats have an equivalent? Their lack of a dispersal phase is something approaching a scandal!

    Not literally winged dispersers! Even I am not foolhardy enough to predict rodents with wings. But I did wonder, and still do, whether there might be a dispersal phase that nobody has spotted yet. In 1989 I wrote: ‘Is it conceivable that some already known hairy rodent, running energetically above ground and hitherto classified as a different species, might turn out to be the lost caste of the naked mole rat?’ My idea for a hitherto unrecognised dispersal caste may not have much going for it, but it is at least testable, a virtue that scientists value highly. The genome of the naked mole rat has been sequenced. If my hypothetical dispersal phase were ever discovered, some hairy mole rats should turn out to have the same genes.

    I admitted the implausibility of my suggestion. How could such a hypothetical creature have been overlooked by biologists? However, I went on to make a comparison with locusts. Locusts are the terrifying ‘wanderlust’ phase of harmless ‘stay-at-home’ grasshoppers. They look different from grasshoppers and behave very differently. They are the very same grasshoppers but (oh, in a moment) they change. The genes of a harmless grasshopper have the capacity, when the conditions are right, to change (change utterly, and a terrible beauty is born). The devastating effects are all too well known. My point is that locust plagues only occasionally happen. It just takes the right conditions. Perhaps the dispersal phase of the naked mole rat has yet to erupt during the decades since biologists have been around to study the species? No wonder it has never yet been seen. Perhaps it would take only a crafty hormone injection … and a naked mole rat could become its own hairy, scurrying (though not, I suppose, winged) dispersal phase.

    Another change of topic before we leave the backwards gene’s-eye view. There are two ways in which we can look back at a family tree. Conventional pedigrees trace ancestry via individuals. Who begat whom? Which individual was born of which mother? The most recent individual ancestor shared by the late Queen Elizabeth II and her husband Prince Philip was Queen Victoria. But you can also trace the ancestry of a particular gene, and you will have guessed that this is the alternative manner of tale I want to tell here. Genes, like individuals, have parent genes and offspring genes. Genes, as well as individuals, have pedigrees, family trees. But there is a significant difference between a ‘people tree’ and a ‘gene tree’. An individual person has two parents, four grandparents, eight great grandparents, etc. So a people tree is a vast ramification as you look backwards in time. Any attempt to draw it out completely will soon get out of hand. The best way to visualise it is not on paper but zooming around a computer screen. Not so the gene tree. A gene has only one parent, one grandparent, one great grandparent, etc. A gene tree is therefore a simple linear array streaking back in time, whereas a people tree bifurcates its way unmanageably into the past. This is not so when you look forwards in time, by the way. A gene can have many offspring but only ever one parent. Looking forwards, gene trees branch and branch. But this chapter is all about looking backwards.

    A particular sub-lethal gene, haemophilia, has plagued the royal families of Europe ever since the early nineteenth century. The gene tree of royal haemophilia is simple and fits the page comfortably. The equivalent people tree would want several square metres of paper to be legible. The royal haemophilia gene can be traced back to a particular individual ancestor, Queen Victoria, one of whose two X-chromosomes bore the gene. The mutation occurred, to quote Steve Jones’s mordant phrase, ‘in the august testicles’ of her father, Edward, Duke of Kent. One of Victoria’s four sons, Prince Leopold, suffered from haemophilia. The other sons, including Edward VII and his descendants such as our present monarch, King Charles III, beat the odds and were lucky to escape. Leopold survived to the age of thirty, long enough to have a daughter, Princess Alice of Albany, who inevitably carried the gene on one of her X-chromosomes. Her son Prince Rupert of Teck realised his 50 per cent probability of being afflicted and died young.

    Royal haemophilia

    Of Victoria’s five daughters, three (at least) inherited the gene. Princess Alice of Hesse passed it on to her son, Prince Friedrich, who died in infancy, and to two daughters, Irene and Alexandra, who passed it on to three haemophiliac grandsons of Alice, including the Tsarevich Alexey of Russia. Irene married her first cousin Henry, a common practice among royals and generally not a good idea because of inbreeding depression. But inbreeding depression was not responsible for the fact that two of their sons, Waldemar and Heinrich, suffered from haemophilia: they got it on their X-chromosome from their mother, and she’d have been equally likely to pass it on, whomever she married, cousin or not (unless the cousin was himself haemophiliac, in which case 50 per cent of her daughters would actually suffer from the disease itself). Another of Victoria’s daughters, Princess Beatrice bequeathed the gene to her daughter the Queen of Spain, and on into the Spanish Royal Family, to the resentment, I gather, of the Spanish.

    Tracing back the gene tree of the royal haemophilia gene, all lines coalesce in Victoria. And indeed, there is a flourishing branch of mathematical genetic theory called Coalescent Theory in which you look back at the history of a genetic variant in a population and trace the most recent common ancestor of that gene – the coalescent gene upon which all lines converge as you look back. Forget about individuals, look through the skin to the genes within, and you can trace two copies of a particular gene back in time until you hit the ancestor in whom they coalesce. That coalescence point is the ancestral individual in which the gene itself divided into two copies, which then went their separate ways in two siblings and eventually two lines of descendants. If you make purifying assumptions like random mating, no natural selection, and everybody has two children, the coalescent tree has an expected form that mathematicians can calculate in theory. In reality, of course, those assumptions are violated, and that’s when it becomes interesting. Royal families, for example, typically violate the assumption of random mating. Protocol and political expediency constrain them to marry each other.

    Coalescent theory is an important part of modern population genetics, and very relevant to this chapter on the backwards gene’s-eye view, but the mathematics is outside my scope here. I will discuss one intriguing example: a particular study of one man’s genome – as it happens, my genome, although that isn’t why I find it intriguing. It is a remarkable fact that you can make powerful inferences about the demographic history of an entire population using the genome of just a single individual. For a rather odd reason, I was one of the earliest people in Britain to have their entire genome (as opposed to the relatively small sample done by the likes of ‘23-and-Me’) sequenced. I handed the data disc over to my colleague Dr Yan Wong, and he included a clever analysis of it in the book that we co-authored, The Ancestor’s Tale (2016). It’s rather tricky to explain, but I’ll do my best.

    In every cell of my body swim twenty-three chromosomes inherited intact from my father and twenty-three from my mother. Every (autosomal) paternal gene has an exact opposite number (allele) on the corresponding maternal chromosome, but my father John’s chromosomes and my mother Jean’s chromosomes float intact and aloof from each other in all my cells. Now, here’s where it gets tricky. Take a particular gene on a John chromosome and allow it to look back at its ancestral history. Now take its opposite number (‘allele’) on the equivalent Jean chromosome, and allow it to look back in the same way. It’s the same principle as tracing the royal haemophilia gene back to Victoria. But, in this case, it is not haemophilia that is being traced, we’re looking a lot further back, and we have no hope of identifying a named individual like Victoria. We could do it with any pair of alleles, one on a John chromosome and the other on a Jean chromosome. And not just one such pair but (a sample of the) many.

    Sooner or later, each gene pair, as they look back, is bound to converge on a particular individual in whom a gene once split to form the ancestor of the John gene and the ancestor of the Jean gene. I really do mean a particular individual ancestor who lived at a particular time and in a particular place. This individual had two children, one of whom was John’s ancestor and the other Jean’s ancestor. But we’re talking about a different ancestral individual – different time and place – for each Jean/John gene pair. For each gene pair, there must have been two siblings, one carrying the ancestral Jean gene and the other the ancestral John gene.

    There are many overlapping people-tree routes that trace my father and my mother back to different shared ancestors. But for each of my John genes there is only one path linking it to the shared ancestor of my corresponding Jean gene. Gene trees are not the same as people trees. Each gene pair coalesces in a particular ancestor, at a particular moment in the past. You can let each pair of my genes look back, and you can find a different coalescence point in each case. You can’t literally identify the exact coalescence point for any given gene pair. But what you can do, using the mathematics of coalescent theory, is estimate when it occurred. When Dr Wong did this with my genome, he found that a large majority coalesced somewhere around 60,000 years ago, say 50,000 to 70,000.

    And how should this concordance be interpreted? It means that my ancestors suffered a population bottleneck around that time. Very likely, yours did too. As my John genes and my Jean genes look back at their history, during most of those millennia they see a picture of outbreeding. But somewhere around 60,000 years into the past, the effective population size narrowed to a bottleneck. When the population is smaller, the Jean and John lineages are more likely to find themselves in a shared ancestor, simply by chance. That is why my gene pairs tend to coalesce around that time. Indeed, the coalescence data from my genome, on its own, making use of no other data, can be translated into the above graph of effective population size plotted against time. It is presumably typical for Europeans. The faint grey line shows the equivalent for an individual Nigerian, whose ancestors, it would seem, were not subject to the same bottleneck. I confess to an obscure satisfaction that, of the two co-authors of a book, one was able to use the genome of the other to make a quantitative estimate of prehistoric demography affecting not just one individual but millions.

    What else can genes tell us as they look back at their history? Zoologists are accustomed to drawing family trees of animals, and calculating which species are close cousins of other species, and which distant. Among ape species, for example, chimpanzees and bonobos are our closest living relatives, and those two species are exactly equally close to us. They are equally close because they share an ancestor with each other some 3 million years ago, and that ancestor shares an ancestor with us about 6 million years ago (see below). Gorillas are the outgroup, a more distant relative of the rest of us African apes. The ancestor we share with gorillas lived longer ago, perhaps 8 or 9 million years.

    GORILLACHIMPBONBOHUMAN

    On the previous page is the conventional way to draw a family tree, an organism-based family tree. But we can also draw a family tree from the point of view of a gene, looking back at its own history. The organism tree is unequivocal. Chimps and bonobos are close cousins of each other, and we are their closest relatives apart from each other. But while that is indeed a fact from the point of view of the whole organism, it is not necessarily the case when it is genes that look in the rear-view mirror. True, a majority of genes would ‘agree’ with each other and with the ‘people tree’ of the traditional zoologist. Nevertheless, it is perfectly possible that, from the point of view of some particular genes, the family tree could look very different. As on the opposite page, perhaps. The majority of our genes agree with the ‘people tree’. But when the gorilla genome was published in 2012, it turned out that ‘Humans and chimpanzees are genetically closest to each other over most of the genome, but the team found many places where this is not the case. Fifteen per cent of the human genome is closer to the gorilla genome than it is to chimpanzee, and 15 per cent of the chimpanzee genome is closer to the gorilla than human.’ I hope you agree that his kind of conclusion is an interesting product of the ‘backward gene’s-eye view’.

    Such an anomaly could occur even within one small family. Two brothers, John and Bill, share the same parents, Enid and Tony, and the same four grandparents: Arthur and Gertrude, the parents of Enid, and Francis and Alice, the parents of Tony. (Sex chromosomes apart) each of the brothers received exactly half his genes from each of their shared parents. That’s because each is the product of exactly one egg from Enid and one sperm from Tony. And each brother received a quarter of his genes from each of the four shared grandparents, but in this case the figure is only approximate. It’s not exactly a quarter. Through the vagaries of chromosomal crossing-over, the sperm from Tony that conceived John could, by chance, have contained mostly Alice’s genes rather than Francis’s. The sperm from Tony that conceived Bill could have contained a preponderance of Francis’s genes rather than Alice’s. The egg from Enid that gave rise to John could have contained mostly Arthur’s genes, while the egg from Enid that gave rise to Bill contained a preponderance of Gertrude’s genes. It’s even theoretically possible (though vanishingly improbable) that John received all his genes from two of his grandparents, and none from the other two. Thus, the gene’s-eye view of closeness of relatedness can differ from the individual’s-eye view. The individual’s-eye view sees all four grandparents as equal contributors.

    BONOBOCHIMPGORILAHUMAN

    And the same is true of all generations prior to the immediate parental generation. Although you are quite probably descended from William the Conqueror, it is also quite likely that you have inherited not a single gene from him. Biologists tend to follow the historic precedent of tracing ancestry at the level of the whole individual organism: every individual has one father and one mother, and so on back. But the John/Bill, gorilla/chimpanzee comparison of the previous paragraphs will prove, I believe, to be the tip of an iceberg. More and more, we shall see pedigrees being drawn up from the genes’ point of view as opposed to the individual organism’s. An example is the discussion of the prestin gene in Chapter 5. Such a trend is obviously highly congenial to this book, stressing, as it does, the gene’s-eye view.

    The last topic I want to deal with in this chapter on the backwards gene’s-eye view is Selective Sweeps. Among the messages from the past that the genes of a living animal whisper to us, if only we could hear them, many tell of ancient natural selection pressures. That, indeed, is what I mean by the genetic book of the dead, but here I am talking about a particular kind of signal from the past, one that geneticists have learned how to read. Present-day genes send statistical ‘signals’ of natural selection pressures. A gene pool that has recently undergone strong selection shows a certain characteristic signature. Natural selection leaves its mark. A Darwinian signature. Here’s how.

    Two genes that sit close to one another on a chromosome tend to travel together through the generations. This is because chromosomal crossing over is relatively unlikely to split them: a simple consequence of their proximity to each other. If one gene is strongly favoured by natural selection it will increase in frequency. Of course, but mark the sequel. Genes whose chromosomal position lies close to a positively selected gene will also increase in frequency: they ‘hitch-hike’. This is especially noticeable when the linked genes are neutral – neither good nor bad for survival. When a particular region of a chromosome contains a gene that is under strong selection in its favour, the geneticist notices a diminution in the amount of variation in the population, specifically in the hitch-hiking zone of the affected chromosome. Because of the hitch-hiking, natural selection of one favoured gene ‘sweeps’ away the variation among nearby neutral genes. This ‘selective sweep’ then shows up as a ‘signature’ of selection.

    I find the ‘backwards’ way of looking at ancestral history illuminating. But the most important ‘experience’ that a gene can ‘look back on’ is easily overlooked because it hides in plain view. It is the companionship of other genes of the species: other genes with which it has had to share a succession of bodies. I am not talking here about genes being linked close to each other on the same chromosome. I am now talking about shared membership of the same gene pool, and hence of many individual bodies. This companionship is the topic of the next chapter.

    12 Good Companions, Bad Companions

    The previous chapter could be expanded with an indefinite number of examples of the backward gene’s-eye view. Genes look back on a series of environments variously characterised by trees, soil, predators, prey, parasites, food plants, water holes, etc. But the external environment is only part of the story. It leaves out the most important kind of ‘experience’ of a gene. Far more important is the experience of rubbing shoulders with all the other genes in a long succession of bodies: partners through dynasties of mutual collaboration in the subtle arts of building bodies. That is the central point of this chapter.

    The genes within any one gene pool are travelling bands of good companions, journeying together, and cooperating with each other down the generations. Genes in other gene pools, gene pools belonging to other species, constitute parallel bands of travelling companions. These bands do not include the genes of other species. That is precisely how biologists like to define a species (although the definition sometimes blurs in practice, especially when new species are being born).

    Sexual reproduction validates the very notion of a species, more precisely the notion of a gene pool: a pool of genes like a stirred pool of water. The gene pool is thoroughly stirred in every generation by sexual reproduction, but it doesn’t mix with any other such pool – pools belonging to other species. Children resemble their parents but, because the gene pool is stirred, they resemble them only slightly more than they resemble any random member of the species – and much more than they resemble a random member of another species. The gene pool of each species sloshes about in a watertight compartment of its own, isolated from all others.

    As I said, that is part of the very definition of a ‘species’, at least the most widely adopted definition, the one codified by that lofty patriarch among evolutionists, Ernst Mayr (1904–2005):

    Species are groups of actually or potentially interbreeding natural populations, which are reproductively isolated from other such groups.

    Fossils, being dead to the possibility of actually interbreeding – beyond breeding at all – force a retreat to Mayr’s ‘potentially’. When we say that Homo erectus was a separate species, distinct from modern Homo sapiens, the Mayr definition would be interpreted as meaning, ‘If a time machine enabled us to meet Homo erectus, we would be incapable of interbreeding with them.’ A niggling difficulty arises over ‘incapable’. There are species that can be persuaded to interbreed in captivity but would not choose to do so in the wild. Chapter 9’s example of the two crickets Teleogryllus oceanicus and commodus is only one of several. Even if we were capable of interbreeding with Homo erectus, say by artificial insemination, would we – or they – choose to do so by the normal, natural means? Never mind, that is a detail that might concern a pernickety taxonomist or philosopher, but we can pass it by.

    If, as most anthropologists believe, we descend from Homo erectus, there must have been intermediates during the transitional phase: intermediates that would defy classification. Nobody who has thought it through would suggest that suddenly a sapiens baby was born to proud erectus parents. Every animal ever born throughout evolutionary history would have been classified in the same species as its parents, not only by the interbreeding criterion but by all sensible criteria. That fact – though it troubles some minds – is totally compatible with the fact that Homo sapiens is descended from Homo erectus, those two species being distinct species incapable – let us presume – of breeding with each other. It’s also compatible with the fact that you are descended from a lobe-finned fish, with every intermediate along the way being a member of the same species as its parents and its children.

    Moreover, when a species splits into two daughter species in the process known as speciation, there is bound to be an interregnum when the two are still capable of interbreeding. The split originates accidentally, imposed perhaps by a geographic barrier such as a mountain range or a river or stretch of sea. It is probable that chimpanzees and bonobos started to go their separate evolutionary ways when two sub-populations found themselves on opposite sides of the Congo river. The two populations were physically prevented from interbreeding – the flow of genes was halted by the flow of water between them. For a while, they could potentially interbreed, and maybe occasionally did so when an individual inadvertently crossed the river on a floating log. But the geographically imposed lack of gene flow freed them to evolve in separate directions. Those different directions could have been guided by natural selection, or unguided in a process of random drift. It doesn’t matter, the point is that the compatibility between their genes gradually declined until a stage was reached when, even if they should chance to meet, they could no longer interbreed in actuality. The initial geographic barrier doesn’t necessarily come about through an environmental change like an earthquake diverting a river. Geography can stay the same while a pregnant female, for instance, gets accidentally washed ashore on a deserted island. Or the other side of a river.

    But why, in any case, do the genes of two separated populations tend to become incompatible as companions, thereby preventing interbreeding? One reason is that the two sets of chromosomes need to pair off in the process of meiosis, when gametes are made. If they become sufficiently different, say on opposite sides of a barrier, hybrids, if any, would be unable to make gametes. They might live, but could not reproduce. Another reason – back to the central point of this chapter – is that genes, on either side of the barrier, are naturally selected to cooperate with other genes on the same side, but not the other. After enough time has elapsed in physically enforced separation, two gene pools become so incompatible that interbreeding becomes impossible even if the physical barrier is removed. Chimpanzees and bonobos haven’t quite reached that stage. Hybrids can be born in captivity.

    There doesn’t have to be a distinct barrier, like a river, for geographically based speciation to occur. A mouse in Madrid never meets a mouse in Vladivostok but there could well be continuous local gene flow across the 12,000-kilometre gap between them. Given enough time, their descendants could diverge genetically until they could no longer interbreed even if they should somehow contrive to meet. Speciation would have occurred, the barrier being nothing more than sheer distance rather than an unswimmable river or sea, or an impassable desert or mountain range, and despite continuous gene flow locally across the entire range. We have here the spatial equivalent of the temporal continuum between Homo erectus and Homo sapiens. In both cases the extremes never meet. Yet in both cases there can be an unbroken chain of intermediates happily breeding all the way across the range: range in space for the example of the mice; range in time for the example of erectus and sapiens.

    Occasionally, the chain of intermediates wraps around in a circle, bites itself in the tail, and we have a so-called ‘ring species’. Salamanders of the genus Ensatina live all around the four edges of California’s Central Valley but don’t cross the valley. If you start sampling at the southern end of the valley and work your way up the west side to the north, go eastwards across the north end of the valley, then down the eastern side and back around to your starting point, you notice a fascinating thing. The salamanders all along your route around the edge of the valley can interbreed with their neighbours. Yet they gradually change as you go around, and when you arrive back at your starting point, the ‘last’ species of the ring cannot interbreed with the ‘first’. A ring species is a rare case where you can see laid out in the spatial dimension the kind of evolutionary change that you could see along the time dimension if only you lived long enough.

    Such considerations render pointless all heated arguments about whether or not closely related animals, living or fossil, belong to the same species. It is a necessary consequence of evolution that there must be, or must have been, intermediates that you cannot forcibly assign to either species. It would be worrying if it were otherwise. But of course most species in existence are clearly distinct from most other species by any criterion, because of the long time that has elapsed since their ancestors diverged. As for the grey areas where potential interbreeding is even an issue, and where species definition is problematical, this chapter will not treat them further.

    Where external environments are concerned, the genes of a mole speak to us of damp, dark, moist tunnels, of earthy smells, of earthworms and beetle larvae crawling between tangled rootlets and filaments of fungal mycelium and mycorrhizae. The genes of a squirrel have a very different ancestral autobiography, a tale of airy greenery, waving boughs, acorns, nuts, and sunlit glades to be crossed between trees. We could weave a similar list for any species. The point of this chapter, on the other hand, is that the genes’ external ‘experience’ of damp, dark soil, or forest canopy, grassy plains, coral reefs, the deep sea, or whatever it might be, is swamped by the more immediate and salient internal experiencing of other genes in the stirred gene pool. This chapter is about the ‘good companions’ with which the genes have travelled and collaborated, in body after body since earlier times: parting from and re-joining, ever encountering and re-encountering familiar sets of companion genes, collaborating in the difficult arts of building livers and hearts, bones and skin, blood corpuscles and brain cells. The details will be tweaked by ‘external’ pressures: the best heart, kidney, or intestine for a burrowing vermivore is doubtless not the same as the best heart, kidney, or intestine for a tree-climbing nut-lover. But a centrally important quality of a successful gene will be the ability to collaborate with the other genes of the shared gene pool, be it mole, squirrel, hedgehog, whale, or human gene pool.

    Every biochemistry lab has on its wall a huge chart of metabolic pathways, a bewildering spaghetti of chemical formulae joined by arrows. Below is a simplified version in which chemicals are represented by blobs rather than having their formulae spelled out. The lines represent chemical pathways between the blobs. This particular diagram refers to the gut bacterium Escherichia coli, but something similar, and just as bewildering, is going on in your cells.

    Every one of those hundreds of lines is a chemical reaction performed inside a living cell, and each one is catalysed by an enzyme.

    Every enzyme is assembled under the influence of a specific gene (or often two or three genes, because the enzyme molecule may have several ‘domains’ wrapped around each other, each domain being a protein chain). The genes that make these enzymes must cooperate, must be good companion genes in the sense of this chapter.

    All mammals have almost exactly the same set of over 200 named bones, connected in the same order, but differing in size and shape. We saw the principle in the crustaceans of Chapter 6. And the same is true of the metabolic pathways diagrammed above. They are almost the same in all animals but different in detail. And, although they may be engaged in joint enterprises that are similar, the cartels of mutually compatible genes will not be compatible with parallel cartels evolving in other lineages: antelope cartels versus lion cartels, say. Antelopes and lions both need metabolic pathways in all their cells, and both need hearts, kidneys, and lungs, but they’ll differ in details appropriate to herbivores versus carnivores. And more obviously so in teeth, intestines, and feet, for reasons we’ve covered already. If they were somehow to mix in the same body, they wouldn’t work well together.

    I shall say that two separate gene pools, for instance an impala gene pool and a leopard gene pool, represent two separate ‘syndicates’ of ‘cooperating’ genes. Building a body is an embryological enterprise of immense complexity, involving feats of cooperation between all the genes in the active genome. Different kinds of body require different embryological ‘skills’, perfected over evolutionary time by different suites of mutually compatible genes: compatible with members of their own syndicate but incompatible with other syndicates simultaneously being built in other gene pools. These cooperating cartels are assembled over generations of natural selection. The way it works is that each gene is selected for its compatibility with other genes in the gene pool, and vice versa. So cartels of mutually compatible, cooperating genes build up. It is tempting but misleading to speak of alternative cartels being selected as whole units versus other cartels as whole units. Rather, cartels assemble themselves because each member gene is separately selected for its compatibility with other genes within the cartel, which are themselves being selected at the same time.

    Within any one species, genes work together in embryological harmony to produce bodies of the species’ own type. Other cartels in other species’ gene pools self-assemble, and work together to produce different bodies. There will be carnivore cartels, herbivore cartels, burrowing insectivore cartels, river-fishing cartels, tree-climbing, nut-loving cartels, and so on. My main point in this chapter on ‘Good Companions’ is that by far the most important environment that a gene has to master is the collection of other genes in its own gene pool, the collection of other genes that it is likely to meet in successive bodies as the generations go by. Yes, the external ecosystem furnished by predators and prey, parasites and hosts, soil and weather, matters to the survival of a gene in its gene pool. But of more pressing moment is the ecosystem provided by the other genes in the gene pool, the other genes with which each gene is called upon to cooperate in the construction and maintenance of a continuing sequence of bodies. It is an easily dispelled paradox that my first book, The Selfish Gene, could equally well have been called The Cooperative Gene. Indeed, my friend and former student Mark Ridley wrote a fine book with that very title. In his words, which I’d have been pleased to have written myself,

    The cooperation between the genes of a body did not just happen. It required special mechanisms for it to evolve, mechanisms that arrange affairs such that each gene is maximally selfish by being maximally cooperative with the other genes in its body.

    As inhabitants of today’s technologically advanced world, we are aware of the power of cooperation between huge numbers of specialist experts. SpaceX employs some 10,000 people, cooperating in the joint enterprise of launching massive rockets into space and – even more difficult – bringing them back and gently landing them in a fit state to be re-used. Many different specialists are united in intimate cooperation: engineers, mathematicians, designers, welders, riveters, fitters, turners, computer programmers, crane operators, quality control checkers, 3-D printer operators, software coders, inventory control officers, accountants, lawyers, office workers, personal assistants, middle managers, and many others. Most of the experts in one field have little understanding of what experts in other parts of the enterprise do, or how to do it. Yet the feats that we humans can achieve when thousands of us deploy our complementary skills, in well-oiled collaboration but in ignorance of each other’s role, are staggering.

    The human genome project, the James Webb Telescope, the building of a skyscraper or a preposterously oversized cruise ship, these are stunning achievements of cooperation. The Large Hadron Collider at CERN brings together some 10,000 physicists and engineers from more than 100 countries, speaking dozens of languages, working smoothly together to pool their diverse expertise. Yet these huge accomplishments of mass cooperation are more than matched by the nine-month collaborative enterprise of building each one of us in our mother’s womb: a feat of cooperation among billions of cells, belonging to hundreds of cell types (different ‘professions’), orchestrated by about 30,000 intimately cooperating genes, exceeding the personnel count we find in a large human enterprise such as SpaceX. Cooperation is key, in both building a body and building a rocket.

    The genes that build a body must cooperate with all the other companions that the sexual lottery throws at them as the generations go by. They must cooperate not only with the present set of companions, those in today’s body. In the next generation, they’ll have to cooperate with a different sample of companions drawn from the shared gene pool. They must be ready to cooperate with all the alternative genes that march with them down the generations within this gene pool – but no other gene pool. This is because Darwinian success, for a gene, means long-term success, travelling through time over many generations, in many successive bodies. They must be good travelling companions of all the genes in the stirred gene pool of the species.

    The 1957 film of JB Priestley’s novel The Good Companions had an accompanying song with a not uncatchy tune, of which the refrain was,

    Be a good companion,
    Really good companion,
    And you’ll have good companions too.

    It is a song whose evoked mutualism suits the travelling troupe of genes, which constitutes the active gene pool of a species such as ours. Sexual recombination of genes gives meaning to the very existence of the ‘species’ as an entity worth distinguishing with a name at all. Without it, as is the case with bacteria, there is no distinct ‘species’, no clear way to divide the population with confidence into discrete nameable groups. It is sexual reproduction that confers identity on the species. Some bacterial types are not far from being a big smear, grading into each other as they promiscuously share genes. The attempt to assign discrete species names to such bacteria is a losing battle in a way that doesn’t apply to animals like us, where sexual exchange is limited to sexual encounters between a male and a female of the same species – and no other species by definition. As already stated, where fossils are concerned we have to guess, based on their anatomical similarity, whether they would have been able to interbreed when they were alive. This involves subjective judgement, which is why naming fossils such as Homo rhodesiensis and Homo heidelbergensis is a matter of aggravated controversy between ‘lumpers’ and ‘splitters’. But notwithstanding naming disagreements, which can even become acrimonious, we remain confident that the gene pool surrounding every one of those fossils was a troupe of travelling companions isolated from other gene pools – even though imperfectly isolated during episodes of speciation. Bacteria largely deny us that confidence. So-called ‘species’ of bacteria are not clearly delimited.

    Every working gene, ‘expert’ in rendering up its own contribution to the collaborative building of an embryo, is confined to its own gene pool. Repeated cooperation among successive samples drawn from the same troupe of travelling companions has selected genes largely incapable of working beneficially with members of other troupes. Not entirely, as we see from headlined examples like jellyfish genes transplanted into cats and making them glow in the dark. Genes are normally not put to that kind of test. Mules and hinnies, ligers and tigons, are almost always sterile. Their sets of travelling companions are still compatible enough to collaborate in building strong bodies. But their compatibility breaks down when it comes to chromosomal pairing-off in meiosis, the process of cell division that makes gametes. Mules can pull a cart, but they can’t make fertile sperms or eggs.

    Nature doesn’t transplant antelope genes into leopards. If it did, a few might work normally. There are broad similarities between the embryologies of all mammals, and all mammals doubtless share genes for making most layers of the mammalian palimpsest. But that doesn’t undermine this chapter. Those genes concerned with what makes a leopard a predator, and an antelope its herbivorous prey, would not work harmoniously together. In childishly crude terms, leopard teeth wouldn’t sit well with antelope guts and antelope feeding habits. Or vice versa. In the language of this chapter, companions that travel well together in one gene pool would not be good companions in the other. The collaboration would fail.

    The principle is illustrated by an old experiment of EB Ford, the eccentrically fastidious aesthete from whom I learned my undergraduate genetics. Most practical geneticists work on lab animals or plants, breeding fruit flies or mice in the laboratory. But Ford walked a minority path among geneticists. He and his collaborators monitored evolutionary change in gene pools, in the wild. A lifelong authority on butterflies and moths, he went out into the woods and fields, heaths and marshes of Britain, waving his butterfly net and sampling wild populations. He inspired others to do the same kind of thing with wild fruit flies, wild snails and flowers, as well as other species of butterflies and moths. He founded a whole discipline called Ecological Genetics and wrote the book of that title. The piece of work that I want to talk about here was a field study of wild populations of lesser yellow underwing moths, in Scotland and some of the Scottish islands. Ford knew it as Triphaena comes, but it is now called Noctua comes, following the strict precedence rules of zoological nomenclature.

    The species is polymorphic, meaning there are at least two genetically distinct types coexisting in significant proportions in the wild. Not in England, however, nor in much of mainland Scotland, where all the lesser yellow underwings look like the pale upper one in the picture. But in some of the Scottish islands there exists, in significant numbers, a second morph, of darker colour, called curtisii, evidently named after the entomologist and artist John Curtis (1791–1862). I thought it fitting to use Curtis’s own painting of the curtisii morph and the cowslip, and I asked Jana Lenzová to paint in the light morph to complete the picture.

    Dark and light morphs of lesser yellow underwing

    The difference between the two morphs is controlled by a single gene, which we can call the curtisii gene. Curtisii is nearly dominant. This means that if an individual has either one curtisii gene (‘heterozygous’) or two curtisii genes (‘homozygous for curtisii’), it will be dark. If dominance were complete, heterozygous individuals with one curtisii gene would look exactly the same as homozygotes with two. Curtisii being only nearly dominant, the heterozygotes are almost the same as the curtisii homozygotes but slightly lighter. Heterozygotes are always darker than individuals homozygous for the standard comes gene, which is therefore called recessive.

    Like his mentor Ronald Fisher, whom we’ve already met, Ford liked to speak of ‘modifiers’, genes whose effect is to modify the effects of other genes. According to Fisher’s theory of dominance, to which Ford subscribed, when a gene first springs into existence by mutation, it is typically neither dominant nor recessive. Natural selection subsequently drives it towards dominance or recessiveness via the gradual accumulation, through the generations, of modifiers. Dominance is not a property of a gene itself, but a property of its interactions with its companion modifiers.

    Modifiers don’t change the major gene itself. What they change is how it expresses itself, in this case its degree of dominance. The language of this chapter would say that a major gene such as curtisii has modifiers among its ‘good companions’, which affect its dominance, meaning its tendency to express itself when heterozygous. For reasons we needn’t go into, natural selection favoured a significant proportion of dark curtisii morphs on certain Scottish islands. And one way this favour showed itself, according to the theory of Fisher and Ford, was by selection in favour of modifiers that increased its dominance.

    Barra is an island in the Outer Hebrides, west of Scotland. Orkney, north of Scotland, is an archipelago 340 kilometres from Barra as the crow flies, and too far for the moth to fly. Ford collected and studied moths from both these locations. Both have mixed populations of Lesser Yellow Underwings, the normal pale form living alongside significant numbers of dark curtisii morphs. Breeding experiments, with both Barra and Orkney moths, separately confirmed the dominance of curtisii within both islands. However, when Ford took moths from Barra and crossed them with moths from Orkney, he got a remarkable result. The dominance broke down. It disappeared. No longer did Ford see tidy Mendelian segregation of dark versus light forms. Instead there was a messy spectrum of intermediates. Dominance had disappeared.

    What had evidently happened was this. Dominance on Barra had evolved by an accumulation of mutually compatible modifiers, good Barra companions. Dominance on Orkney had independently and convergently evolved by a different consortium of modifier genes, good Orkney companions. When Ford bred across islands, the two sets of modifiers couldn’t work together. It was as though they spoke different languages. To work properly, each modifier needed its normal set of good companions, the set that had been built up over generations of selection on the different islands. That’s what being good companions is all about, and Ford’s experiment dramatically demonstrates a principle that I believe to be general. The ‘major’ gene, curtisii, is the same on both Barra and Orkney. However, for all that a gene itself is the same, its dominance can be built up in more than one way by different consortia of modifiers. This seems to have been the case with curtisii on different islands.

    There’s a potential fallacy lurking here. It’s easy to presume that the Barra good companions lie close to each other on a chromosome and therefore segregate as a unit. And likewise, the Orkney consortium of good companions. That kind of thing can happen, and Ford and his colleagues discovered it in other species. Natural selection can favour inversions and translocations of bits of chromosome that bring good companions closer to each other. Sometimes they end up so close that they are called a ‘supergene’, so close that they are rarely separated by crossing over. This is an advantage, and the translocations and inversions that contribute to the building of a supergene are favoured by natural selection. But if Ford’s modifiers had been clustered together as a supergene in the case of his yellow underwings, he wouldn’t have got the results that he did.

    Supergenes can be demonstrated in the lab by breeding large numbers of individuals for many generations until suddenly, by a freak of chromosomal crossing-over, the supergene is split. But the supergene phenomenon is not necessary for good companionship, and there’s no reason to suppose it applies in this case of the lesser yellow underwing. The suites of cooperating modifiers could lie on different chromosomes all over the genome. Separately, in their respective island gene pools, they were assembled by natural selection as good team workers in each other’s presence. In this case, they work well together to increase the dominance of the curtisii gene. But the principle is more general than that. We don’t have to subscribe to the Fisher/Ford theory of dominance in particular.

    Natural selection favours genes that work together in their own gene pool, the gene pool of their species. Genes that go with being a carnivore (say, genes for carnivorous teeth) are naturally selected in the presence in the same gene pool of other ‘carnivorous genes’ (say genes for short carnivorous intestines whose cells secrete meatdigesting enzymes). At the same time, on the herbivore side, genes for flat, plant-milling teeth flourish in the presence of genes for long, complicated guts that provide havens for plant-digesting micro-organisms. Once again, the alternative suites of genes may be distributed all over the genome. There’s no need to assume that they cluster together on any particular chromosome.

    Unfortunately, good companionship sometimes breaks down. It is even subject to sabotage. We’ve already met ways in which the genes within a body can be in conflict with one another. The uneasy pandemonium of genes within the genome, sometimes cooperating, sometimes disputing, is captured in Egbert Leigh’s ‘Parliament of Genes’. Each acts ‘in its own self-interest, but if its acts hurt the others, they will combine together to suppress it.’

    Cell division within the body is vulnerable to occasional ‘somatic’ mutation. Of course it is. How could it not be? We are familiar with the idea that random copying errors, mutations, produce the raw material for natural selection between individuals. Those ‘germline’ mutations occur in the formation of sperms and eggs, and they are then inherited by an individual’s children. These are the mutations that play an important role in evolution. But most acts of cell division occur within the body – somatic as opposed to germline mutation – and they too are subject to mutation. Indeed, the mutation rate per mitotic division is higher than for meiotic division. We should be thankful our immune system is so good at spotting the danger early. Most somatic mutations, like most germline mutations, are not beneficial to the organism. Sometimes they are beneficial to themselves but bad for the organism, in which case they may engender malignant tumours – cancers. Subsequent natural selection within the tumour can generate a progression through increasingly ominous ‘stages’ of cancer. I shall return to this.

    We can think of the (somatic) cells in a developing embryo as having a family history within the body, springing from their grand ancestor, the single fertilised egg cell of a few months or weeks previous. At any stage in this history of descent, starting with the embryo and on throughout the rest of life, somatic mutation can occur. Vertebrate development is the product of countless cell divisions, so embryologists have found it convenient to trace cell lineages in a simpler organism. The tiny roundworm Caenorhabditis elegans has only 959 cells. It was the genius of the great molecular biologist Sydney Brenner to pick this animal out as the ideal subject for a genre of research that has since spread to dozens of labs throughout the world. Its embryo at one of its developmental stages has precisely 558 cells. Every one of those 558 cells has its own ‘ancestral’ sequence within the developing embryo. The pedigree of each of those 558 cells within the embryo has been painstakingly worked out (illustration below). Necessarily, it’s impossible to print the details legibly on one page of a book, but you can expand it here (https://www.wormatlas.org/celllineages.html) and get an idea of the diverging pedigree of cells in the embryo, consisting of ‘families’ and ‘sub-families’. If you could read the labels by the side of families of cells, you’d see things like ‘intestine’, ‘body muscle’, ‘ring ganglion’. We shall have need to return to that idea of families of cells procreating in the embryo.

    Now, if that’s what the cellular pedigree looks like for a mere 558 roundworm cells, just think what it must look like for our 30 to 40 trillion cells. Similar labels – muscle, intestine, nervous system, etc. – could be affixed to cells in a human embryo (opposite). This is true even though the pedigrees are not determined so rigidly in a vertebrate embryo, and we can’t enumerate a finite tally of named cells. It’s important to stress that these different families of cells within the developing embryo are, until something goes wrong, genetically identical. If they weren’t, they might not cooperate. When something goes wrong and they’re no longer genetically identical, well that’s when there’s a risk of their becoming bad companions. And then there’s a risk of their evolving, by natural selection within the body, to become very bad companions indeed: cancers.

    As you can see on the diagram on the facing page, after some early cell generations within the embryo, the pedigree of our cells splits into three major families: the ectoderm, the mesoderm, and the endoderm. The ectoderm family of cells is destined to give rise, further down the line, to skin, hair, nails, and those hugely magnified nails that we know as hooves. Ectodermal derivatives also contribute the various parts of the nervous system. The endoderm family of cells branches to give rise to sub-families that eventually make the stomach and intestines; and other sub-families that make the liver, lungs, and glands such as the pancreas. The mesoderm dynasty of cells spawns numerous sub-families, which branch again and again to produce muscle, kidney, bone, heart, fat, and the reproductive organs, although not the germline, which is early hived off and sequestered for its privileged destiny, on down the generations.

    Somatic mutants apart, every one of the cells in the expanding pedigree has the same genome, but different genes are switched on in different tissues. That is to say they are epigenetically different while being genetically the same (see the relevant endnote if popular hype has confused you as to the true meaning of ‘epigenetics’). Liver cells have the same genes as muscle cells, but once they pass beyond a certain stage in embryonic development, only liver-specific genes are active there. And the liver ‘family’ of cells in the pedigree goes on dividing until the liver is complete. They then stop dividing. The same applies to all the ‘families’, which each have their own stopping time. Cells must ‘know’ when to stop dividing. And that is where trouble can step in.

    With an important reservation, the number of cell generations before the arresting of cell division varies from tissue to tissue and is typically between forty and sixty. That may seem surprisingly few. But remember the power of exponential growth. Fifty liver cell generations, if each one was a division into two (fortunately it isn’t) would yield a liver the size of a large elephant. Different cell lines stop dividing after different limits, producing end organs of different sizes. You can see how important it is for each cell line to know when to stop dividing.

    Cactus with somatic mutation

    Every one of the 30 trillion cells in a body was made by a cell division. And every one of those cell divisions is vulnerable to somatic mutation. Now we come to that ‘important reservation’, the one relevant to the topic of bad companions. The cells in a lineage are genetically identical only if no somatic mutation intervenes during the lineage’s successive generations. Most somatic mutations are harmless. But what if a somatic mutation arises in a cell such that it changes its behaviour and refuses to stop dividing? Its lineage in the ‘family tree’ doesn’t come to a disciplined halt, but goes on reproducing out of control. The daughter cells of the mutant cell inherit the same rogue mutation, so they too divide. And their daughter cells inherit the rogue gene, so … This is the kind of thing that produces weird growths such as adorns the cactus opposite.

    Let’s follow the subsequent history of a rogue cell’s descendants, for example in a human. Reproducing for an indefinite number of generations without discipline, these cells will now be subject to a form of natural selection. Why say ‘a form of’? It is natural selection, plain and simple. The rogue cells will be subject to natural selection, every bit as Darwinian as the natural selection that chooses the fastest pumas or pronghorns, the prettiest peacocks or petunias, the most fecund codfish or dandelions. Rogue somatic mutant cells can evolve, by natural selection within the body, into cancers that spread menacingly (‘metastasis’) to other parts of the body. Now natural selection of cells within the tumour will favour those that become better cancers. What does ‘better’ mean, for a cancer? They become expert, for example, at usurping a large blood supply to nurture themselves. The whole subject, fascinating, disturbing, and not at all surprising to a Darwinist, is expounded in books such as Athena Aktipis’s The Cheating Cell, and The Society of Genes by Itai Yanai and Martin Lercher.

    Since cancers evolve by natural selection (within the body), we should treat their evolutionary adaptations in just the same way we might treat the adaptations of pronghorn or codfish, except that the ecological environment is the interior of a (say) human body instead of the sea or an open prairie. This chapter’s discussion of Good Companions has prepared us for the idea of an ecology of genes within the body, to parallel the more conventional idea of an external ecology. And that internal ecology is also the setting where bad companions can thrive. An important difference is that natural evolution in the open sea or prairie goes on into the indefinite future. The evolution of a cancer tumour ends abruptly with the death of the patient, whether that death is caused by the cancer or something else. The cancer evolves to become better and better at (as an inadvertent by-product) killing itself. This, too, should not surprise. Natural selection, as I’ve said over and over, has no foresight. A tumour cannot foresee that increased malignancy will eventually kill the tumour itself. Natural selection is the blind watchmaker. Despite ending with the death of the organism, the number of generations of cell division in a tumour is large enough to accommodate constructive evolutionary change. Constructive from the point of view of the cancer. Destructive for the patient. Athena Aktipis’s book artfully treats the evolution of cancer cells in the body in just the kind of way we might treat the evolution of buffalos or scorpions in the Serengeti.

    Cancer cells, then, or rather the mutant genes that turn cells cancerous, are one kind of ‘bad companion’. Another type is the so-called segregation distorter. Sperms and eggs – gametes – are ‘haploid’ cells you’ll remember, having only one copy of each gene, instead of two like normal body cells. The special kind of cell division called meiosis makes haploid gametes (having only one set of chromosomes) out of diploid cells, which have two sets of chromosomes, one set from the individual’s mother and another set from the father. It is only when gametes are made by meiosis that the two sets meet each other in the same chromosome. Meiosis performs an elaborate shuffle, cutting and pasting exchanged portions of paternal and maternal chromosomes into a new set of mixed-up chromosomes. Every gamete is unique, having different assortments of paternal and maternal genes in each of its (twenty-three in humans) chromosomes. The result of the shuffle is that each gene from the diploid set of (forty-six in humans) chromosomes has a 50 per cent chance on average of getting into each gamete.

    The ‘phenotypic effect’ of a gene commonly shows itself somewhere in the body – it might affect tail length or brain size or antler sharpness. But what if a gene were to arise that exerted its phenotypic effect on the process of gamete production itself? And what if that effect was a bias in gamete production such that the gene itself had a greater than 50 per cent chance of ending up in each gamete? Such cheating genes exist – ‘segregation distorters’. Instead of the meiotic shuffle resulting in a fair deal to each gamete as it normally does, the deal is biased in favour of the segregation distorter. The distorter gene has a greater than even chance of ending up in a gamete.

    You can see that if a rogue segregation distorter were to arise it would tend, other things being equal, to spread rapidly through the population. The process is called meiotic drive. The rogue gene would spread, not because of any advantage to the individual’s survival or reproductive success, not because of benefit of any kind in the conventional sense, but simply because of its ‘unfair’ propensity to get itself into gametes. We could see meiotic drive as a kind of population-level cancer. A special case of a segregation distorter is the ‘driving Y-chromosome’, that is, a gene on a Y-chromosome whose effect on males is to bias them towards producing Y sperms and therefore male offspring. If a driving Y arises in a population, it tends towards driving it extinct for lack of females: population-level cancer indeed. Bill Hamilton even suggested that we could control the yellow fever mosquito by deliberately introducing a driving male into the population. Theoretically, the population should drastically shrink through lack of females.

    Other ways have been suggested to control pests by ‘driving genes’. I’ve already mentioned in Chapter 8 the crass irresponsibility of the 11th Duke of Bedford in introducing grey squirrels, native to America, into Britain. He not only released them in his own estate, Woburn Park, but made presents of grey squirrels to other landowners up and down the country. I suppose it seemed like a fun idea at the time, but the consequence is the wiping-out of our native red squirrel population. Researchers are now examining the feasibility of releasing a driving gene into the grey squirrel gene pool. This would not be carried on the Y-chromosome but would produce a dearth of females in a slightly different way. The authors of the idea are mindful of the need to be careful. We want to drive the grey squirrel extinct in Britain but not in America where it belongs and where it would have stayed but for the Duke of Bedford.

    Bad companions, at least in the form of cancers, force themselves upon our forebodings. But for our purposes in this book, it is the gene’s role as good companion that we must thrust to prominence. It remains for the last chapter to pin down exactly what makes them cooperate. Fundamentally, it is, I maintain, the fact that they share an exit route from each body into the next generation.

    Good companions dressed for field work: RA Fisher and EB Ford. See endnote for my suspicion that this is a historic photogaph.

    13 Shared Exit to the Future

    Purveyors of scientific wonder like to surprise us with the prodigious – disturbing to some – numbers of bacteria inside our bodies. We’re accustomed to fearing them but most of them are, in the words of Jake Robinson’s title, Invisible Friends. Mostly in the gut, estimates vary from 39 trillion to 100 trillion, the same order of magnitude as the number of our ‘own’ cells, where 40 trillion is a round-number estimate. Between a half and three-quarters of the cells in your body are not your ‘own’. But that doesn’t take account of the mitochondria. These miniature metabolic engine-rooms swarm inside our cells and the cells of all eucaryotes (that is, all living creatures except bacteria and archaea). It is now established beyond doubt that mitochondria originated from free-living bacteria. They reproduce by cell division like bacteria, and each has its own genes in a ring-shaped chromosome, again like bacteria. In fact, let us not mince words, they are bacteria: symbiotic bacteria that have taken up residence in the hospitable interior of animal and plant cells. We even know, from DNA-sequence evidence, which of today’s bacteria are their closest cousins. The number of mitochondria in your body is many trillions.

    The bacteria that became mitochondria brought with them much essential biochemical expertise, the research and development of which was presumably accomplished long before they became incorporated as proto mitochondria. Their main role in our cells is the combustion of carbon-based fuel to release needed energy. Not the violent high-speed combustion of fire, of course, but a slow, orderly, trickle-down oxidation. Not only are you a swarm of bacteria, you couldn’t move a muscle, see a sunset, fall in love, whistle a tune, despise a demagogue, score a goal, or invent a clever idea without the unceasing activation of their chemical knowhow, expert tricks cobbled together by natural selection choosing between rival bacteria in a lost pre-Precambrian sea.

    The interiors of plant cells swarm with green chloroplasts, which also are descended from bacteria (a different group, the so-called cyanobacteria). Like mitochondria, chloroplasts are bacteria in every sensible meaning of the word. Again like mitochondria, they brought with them a formidable dowry of biochemical wizardry, in this case photosynthesis. Virtually all life on Earth is ultimately powered by energy radiated from the gigantic nuclear fusion reactor that is the sun. It is captured by photosynthesis in chloroplast-equipped solar panels such as leaves, and is subsequently released in the chemical factories that are mitochondria, in all of us. Solar photons that fall on the sea are captured not by leaves but by single-celled green organisms. Whether on land or at sea, solar energy is the base of all food chains. I think the only exceptions are those strange communities whose ultimate source of energy is hot springs, undersea ‘smokers’ and such conduits of heat from the Earth’s interior.

    Our mitochondria couldn’t do without us, just as we wouldn’t survive two instants without them. We are joined deep in mutual amity. Our genes and their genes are good companions that have travelled in lockstep over 2 billion years, each naturally selected to survive in an environment furnished by the other. Most of the genes that originated in their bacterial forebears have long since either migrated into our own chromosomes or been laid off as redundant. But why are mitochondria, and some other bacteria, so benign towards us, while other bacteria give us cholera, tetanus, tuberculosis, and the Black Death? My Darwinian answer is as follows. It is an example of the take-home message of the whole chapter. Mitochondrial genes and ‘own’ genes share the same exit route to the future. That is literally true if we are female, or if we for the moment overlook the fact that mitochondria in males have no future. The key to companionable benevolence, I shall show, or its reverse, is the route by which a gene travels from a present body into a body of the next generation.

    Mitochondria and chloroplasts may be the earliest examples of bacteria being coopted into animals, but they are not the only ones. Here’s a much more recent re-enactment of those ancient incorporations, and it is highly congenial to the thesis of the gene’s-eye view. The embryonic development of vertebrate eyes requires a protein called IRBP, which facilitates the separation of retinal cells from one another and helps them to see better. In a large survey of more than 900 species, IRBPs were found in every vertebrate examined, plus Amphioxus, a small, primitive creature related to vertebrates, although it lacks a backbone. But of the 685 invertebrate species, the only one with a molecule resembling IRBP was an amphipod crustacean, Hyalella. Among plants, a single species, Ricinus communis, the castor oil plant, has something like an IRBP. And there’s a little cluster of fungi too. Molecules resembling IRBPs are ubiquitous among bacteria.

    A family tree of IRBP-like molecules shows a richly branched pedigree among bacteria, paralleling that of the vertebrates in which they live, both pedigrees springing from a single point. The isolated pop-ups (crustacean, fungi, and plant) also spring from within the bacterial tree, but widely separated parts of it. This is good evidence of horizontal gene transfer from various bacteria into the eucaryote genome. The evidence strongly suggests that vertebrate IRBPs are ‘monophyletic’, all descended from a single ancestor, which means a single jump from a bacterium right at the base of vertebrate evolution. Ever since that event, the genes concerned have been passed vertically down the generations. This is like the bacteria that became mitochondria, although mitochondrial ancestors were whole bacteria, not single genes.

    I want to give a general name to bacteria that are transmitted from host to host in host gametes: verticobacter, because they pass vertically down the generations. The ancestors of mitochondria and of chloroplasts are prime examples of verticobacters. Verticobacters can infect another organism only by riding inside its gametes into its children. By contrast, a typical ‘horizontobacter’ might pass by any route from host to host. If it lives in the lungs, for instance, we may suppose its method of infection is via droplets coughed or sneezed into the air and breathed in by its next victim. A horizontobacter doesn’t ‘care’ whether its victim reproduces. It only ‘wants’ its victim to cough (or sneeze, or make bodily contact by hands, lips, or genitals), and it works to that end – ‘works’ in the sense that its genes have extended phenotypic effects on the host’s body and behaviour, driving the host to infect another host. A verticobacter, by contrast, ‘cares’ very much that its ‘victim’ shall successfully reproduce, and ‘wants’ it to survive to reproduce. Indeed, ‘victim’ is scarcely the appropriate word, which is why I protected it behind quotation marks. This is, of course, because a verticobacter’s ‘hope’ of future transmission lies in the offspring of the host, exactly coinciding with the ‘hopes’ of the host itself. Therefore, if a verticobacter’s genes have extended phenotypic effects on the host, they will tend to agree with the phenotypic effects of the host’s own genes. In theory a verticobacter’s genes should ‘want’ exactly the same thing as the host’s genes in every detail.

    The pertussis (whooping cough) bacterium is a good example of a horizontobacter. It makes its victims cough, and it passes through the air to its next victim, in droplets emitted by the cough. Cholera is another horizontobacter. It exits the body via diarrhoea into the water supply, whence it ‘hopes’ to be imbibed by somebody else, drinking contaminated water. It doesn’t ‘care’ if its victims die, and it has no ‘interest’ in their reproductive success.

    The notion of a parasite’s ‘wanting’ its victim to do something needs explaining, and this again is where the extended phenotype comes in, as promised at the end of Chapter 8. The parasitology literature is filled with macabre stories of parasites manipulating host behaviour, usually changing the behaviour of an intermediate host to enable transmission to the next stage in the parasite’s complicated life cycle. Many of these stories concern worms rather than bacteria, but they convey the principle I am seeking to get across. ‘Horsehair worms’ or ‘gordian worms’, belonging to the phylum Nematomorpha, live in water when adult, but the larvae are parasitic, usually on insects. The insect hosts being terrestrial, the gordian larva needs somehow to get into water so it can complete its life cycle as an adult worm. Infected crickets are induced to jump, suicidally, into water. An infected bee will dive into a pond. Immediately the gordian worm bursts out and swims away, the crippled bee being left to die. This is presumably a real Darwinian adaptation on the part of the worm, which means that there has been natural selection of worm genes whose (‘extended’) phenotypic effect is a change in insect behaviour.

    Here’s another example, this time involving a protozoan parasite, Toxoplasma gondii. The definitive host is a cat, and the intermediate host is a rodent such as a rat. The rat is infected via cat faeces. Toxoplasma then needs the infected rat to be eaten by a cat, to complete its life cycle. It insinuates itself into the rat’s brain and manipulates the rat’s behaviour in various ways to that end. Infected rats lose their fear of cats, specifically their aversion to the smell of cat urine. Indeed, they become positively attracted to cats, though apparently not to non-predatory animals, or predators that don’t attack rats. There is some evidence that they lose fear in general, owing to increased production of the hormone testosterone. Whatever the details, it’s reasonable to guess that the change in rat behaviour is a Darwinian adaptation on the part of the parasite. And therefore an extended phenotype of Toxoplasma genes. Natural selection favoured Toxoplasma genes whose extended phenotypic effect was a change in rat behaviour.

    The infected snail’s bulging eyes are a tempting target for birds

    Leucochloridium is a fluke (flatworm), parasitic on birds. Its intermediate host is a snail, and it needs to transfer itself from snail to bird. The snails that it infects are largely nocturnal, while the birds who are the next host feed by day. The worm manipulates the behaviour of the snail to make it go out by day. But that is only the beginning of the snail’s troubles. One of the life-history stages of the worm invades the eye stalk of the snail, which swells grotesquely, and seems to pulsate vividly along its length.

    This is said to make the eye stalk look like a little crawling caterpillar. Be that as it may, it certainly renders the eye stalks conspicuous, and birds readily peck them off. Infected snails also move around more actively than unparasitised ones. The snail is not killed but only blinded. It is able to regenerate its eye stalks to pulsate another day and perhaps be again plucked off. The fluke, for good measure, castrates its snail victim. And that’s an interesting story in its own right. ‘Parasitic castration’ is common enough to be a named thing. It is practised by a wide variety of parasites from around the animal kingdom, including protozoa, flatworms, insects, and various other crustaceans. Including Sacculina, the parasitic barnacle that I introduced in Chapter 6 and promised to return to.

    Sacculina is perhaps the most extreme example of the ‘degenerative’ evolution typical of parasites. Darwin, in his monographs on barnacles, which distracted him for eight of the twenty years when he might have published on evolution, misdiagnosed the affinities of Sacculina. And who can blame him? Just take a look at it. The externally visible part of Sacculina is a soft bag clinging to the underside of a crab. Most of the ‘barnacle’ consists of a branching root system permeating the inside of the unfortunate crab’s body. Eventually, it fills the body so completely that if you could sweep away the crab and leave only the Sacculina, this is what you might see.

    This is not a crab

    How do we know that this system of branching rootlets, this sprawling entity that looks like a plant or fungus, is really a barnacle? How do we even know it’s a crustacean? The various larval stages of the life cycle give it away. The nauplius larva is followed by the cyprid larva, and both are unmistakeably crustacean. As if final clinching were needed, Sacculina’s genome has now been sequenced. ‘It is written’, as the Muslims say: ‘Crustacean’.

    Sacculina larvae

    The first organs that Sacculina attacks are the crab’s reproductive organs. This is the ‘parasitic castration’ that I mentioned above. Barnacles themselves are sometimes castrated by parasitic crustaceans; marine isopods related to woodlice. So, what is the point of parasitic castration? Why would a parasite head straight for the gonads of its host, before eating other organs?

    As with all animals, the host’s ancestors have been naturally selected to fine-tune a delicate balance between the need to reproduce (now) and the need to survive (to reproduce later). A parasite such as Sacculina, however, has no interest in assisting its host to reproduce. This is because its genes don’t share the host genes’ exit route to the future. Sacculina genes ‘want’ to shift the host’s ‘balance’ towards surviving, to carry on feeding the parasite. Like a docile, castrated ox being fattened up, the crab is forced by the parasite to renounce reproduction and become a maintained source of food.

    The situation reverses in those cases where parasites – ‘verticoparasites’ – pass to the next host generation in the gametes of the host. Verticoparasites infect only the offspring of their individual hosts rather than potential hosts at large. The genes of a verticoparasite share the ‘exit route’ of the host genes, so their extended phenotypic effects will agree with the host genes’ phenotypic effects. Exercise our usual cautious licence to personify, and consider the ‘preferred options’ of a verticoparasite such as a verticobacter. It travels inside the eggs of a host directly into the host’s child. Here, the interests of parasite and host coincide, and their genes ‘agree’ about the optimal host anatomy and behaviour. Both ‘want’ the host to reproduce, and survive to reproduce. Once again, if the genes of vertically transmitted parasites have extended phenotypic effects on their hosts, those effects should coincide, in perfect agreement and in every detail, with the phenotypic effects of the host animal’s ‘own’ genes.

    Mitochondria are an extreme example of a verticoparasite. Long transmitted vertically down the generations inside host eggs, they became so amicably cooperative that their parasitic origins are hard to spot, and were long overlooked. A horizontoparasite such as Sacculina has opposite ‘preferences’. It has no ‘interest’ in its host’s successful reproduction. Whether or not a horizontoparasite ‘cares’ about its host’s survival depends on whether it can benefit from it, presumably, as in the case of Sacculina, by feeding on the living host. If, by castration, it can shift the balance of the host’s internal economy away from reproduction and towards survival, so much the better.

    The tapeworm Spirometra mansanoides doesn’t castrate its mouse victims but it achieves a similar result. It secretes a growth hormone, which makes them grow fatter than normal mice. And fatter than the optimum achieved by natural selection of mouse genes seeking a balance between growth and reproduction. Tribolium beetles normally develop through a succession of six larval moults, increasing in size, before they eventually change into an adult. A protozoan parasite, Nosema whitei, when it infects Tribolium larvae, suppresses the change to adult. Instead, the larva continues to grow through as many as six extra larval moults, ending up as a giant grub, weighing more than twice as much as the maximum weight of an uninfected larva. Natural selection has favoured Nosema genes whose extended phenotypic effect was a dramatic doubling in Tribolium fatstock weight, achieved at the expense of beetle reproduction.

    A small tapeworm, Anomotaenia brevis, needs to get into its definitive host, a woodpecker. It does so via an intermediate host, an ant of the species Temnothorax nylanderi, which has the habit of collecting woodpecker droppings to feed to its larvae. Tapeworm eggs are often present in the droppings, and can therefore find themselves being eaten by ant larvae. The parasite then has an interesting effect on the ant’s behaviour when it becomes adult. It refrains from work and is fed by unparasitised workers. Parasitised ants also live longer, up to three times longer, than normal ants. This increases their chance of being eaten by a woodpecker – which benefits the tapeworm.

    There are parasitic flukes who persuade their snail victim to develop a thicker shell than normal. Shells are presumably an adaptation to protect the snail and prolong its life. But a shell, like any other part of the body, is costly to make. In the personal economics of snail development, the price of thickening the shell is presumably paid out of non-shell pockets, such as those committed to reproduction. Natural selection of snails has built up a delicate balance between survival and reproduction. Too thin a shell jeopardises survival. Too thick a shell, although good for survival, takes economic resources away from reproduction. The fluke, not being a vertically transmitted parasite, ‘cares nothing’ for snail reproduction. It ‘wants’ the snail to shift its priorities towards individual survival. Hence, I suggest, the thickened shell. In extended phenotype language, natural selection favours genes in the fluke that exert a phenotypic effect on the snail, upsetting its carefully poised balance. The thickening of the shell is an extended phenotype of fluke genes, benefiting them but not the snail’s own genes. This case is interesting as an example of a parasite apparently – but only apparently – doing its host a good turn. It strengthens the snail’s armour and perhaps prolongs its life. But if that were really good for the snail, the snail would do it anyway, without the ‘help’ of a parasite. The snail balances a finely judged internal economy. Too lavish spending on survival impoverishes reproduction. The parasite unbalances the snail’s economy, pushing it too far in the direction of survival at the expense of reproduction.

    According to the gene’s-eye view of life that I advocate, genes take whatever steps are necessary to propagate themselves into the distant future. In the case of ‘own’ vertically transmitted genes, the steps taken are phenotypic effects on the form, workings, and behaviour of ‘own’ bodies. Genes take those steps because they inherit the qualities of an unbroken, vertically travelling line of successful genes that took the same steps through the ancestral past – that is precisely why they still exist in the present. All of our ‘own’ genes are good companions that agree with each other about what the best steps are. Everything that helps one member of the genetic cartel into the next generation automatically helps all the others. All ‘agree’ about the goal of whatever it is they variously do to affect the phenotype. And why do they agree? Precisely because, in every generation, they share with each other the same exit route into the next generation. That exit route is the gametes – the sperms and eggs – of the present generation. And now we return to verticobacters and other verticoparasites. They have exactly the same exit route as the host’s own genes, and therefore exactly the same interests at heart.

    The genes of a verticobacter look back at the same history of ancestral bodies as its host’s own genes. Verticobacter genes have the same reason to behave as good companions towards our own genes as our own genes have towards each other. If an animal benefits from fast-running legs and efficient lungs for running, then its internal verticobacters will also benefit from the same things. If a verticobacter has an extended phenotypic effect on running speed, that effect will be favoured only if it is positive from the organism’s point of view too. The interests of host and bacterium coincide in every particular. A horizontobacter, on the other hand, might be more likely to ‘want’ its victim, when pursued, to cough with exhaustion – coughing being exactly what the horizontobacter needs in order to get itself passed on to another victim. Or another horizontobacter might want its victim to mate more promiscuously than the optimum ‘desired’ by the host’s own genes, thereby maximising contact with another host, and hence opportunities for infection. An extreme horizontobacter might devour the host’s tissues completely, reducing it to a bag of spores which eventually bursts, scattering them to the winds, where they may find fresh hosts to conquer.

    A verticobacter ‘wants’ its victims to reproduce successfully (which means, as we saw earlier, that ‘victims’ is not really an appropriate word). Its ‘hopes’ for the future precisely coincide with those of its host. Its genes cooperate with those of the host to build a strong body surviving to reproductive age. Its genes help to endow the host with whatever it takes to survive and reproduce; with skill in building a nest, diligence in gathering food for the infants, success in fledging them at the right time to prepare to reproduce the next generation, and so on. If a verticobacter happens to have an extended phenotypic effect on a host bird’s plumage, natural selection could favour verticobacter genes that brighten the feathers to make the host more attractive to the opposite sex. Verticobacter genes and host genes will ‘agree’ in every respect.

    Exactly the same argument applies to viruses, of course. And now we approach the twist in the tail of this chapter and this book. Any virus that travels from human (for example) generation to generation via our sperms or eggs will have the same ‘interests’ as our ‘own’ genes. Whatever colour, shape, behaviour, biochemistry is best for our ‘own’ genes will also be best for (let’s call them) verticoviruses. Verticovirus genes will become good companions of our own genes, accounting for the familiar fact that viruses can help us as well as harm us. Horizontovirus genes, by contrast, don’t care if they kill their victims, so long as they get passed on to new victims by their route of choice – coughing, sneezing, handshaking, kissing, sexual intercourse, whatever it is.

    A good example of a horizontovirus is the rabies virus. It is transmitted via the foaming saliva of its victims, whom it induces to bite other animals thereby infecting their blood. It also leads its victims, for example ‘mad’ dogs, to roam far and wide (and out in the midday sun), rather than stay, perhaps sleeping, within their normal home range. This helps the virus by spreading it over a larger geographical area.

    What would be a good real example of a verticovirus? It has been estimated that about 8 per cent of the human genome actually consists of viral genes that have, over the millions of years, become incorporated. Among these ‘retroviruses’, some are inert but others have effects that are beneficial. For example, it has been suggested that the evolutionary origin of the mammalian placenta was the result of a beneficial cooperation with an ‘endogenous’ retrovirus that succeeded in writing itself into the nuclear DNA. LP Villarreal, a leading virologist, has gone so far as to suggest that ‘viruses were involved in most all major transitions of host biology in evolution’, and ‘From the origin of life to the evolution of humans, viruses seem to have been involved … So powerful and ancient are viruses, that I would summarize their role in life as “Ex virus omnia” (from virus everything).’

    And now, can you see where I am finally going in this chapter? In what sense are our ‘own’ genes different from benign, good companion viruses? Why not push to the ultimate reductio? Why not see the entire genome as a huge colony of symbiotic verticoviruses? This is not a factual contribution to the science of virology. Nothing so ambitious. It’s more like an expansion of what we might mean by ‘virus’ – rather as ‘extended phenotype’ was an expansion of what we might mean by ‘phenotype’. Our ‘own’ genes are verticoviruses, good companions held together and cooperating because they share the same exit route to the next generation. They cooperate in the shared enterprise of building a body whose purpose is to pass them on. Viruses as we normally understand the word, and computer viruses, are algorithms that say ‘Duplicate me’. An elephant’s ‘own’ genes are algorithms that say, in the words of an earlier book of mine, ‘Duplicate me by the roundabout route of building an elephant first’. They are algorithms that work only in the presence of the other genes in the gene pool. They are equivalent to an immense society of cooperating viruses.

    I’m not just saying that our genome consists of ‘endogenous retroviruses’ (ERVs) that were once free, infected us, and then became incorporated into the chromosomes. That is true in some cases and it is important, but it’s not what this final chapter is suggesting. Lewis Thomas also didn’t mean what I now mean, although I would love to borrow his poetic vision in pushing the climax of my book.

    We live in a dancing matrix of viruses; they dart, rather like bees, from organism to organism, from plant to insect to mammal to me and back again, and into the sea, tugging along pieces of this genome, strings of genes from that, transplanting grafts of DNA, passing around heredity as though at a great party.

    The phenomenon of ‘jumping genes’, too, is congenial to my vision of a genome as a cooperative of verticoviruses. Barbara McClintock won a Nobel Prize for her discovery of these ‘mobile genetic elements’. Genes don’t always hold their place on a particular chromosome. They can detach themselves, then splice themselves in at a distant place in the genome. Some 44 per cent of the human genome consists of such jumping genes or ‘transposons’. McClintock’s discovery of jumping genes conjures a vision of the genome as a society, like an ants’ nest: a society of viruses held together only by their shared exit route, and hence shared future and shared actions calculated to secure it.

    My suggestion is that the important distinction we need to make is not ‘own’ versus ‘alien’ but vertico versus horizonto. What we normally call viruses – HIV, coronaviruses, influenza, measles, smallpox, chickenpox, Rubella, rabies – are all horizonto viruses. That, precisely, is why many of them have evolved in a direction that damages us. They pass from body to body, via routes that are all their own, by touch, in the breath, by genital contact, in saliva, or whatever it is, and not via the gametic routes with which our own genes traverse the generations. Viruses that share the same genetic destiny as our own genes have no reason to dissent from good companionship. On the contrary. They stand to gain from the survival and successful reproduction of every shared body they inhabit, in exactly the same way as our own genes do. They deserve to be considered ‘our own’ in an even more intimate sense than mitochondria, for mitochondria pass down the female line only. And, from this point of view, our ‘own’ genes are no more ‘own’ than a retrovirus that has become incorporated into one of our chromosomes and stands to be passed on to the next generation by exactly the same sperm or egg route as any other genes in the chromosome.

    I cannot emphasise strongly enough that I am not suggesting that all our genes were once independent viruses that later ‘came in from the cold’ and, as retroviruses, ‘joined the club’ of our own nuclear genome. That is known of some 8 percent of our genes, it may be true of many more, it is interesting and important, but it is not what I am talking about here. My point is rather to downplay the distinction between ‘own’ and ‘other’, and to emphasise instead the distinction between vertico and horizonto.

    Our entire genome – more, the entire gene pool of any species of animal – is a swarming colony of symbiotic verticoviruses. Once again, I’m not talking only about the 8 percent of our genome that consists of actual retroviruses, but the other 92 percent as well. They are good companions precisely because they are vertically transmitted, and have been for countless generations. This is the radical conclusion towards which this chapter has been directed. The gene pool of a species, including our own, is a gigantic colony of viruses, each hell-bent on travelling to the future. They cooperate with one another in the enterprise of building bodies because successive, temporary, reproduce-and-then-die bodies have proved to be the best vehicles in which to undertake their vertical Great Trek through time. You are the incarnation of a great, seething, scrambling, time-travelling cooperative of viruses.

  • Yuval Noah Harari 《Nexus》

    Contents
    PROLOGUE
    PART I: Human Networks
    CHAPTER 1: What Is Information?
    CHAPTER 2: Stories: Unlimited Connections
    CHAPTER 3: Documents: The Bite of the Paper Tigers
    CHAPTER 4: Errors: The Fantasy of Infallibility
    CHAPTER 5: Decisions: A Brief History of Democracy and Totalitarianism
    PART II: The Inorganic Network
    CHAPTER 6: The New Members: How Computers Are Different from Printing Presses
    CHAPTER 7: Relentless: The Network Is Always On
    CHAPTER 8: Fallible: The Network Is Often Wrong
    PART III: Computer Politics
    CHAPTER 9: Democracies: Can We Still Hold a Conversation?
    CHAPTER 10: Totalitarianism: All Power to the Algorithms?
    CHAPTER 11: The Silicon Curtain: Global Empire or Global Split?
    EPILOGUE

    Prologue

    We have named our species Homo sapiens—the wise human. But it is debatable how well we have lived up to the name.
    Over the last 100,000 years, we Sapiens have certainly accumulated enormous power. Just listing all our discoveries, inventions, and conquests would fill volumes. But power isn’t wisdom, and after 100,000 years of discoveries, inventions, and conquests humanity has pushed itself into an existential crisis. We are on the verge of ecological collapse, caused by the misuse of our own power. We are also busy creating new technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) that have the potential to escape our control and enslave or annihilate us. Yet instead of our species uniting to deal with these existential challenges, international tensions are rising, global cooperation is becoming more difficult, countries are stockpiling doomsday weapons, and a new world war does not seem impossible.
    If we Sapiens are so wise, why are we so self-destructive?
    At a deeper level, although we have accumulated so much information about everything from DNA molecules to distant galaxies, it doesn’t seem that all this information has given us an answer to the big questions of life: Who are we? What should we aspire to? What is a good life, and how should we live it? Despite the stupendous amounts of information at our disposal, we are as susceptible as our ancient ancestors to fantasy and delusion. Nazism and Stalinism are but two recent examples of the mass insanity that occasionally engulfs even modern societies. Nobody disputes that humans today have a lot more information and power than in the Stone Age, but it is far from certain that we understand ourselves and our role in the universe much better.

    Why are we so good at accumulating more information and power, but far less successful at acquiring wisdom? Throughout history many traditions have believed that some fatal flaw in our nature tempts us to pursue powers we don’t know how to handle. The Greek myth of Phaethon told of a boy who discovers that he is the son of Helios, the sun god. Wishing to prove his divine origin, Phaethon demands the privilege of driving the chariot of the sun. Helios warns Phaethon that no human can control the celestial horses that pull the solar chariot. But Phaethon insists, until the sun god relents. After rising proudly in the sky, Phaethon indeed loses control of the chariot. The sun veers off course, scorching all vegetation, killing numerous beings, and threatening to burn the earth itself. Zeus intervenes and strikes Phaethon with a thunderbolt. The conceited human drops from the sky like a falling star, himself on fire. The gods reassert control of the sky and save the world.

    Two thousand years later, when the Industrial Revolution was making its first steps and machines began replacing humans in numerous tasks, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe published a similar cautionary tale titled “The Sorcerer’s Apprentice.” Goethe’s poem (later popularized as a Walt Disney animation starring Mickey Mouse) tells how an old sorcerer leaves a young apprentice in charge of his workshop and gives him some chores to tend to while he is gone, like fetching water from the river. The apprentice decides to make things easier for himself and, using one of the sorcerer’s spells, enchants a broom to fetch the water for him. But the apprentice doesn’t know how to stop the broom, which relentlessly fetches more and more water, threatening to flood the workshop. In panic, the apprentice cuts the enchanted broom in two with an ax, only to see each half become another broom. Now two enchanted brooms are inundating the workshop with water. When the old sorcerer returns, the apprentice pleads for help: “The spirits that I summoned, I now cannot rid myself of again.” The sorcerer immediately breaks the spell and stops the flood. The lesson to the apprentice—and to humanity—is clear: never summon powers you cannot control.

    What do the cautionary fables of the apprentice and of Phaethon tell us in the twenty-first century? We humans have obviously refused to heed their warnings. We have already driven the earth’s climate out of balance and have summoned billions of enchanted brooms, drones, chatbots, and other algorithmic spirits that may escape our control and unleash a flood of unintended consequences.

    What should we do, then? The fables offer no answers, other than to wait for some god or sorcerer to save us. This, of course, is an extremely dangerous message. It encourages people to abdicate responsibility and put their faith in gods and sorcerers instead. Even worse, it fails to appreciate that gods and sorcerers are themselves a human invention—just like chariots, brooms, and algorithms. The tendency to create powerful things with unintended consequences started not with the invention of the steam engine or AI but with the invention of religion. Prophets and theologians have repeatedly summoned powerful spirits that were supposed to bring love and joy but ended up flooding the world with blood.

    The Phaethon myth and Goethe’s poem fail to provide useful advice because they misconstrue the way humans gain power. In both fables, a single human acquires enormous power, but is then corrupted by hubris and greed. The conclusion is that our flawed individual psychology makes us abuse power. What this crude analysis misses is that human power is never the outcome of individual initiative. Power always stems from cooperation between large numbers of humans.

    Accordingly, it isn’t our individual psychology that causes us to abuse power. After all, alongside greed, hubris, and cruelty, humans are also capable of love, compassion, humility, and joy. True, among the worst members of our species, greed and cruelty reign supreme and lead bad actors to abuse power. But why would human societies choose to entrust power to their worst members? Most Germans in 1933, for example, were not psychopaths. So why did they vote for Hitler?

    Our tendency to summon powers we cannot control stems not from individual psychology but from the unique way our species cooperates in large numbers. The main argument of this book is that humankind gains enormous power by building large networks of cooperation, but the way these networks are built predisposes them to use power unwisely. Our problem, then, is a network problem.

    Even more specifically, it is an information problem. Information is the glue that holds networks together. But for tens of thousands of years, Sapiens built and maintained large networks by inventing and spreading fictions, fantasies, and mass delusions—about gods, about enchanted broomsticks, about AI, and about a great many other things. While each individual human is typically interested in knowing the truth about themselves and the world, large networks bind members and create order by relying on fictions and fantasies. That’s how we got, for example, to Nazism and Stalinism. These were exceptionally powerful networks, held together by exceptionally deluded ideas. As George Orwell famously put it, ignorance is strength.

    The fact that the Nazi and Stalinist regimes were founded on cruel fantasies and shameless lies did not make them historically exceptional, nor did it preordain them to collapse. Nazism and Stalinism were two of the strongest networks humans ever created. In late 1941 and early 1942, the Axis powers came within reach of winning World War II. Stalin eventually emerged as the victor of that war,1 and in the 1950s and 1960s he and his heirs also had a reasonable chance of winning the Cold War. By the 1990s liberal democracies had gained the upper hand, but this now seems like a temporary victory. In the twenty-first century, some new totalitarian regime may well succeed where Hitler and Stalin failed, creating an all-powerful network that could prevent future generations from even attempting to expose its lies and fictions. We should not assume that delusional networks are doomed to failure. If we want to prevent their triumph, we will have to do the hard work ourselves.

    THE NAIVE VIEW OF INFORMATION

    It is difficult to appreciate the strength of delusional networks because of a broader misunderstanding about how big information networks—whether delusional or not—operate. This misunderstanding is encapsulated in something I call “the naive view of information.” While fables like the myth of Phaethon and “The Sorcerer’s Apprentice” present an overly pessimistic view of individual human psychology, the naive view of information disseminates an overly optimistic view of large-scale human networks.

    The naive view argues that by gathering and processing much more information than individuals can, big networks achieve a better understanding of medicine, physics, economics, and numerous other fields, which makes the network not only powerful but also wise. For example, by gathering information on pathogens, pharmaceutical companies and health-care services can determine the true causes of many diseases, which enables them to develop more effective medicines and to make wiser decisions about their usage. This view posits that in sufficient quantities information leads to truth, and truth in turn leads to both power and wisdom. Ignorance, in contrast, seems to lead nowhere. While delusional or deceitful networks might occasionally arise in moments of historical crisis, in the long term they are bound to lose to more clear-sighted and honest rivals. A health-care service that ignores information about pathogens, or a pharmaceutical giant that deliberately spreads disinformation, will ultimately lose out to competitors that make wiser use of information. The naive view thus implies that delusional networks must be aberrations and that big networks can usually be trusted to handle power wisely.

    The naive view of information

    Of course, the naive view acknowledges that many things can go wrong on the path from information to truth. We might make honest mistakes in gathering and processing the information. Malicious actors motivated by greed or hate might hide important facts or try to deceive us. As a result, information sometimes leads to error rather than truth. For example, partial information, faulty analysis, or a disinformation campaign might lead even experts to misidentify the true cause of a particular disease.

    However, the naive view assumes that the antidote to most problems we encounter in gathering and processing information is gathering and processing even more information. While we are never completely safe from error, in most cases more information means greater accuracy. A single doctor wishing to identify the cause of an epidemic by examining a single patient is less likely to succeed than thousands of doctors gathering data on millions of patients. And if the doctors themselves conspire to hide the truth, making medical information more freely available to the public and to investigative journalists will eventually reveal the scam. According to this view, the bigger the information network, the closer it must be to the truth.

    Naturally, even if we analyze information accurately and discover important truths, this does not guarantee we will use the resulting capabilities wisely. Wisdom is commonly understood to mean “making right decisions,” but what “right” means depends on value judgments that differ between diverse people, cultures, or ideologies. Scientists who discover a new pathogen may develop a vaccine to protect people. But if the scientists—or their political overlords—believe in a racist ideology that advocates that some races are inferior and should be exterminated, the new medical knowledge might be used to develop a biological weapon that kills millions.

    In this case too, the naive view of information holds that additional information offers at least a partial remedy. The naive view thinks that disagreements about values turn out on closer inspection to be the fault of either the lack of information or deliberate disinformation. According to this view, racists are ill-informed people who just don’t know the facts of biology and history. They think that “race” is a valid biological category, and they have been brainwashed by bogus conspiracy theories. The remedy to racism is therefore to provide people with more biological and historical facts. It may take time, but in a free market of information sooner or later truth will prevail.

    The naive view is of course more nuanced and thoughtful than can be explained in a few paragraphs, but its core tenet is that information is an essentially good thing, and the more we have of it, the better. Given enough information and enough time, we are bound to discover the truth about things ranging from viral infections to racist biases, thereby developing not only our power but also the wisdom necessary to use that power well.

    This naive view justifies the pursuit of ever more powerful information technologies and has been the semiofficial ideology of the computer age and the internet. In June 1989, a few months before the fall of the Berlin Wall and of the Iron Curtain, Ronald Reagan declared that “the Goliath of totalitarian control will rapidly be brought down by the David of the microchip” and that “the biggest of Big Brothers is increasingly helpless against communications technology.… Information is the oxygen of the modern age.… It seeps through the walls topped with barbed wire. It wafts across the electrified, booby-trapped borders. Breezes of electronic beams blow through the Iron Curtain as if it was lace.”2 In November 2009, Barack Obama spoke in the same spirit on a visit to Shanghai, telling his Chinese hosts, “I am a big believer in technology and I’m a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information. I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes.”3

    Entrepreneurs and corporations have often expressed similarly rosy views of information technology. Already in 1858 an editorial in The New Englander about the invention of the telegraph stated, “It is impossible that old prejudices and hostilities should longer exist, while such an instrument has been created for an exchange of thought between all the nations of the earth.”4 Nearly two centuries and two world wars later, Mark Zuckerberg said that Facebook’s goal “is to help people to share more in order to make the world more open and to help promote understanding between people.”5

    In his 2024 book, The Singularity Is Nearer, the eminent futurologist and entrepreneur Ray Kurzweil surveys the history of information technology and concludes that “the reality is that nearly every aspect of life is getting progressively better as a result of exponentially improving technology.” Looking back at the grand sweep of human history, he cites examples like the invention of the printing press to argue that by its very nature information technology tends to spawn “a virtuous circle advancing nearly every aspect of human well-being, including literacy, education, wealth, sanitation, health, democratization and reduction in violence.”6

    The naive view of information is perhaps most succinctly captured in Google’s mission statement “to organize the world’s information and make it universally accessible and useful.” Google’s answer to Goethe’s warnings is that while a single apprentice pilfering his master’s secret spell book is likely to cause disaster, when a lot of apprentices are given free access to all the world’s information, they will not only create useful enchanted brooms but also learn to handle them wisely.

    GOOGLE VERSUS GOETHE

    It must be stressed that there are numerous cases when having more information has indeed enabled humans to understand the world better and to make wiser use of their power. Consider, for example, the dramatic reduction in child mortality. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe was the eldest of seven siblings, but only he and his sister Cornelia got to celebrate their seventh birthday. Disease carried off their brother Hermann Jacob at age six, their sister Catharina Elisabeth at age four, their sister Johanna Maria at age two, their brother Georg Adolf at age eight months, and a fifth, unnamed brother was stillborn. Cornelia then died from disease aged twenty-six, leaving Johann Wolfgang as the sole survivor from their family.7

    Johann Wolfgang von Goethe went on to have five children of his own, of whom all but the eldest son—August—died within two weeks of their birth. In all probability the cause was incompatibility between the blood groups of Goethe and his wife, Christiane, which after the first successful pregnancy led the mother to develop antibodies to the fetal blood. This condition, known as rhesus disease, is nowadays treated so effectively that the mortality rate is less than 2 percent, but in the 1790s it had an average mortality rate of 50 percent, and for Goethe’s four younger children it was a death sentence.8

    Altogether in the Goethe family—a well-to-do German family in the late eighteenth century—the child survival rate was an abysmal 25 percent. Only three out of twelve children reached adulthood. This horrendous statistic was not exceptional. Around the time Goethe wrote “The Sorcerer’s Apprentice” in 1797, it is estimated that only about 50 percent of German children reached age fifteen,9 and the same was probably true in most other parts of the world.10 By 2020, 95.6 percent of children worldwide lived beyond their fifteenth birthday,11 and in Germany that figure was 99.5 percent.12 This momentous achievement would not have been possible without collecting, analyzing, and sharing massive amounts of medical data about things like blood groups. In this case, then, the naive view of information proved to be correct.

    However, the naive view of information sees only part of the picture, and the history of the modern age was not just about reducing child mortality. In recent generations humanity has experienced the greatest increase ever in both the amount and the speed of our information production. Every smartphone contains more information than the ancient Library of Alexandria13 and enables its owner to instantaneously connect to billions of other people throughout the world. Yet with all this information circulating at breathtaking speeds, humanity is closer than ever to annihilating itself.

    Despite—or perhaps because of—our hoard of data, we are continuing to spew greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, pollute rivers and oceans, cut down forests, destroy entire habitats, drive countless species to extinction, and jeopardize the ecological foundations of our own species. We are also producing ever more powerful weapons of mass destruction, from thermonuclear bombs to doomsday viruses. Our leaders don’t lack information about these dangers, yet instead of collaborating to find solutions, they are edging closer to a global war.

    Would having even more information make things better—or worse? We will soon find out. Numerous corporations and governments are in a race to develop the most powerful information technology in history—AI. Some leading entrepreneurs, like the American investor Marc Andreessen, believe that AI will finally solve all of humanity’s problems. On June 6, 2023, Andreessen published an essay titled “Why AI Will Save the World,” peppered with bold statements like “I am here to bring the good news: AI will not destroy the world, and in fact may save it” and “AI can make everything we care about better.” He concluded, “The development and proliferation of AI—far from a risk that we should fear—is a moral obligation that we have to ourselves, to our children, and to our future.”14

    Ray Kurzweil concurs, arguing in The Singularity Is Nearer that “AI is the pivotal technology that will allow us to meet the pressing challenges that confront us, including overcoming disease, poverty, environmental degradation, and all of our human frailties. We have a moral imperative to realize this promise of new technologies.” Kurzweil is keenly aware of the technology’s potential perils, and analyzes them at length, but believes they could be mitigated successfully.15

    Others are more skeptical. Not only philosophers and social scientists but also many leading AI experts and entrepreneurs like Yoshua Bengio, Geoffrey Hinton, Sam Altman, Elon Musk, and Mustafa Suleyman have warned the public that AI could destroy our civilization.16 A 2024 article co-authored by Bengio, Hinton, and numerous other experts noted that “unchecked AI advancement could culminate in a large-scale loss of life and the biosphere, and the marginalization or even extinction of humanity.”17 In a 2023 survey of 2,778 AI researchers, more than a third gave at least a 10 percent chance to advanced AI leading to outcomes as bad as human extinction.18 In 2023 close to thirty governments—including those of China, the United States, and the U.K.—signed the Bletchley Declaration on AI, which acknowledged that “there is potential for serious, even catastrophic, harm, either deliberate or unintentional, stemming from the most significant capabilities of these AI models.”19 By using such apocalyptic terms, experts and governments have no wish to conjure a Hollywood image of killer robots running in the streets and shooting people. Such a scenario is unlikely, and it merely distracts people from the real dangers. Rather, experts warn about two other scenarios.

    First, the power of AI could supercharge existing human conflicts, dividing humanity against itself. Just as in the twentieth century the Iron Curtain divided the rival powers in the Cold War, so in the twenty-first century the Silicon Curtain—made of silicon chips and computer codes rather than barbed wire—might come to divide rival powers in a new global conflict. Because the AI arms race will produce ever more destructive weapons, even a small spark might ignite a cataclysmic conflagration.

    Second, the Silicon Curtain might come to divide not one group of humans from another but rather all humans from our new AI overlords. No matter where we live, we might find ourselves cocooned by a web of unfathomable algorithms that manage our lives, reshape our politics and culture, and even reengineer our bodies and minds—while we can no longer comprehend the forces that control us, let alone stop them. If a twenty-first-century totalitarian network succeeds in conquering the world, it may be run by nonhuman intelligence, rather than by a human dictator. People who single out China, Russia, or a post-democratic United States as their main source for totalitarian nightmares misunderstand the danger. In fact, Chinese, Russians, Americans, and all other humans are together threatened by the totalitarian potential of nonhuman intelligence.

    Given the magnitude of the danger, AI should be of interest to all human beings. While not everyone can become an AI expert, we should all keep in mind that AI is the first technology in history that can make decisions and create new ideas by itself. All previous human inventions have empowered humans, because no matter how powerful the new tool was, the decisions about its usage always remained in our hands. Knives and bombs do not themselves decide whom to kill. They are dumb tools, lacking the intelligence necessary to process information and make independent decisions. In contrast, AI has the required intelligence to process information by itself, and therefore replace humans in decision making.

    Its mastery of information also enables AI to independently generate new ideas, in fields ranging from music to medicine. Gramophones played our music, and microscopes revealed the secrets of our cells, but gramophones couldn’t compose new symphonies, and microscopes couldn’t synthesize new drugs. AI is already capable of producing art and making scientific discoveries by itself. In the next few decades, it will likely gain the ability even to create new life-forms, either by writing genetic code or by inventing an inorganic code animating inorganic entities.

    Even at the present moment, in the embryonic stage of the AI revolution, computers already make decisions about us—whether to give us a mortgage, to hire us for a job, to send us to prison. This trend will only increase and accelerate, making it more difficult to understand our own lives. Can we trust computer algorithms to make wise decisions and create a better world? That’s a much bigger gamble than trusting an enchanted broom to fetch water. And it is more than just human lives we are gambling on. AI could alter the course not just of our species’ history but of the evolution of all life-forms.

    WEAPONIZING INFORMATION

    In 2016, I published Homo Deus, a book that highlighted some of the dangers posed to humanity by the new information technologies. That book argued that the real hero of history has always been information, rather than Homo sapiens, and that scientists increasingly understand not just history but also biology, politics, and economics in terms of information flows. Animals, states, and markets are all information networks, absorbing data from the environment, making decisions, and releasing data back. The book warned that while we hope better information technology will give us health, happiness, and power, it may actually take power away from us and destroy both our physical and our mental health. Homo Deus hypothesized that if humans aren’t careful, we might dissolve within the torrent of information like a clump of earth within a gushing river, and that in the grand scheme of things humanity will turn out to have been just a ripple within the cosmic dataflow.

    In the years since Homo Deus was published, the pace of change has only accelerated, and power has indeed been shifting from humans to algorithms. Many of the scenarios that sounded like science fiction in 2016—such as algorithms that can create art, masquerade as human beings, make crucial life decisions about us, and know more about us than we know about ourselves—are everyday realities in 2024.

    Many other things have changed since 2016. The ecological crisis has intensified, international tensions have escalated, and a populist wave has undermined the cohesion of even the most robust democracies. Populism has also mounted a radical challenge to the naive view of information. Populist leaders such as Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, and populist movements and conspiracy theories such as QAnon and the anti-vaxxers, have argued that all traditional institutions that gain authority by claiming to gather information and discover truth are simply lying. Bureaucrats, judges, doctors, mainstream journalists, and academic experts are elite cabals that have no interest in the truth and are deliberately spreading disinformation to gain power and privileges for themselves at the expense of “the people.” The rise of politicians like Trump and movements like QAnon has a specific political context, unique to the conditions of the United States in the late 2010s. But populism as an antiestablishment worldview long predated Trump and is relevant to numerous other historical contexts now and in the future. In a nutshell, populism views information as a weapon.20

    The populist view of information

    In its more extreme versions, populism posits that there is no objective truth at all and that everyone has “their own truth,” which they wield to vanquish rivals. According to this worldview, power is the only reality. All social interactions are power struggles, because humans are interested only in power. The claim to be interested in something else—like truth or justice—is nothing more than a ploy to gain power. Whenever and wherever populism succeeds in disseminating the view of information as a weapon, language itself is undermined. Nouns like “facts” and adjectives like “accurate” and “truthful” become elusive. Such words are not taken as pointing to a common objective reality. Rather, any talk of “facts” or “truth” is bound to prompt at least some people to ask, “Whose facts and whose truth are you referring to?”

    It should be stressed that this power-focused and deeply skeptical view of information isn’t a new phenomenon and it wasn’t invented by anti-vaxxers, flat-earthers, Bolsonaristas, or Trump supporters. Similar views have been propagated long before 2016, including by some of humanity’s brightest minds.21 In the late twentieth century, for example, intellectuals from the radical left like Michel Foucault and Edward Said claimed that scientific institutions like clinics and universities are not pursuing timeless and objective truths but are instead using power to determine what counts as truth, in the service of capitalist and colonialist elites. These radical critiques occasionally went as far as arguing that “scientific facts” are nothing more than a capitalist or colonialist “discourse” and that people in power can never be really interested in truth and can never be trusted to recognize and correct their own mistakes.22

    This particular line of radical leftist thinking goes back to Karl Marx, who argued in the mid-nineteenth century that power is the only reality, that information is a weapon, and that elites who claim to be serving truth and justice are in fact pursuing narrow class privileges. In the words of the 1848 Communist Manifesto, “The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open, fight.” This binary interpretation of history implies that every human interaction is a power struggle between oppressors and oppressed. Accordingly, whenever anyone says anything, the question to ask isn’t, “What is being said? Is it true?” but rather, “Who is saying this? Whose privileges does it serve?”

    Of course, right-wing populists such as Trump and Bolsonaro are unlikely to have read Foucault or Marx, and indeed present themselves as fiercely anti-Marxist. They also greatly differ from Marxists in their suggested policies in fields like taxation and welfare. But their basic view of society and of information is surprisingly Marxist, seeing all human interactions as a power struggle between oppressors and oppressed. For example, in his inaugural address in 2017 Trump announced that “a small group in our nation’s capital has reaped the rewards of government while the people have borne the cost.”23 Such rhetoric is a staple of populism, which the political scientist Cas Mudde has described as an “ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite.’ ”24 Just as Marxists claimed that the media functions as a mouthpiece for the capitalist class, and that scientific institutions like universities spread disinformation in order to perpetuate capitalist control, populists accuse these same institutions of working to advance the interests of the “corrupt elites” at the expense of “the people.”

    Present-day populists also suffer from the same incoherency that plagued radical antiestablishment movements in previous generations. If power is the only reality, and if information is just a weapon, what does it imply about the populists themselves? Are they too interested only in power, and are they too lying to us to gain power?

    Populists have sought to extricate themselves from this conundrum in two different ways. Some populist movements claim adherence to the ideals of modern science and to the traditions of skeptical empiricism. They tell people that indeed you should never trust any institutions or figures of authority—including self-proclaimed populist parties and politicians. Instead, you should “do your own research” and trust only what you can directly observe by yourself.25 This radical empiricist position implies that while large-scale institutions like political parties, courts, newspapers, and universities can never be trusted, individuals who make the effort can still find the truth by themselves.

    This approach may sound scientific and may appeal to free-spirited individuals, but it leaves open the question of how human communities can cooperate to build health-care systems or pass environmental regulations, which demand large-scale institutional organization. Is a single individual capable of doing all the necessary research to decide whether the earth’s climate is heating up and what should be done about it? How would a single person go about collecting climate data from throughout the world, not to mention obtaining reliable records from past centuries? Trusting only “my own research” may sound scientific, but in practice it amounts to believing that there is no objective truth. As we shall see in chapter 4, science is a collaborative institutional effort rather than a personal quest.

    An alternative populist solution is to abandon the modern scientific ideal of finding the truth via “research” and instead go back to relying on divine revelation or mysticism. Traditional religions like Christianity, Islam, and Hinduism have typically characterized humans as untrustworthy power-hungry creatures who can access the truth only thanks to the intervention of a divine intelligence. In the 2010s and early 2020s populist parties from Brazil to Turkey and from the United States to India have aligned themselves with such traditional religions. They have expressed radical doubt about modern institutions while declaring complete faith in ancient scriptures. The populists claim that the articles you read in The New York Times or in Science are just an elitist ploy to gain power, but what you read in the Bible, the Quran, or the Vedas is absolute truth.26

    A variation on this theme calls on people to put their trust in charismatic leaders like Trump and Bolsonaro, who are depicted by their supporters either as the messengers of God27 or as possessing a mystical bond with “the people.” While ordinary politicians lie to the people in order to gain power for themselves, the charismatic leader is the infallible mouthpiece of the people who exposes all the lies.28 One of the recurrent paradoxes of populism is that it starts by warning us that all human elites are driven by a dangerous hunger for power, but often ends by entrusting all power to a single ambitious human.

    We will explore populism at greater depth in chapter 5, but at this point it is important to note that populists are eroding trust in large-scale institutions and international cooperation just when humanity confronts the existential challenges of ecological collapse, global war, and out-of-control technology. Instead of trusting complex human institutions, populists give us the same advice as the Phaethon myth and “The Sorcerer’s Apprentice”: “Trust God or the great sorcerer to intervene and make everything right again.” If we take this advice, we’ll likely find ourselves in the short term under the thumb of the worst kind of power-hungry humans, and in the long term under the thumb of new AI overlords. Or we might find ourselves nowhere at all, as Earth becomes inhospitable for human life.

    If we wish to avoid relinquishing power to a charismatic leader or an inscrutable AI, we must first gain a better understanding of what information is, how it helps to build human networks, and how it relates to truth and power. Populists are right to be suspicious of the naive view of information, but they are wrong to think that power is the only reality and that information is always a weapon. Information isn’t the raw material of truth, but it isn’t a mere weapon, either. There is enough space between these extremes for a more nuanced and hopeful view of human information networks and of our ability to handle power wisely. This book is dedicated to exploring that middle ground.

    THE ROAD AHEAD

    The first part of this book surveys the historical development of human information networks. It doesn’t attempt to present a comprehensive century-by-century account of information technologies like script, printing presses, and radio. Instead, by studying a few examples, it explores key dilemmas that people in all eras faced when trying to construct information networks, and it examines how different answers to these dilemmas shaped contrasting human societies. What we usually think of as ideological and political conflicts often turn out to be clashes between opposing types of information networks.

    Part 1 begins by examining two principles that have been essential for large-scale human information networks: mythology and bureaucracy. Chapters 2 and 3 describe how large-scale information networks—from ancient kingdoms to present-day states—have relied on both mythmakers and bureaucrats. The stories of the Bible, for example, were essential for the Christian Church, but there would have been no Bible if church bureaucrats hadn’t curated, edited, and disseminated these stories. A difficult dilemma for every human network is that mythmakers and bureaucrats tend to pull in different directions. Institutions and societies are often defined by the balance they manage to find between the conflicting needs of their mythmakers and their bureaucrats. The Christian Church itself split into rival churches, like the Catholic and Protestant churches, which struck different balances between mythology and bureaucracy.

    Chapter 4 then focuses on the problem of erroneous information and on the benefits and drawbacks of maintaining self-correcting mechanisms, such as independent courts or peer-reviewed journals. The chapter contrasts institutions that relied on weak self-correcting mechanisms, like the Catholic Church, with institutions that developed strong self-correcting mechanisms, like scientific disciplines. Weak self-correcting mechanisms sometimes result in historical calamities like the early modern European witch hunts, while strong self-correcting mechanisms sometimes destabilize the network from within. Judged in terms of longevity, spread, and power, the Catholic Church has been perhaps the most successful institution in human history, despite—or perhaps because of—the relative weakness of its self-correcting mechanisms.

    After part 1 surveys the roles of mythology and bureaucracy, and the contrast between strong and weak self-correcting mechanisms, chapter 5 concludes the historical discussion by focusing on another contrast—between distributed and centralized information networks. Democratic systems allow information to flow freely along many independent channels, whereas totalitarian systems strive to concentrate information in one hub. Each choice has both advantages and shortcomings. Understanding political systems like the United States and the U.S.S.R. in terms of information flows can explain much about their differing trajectories.

    This historical part of the book is crucial for understanding present-day developments and future scenarios. The rise of AI is arguably the biggest information revolution in history. But we cannot understand it unless we compare it with its predecessors. History isn’t the study of the past; it is the study of change. History teaches us what remains the same, what changes, and how things change. This is as relevant to information revolutions as to every other kind of historical transformation. Thus, understanding the process through which the allegedly infallible Bible was canonized provides valuable insight about present-day claims for AI infallibility. Similarly, studying the early modern witch hunts and Stalin’s collectivization offers stark warnings about what might go wrong as we give AIs greater control over twenty-first-century societies. A deep knowledge of history is also vital to understand what is new about AI, how it is fundamentally different from printing presses and radio sets, and in what specific ways future AI dictatorship could be very unlike anything we have seen before.

    The book doesn’t argue that studying the past enables us to predict the future. As emphasized repeatedly in the following pages, history is not deterministic, and the future will be shaped by the choices we all make in coming years. The whole point of writing this book is that by making informed choices, we can prevent the worst outcomes. If we cannot change the future, why waste time discussing it?

    Building upon the historical survey in part 1, the book’s second part—“The Inorganic Network”—examines the new information network we are creating today, focusing on the political implications of the rise of AI. Chapters 6–8 discuss recent examples from throughout the world—such as the role of social media algorithms in instigating ethnic violence in Myanmar in 2016–17—to explain in what ways AI is different from all previous information technologies. Examples are taken mostly from the 2010s rather than the 2020s, because we have gained a modicum of historical perspective on events of the 2010s.

    Part 2 argues that we are creating an entirely new kind of information network, without pausing to reckon with its implications. It emphasizes the shift from organic to inorganic information networks. The Roman Empire, the Catholic Church, and the U.S.S.R. all relied on carbon-based brains to process information and make decisions. The silicon-based computers that dominate the new information network function in radically different ways. For better or worse, silicon chips are free from many of the limitations that organic biochemistry imposes on carbon neurons. Silicon chips can create spies that never sleep, financiers that never forget, and despots that never die. How will this change society, economics, and politics?

    The third and final part of the book—“Computer Politics”—examines how different kinds of societies might deal with the threats and promises of the inorganic information network. Will carbon-based life-forms like us have a chance of understanding and controlling the new information network? As noted above, history isn’t deterministic, and for at least a few more years we Sapiens still have the power to shape our future.

    Accordingly, chapter 9 explores how democracies might deal with the inorganic network. How, for example, can flesh-and-blood politicians make financial decisions if the financial system is increasingly controlled by AI and the very meaning of money comes to depend on inscrutable algorithms? How can democracies maintain a public conversation about anything—be it finance or gender—if we can no longer know whether we are talking with another human or with a chatbot masquerading as a human?

    Chapter 10 explores the potential impact of the inorganic network on totalitarianism. While dictators would be happy to get rid of all public conversations, they have their own fears of AI. Autocracies are based on terrorizing and censoring their own agents. But how can a human dictator terrorize an AI, censor its unfathomable processes, or prevent it from seizing power to itself?

    Finally, chapter 11 explores how the new information network could influence the balance of power between democratic and totalitarian societies on the global level. Will AI tilt the balance decisively in favor of one camp? Will the world split into hostile blocs whose rivalry makes all of us easy prey for an out-of-control AI? Or can we unite in defense of our common interests?

    But before we explore the past, present, and possible futures of information networks, we need to start with a deceptively simple question. What exactly is information?

    PART I  Human Networks

    CHAPTER 1 What Is Information?

    It is always tricky to define fundamental concepts. Since they are the basis for everything that follows, they themselves seem to lack any basis of their own. Physicists have a hard time defining matter and energy, biologists have a hard time defining life, and philosophers have a hard time defining reality.

    Information is increasingly seen by many philosophers and biologists, and even by some physicists, as the most basic building block of reality, more elementary than matter and energy.1 No wonder that there are many disputes about how to define information, and how it is related to the evolution of life or to basic ideas in physics such as entropy, the laws of thermodynamics, and the quantum uncertainty principle.2 This book will make no attempt to resolve—or even explain—these disputes, nor will it offer a universal definition of information applicable to physics, biology, and all other fields of knowledge. Since it is a work of history, which studies the past and future development of human societies, it will focus on the definition and role of information in history.

    In everyday usage, information is associated with human-made symbols like spoken or written words. Consider, for example, the story of Cher Ami and the Lost Battalion. In October 1918, when the American Expeditionary Forces was fighting to liberate northern France from the Germans, a battalion of more than five hundred American soldiers was trapped behind enemy lines. American artillery, which was trying to provide them with cover fire, misidentified their location and dropped the barrage directly on them. The battalion’s commander, Major Charles Whittlesey, urgently needed to inform headquarters of his true location, but no runner could break through the German line. According to several accounts, as a last resort Whittlesey turned to Cher Ami, an army carrier pigeon. On a tiny piece of paper, Whittlesey wrote, “We are along the road paralell [sic] 276.4. Our artillery is dropping a barrage directly on us. For heaven’s sake stop it.” The paper was inserted into a canister on Cher Ami’s right leg, and the bird was released into the air. One of the battalion’s soldiers, Private John Nell, recalled years later, “We knew without a doubt this was our last chance. If that one lonely, scared pigeon failed to find its loft, our fate was sealed.”

    Witnesses later described how Cher Ami flew into heavy German fire. A shell exploded directly below the bird, killing five men and severely injuring the pigeon. A splinter tore through Cher Ami’s chest, and his right leg was left hanging by a tendon. But he got through. The wounded pigeon flew the forty kilometers to division headquarters in about forty-five minutes, with the canister containing the crucial message attached to the remnant of his right leg. Though there is some controversy about the exact details, it is clear that the American artillery adjusted its barrage, and an American counterattack rescued the Lost Battalion. Cher Ami was tended by army medics, sent to the United States as a hero, and became the subject of numerous articles, short stories, children’s books, poems, and even movies. The pigeon had no idea what information he was conveying, but the symbols inked on the piece of paper he carried helped save hundreds of men from death and captivity.3

    Information, however, does not have to consist of human-made symbols. According to the biblical myth of the Flood, Noah learned that the water had finally receded because the pigeon he sent out from the ark returned with an olive branch in her mouth. Then God set a rainbow in the clouds as a heavenly record of his promise never to flood the earth again. Pigeons, olive branches, and rainbows have since become iconic symbols of peace and tolerance. Objects that are even more remote than rainbows can also be information. For astronomers the shape and movement of galaxies constitute crucial information about the history of the universe. For navigators the North Star indicates which way is north. For astrologers the stars are a cosmic script, conveying information about the future of individual humans and entire societies.

    Of course, defining something as “information” is a matter of perspective. An astronomer or astrologer might view the Libra constellation as “information,” but these distant stars are far more than just a notice board for human observers. There might be an alien civilization up there, totally oblivious to the information we glean from their home and to the stories we tell about it. Similarly, a piece of paper marked with ink splotches can be crucial information for an army unit, or dinner for a family of termites. Any object can be information—or not. This makes it difficult to define what information is.

    The ambivalence of information has played an important role in the annals of military espionage, when spies needed to communicate information surreptitiously. During World War I, northern France was not the only major battleground. From 1915 to 1918 the British and Ottoman Empires fought for control of the Middle East. After repulsing an Ottoman attack on the Sinai Peninsula and the Suez Canal, the British in turn invaded the Ottoman Empire, but were held at bay until October 1917 by a fortified Ottoman line stretching from Beersheba to Gaza. British attempts to break through were repulsed at the First Battle of Gaza (March 26, 1917) and the Second Battle of Gaza (April 17–19, 1917). Meanwhile, pro-British Jews living in Palestine set up a spy network code-named NILI to inform the British about Ottoman troop movements. One method they developed to communicate with their British operators involved window shutters. Sarah Aaronsohn, a NILI commander, had a house overlooking the Mediterranean. She signaled British ships by closing or opening a particular shutter, according to a predetermined code. Numerous people, including Ottoman soldiers, could obviously see the shutter, but nobody other than NILI agents and their British operators understood it was vital military information.4 So, when is a shutter just a shutter, and when is it information?

    The Ottomans eventually caught the NILI spy ring due in part to a strange mishap. In addition to shutters, NILI used carrier pigeons to convey coded messages. On September 3, 1917, one of the pigeons diverted off course and landed in—of all places—the house of an Ottoman officer. The officer found the coded message but couldn’t decipher it. Nevertheless, the pigeon itself was crucial information. Its existence indicated to the Ottomans that a spy ring was operating under their noses. As Marshall McLuhan might have put it, the pigeon was the message. NILI agents learned about the capture of the pigeon and immediately killed and buried all the remaining birds they had, because the mere possession of carrier pigeons was now incriminating information. But the massacre of the pigeons did not save NILI. Within a month the spy network was uncovered, several of its members were executed, and Sarah Aaronsohn committed suicide to avoid divulging NILI’s secrets under torture.5 When is a pigeon just a pigeon, and when is it information?

    Clearly, then, information cannot be defined as specific types of material objects. Any object—a star, a shutter, a pigeon—can be information in the right context. So exactly what context defines such objects as “information”? The naive view of information argues that objects are defined as information in the context of truth seeking. Something is information if people use it to try to discover the truth. This view links the concept of information with the concept of truth and assumes that the main role of information is to represent reality. There is a reality “out there,” and information is something that represents that reality and that we can therefore use to learn about reality. For example, the information NILI provided the British was meant to represent the reality of Ottoman troop movements. If the Ottomans massed ten thousand soldiers in Gaza—the centerpiece of their defenses—a piece of paper with symbols representing “ten thousand” and “Gaza” was important information that could help the British win the battle. If, on the other hand, there were actually twenty thousand Ottoman troops in Gaza, that piece of paper did not represent reality accurately, and could lead the British to make a disastrous military mistake.

    Put another way, the naive view argues that information is an attempt to represent reality, and when this attempt succeeds, we call it truth. While this book takes many issues with the naive view, it agrees that truth is an accurate representation of reality. But this book also holds that most information is not an attempt to represent reality and that what defines information is something entirely different. Most information in human society, and indeed in other biological and physical systems, does not represent anything.

    I want to spend a little longer on this complex and crucial argument, because it constitutes the theoretical basis of the book.

    WHAT IS TRUTH?

    Throughout this book, “truth” is understood as something that accurately represents certain aspects of reality. Underlying the notion of truth is the premise that there exists one universal reality. Anything that has ever existed or will ever exist in the universe—from the North Star, to the NILI pigeon, to web pages on astrology—is part of this single reality. This is why the search for truth is a universal project. While different people, nations, or cultures may have competing beliefs and feelings, they cannot possess contradictory truths, because they all share a universal reality. Anyone who rejects universalism rejects truth.

    Truth and reality are nevertheless different things, because no matter how truthful an account is, it can never represent reality in all its aspects. If a NILI agent wrote that there are ten thousand Ottoman soldiers in Gaza, and there were indeed ten thousand soldiers there, this accurately pointed to a certain aspect of reality, but it neglected many other aspects. The very act of counting entities—whether apples, oranges, or soldiers—necessarily focuses attention on the similarities between these entities while discounting differences.6 For example, saying only that there were ten thousand Ottoman soldiers in Gaza neglected to specify whether some were experienced veterans and others were green recruits. If there were a thousand recruits and nine thousand old hands, the military reality was quite different from if there were nine thousand rookies and a thousand battle-hardened veterans.

    There were many other differences between the soldiers. Some were healthy; others were sick. Some Ottoman troops were ethnically Turkish, while others were Arabs, Kurds, or Jews. Some were brave, others cowardly. Indeed, each soldier was a unique human being, with different parents and friends and individual fears and hopes. World War I poets like Wilfred Owen famously attempted to represent these latter aspects of military reality, which mere statistics never conveyed accurately. Does this imply that writing “ten thousand soldiers” is always a misrepresentation of reality, and that to describe the military situation around Gaza in 1917, we must specify the unique history and personality of every soldier?

    Another problem with any attempt to represent reality is that reality contains many viewpoints. For example, present-day Israelis, Palestinians, Turks, and Britons have different perspectives on the British invasion of the Ottoman Empire, the NILI underground, and the activities of Sarah Aaronsohn. That does not mean, of course, that there are several entirely separate realities, or that there are no historical facts. There is just one reality, but it is complex.

    Reality includes an objective level with objective facts that don’t depend on people’s beliefs; for example, it is an objective fact that Sarah Aaronsohn died on October 9, 1917, from self-inflicted gunshot wounds. Saying that “Sarah Aaronsohn died in an airplane crash on May 15, 1919,” is an error.

    Reality also includes a subjective level with subjective facts like the beliefs and feelings of various people, but in this case too facts can be separated from errors. For example, it is a fact that Israelis tend to regard Aaronsohn as a patriotic hero. Three weeks after her suicide, the information NILI supplied helped the British finally break the Ottoman line at the Battle of Beersheba (October 31, 1917) and the Third Battle of Gaza (November 1–2, 1917). On November 2, 1917, the British foreign secretary, Arthur Balfour, issued the Balfour Declaration, announcing that the British government “view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” Israelis credit this in part to NILI and Sarah Aaronsohn, whom they admire for her sacrifice. It is another fact that Palestinians evaluate things very differently. Rather than admiring Aaronsohn, they regard her—if they’ve heard about her at all—as an imperialist agent. Even though we are dealing here with subjective views and feelings, we can still distinguish truth from falsehood. For views and feelings—just like stars and pigeons—are a part of the universal reality. Saying that “Sarah Aaronsohn is admired by everyone for her role in defeating the Ottoman Empire” is an error, not in line with reality.

    Nationality is not the only thing that affects people’s viewpoint. Israeli men and Israeli women may see Aaronsohn differently, and so do left-wingers and right-wingers, or Orthodox and secular Jews. Since suicide is forbidden by Jewish religious law, Orthodox Jews have difficulty seeing Aaronsohn’s suicide as a heroic act (she was actually denied burial in the hallowed ground of a Jewish cemetery). Ultimately, each individual has a different perspective on the world, shaped by the intersection of different personalities and life histories. Does this imply that when we wish to describe reality, we must always list all the different viewpoints it contains and that a truthful biography of Sarah Aaronsohn, for example, must specify how every single Israeli and Palestinian has felt about her?

    Taken to extremes, such a pursuit of accuracy may lead us to try to represent the world on a one-to-one scale, as in the famous Jorge Luis Borges story “On Exactitude in Science” (1946). In this story Borges tells of a fictitious ancient empire that became obsessed with producing ever more accurate maps of its territory, until eventually it produced a map with a one-to-one scale. The entire empire was covered with a map of the empire. So many resources were wasted on this ambitious representational project that the empire collapsed. Then the map too began to disintegrate, and Borges tells us that only “in the western Deserts, tattered fragments of the map are still to be found, sheltering an occasional beast or beggar.”7 A one-to-one map may look like the ultimate representation of reality, but tellingly it is no longer a representation at all; it is the reality.

    The point is that even the most truthful accounts of reality can never represent it in full. There are always some aspects of reality that are neglected or distorted in every representation. Truth, then, isn’t a one-to-one representation of reality. Rather, truth is something that brings our attention to certain aspects of reality while inevitably ignoring other aspects. No account of reality is 100 percent accurate, but some accounts are nevertheless more truthful than others.

    WHAT INFORMATION DOES

    As noted above, the naive view sees information as an attempt to represent reality. It is aware that some information doesn’t represent reality well, but it dismisses this as unfortunate cases of “misinformation” or “disinformation.” Misinformation is an honest mistake, occurring when someone tries to represent reality but gets it wrong. Disinformation is a deliberate lie, occurring when someone consciously intends to distort our view of reality.

    The naive view further believes that the solution to the problems caused by misinformation and disinformation is more information. This idea, sometimes called the counterspeech doctrine, is associated with the U.S. Supreme Court justice Louis D. Brandeis, who wrote in Whitney v. California (1927) that the remedy to false speech is more speech and that in the long term free discussion is bound to expose falsehoods and fallacies. If all information is an attempt to represent reality, then as the amount of information in the world grows, we can expect the flood of information to expose the occasional lies and errors and to ultimately provide us with a more truthful understanding of the world.

    On this crucial point, this book strongly disagrees with the naive view. There certainly are instances of information that attempt to represent reality and succeed in doing so, but this is not the defining characteristic of information. A few pages ago I referred to stars as information and casually mentioned astrologers alongside astronomers. Adherents of the naive view of information probably squirmed in their chairs when they read it. According to the naive view, astronomers derive “real information” from the stars, while the information that astrologers imagine to read in constellations is either “misinformation” or “disinformation.” If only people were given more information about the universe, surely they would abandon astrology altogether. But the fact is that for thousands of years astrology has had a huge impact on history, and today millions of people still check their star signs before making the most important decisions of their lives, like what to study and whom to marry. As of 2021, the global astrology market was valued at $12.8 billion.8

    No matter what we think about the accuracy of astrological information, we should acknowledge its important role in history. It has connected lovers, and even entire empires. Roman emperors routinely consulted astrologers before making decisions. Indeed, astrology was held in such high esteem that casting the horoscope of a reigning emperor was a capital offense. Presumably, anyone casting such a horoscope could foretell when and how the emperor would die.9 Rulers in some countries still take astrology very seriously. In 2005 the junta of Myanmar allegedly moved the country’s capital from Yangon to Naypyidaw based on astrological advice.10 A theory of information that cannot account for the historical significance of astrology is clearly inadequate.

    What the example of astrology illustrates is that errors, lies, fantasies, and fictions are information, too. Contrary to what the naive view of information says, information has no essential link to truth, and its role in history isn’t to represent a preexisting reality. Rather, what information does is to create new realities by tying together disparate things—whether couples or empires. Its defining feature is connection rather than representation, and information is whatever connects different points into a network. Information doesn’t necessarily inform us about things. Rather, it puts things in formation. Horoscopes put lovers in astrological formations, propaganda broadcasts put voters in political formations, and marching songs put soldiers in military formations.

    As a paradigmatic case, consider music. Most symphonies, melodies, and tunes don’t represent anything, which is why it makes no sense to ask whether they are true or false. Over the years people have created a lot of bad music, but not fake music. Without representing anything, music nevertheless does a remarkable job in connecting large numbers of people and synchronizing their emotions and movements. Music can make soldiers march in formation, clubbers sway together, church congregations clap in rhythm, and sports fans chant in unison.11

    The role of information in connecting things is of course not unique to human history. A case can be made that this is the chief role of information in biology too.12 Consider DNA, the molecular information that makes organic life possible. Like music, DNA doesn’t represent reality. Though generations of zebras have been fleeing lions, you cannot find in the zebra DNA a string of nucleobases representing “lion” nor another string representing “flight.” Similarly, zebra DNA contains no representation of the sun, wind, rain, or any other external phenomena that zebras encounter during their lives. Nor does DNA represent internal phenomena like body organs or emotions. There is no combination of nucleobases that represents a heart, or fear.

    Instead of trying to represent preexisting things, DNA helps to produce entirely new things. For instance, various strings of DNA nucleobases initiate cellular chemical processes that result in the production of adrenaline. Adrenaline too doesn’t represent reality in any way. Rather, adrenaline circulates through the body, initiating additional chemical processes that increase the heart rate and direct more blood to the muscles.13 DNA and adrenaline thereby help to connect cells in the heart, cells in the leg muscles, and trillions of other cells throughout the body to form a functioning network that can do remarkable things, like run away from a lion.

    If DNA represented reality, we could have asked questions like “Does zebra DNA represent reality more accurately than lion DNA?” or “Is the DNA of one zebra telling the truth about the world, while another zebra is misled by her fake DNA?” These, of course, are nonsensical questions. We might evaluate DNA by the fitness of the organism it produces, but not by truthfulness. While it is common to talk about DNA “errors,” this refers only to mutations in the process of copying DNA—not to a failure to represent reality accurately. A genetic mutation that inhibits the production of adrenaline reduces the fitness of a particular zebra, ultimately causing the network of cells to disintegrate, as when the zebra is killed by a lion and its trillions of cells lose connection with one another and decompose. But this kind of network failure means disintegration, not disinformation. That’s true of countries, political parties, and news networks as much as of zebras.

    Crucially, errors in the copying of DNA don’t always reduce fitness. Once in a blue moon, they increase fitness. Without such mutations, there would be no process of evolution. All life-forms exist thanks to genetic “errors.” The wonders of evolution are possible because DNA doesn’t represent any preexisting realities; it creates new realities.

    Let us pause to digest the implications of this. Information is something that creates new realities by connecting different points into a network. This still includes the view of information as representation. Sometimes, a truthful representation of reality can connect humans, as when 600 million people sat glued to their television sets in July 1969, watching Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walking on the moon.14 The images on the screens accurately represented what was happening 384,000 kilometers away, and seeing them gave rise to feelings of awe, pride, and human brotherliness that helped connect people.

    However, such fraternal feelings can be produced in other ways, too. The emphasis on connection leaves ample room for other types of information that do not represent reality well. Sometimes erroneous representations of reality might also serve as a social nexus, as when millions of followers of a conspiracy theory watch a YouTube video claiming that the moon landing never happened. These images convey an erroneous representation of reality, but they might nevertheless give rise to feelings of anger against the establishment or pride in one’s own wisdom that help create a cohesive new group.

    Sometimes networks can be connected without any attempt to represent reality, neither accurate nor erroneous, as when genetic information connects trillions of cells or when a stirring musical piece connects thousands of humans.

    As a final example, consider Mark Zuckerberg’s vision of the Metaverse. The Metaverse is a virtual universe made entirely of information. Unlike the one-to-one map built by Jorge Luis Borges’s imaginary empire, the Metaverse isn’t an attempt to represent our world, but rather an attempt to augment or even replace our world. It doesn’t offer us a digital replica of Buenos Aires or Salt Lake City; it invites people to build new virtual communities with novel landscapes and rules. As of 2024 the Metaverse seems like an overblown pipe dream, but within a couple of decades billions of people might migrate to live much of their lives in an augmented virtual reality, holding there most of their social and professional activities. People might come to build relationships, join movements, hold jobs, and experience emotional ups and downs in environments made of bits rather than atoms. Perhaps only in some remote deserts, tattered fragments of the old reality could still be found, sheltering an occasional beast or beggar.

    INFORMATION IN HUMAN HISTORY

    Viewing information as a social nexus helps us understand many aspects of human history that confound the naive view of information as representation. It explains the historical success not only of astrology but of much more important things, like the Bible. While some may dismiss astrology as a quaint sideshow in human history, nobody can deny the central role the Bible has played. If the main job of information had been to represent reality accurately, it would have been hard to explain why the Bible became one of the most influential texts in history.

    The Bible makes many serious errors in its description of both human affairs and natural processes. The book of Genesis claims that all human groups—including, for example, the San people of the Kalahari Desert and the Aborigines of Australia—descend from a single family that lived in the Middle East about four thousand years ago.15 According to Genesis, after the Flood all Noah’s descendants lived together in Mesopotamia, but following the destruction of the Tower of Babel they spread to the four corners of the earth and became the ancestors of all living humans. In fact, the ancestors of the San people lived in Africa for hundreds of thousands of years without ever leaving the continent, and the ancestors of the Aborigines settled Australia more than fifty thousand years ago.16 Both genetic and archaeological evidence rule out the idea that the entire ancient populations of South Africa and Australia were annihilated about four thousand years ago by a flood and that these areas were subsequently repopulated by Middle Eastern immigrants.

    An even graver distortion involves our understanding of infectious diseases. The Bible routinely depicts epidemics as divine punishment for human sins17 and claims they can be stopped or prevented by prayers and religious rituals.18 However, epidemics are of course caused by pathogens and can be stopped or prevented by following hygiene rules and using medicines and vaccines. This is today widely accepted even by religious leaders like the pope, who during the COVID-19 pandemic advised people to self-isolate, instead of congregating to pray together.19

    Yet while the Bible has done a poor job in representing the reality of human origins, migrations, and epidemics, it has nevertheless been very effective in connecting billions of people and creating the Jewish and Christian religions. Like DNA initiating chemical processes that bind billions of cells into organic networks, the Bible initiated social processes that bonded billions of people into religious networks. And just as a network of cells can do things that single cells cannot, so a religious network can do things that individual humans cannot, like building temples, maintaining legal systems, celebrating holidays, and waging holy wars.

    To conclude, information sometimes represents reality, and sometimes doesn’t. But it always connects. This is its fundamental characteristic. Therefore, when examining the role of information in history, although it sometimes makes sense to ask “How well does it represent reality? Is it true or false?” often the more crucial questions are “How well does it connect people? What new network does it create?”

    It should be emphasized that rejecting the naive view of information as representation does not force us to reject the notion of truth, nor does it force us to embrace the populist view of information as a weapon. While information always connects, some types of information—from scientific books to political speeches—may strive to connect people by accurately representing certain aspects of reality. But this requires a special effort, which most information does not make. This is why the naive view is wrong to believe that creating more powerful information technology will necessarily result in a more truthful understanding of the world. If no additional steps are taken to tilt the balance in favor of truth, an increase in the amount and speed of information is likely to swamp the relatively rare and expensive truthful accounts by much more common and cheap types of information.

    When we look at the history of information from the Stone Age to the Silicon Age, we therefore see a constant rise in connectivity, without a concomitant rise in truthfulness or wisdom. Contrary to what the naive view believes, Homo sapiens didn’t conquer the world because we are talented at turning information into an accurate map of reality. Rather, the secret of our success is that we are talented at using information to connect lots of individuals. Unfortunately, this ability often goes hand in hand with believing in lies, errors, and fantasies. This is why even technologically advanced societies like Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union have been prone to hold delusional ideas, without their delusions necessarily weakening them. Indeed, the mass delusions of Nazi and Stalinist ideologies about things like race and class actually helped them make tens of millions of people march together in lockstep.

    In chapters 2–5 we’ll take a closer look at the history of information networks. We’ll discuss how, over tens of thousands of years, humans invented various information technologies that greatly improved connectivity and cooperation without necessarily resulting in a more truthful representation of the world. These information technologies—invented centuries and millennia ago—still shape our world even in the era of the internet and AI. The first information technology we’ll examine, which is also the first information technology developed by humans, is the story.

    CHAPTER 2 Stories: Unlimited Connections

    We Sapiens rule the world not because we are so wise but because we are the only animals that can cooperate flexibly in large numbers. I have explored this idea in my previous books Sapiens and Homo Deus, but a brief recap is inescapable.

    The Sapiens’ ability to cooperate flexibly in large numbers has precursors among other animals. Some social mammals like chimpanzees display significant flexibility in the way they cooperate, while some social insects like ants cooperate in very large numbers. But neither chimps nor ants establish empires, religions, or trade networks. Sapiens are capable of doing such things because we are far more flexible than chimps and can simultaneously cooperate in even larger numbers than ants. In fact, there is no upper limit to the number of Sapiens who can cooperate with one another. The Catholic Church has about 1.4 billion members. China has a population of about 1.4 billion. The global trade network connects about 8 billion Sapiens.

    This is surprising given that humans cannot form long-term intimate bonds with more than a few hundred individuals.1 It takes many years and common experiences to get to know someone’s unique character and history and to cultivate ties of mutual trust and affection. Consequently, if Sapiens networks were connected only by personal human-to-human bonds, our networks would have remained very small. This is the situation among our chimpanzee cousins, for example. Their typical community numbers 20–60 members, and on rare occasions the number might increase to 150–200.2 This appears to have been the situation also among ancient human species like Neanderthals and archaic Homo sapiens. Each of their bands numbered a few dozen individuals, and different bands rarely cooperated.3

    About seventy thousand years ago, Homo sapiens bands began displaying an unprecedented capacity to cooperate with one another, as evidenced by the emergence of inter-band trade and artistic traditions and by the rapid spread of our species from our African homeland to the entire globe. What enabled different bands to cooperate is that evolutionary changes in brain structure and linguistic abilities apparently gave Sapiens the aptitude to tell and believe fictional stories and to be deeply moved by them. Instead of building a network from human-to-human chains alone—as the Neanderthals, for example, did—stories provided Homo sapiens with a new type of chain: human-to-story chains. In order to cooperate, Sapiens no longer had to know each other personally; they just had to know the same story. And the same story can be familiar to billions of individuals. A story can thereby serve like a central connector, with an unlimited number of outlets into which an unlimited number of people can plug. For example, the 1.4 billion members of the Catholic Church are connected by the Bible and other key Christian stories; the 1.4 billion citizens of China are connected by the stories of communist ideology and Chinese nationalism; and the 8 billion members of the global trade network are connected by stories about currencies, corporations, and brands.

    Even charismatic leaders who have millions of followers are an example of this rule rather than an exception. It may seem that in the case of ancient Chinese emperors, medieval Catholic popes, or modern corporate titans it has been a single flesh-and-blood human—rather than a story—that has served as a nexus linking millions of followers. But, of course, in all these cases almost none of the followers has had a personal bond with the leader. Instead, what they have connected to has been a carefully crafted story about the leader, and it is in this story that they have put their faith.

    Joseph Stalin, who stood at the nexus of one of the biggest personality cults in history, understood this well. When his troublesome son Vasily exploited his famous name to frighten and awe people, Stalin berated him. “But I’m a Stalin too,” protested Vasily. “No, you’re not,” replied Stalin. “You’re not Stalin and I’m not Stalin. Stalin is Soviet power. Stalin is what he is in the newspapers and the portraits, not you, no—not even me!”4

    Present-day influencers and celebrities would concur. Some have hundreds of millions of online followers, with whom they communicate daily through social media. But there is very little authentic personal connection there. The social media accounts are usually run by a team of experts, and every image and word is professionally crafted and curated to manufacture what is nowadays called a brand.5

    A “brand” is a specific type of story. To brand a product means to tell a story about that product, which may have little to do with the product’s actual qualities but which consumers nevertheless learn to associate with the product. For example, over the decades the Coca-Cola corporation has invested tens of billions of dollars in advertisements that tell and retell the story of the Coca-Cola drink.6 People have seen and heard the story so often that many have come to associate a certain concoction of flavored water with fun, happiness, and youth (as opposed to tooth decay, obesity, and plastic waste). That’s branding.7

    As Stalin knew, it is possible to brand not only products but also individuals. A corrupt billionaire can be branded as the champion of the poor; a bungling imbecile can be branded as an infallible genius; and a guru who sexually abuses his followers can be branded as a chaste saint. People think they connect to the person, but in fact they connect to the story told about the person, and there is often a huge gulf between the two.

    Even the story of Cher Ami, the heroic pigeon, was partly the product of a branding campaign aimed at enhancing the public image of the U.S. Army’s Pigeon Service. A 2021 revisionist study by the historian Frank Blazich found that though there is no doubt Cher Ami sustained severe injuries while transporting a message somewhere in Northern France, several key features of the story are doubtful or inaccurate. First, relying on contemporary military records, Blazich demonstrated that headquarters learned about the exact location of the Lost Battalion about twenty minutes prior to the pigeon’s arrival. It was not the pigeon that put a stop to the barrage of friendly fire decimating the Lost Battalion. Even more crucially, there is simply no proof that the pigeon carrying Major Whittlesey’s message was Cher Ami. It might well have been another bird, while Cher Ami might have sustained his wounds a couple of weeks later, during an altogether different battle.

    According to Blazich, the doubts and inconsistencies in Cher Ami’s story were overshadowed by its propaganda value to the army and its appeal to the public. Over the years the story was retold so many times that facts became hopelessly enmeshed with fiction. Journalists, poets, and filmmakers added fanciful details to it, for example that the pigeon lost an eye as well as a leg and that it was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. In the 1920s and 1930s Cher Ami became the most famous bird in the world. When he died, his carefully preserved corpse was placed on display at the Smithsonian Museum, where it became a pilgrimage site for American patriots and World War I veterans. As the story grew in the telling, it took over even the recollections of survivors of the Lost Battalion, who came to accept the popular narrative at face value. Blazich recounts the case of Sherman Eager, an officer in the Lost Battalion, who decades after the war brought his children to see Cher Ami at the Smithsonian and told them, “You all owe your lives to that pigeon.” Whatever the facts may be, the story of the self-sacrificing winged saviour proved irresistible.8

    As a much more extreme example, consider Jesus. Two millennia of storytelling have encased Jesus within such a thick cocoon of stories that it is impossible to recover the historical person. Indeed, for millions of devout Christians merely raising the possibility that the real person was different from the story is blasphemy. As far as we can tell, the real Jesus was a typical Jewish preacher who built a small following by giving sermons and healing the sick. After his death, however, Jesus became the subject of one of the most remarkable branding campaigns in history. This little-known provincial guru, who during his short career gathered just a handful of disciples and who was executed as a common criminal, was rebranded after death as the incarnation of the cosmic god who created the universe.9 Though no contemporary portrait of Jesus has survived, and though the Bible never describes what he looked like, imaginary renderings of him have become some of the most recognizable icons in the world.

    It should be stressed that the creation of the Jesus story was not a deliberate lie. People like Saint Paul, Tertullian, Saint Augustine, and Martin Luther didn’t set out to deceive anyone. They projected their deeply felt hopes and feelings on the figure of Jesus, in the same way that all of us routinely project our feelings on our parents, lovers, and leaders. While branding campaigns are occasionally a cynical exercise of disinformation, most of the really big stories of history have been the result of emotional projections and wishful thinking. True believers play a key role in the rise of every major religion and ideology, and the Jesus story changed history because it gained an immense number of true believers.

    By gaining all those believers, the story of Jesus managed to have a much bigger impact on history than the person of Jesus. The person of Jesus walked from village to village on his two feet, talking with people, eating and drinking with them, placing his hands on their sick bodies. He made a difference to the lives of perhaps several thousand individuals, all living in one minor Roman province. In contrast, the story of Jesus flew around the whole world, first on the wings of gossip, anecdote, and rumor; then via parchment texts, paintings, and statues; and eventually as blockbuster movies and internet memes. Billions of people not only heard the Jesus story but came to believe in it too, which created one of the biggest and most influential networks in the world.

    Stories like the one about Jesus can be seen as a way of stretching preexisting biological bonds. Family is the strongest bond known to humans. One way that stories build trust between strangers is by making these strangers reimagine each other as family. The Jesus story presented Jesus as the heavenly father of all humans, encouraged hundreds of millions of Christians to see each other as brothers and sisters, and created a shared pool of family memories. While most Christians were not physically present at the Last Supper, they have heard the story so many times, and they have seen so many images of the event, that they “remember” it more vividly than they remember most of the family dinners in which they actually participated.

    Interestingly, Jesus’s last supper was the Jewish Passover meal, which according to the Gospel accounts Jesus shared with his disciples just before his crucifixion. In Jewish tradition, the whole purpose of the Passover meal is to create and reenact artificial memories. Every year Jewish families sit together on the eve of Passover to eat and reminisce about “their” exodus from Egypt. They are supposed not only to tell the story of how the descendants of Jacob escaped slavery in Egypt but to remember how they personally suffered at the hands of the Egyptians, how they personally saw the sea part, and how they personally received the Ten Commandments from Jehovah at Mount Sinai.

    The Jewish tradition doesn’t mince words here. The text of the Passover ritual (the Haggadah) insists that “in every generation a person is obligated to regard himself as if he personally had come out of Egypt.” If anyone objects that this is a fiction, and that they didn’t personally come out of Egypt, Jewish sages have a ready answer. They claim that the souls of all Jews throughout history were created by Jehovah long before they were born and all these souls were present at Mount Sinai.10 As Salvador Litvak, a Jewish social media influencer, explained to his online followers in 2018, “You and I were there together.… When we fulfill the obligation to see ourselves as if we personally left Egypt, it’s not a metaphor. We don’t imagine the Exodus, we remember it.”11

    So every year, in the most important celebration of the Jewish calendar, millions of Jews put on a show that they remember things that they didn’t witness and that in all probability never happened at all. As numerous modern studies show, repeatedly retelling a fake memory eventually causes the person to adopt it as a genuine recollection.12 When two Jews encounter each other for the first time, they can immediately feel that they both belong to the same family, that they were together slaves in Egypt, and that they were together at Mount Sinai. That’s a powerful bond that sustained the Jewish network over many centuries and continents.

    INTERSUBJECTIVE ENTITIES

    The Jewish Passover story builds a large network by taking existing biological kin bonds and stretching them way beyond their biological limits. But there is an even more revolutionary way for stories to build networks. Like DNA, stories can create entirely new entities. Indeed, stories can even create an entirely new level of reality. As far as we know, prior to the emergence of stories the universe contained just two levels of reality. Stories added a third.

    The two levels of reality that preceded storytelling are objective reality and subjective reality. Objective reality consists of things like stones, mountains, and asteroids—things that exist whether we are aware of them or not. An asteroid hurtling toward planet Earth, for example, exists even if nobody knows it’s out there. Then there is subjective reality: things like pain, pleasure, and love that aren’t “out there” but rather “in here.” Subjective things exist in our awareness of them. An unfelt ache is an oxymoron.

    But some stories are able to create a third level of reality: intersubjective reality. Whereas subjective things like pain exist in a single mind, intersubjective things like laws, gods, nations, corporations, and currencies exist in the nexus between large numbers of minds. More specifically, they exist in the stories people tell one another. The information humans exchange about intersubjective things doesn’t represent anything that had already existed prior to the exchange of information; rather, the exchange of information creates these things.

    When I tell you that I am in pain, telling you about it doesn’t create the pain. And if I stop talking about the pain, it doesn’t make the pain go away. Similarly, when I tell you that I saw an asteroid, this doesn’t create the asteroid. The asteroid exists whether people talk about it or not. But when lots of people tell one another stories about laws, gods, or currencies, this is what creates these laws, gods, or currencies. If people stop talking about them, they disappear. Intersubjective things exist in the exchange of information.

    Let’s take a closer look. The calorific value of pizza doesn’t depend on our beliefs. A typical pizza contains between fifteen hundred and twenty-five hundred calories.13 In contrast, the financial value of money—and pizzas—depends entirely on our beliefs. How many pizzas can you purchase for a dollar, or for a bitcoin? In 2010, Laszlo Hanyecz bought two pizzas for 10,000 bitcoins. It was the first known commercial transaction involving bitcoin—and with hindsight, also the most expensive pizza ever. By November 2021, a single bitcoin was valued at more than $69,000, so the bitcoins Hanyecz paid for his two pizzas were worth $690 million, enough to purchase millions of pizzas.14 While the calorific value of pizza is an objective reality that remained the same between 2010 and 2021, the financial value of bitcoin is an intersubjective reality that changed dramatically during the same period, depending on the stories people told and believed about bitcoin.

    Another example. Suppose I ask, “Does the Loch Ness Monster exist?” This is a question about the objective level of reality. Some people believe that dinosaur-like animals really do inhabit Loch Ness. Others dismiss the idea as a fantasy or a hoax. Over the years, many attempts have been made to resolve the disagreement once and for all, using scientific methods such as sonar scans and DNA surveys. If huge animals live in the lake, they should appear on sonar, and they should leave DNA traces. Based on the available evidence, the scientific consensus is that the Loch Ness Monster does not exist. (A DNA survey conducted in 2019 found genetic material from three thousand species, but no monster. At most, Loch Ness may contain some five-kilo eels.15) Many people may nevertheless continue to believe that the Loch Ness Monster exists, but believing it doesn’t change objective reality.

    In contrast to animals, whose existence can be verified or disproved through objective tests, states are intersubjective entities. We normally don’t notice it, because everybody takes the existence of the United States, China, Russia, or Brazil for granted. But there are cases when people disagree about the existence of certain states, and then their intersubjective status emerges. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, for example, revolves around this matter, because some people and governments refuse to acknowledge the existence of Israel and others refuse to acknowledge the existence of Palestine. As of 2024, the governments of Brazil and China, for example, say that both Israel and Palestine exist; the governments of the United States and Cameroon recognize only Israel’s existence; whereas the governments of Algeria and Iran recognize only Palestine. Other cases range from Kosovo, which as of 2024 is recognized as a state by around half of the 193 UN members,16 to Abkhazia, which almost all governments see as a sovereign territory of Georgia, but which is recognized as a state by Russia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Nauru, and Syria.17

    Indeed, almost all states pass at least temporarily through a phase during which their existence is contested, when struggling for independence. Did the United States come into existence on July 4, 1776, or only when other states like France and finally the U.K. recognized it? Between the declaration of U.S. independence on July 4, 1776, and the signing of the Treaty of Paris on September 3, 1783, some people like George Washington believed the United States existed, while other people like King George III vehemently rejected this idea.

    Disagreements about the existence of states cannot be resolved by an objective test, such as a DNA survey or a sonar scan. Unlike animals, states are not an objective reality. When we ask whether a particular state exists, we are raising a question about intersubjective reality. If enough people agree that a particular state exists, then it does. It can then do things like sign legally binding treaties with other governments as well as NGOs and private corporations.

    Of all genres of stories, those that create intersubjective realities have been the most crucial for the development of large-scale human networks. Implanting fake family memories is certainly helpful, but no religions or empires managed to survive for long without a strong belief in the existence of a god, a nation, a law code, or a currency. For the formation of the Christian Church, for example, it was important that people recollect what Jesus said at the Last Supper, but the crucial step was making people believe that Jesus was a god rather than just an inspiring rabbi. For the formation of the Jewish religion, it was helpful that Jews “remembered” how they together escaped slavery in Egypt, but the really decisive step was making all Jews adhere to the same religious law code, the Halakha.

    Intersubjective things like laws, gods, and currencies are extremely powerful within a particular information network and utterly meaningless outside it. Suppose a billionaire crashes his private jet on a deserted island and finds himself alone with a suitcase full of banknotes and bonds. When he was in São Paulo or Mumbai, he could use these papers to make people feed him, clothe him, protect him, and build him a private jet. But once he is cut off from other members of our information network, his banknotes and bonds immediately become worthless. He cannot use them to get the island’s monkeys to provide him with food or to build him a raft.

    THE POWER OF STORIES

    Whether through implanting fake memories, forming fictional relationships, or creating intersubjective realities, stories produced large-scale human networks. These networks in turn completely changed the balance of power in the world. Story-based networks made Homo sapiens the most powerful of all animals, giving it a crucial edge not only over lions and mammoths but also over other ancient human species like Neanderthals.

    Neanderthals lived in small isolated bands, and to the best of our knowledge different bands cooperated with one another only rarely and weakly, if at all.18 Stone Age Sapiens too lived in small bands of a few dozen individuals. But following the emergence of storytelling, Sapiens bands no longer lived in isolation. Bands were connected by stories about things like revered ancestors, totem animals, and guardian spirits. Bands that shared stories and intersubjective realities constituted a tribe. Each tribe was a network connecting hundreds or even thousands of individuals.19

    Belonging to a large tribe had an obvious advantage in times of conflict. Five hundred Sapiens could easily defeat fifty Neanderthals.20 But tribal networks had many additional advantages. If we live in an isolated band of fifty people and a severe drought hits our home territory, many of us might starve to death. If we try to migrate elsewhere, we are likely to encounter hostile groups, and we might also find it difficult to forage for food, water, and flint (to make tools) in unfamiliar territory. However, if our band is part of a tribal network, in times of need at least some of us could go live with our distant friends. If our shared tribal identity is strong enough, they would welcome us and teach us about the local dangers and opportunities. A decade or two later, we might reciprocate. The tribal network, then, acted like an insurance policy. It minimized risk by spreading it across a lot more people.21

    Even in quiet times Sapiens could benefit enormously from exchanging information not just with a few dozen members of a small band but with an entire tribal network. If one of the tribe’s bands discovered a better way to make spear points, learned how to heal wounds with some rare medicinal herb, or invented a needle to sew clothes, that knowledge could be quickly passed to the other bands. Even though individually Sapiens might not have been more intelligent than Neanderthals, five hundred Sapiens together were far more intelligent than fifty Neanderthals.22

    All this was made possible by stories. The power of stories is often missed or denied by materialist interpretations of history. In particular, Marxists tend to view stories as merely a smoke screen for underlying power relations and material interests. According to Marxist theories, people are always motivated by objective material interests and use stories only to camouflage these interests and confound their rivals. For example, in this reading the Crusades, World War I, and the Iraq War were all fought for the economic interests of powerful elites rather than for religious, nationalist, or liberal ideals. Understanding these wars means setting aside all the mythological fig leaves—about God, patriotism, or democracy—and observing power relations in their nakedness.

    This Marxist view, however, is not only cynical but wrong. While materialist interests certainly played a role in the Crusades, World War I, the Iraq War, and most other human conflicts, that does not mean that religious, national, and liberal ideals played no role at all. Moreover, materialist interests by themselves cannot explain the identities of the rival camps. Why is it that in the twelfth century landowners and merchants from France, Germany, and Italy united to conquer territories and trade routes in the Levant—instead of landowners and merchants from France and North Africa uniting to conquer Italy? And why is it that in 2003, the United States and Britain sought to conquer the oil fields of Iraq, rather than the gas fields of Norway? Can this really be explained by purely materialist considerations, without any recourse to people’s religious and ideological beliefs?

    In fact, all relations between large-scale human groups are shaped by stories, because the identities of these groups are themselves defined by stories. There are no objective definitions for who is British, American, Norwegian, or Iraqi; all these identities are shaped by national and religious myths that are constantly challenged and revised. Marxists may claim that large-scale groups have objective identities and interests, independent of stories. If that is so, how can we explain that only humans have large-scale groups like tribes, nations, and religions, whereas chimpanzees lack them? After all, chimpanzees share with humans all our objective material interests; they too need to drink, eat, and protect themselves from diseases. They too want sex and social power. But chimpanzees cannot maintain large-scale groups, because they are unable to create the stories that connect such groups and define their identities and interests. Contrary to Marxist thinking, large-scale identities and interests in history are always intersubjective; they are never objective.

    This is good news. If history had been shaped solely by material interests and power struggles, there would be no point talking to people who disagree with us. Any conflict would ultimately be the result of objective power relations, which cannot be changed merely by talking. In particular, if privileged people can see and believe only those things that enshrine their privileges, how can anything except violence persuade them to renounce those privileges and alter their beliefs? Luckily, since history is shaped by intersubjective stories, sometimes we can avert conflict and make peace by talking with people, changing the stories in which they and we believe, or coming up with a new story that everyone can accept.

    Take, for example, the rise of Nazism. There certainly were material interests that drove millions of Germans to support Hitler. The Nazis would probably never have come to power if it wasn’t for the economic crisis of the early 1930s. However, it is wrong to think that the Third Reich was the inevitable outcome of underlying power relations and material interests. Hitler won the 1933 elections because during the economic crisis millions of Germans came to believe the Nazi story rather than one of the alternative stories on offer. This wasn’t the inevitable result of Germans pursuing their material interests and protecting their privileges; it was a tragic mistake. We can confidently say that it was a mistake, and that Germans could have chosen better stories, because we know what happened next. Twelve years of Nazi rule didn’t foster the Germans’ material interests. Nazism led to the destruction of Germany and the deaths of millions. Later, when Germans adopted liberal democracy, this did lead to a lasting improvement in their lives. Couldn’t the Germans have skipped the failed Nazi experiment and put their faith in liberal democracy already in the early 1930s? The position of this book is that they could have. History is often shaped not by deterministic power relations, but rather by tragic mistakes that result from believing in mesmerizing but harmful stories.

    THE NOBLE LIE

    The centrality of stories reveals something fundamental about the power of our species, and it explains why power doesn’t always go hand in hand with wisdom. The naive view of information says that information leads to truth, and knowing the truth helps people to gain both power and wisdom. This sounds reassuring. It implies that people who ignore the truth are unlikely to have much power, whereas people who respect the truth can gain much power, but that power would be tempered by wisdom. For example, people who ignore the truth about human biology might believe racist myths but will not be able to produce powerful medicines and bioweapons, whereas people who understand biology will have that kind of power but will not use it in the service of racist ideologies. If this had indeed been the case, we could sleep calmly, trusting our presidents, high priests, and CEOs to be wise and honest. A politician, a movement, or a country might conceivably get ahead here and there with the help of lies and deceptions, but in the long term that would be a self-defeating strategy.

    Unfortunately, this is not the world in which we live. In history, power stems only partially from knowing the truth. It also stems from the ability to maintain social order among a large number of people. Suppose you want to make an atom bomb. To succeed, you obviously need some accurate knowledge of physics. But you also need lots of people to mine uranium ore, build nuclear reactors, and provide food for the construction workers, miners, and physicists. The Manhattan Project directly employed about 130,000 people, with millions more working to sustain them.23 Robert Oppenheimer could devote himself to his equations because he relied on thousands of miners to extract uranium at the Eldorado mine in northern Canada and the Shinkolobwe mine in the Belgian Congo24—not to mention the farmers who grew potatoes for his lunch. If you want to make an atom bomb, you must find a way to make millions of people cooperate.

    It is the same with all ambitious projects that humans undertake. A Stone Age band going to hunt a mammoth obviously needed to know some true facts about mammoths. If they believed they could kill a mammoth by casting spells, their hunting expedition would have failed. But just knowing facts about mammoths wasn’t enough, either. The hunters also needed to make sure all of them agreed on the same plan and bravely did their bit even in the face of mortal danger. If they believed that by pronouncing a spell they could guarantee a good afterlife for dead hunters, their hunting expeditions had a much higher chance of success. Even if objectively the spell was powerless and did not benefit dead hunters in any way, by fortifying the courage and solidarity of living hunters, it nevertheless made a crucial contribution to the hunt’s success.25

    While power depends on both truth and order, in most cases it is the people who know how to maintain order who call the shots, giving instructions to the people who merely know the truth about things like mammoths or nuclear physics. Robert Oppenheimer obeyed Franklin Delano Roosevelt rather than the other way around. Similarly, Werner Heisenberg obeyed Adolf Hitler, Igor Kurchatov deferred to Joseph Stalin, and in contemporary Iran experts in nuclear physics follow the orders of experts in Shiite theology.

    What the people at the top know, which nuclear physicists don’t always realize, is that telling the truth about the universe is hardly the most efficient way to produce order among large numbers of humans. It is true that E = mc², and it explains a lot of what happens in the universe, but knowing that E = mc² usually doesn’t resolve political disagreements or inspire people to make sacrifices for a common cause. Instead, what holds human networks together tends to be fictional stories, especially stories about intersubjective things like gods, money, and nations. When it comes to uniting people, fiction enjoys two inherent advantages over the truth. First, fiction can be made as simple as we like, whereas the truth tends to be complicated, because the reality it is supposed to represent is complicated. Take, for example, the truth about nations. It is difficult to grasp that the nation to which one belongs is an intersubjective entity that exists only in our collective imagination. You rarely hear politicians say such things in their political speeches. It is far easier to believe that our nation is God’s chosen people, entrusted by the Creator with some special mission. This simple story has been repeatedly told by countless politicians from Israel to Iran and from the United States to Russia.

    Second, the truth is often painful and disturbing, and if we try to make it more comforting and flattering, it will no longer be the truth. In contrast, fiction is highly malleable. The history of every nation contains some dark episodes that citizens don’t like to acknowledge and remember. An Israeli politician who in her election speeches details the miseries inflicted on Palestinian civilians by the Israeli occupation is unlikely to get many votes. In contrast, a politician who builds a national myth by ignoring uncomfortable facts, focusing on glorious moments in the Jewish past, and embellishing reality wherever necessary may well sweep to power. That’s the case not just in Israel but in all countries. How many Italians or Indians want to hear the unblemished truth about their nations? An uncompromising adherence to the truth is essential for scientific progress, and it is also an admirable spiritual practice, but it is not a winning political strategy.

    Already in his Republic, Plato imagined that the constitution of his utopian state would be based on “the noble lie”—a fictional story about the origin of the social order, one that secures the citizens’ loyalty and prevents them from questioning the constitution. Citizens should be told, Plato wrote, that they were all born out of the earth, that the land is their mother, and that they therefore owe filial loyalty to the motherland. They should further be told that when they were conceived, the gods intermingled different metals—gold, silver, bronze, and iron—into them, which justifies a natural hierarchy between golden rulers and bronze servants. While Plato’s utopia was never realized in practice, numerous polities through the ages told their inhabitants variations of this noble lie.

    Plato’s noble lie notwithstanding, we should not conclude that all politicians are liars or that all national histories are deceptions. The choice isn’t simply between telling the truth and lying. There is a third option. Telling a fictional story is lying only when you pretend that the story is a true representation of reality. Telling a fictional story isn’t lying when you avoid such pretense and acknowledge that you are trying to create a new intersubjective reality rather than represent a preexisting objective reality.

    For example, on September 17, 1787, the Constitutional Convention signed the U.S. Constitution, which came into force in 1789. The Constitution didn’t reveal any preexisting truth about the world, but crucially it wasn’t a lie, either. Rejecting Plato’s recommendation, the authors of the text didn’t deceive anyone about the text’s origins. They didn’t pretend that the text came down from heaven or that it had been inspired by some god. Rather, they acknowledged that it was an extremely creative legal fiction generated by fallible human beings.

    “We the People of the United States,” says the Constitution about its own origins, “in Order to form a more perfect Union … do ordain and establish this Constitution.” Despite the acknowledgment that it is a human-made legal fiction, the U.S. Constitution indeed managed to form a powerful union. It maintained for more than two centuries a surprising degree of order among many millions of people who belonged to a wide range of religious, ethnic, and cultural groups. The U.S. Constitution has thus functioned like a tune that without claiming to represent anything has nevertheless made numerous people act together in order.

    It is crucial to note that “order” should not be confused with fairness or justice. The order created and maintained by the U.S. Constitution condoned slavery, the subordination of women, the expropriation of indigenous people, and extreme economic inequality. The genius of the U.S. Constitution is that by acknowledging that it is a legal fiction created by human beings, it was able to provide mechanisms to reach agreement on amending itself and remedying its own injustices (as chapter 5 explores in greater depth). The Constitution’s Article V details how people can propose and ratify such amendments, which “shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution.” Less than a century after the Constitution was written, the Thirteenth Amendment abolished slavery.

    In this, the U.S. Constitution was fundamentally different from stories that denied their fictive nature and claimed divine origin, such as the Ten Commandments. Like the U.S. Constitution, the Ten Commandments endorsed slavery. The Tenth Commandment says, “You shall not covet your neighbor’s house. You shall not covet your neighbor’s wife, or his male slave or female slave” (Exodus 20:17). This implies that God is perfectly okay with people holding slaves, and objects only to the coveting of slaves belonging to someone else. But unlike the U.S. Constitution, the Ten Commandments failed to provide any amendment mechanism. There is no Eleventh Commandment that says, “You can amend commandments by a two-thirds majority vote.”

    This crucial difference between the two texts is clear from their opening gambits. The U.S. Constitution opens with “We the People.” By acknowledging its human origin, it invests humans with the power to amend it. The Ten Commandments open with “I am the Lord your God.” By claiming divine origin, it precludes humans from changing it. As a result, the biblical text still endorses slavery even today.

    All human political systems are based on fictions, but some admit it, and some do not. Being truthful about the origins of our social order makes it easier to make changes in it. If humans like us invented it, we can amend it. But such truthfulness comes at a price. Acknowledging the human origins of the social order makes it harder to persuade everyone to agree on it. If humans like us invented it, why should we accept it? As we shall see in chapter 5, until the late eighteenth century the lack of mass communication technology made it extremely difficult to conduct open debates between millions of people about the rules of the social order. To maintain order, Russian tsars, Muslim caliphs, and Chinese sons of heaven therefore claimed that the fundamental rules of society came down from heaven and were not open to human amendment. In the early twenty-first century, many political systems still claim superhuman authority and oppose open debates that may result in unwelcome changes.

    THE PERENNIAL DILEMMA

    After we understand the key role of fiction in history, it is finally possible to present a more complete model of information networks, which goes beyond both the naive view of information and the populist critique of that view. Contrary to the naive view, information isn’t the raw material of truth, and human information networks aren’t geared only to discover the truth. But contrary to the populist view, information isn’t just a weapon, either. Rather, to survive and flourish, every human information network needs to do two things simultaneously: discover truth and create order. Accordingly, as history unfolded, human information networks have been developing two distinct sets of skills. On the one hand, as the naive view expects, the networks have learned how to process information to gain a more accurate understanding of things like medicine, mammoths, and nuclear physics. At the same time, the networks have also learned how to use information to maintain stronger social order among larger populations, by using not just truthful accounts but also fictions, fantasies, propaganda, and—occasionally—downright lies.

    The naive view of information
    A more complete historical view of information

    Having a lot of information doesn’t in and of itself guarantee either truth or order. It is a difficult process to use information to discover the truth and simultaneously use it to maintain order. What makes things worse is that these two processes are often contradictory, because it is frequently easier to maintain order through fictions. Sometimes—as in the case of the U.S. Constitution—fictional stories may acknowledge their fictionality, but more often they disavow it. Religions, for example, always claim to be an objective and eternal truth rather than a fictional story invented by humans. In such cases, the search for truth threatens the foundations of the social order. Many societies require their populations not to know their true origins: ignorance is strength. What happens, then, when people get uncomfortably close to the truth? What happens when the same bit of information reveals an important fact about the world, and also undermines the noble lie that holds society together? In such cases society may seek to preserve order by placing limits on the search for truth.

    One obvious example is Darwin’s theory of evolution. Understanding evolution greatly advances our understanding of the origins and biology of species, including Homo sapiens, but it also undermines the central myths that maintain order in numerous societies. No wonder that various governments and churches have banned or limited the teaching of evolution, preferring to sacrifice truth for the sake of order.26

    A related problem is that an information network may allow and even encourage people to search for truth, but only in specific fields that help generate power without threatening the social order. The result can be a very powerful network that is singularly lacking in wisdom. Nazi Germany, for example, cultivated many of the world’s leading experts in chemistry, optics, engineering, and rocket science. It was largely Nazi rocket science that later brought the Americans to the moon.27 This scientific prowess helped the Nazis build an extremely powerful war machine, which was then deployed in the service of a deranged and murderous mythology. Under Nazi rule Germans were encouraged to develop rocket science, but they were not free to question racist theories about biology and history.

    That’s a major reason why the history of human information networks isn’t a triumphant march of progress. While over the generations human networks have grown increasingly powerful, they have not necessarily grown increasingly wise. If a network privileges order over truth, it can become very powerful but use that power unwisely.

    Instead of a march of progress, the history of human information networks is a tightrope walk trying to balance truth with order. In the twenty-first century we aren’t much better at finding the right balance than our ancestors were in the Stone Age. Contrary to what the mission statements of corporations like Google and Facebook imply, simply increasing the speed and efficiency of our information technology doesn’t necessarily make the world a better place. It only makes the need to balance truth and order more urgent. The invention of the story taught us this lesson already tens of thousands of years ago. And the same lesson would be taught again, when humans came up with their second great information technology: the written document.

    CHAPTER 3 Documents: The Bite of the Paper Tigers

    Stories were the first crucial information technology developed by humans. They laid the foundation for all large-scale human cooperation and made humans the most powerful animals on earth. But as an information technology, stories have their limitations.

    To appreciate this, consider the role storytelling plays in the formation of nations. Many nations have first been conceived in the imagination of poets. Sarah Aaronsohn and the NILI underground are remembered by present-day Israelis as some of the first Zionists who risked their lives in the 1910s to establish a Jewish state in Palestine, but from where did NILI members get this idea in the first place? They were inspired by an earlier generation of poets, thinkers, and visionaries such as Theodor Herzl and Hayim Nahman Bialik.

    In the 1890s and first decade of the twentieth century, Bialik, a Ukrainian Jew, published numerous poems and stories bewailing the persecution and weakness of European Jews and calling on them to take their fate in their hands—to defend themselves by force of arms, immigrate to Palestine, and there establish their own state. One of his most stirring poems was written following the Kishinev Pogrom of 1903, in which forty-nine Jews were murdered and dozens more were injured.1 “In the City of Slaughter” condemned the murderous antisemitic mob who perpetrated the atrocities, but it also criticized the Jews themselves for their pacifism and helplessness.

    In one heart-wrenching scene, Bialik described how Jewish women were gang-raped, while their husbands and brothers hid nearby, afraid to intervene. The poem compares the Jewish men to terrified mice and imagines how they quietly prayed to God to perform some miracle, which failed to materialize. The poem then tells how even after the pogrom was over, the survivors had no thought of arming themselves and instead entered Talmudic disputations about whether the raped women were now ritualistically “defiled” or whether they were still “pure.” This poem is mandatory reading in many Israeli schools today. It is also mandatory reading for anyone wishing to understand how after two millennia of being one of the most pacifist groups in history, Jews built one of the most formidable armies in the world. Not for nothing was Bialik named Israel’s national poet.2

    The fact that Bialik lived in Ukraine, and was intimately familiar with the persecution of Ashkenazi Jews in eastern Europe but had little understanding of conditions in Palestine, contributed to the subsequent conflict there between Jews and Arabs. Bialik’s poems inspired Jews to see themselves as victims in dire need of developing their military might and building their own country, but hardly considered the catastrophic consequences for the Arab inhabitants of Palestine, or indeed for the Mizrahi Jewish communities native to the Middle East. When the Arab-Israeli conflict exploded in the late 1940s, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and hundreds of thousands of Mizrahi Jews were driven out of their ancestral homes in the Middle East, partly as a result of poems composed half a century earlier in Ukraine.3

    While Bialik was writing in Ukraine, the Hungarian Jew Theodor Herzl was busy organizing the Zionist movement in the 1890s and early years of the twentieth century. As a central part of his political activism, Herzl published two books. The Jewish State (1896) was a manifesto outlining Herzl’s idea of establishing a Jewish state in Palestine, and The Old New Land (1902) was a utopian novel set in the year 1923 describing the prosperous Jewish state that Herzl envisioned. The two books—which fatefully also tended to ignore realities on the ground in Palestine—were immensely influential in shaping the Zionist movement. The Old New Land appeared in Hebrew under the title Tel Aviv (a loose Hebrew translation of “Old New Land”). The city of Tel Aviv, established seven years after the book’s publication, took its name from the book. While Bialik is Israel’s national poet, Herzl is known as the visionary of the state.

    The yarns Bialik and Herzl wove ignored many crucial facts about contemporary reality, most notably that around 1900 the Jews of Palestine comprised only 6–9 percent of the region’s total population of about 600,000 people.4 While disregarding such demographic facts, Bialik and Herzl accorded great importance to mythology, most notably the stories of the Bible, without which modern Zionism is unimaginable. Bialik and Herzl were also influenced by the nationalist myths that were created in the nineteenth century by almost every other ethnic group in Europe. The Ukrainian Jew Bialik and the Hungarian Jew Herzl did for Zionism what was earlier done by the poets Taras Shevchenko for Ukrainian nationalism,5 Sándor Petőfi for Hungarian nationalism,6 and Adam Mickiewicz for Polish nationalism.7 Observing the growth of other national movements all around, Herzl wrote that nations arise “out of dreams, songs, fantasies.”8

    But dreams, songs, and fantasies, however inspiring, are not enough to create a functioning nation-state. Bialik inspired generations of Jewish fighters, but to equip and maintain an army, it is also necessary to raise taxes and buy guns. Herzl’s utopian book laid the foundations for the city of Tel Aviv, but to keep the city going, it was also necessary to dig a sewage system. When all is said and done, the essence of patriotism isn’t reciting stirring poems about the beauty of the motherland, and it certainly isn’t making hate-filled speeches against foreigners and minorities. Rather, patriotism means paying your taxes so that people on the other side of the country also enjoy the benefit of a sewage system, as well as security, education, and health care.

    To manage all these services and raise the necessary taxes, enormous amounts of information need to be collected, stored, and processed: information about properties, payments, exemptions, discounts, debts, inventories, shipments, budgets, bills, and salaries. This, however, is not the kind of information that can be turned into a memorable poem or a captivating myth. Instead, tax records come in the shape of various types of lists, ranging from a simple item-by-item record to more elaborate tables and spreadsheets. No matter how intricate these data sets may become, they eschew narrative in favor of dryly listing amounts owed and amounts paid. Poets can afford to ignore such mundane facts, but tax collectors cannot.

    Lists are crucial not only for national taxation systems but also for almost all other complex financial institutions. Corporations, banks, and stock markets cannot exist without them. A church, a university, or a library that wants to balance its budget soon realizes that in addition to priests and poets who can mesmerize people with stories, it needs accountants who know their way around the various types of lists.

    Lists and stories are complementary. National myths legitimize the tax records, while the tax records help transform aspirational stories into concrete schools and hospitals. Something analogous happens in the field of finance. The dollar, the pound sterling, and the bitcoin all come into being by persuading people to believe a story, and tales told by bankers, finance ministers, and investment gurus raise or lower their value. When the chairperson of the Federal Reserve wants to curb inflation, when a finance minister wants to pass a new budget, and when a tech entrepreneur wants to draw investors, they all turn to storytelling. But to actually manage a bank, a budget, or a start-up, lists are essential.

    The big problem with lists, and the crucial difference between lists and stories, is that lists tend to be far more boring than stories, which means that while we easily remember stories, we find it difficult to remember lists. This is an important fact about how the human brain processes information. Evolution has adapted our brains to be good at absorbing, retaining, and processing even very large quantities of information when they are shaped into a story. The Ramayana, one of the foundational tales of Hindu mythology, is twenty-four thousand verses long and runs to about seventeen hundred pages in modern editions, yet despite its enormous length generations of Hindus succeeded in remembering and reciting it by heart.9

    In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the Ramayana was repeatedly adapted for film and television. In 1987–88, a seventy-eight-episode version (running to about 2,730 hours) was the most watched television series in the world, with more than 650 million viewers. According to a BBC report, when episodes were aired, “streets would be deserted, shops would be closed, and people would bathe and garland their TV sets.” During the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown the series was re-aired and again became the most watched show in the world.10 While modern TV audiences need not memorize any texts by heart, it is noteworthy how easy they find it to follow the intricate plots of epic dramas, detective thrillers, and soap operas, recalling who each character is and how they are related to numerous others. We are so accustomed to performing such feats of memory that we seldom consider how extraordinary they are.

    What makes us so good at remembering epic poems and long-running TV series is that long-term human memory is particularly adapted to retaining stories. As Kendall Haven writes in his 2007 book Story Proof: The Science Behind the Startling Power of Story, “Human minds … rely on stories and on story architecture as the primary roadmap for understanding, making sense of, remembering, and planning our lives.… Lives are like stories because we think in story terms.” Haven references more than 120 academic studies, concluding that “research overwhelmingly, convincingly, and without opposition provides the evidence” that stories are a highly efficient “vehicle for communicating factual, conceptual, emotional, and tacit information.”11

    In contrast, most people find it hard to remember lists by heart, and few people would be interested in watching a TV recitation of India’s tax records or annual budget. Mnemonic methods used to memorize lists of items often work by weaving the items into a plot, thereby turning the list into a story.12 But even with the help of such mnemonic devices, who could remember their country’s tax records or budget? The information may be vital—determining what quality of health care, education, and welfare services citizens enjoy—but our brains are not adapted to remembering such things. Unlike national poems and myths, which can be stored in our brains, complex national taxation and administration systems have required a unique nonorganic information technology in order to function. This technology is the written document.

    TO KILL A LOAN

    The written document was invented many times in many places. Some of the earliest examples come from ancient Mesopotamia. A cuneiform clay tablet dated to the twenty-eighth day of the tenth month of the forty-first year of the reign of King Shulgi of Ur (ca. 2053/4 BCE) recorded the monthly deliveries of sheep and goats. Fifteen sheep were delivered on the second day of the month, 7 sheep on the third day, 11 sheep on the fourth, 219 on the fifth, 47 on the sixth, and so on until 3 sheep were delivered on the twenty-eighth. In total, says the clay tablet, 896 animals were received that month. Remembering all these deliveries was important for the royal administration, to monitor people’s obedience and to keep track of available resources. While doing so in one’s head was a formidable challenge, it was easy for a learned scribe to write them down on a clay tablet.13

    Like stories and like all other information technologies in history, written documents didn’t necessarily represent reality accurately. The Ur tablet, for example, contained a mistake. The document says that a total of 896 animals were received during that month, but when modern scholars added up all the individual entries they reached a total of 898. The scribe who wrote the document apparently made a mistake when he calculated the overall tally, and the tablet preserved this mistake for posterity.

    But whether true or false, written documents created new realities. By recording lists of properties, taxes, and payments, they made it far easier to create administrative systems, kingdoms, religious organizations, and trade networks. More specifically, documents changed the method used for creating intersubjective realities. In oral cultures, intersubjective realities were created by telling a story that many people repeated with their mouths and remembered in their brains. Brain capacity consequently placed a limit on the kinds of intersubjective realities that humans created. Humans couldn’t forge an intersubjective reality that their brains couldn’t remember.

    This limit could be transcended, however, by writing documents. The documents didn’t represent an objective empirical reality; the reality was the documents themselves. As we shall see in later chapters, written documents thereby provided precedents and models that would eventually be used by computers. The ability of computers to create intersubjective realities is an extension of the power of clay tablets and pieces of paper.

    As a key example, consider ownership. In oral communities that lacked written documents, ownership was an intersubjective reality created through the words and behaviors of the community members. To own a field meant that your neighbors agreed that this field was yours and behaved accordingly. They didn’t build a hut on that field, graze their livestock there, or pick fruits there without first asking your permission. Ownership was created and maintained by people continuously saying or signaling things to one another. This made ownership the affair of a local community and placed a limit on the ability of a distant central authority to control all landownership. No king, minister, or priest could remember who owned each field in hundreds of distant villages. This also placed a limit on the ability of individuals to claim and exercise absolute property rights, and instead favored various forms of communal property rights. For example, your neighbors might acknowledge your right to cultivate a field but not your right to sell it to foreigners.14

    In a literate state, to own a field increasingly came to mean that it is written on some clay tablet, bamboo strip, piece of paper, or silicon chip that you own that field. If your neighbors have been grazing their sheep for years on a piece of land, and none of them ever said that you own it, but you can somehow produce an official document that says it is yours, you have a good chance of enforcing your claim. Conversely, if all the neighbors agree that it is your field but you don’t have any official document that proves it, tough luck. Ownership is still an intersubjective reality created by exchanging information, but the information now takes the form of a written document (or a computer file) rather than of people talking and gesturing to each other. This means that ownership can now be determined by a central authority that produces and holds the relevant documents. It also means that you can sell your field without asking your neighbors’ permission, simply by transferring the crucial document to someone else.

    The power of documents to create intersubjective realities was beautifully manifested in the Old Assyrian dialect, which treated documents as living things that could also be killed. Loan contracts were “killed” (duākum) when the debt was repaid. This was done by destroying the tablet, adding some mark to it, or breaking its seal. The loan contract didn’t represent reality; it was the reality. If somebody repaid the loan but failed to “kill the document,” the debt was still owed. Conversely, if somebody didn’t repay the loan but the document “died” in some other way—perhaps the dog ate it—the debt was no more.15 The same happens with money. If your dog eats a hundred-dollar bill, those hundred dollars cease to exist.

    In Shulgi’s Ur, in ancient Assyria, and in numerous subsequent polities, social, economic, and political relations relied on documents that create reality instead of merely representing it. When writing constitutions, peace treaties, and commercial contracts, lawyers, politicians, and businesspeople wrangle for weeks and even months over each word—because they know that these pieces of paper can wield enormous power.

    BUREAUCRACY

    Every new information technology has its unexpected bottlenecks. It solves some old problems but creates new ones. In the early 1730s BCE, Narâmtani, a priestess in the Mesopotamian city of Sippar, wrote a letter (on a clay tablet) to a relative, asking him to send her a few clay tablets he kept in his house. She explained that her claim to an inheritance was being contested and she couldn’t prove her case in court without those documents. She ended her message with a plea: “Now, do not neglect me!”16

    We don’t know what happened next, but just imagine the situation if the relative searched his house but could not find the missing tablets. As people produced more and more documents, finding them turned out to be far from easy. This was a particular challenge for kings, priests, merchants, and anyone else who accumulated thousands of documents in their archives. How do you find the right tax record, payment receipt, or business contract when you need it? Written documents were much better than human brains in recording certain types of information. But they created a new and very thorny problem: retrieval.17

    The brain is remarkably efficient in retrieving whatever information is stored in its network of tens of billions of neurons and trillions of synapses. Though our brain archives countless complex stories about our personal life, our national history, and our religious mythology, healthy people can retrieve information about any of them in less than a second. What did you eat for breakfast? Who was your first crush? When did your country gain its independence? What’s the first verse in the Bible?

    How did you retrieve all these pieces of information? What mechanism activates the right neurons and synapses to rapidly call up the necessary information? Though neuroscientists have made some progress in the study of memory, nobody yet understands what memories are, or how exactly they are stored and retrieved.18 What we do know is that millions of years of evolution streamlined the brain’s retrieval processes. However, once humans have outsourced memories from organic brains to inorganic documents, retrieval could no longer rely on that streamlined biological system. Nor could it rely on the foraging abilities that humans evolved over millions of years. Evolution has adapted humans for finding fruits and mushrooms in a forest, but not for finding documents in an archive.

    Foragers locate fruits and mushrooms in a forest, because evolution has organized forests according to a discernible organic order. Fruit trees photosynthesize, so they require sunlight. Mushrooms feed on dead organic matter, which can usually be found in the ground. So mushrooms are usually down at soil level, whereas fruits grow further up. Another common rule is that apples grow on apple trees, whereas figs grow on figs trees. So if you are looking for an apple, you first need to locate an apple tree, and then look up. When living in a forest, humans learn this organic order.

    It is very different with archives. Since documents aren’t organisms, they don’t obey any biological laws, and evolution didn’t organize them for us. Tax reports don’t grow on a tax-report shelf. They need to be placed there. For that, somebody first needs to come up with the idea of categorizing information by shelves, and to decide which documents should go on which shelf. Unlike foragers, who need merely to discover the preexisting order of the forest, archivists need to devise a new order for the world. That order is called bureaucracy.

    Bureaucracy is the way people in large organizations solved the retrieval problem and thereby created bigger and more powerful information networks. But like mythology, bureaucracy too tends to sacrifice truth for order. By inventing a new order and imposing it on the world, bureaucracy distorted people’s understanding of the world in unique ways. Many of the problems of our twenty-first-century information networks—like biased algorithms that mislabel people, or rigid protocols that ignore human needs and feelings—are not new problems of the computer age. They are quintessential bureaucratic problems that have existed long before anyone even dreamed of computers.

    BUREAUCRACY AND THE SEARCH FOR TRUTH

    Bureaucracy literally means “rule by writing desk.” The term was invented in eighteenth-century France, when the typical official sat next to a writing desk with drawers—a bureau.19 At the heart of the bureaucratic order, then, is the drawer. Bureaucracy seeks to solve the retrieval problem by dividing the world into drawers, and knowing which document goes into which drawer.

    The principle remains the same regardless of whether the document is placed into a drawer, a shelf, a basket, a jar, a computer folder, or any other receptacle: divide and rule. Divide the world into containers, and keep the containers separate so the documents don’t get mixed up. This principle, however, comes with a price. Instead of focusing on understanding the world as it is, bureaucracy is often busy imposing a new and artificial order on the world. Bureaucrats begin by inventing various drawers, which are intersubjective realities that don’t necessarily correspond to any objective divisions in the world. The bureaucrats then try to force the world to fit into these drawers, and if the fit isn’t very good, the bureaucrats push harder. Anyone who ever filled out an official form knows this only too well. When you fill out the form, and none of the listed options fits your circumstances, you must adapt yourself to the form, rather than the form adapting to you. Reducing the messiness of reality to a limited number of fixed drawers helps bureaucrats keep order, but it comes at the expense of truth. Because they are fixated on their drawers—even when reality is far more complex—bureaucrats often develop a distorted understanding of the world.

    The urge to divide reality into rigid drawers also leads bureaucrats to pursue narrow goals irrespective of the wider impact of their actions. A bureaucrat tasked with increasing industrial production is likely to ignore environmental considerations that fall outside her purview, and perhaps dump toxic waste into a nearby river, leading to an ecological disaster downstream. If the government then establishes a new department to combat pollution, its bureaucrats are likely to push for ever more stringent regulations, even if this results in economic ruin for communities upstream. Ideally, someone should be able to take into account all the different considerations and aspects, but such a holistic approach requires transcending or abolishing the bureaucratic division.

    The distortions created by bureaucracy affect not only government agencies and private corporations but also scientific disciplines. Consider, for example, how universities are divided into different faculties and departments. History is separate from biology and from mathematics. Why? Certainly this division doesn’t reflect objective reality. It is the intersubjective invention of academic bureaucrats. The COVID-19 pandemic, for example, was at one and the same time a historical, biological, and mathematical event. But the academic study of pandemics is divided between the separate departments of history, biology, and mathematics (among others). Students pursuing an academic degree must usually decide to which of these departments they belong. Their decision limits their choice of courses, which in turn shapes their understanding of the world. Mathematics students learn how to predict future morbidity levels from present rates of infection; biology students learn how viruses mutate over time; and history students learn how religious and political beliefs affect people’s willingness to follow government instructions. To fully understand COVID-19 requires taking into account mathematical, biological, and historical phenomena, but academic bureaucracy doesn’t encourage such a holistic approach.

    As you climb the academic ladder, the pressure to specialize only increases. The academic world is ruled by the law of publish or perish. If you want a job, you must publish in peer-reviewed journals. But journals are divided by discipline, and publishing an article on virus mutations in a biology journal demands following different conventions from publishing an article on the politics of pandemics in a history journal. There are different jargons, different citation rules, and different expectations. Historians should have a deep understanding of culture and know how to read and interpret historical documents. Biologists should have a deep understanding of evolution and know how to read and interpret DNA molecules. Things that fall in between categories—like the interplay between human political ideologies and virus evolution—are often left unaddressed.20

    To appreciate how academics force a messy and fluid world into rigid bureaucratic categories, let’s dig a little deeper in the specific discipline of biology. Before Darwin could explain the origin of species, earlier scholars like Carl Linnaeus first had to define what a species is and classify all living organisms into species. To argue that lions and tigers evolved from a common feline ancestor, you first have to define “lions” and “tigers.”21 This turned out to be a difficult and never-ending job, because animals, plants, and other organisms often trespass the boundaries of their allotted drawers.

    Evolution cannot be easily contained in any bureaucratic schema. The whole point of evolution is that species continually change, which means that putting each species in one unchanging drawer distorts biological reality. For example, it is an open question when Homo erectus ended and Homo sapiens began. Were there once two Erectus parents whose child was the first Sapiens?22 Species also keep intermingling, with animals belonging to seemingly separate species not only having sex but even siring fertile offspring. Most Sapiens living today have about 1–3 percent Neanderthal DNA,23 indicating that there once was a child whose father was a Neanderthal and whose mother was a Sapiens (or vice versa). So are Sapiens and Neanderthals the same species or different species? And is “species” an objective reality that biologists discover, or is it an intersubjective reality that biologists impose?24

    There are numerous other examples of animals breaking out of their drawers, so the neat bureaucratic division fails to accurately categorize ring species, fusion species, and hybrids.25 Grizzly bears and polar bears sometimes produce pizzly bears and grolar bears.26 Lions and tigers produce ligers and tigons.27

    When we shift our attention from mammals and other multicellular organisms to the world of single-cell bacteria and archaea, we discover that anarchy reigns. In a process known as horizontal gene transfer, single-cell organisms routinely exchange genetic material not only with organisms from related species but also with organisms from entirely different genera, kingdoms, orders, and even domains. Bacteriologists have a very difficult job keeping tabs on these chimeras.28

    And when we reach the very edge of life and consider viruses like SARS-CoV-2 (responsible for COVID-19), things become even more complicated. Viruses straddle the supposed rigid boundary between living beings and lifeless matter—between biology and chemistry. Unlike bacteria, viruses aren’t single-cell organisms. They aren’t cells at all, and don’t possess any cellular machinery of their own. Viruses don’t eat or metabolize, and cannot reproduce by themselves. They are tiny packets of genetic code, which are able to penetrate cells, hijack their cellular machinery, and instruct them to produce more copies of that alien genetic code. The new copies burst out of the cell to infect and hijack more cells, which is how the alien code turns viral. Scientists argue endlessly about whether viruses should count as life-forms or whether they fall outside the boundary of life.29 But this boundary isn’t an objective reality; it is an intersubjective convention. Even if biologists reach a consensus that viruses are life-forms, it wouldn’t change anything about how viruses behave; it will only change how humans think about them.

    Of course, intersubjective conventions are themselves part of reality. As we humans become more powerful, so our intersubjective beliefs become more consequential for the world outside our information networks. For example, scientists and legislators have categorized species according to the threat of extinction they face, on a scale ranging from “least concern” through “vulnerable” and “endangered” to “extinct.” Defining a particular population of animals as an “endangered species” is an intersubjective human convention, but it can have far-reaching consequences, for instance by imposing legal restrictions on hunting those animals or destroying their habitat. A bureaucratic decision about whether a certain animal belongs in the “endangered species” drawer or in the “vulnerable species” drawer could make the difference between life and death. As we shall see time and again in subsequent chapters, when a bureaucracy puts a label on you, even though the label might be pure convention, it can still determine your fate. That’s true whether the bureaucrat is a flesh-and-blood expert on animals; a flesh-and-blood expert on humans; or an inorganic AI.

    THE DEEP STATE

    In defense of bureaucracy it should be noted that while it sometimes sacrifices truth and distorts our understanding of the world, it often does so for the sake of order, without which it would be hard to maintain any large-scale human network. While bureaucracies are never perfect, is there a better way to manage big networks? For example, if we decided to abolish all conventional divisions in the academic world, all departments and faculties and specialized journals, would every prospective doctor be expected to devote several years to the study of history, and would people who studied the impact of the Black Death on Christian theology be considered expert virologists? Would it lead to better health-care systems?

    Anyone who fantasizes about abolishing all bureaucracies in favor of a more holistic approach to the world should reflect on the fact that hospitals too are bureaucratic institutions. They are divided into different departments, with hierarchies, protocols, and lots of forms to fill out. They suffer from many bureaucratic illnesses, but they still manage to cure us of many of our biological illnesses. The same goes for almost all the other services that make our life better, from our schools to our sewage system.

    When you flush the toilet, where does the waste go? It goes into the deep state. There is an intricate subterranean web of pipes, pumps, and tunnels that runs under our houses and collects our waste, separates it from the supply of drinking water, and either treats or safely disposes of it. Somebody needs to design, construct, and maintain that deep web, plug holes in it, monitor pollution levels, and pay the workers. That too is bureaucratic work, and we would face a lot of discomfort and even death if we abolished that particular department. Sewage water and drinking water are always in danger of mixing, but luckily for us there are bureaucrats who keep them separate.

    Prior to the establishment of modern sewage systems, waterborne infectious diseases like dysentery and cholera killed millions of people around the world.30 In 1854 hundreds of London residents began dying of cholera. It was a relatively small outbreak, but it proved to be a turning point in the history of cholera, of epidemics more generally, and of sewage. The leading medical theory of the day argued that cholera epidemics were caused by “bad air.” But the physician John Snow suspected that the cause was the water supply. He painstakingly tracked and listed all known cholera patients, their place of residence, and their source of water. The resulting data led him to identify the water pump on Broad Street in Soho as the epicenter of the outbreak.

    This was tedious bureaucratic work—collecting data, categorizing it, and mapping it—but it saved lives. Snow explained his findings to local officials, persuading them to disable the Broad Street pump, which effectively ended the outbreak. Subsequent research discovered that the well providing water to the Broad Street pump was dug less than a meter from a cholera-infected cesspit.31

    Snow’s discovery, and the work of many subsequent scientists, engineers, lawyers, and officials, resulted in a sprawling bureaucracy regulating cesspits, water pumps, and sewage lines. In today’s England, digging wells and constructing cesspits require filling out forms and getting licenses, which ensure that drinking water doesn’t come from a well someone dug next to a cesspit.32

    It is easy to forget about this system when it works well, but since 1854 it has saved millions of lives, and it is one of the most important services provided by modern states. In 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India identified the lack of toilets as one of India’s biggest problems. Open defecation is a major cause for spreading diseases like cholera, dysentery, and diarrhea, as well as exposing women and girls to sexual assaults. As part of his flagship Clean India Mission, Modi promised to provide all Indian citizens with access to toilets, and between 2014 and 2020 the Indian state invested around ten billion dollars in the project, building more than 100 million new latrines.33 Sewage isn’t the stuff of epic poems, but it is a test of a well-functioning state.

    THE BIOLOGICAL DRAMAS

    Mythology and bureaucracy are the twin pillars of every large-scale society. Yet while mythology tends to inspire fascination, bureaucracy tends to inspire suspicion. Despite the services they provide, even beneficial bureaucracies often fail to win the public’s trust. For many people, the very word “bureaucracy” carries negative connotations. This is because it is inherently difficult to know whether a bureaucratic system is beneficial or malicious. For all bureaucracies—good or bad—share one key characteristic: it is hard for humans to understand them.

    Any kid can tell the difference between a friend and a bully. You know if someone shares their lunch with you or instead takes yours. But when the tax collector comes to take a cut from your earnings, how can you tell whether it goes to build a new public sewage system or a new private dacha for the president? It is hard to get all the relevant information, and even harder to interpret it. It is similarly difficult for citizens to understand the bureaucratic procedures determining how pupils are admitted to schools, how patients are treated in hospitals, or how garbage is collected and recycled. It takes a minute to tweet allegations of bias, fraud, or corruption, and many weeks of arduous work to prove or disprove them.

    Documents, archives, forms, licenses, regulations, and other bureaucratic procedures have changed the way information flows in society, and with it the way power works. This made it far more difficult to understand power. What is happening behind the closed doors of offices and archives, where anonymous officials analyze and organize piles of documents and determine our fate with a stroke of a pen or a click of a mouse?

    In tribal societies that lack written documents and bureaucracies, the human network is composed of only human-to-human and human-to-story chains. Authority belongs to the people who control the junctions that link the various chains. These junctions are the tribe’s foundational myths. Charismatic leaders, orators, and mythmakers know how to use these stories in order to shape identities, build alliances, and sway emotions.34

    In human networks connected by written documents and bureaucratic procedures—from ancient Ur to modern India—society relies in part on the interaction between humans and documents. In addition to human-to-human and human-to-story chains, such societies are held together by human-to-document chains. When we observe a bureaucratic society at work, we still see humans telling stories to other humans, as when millions of Indians watch the Ramayana series, but we also see humans passing documents to other humans, as when TV networks are required to apply for broadcasting licenses and fill out tax reports. Looked at from a different perspective, what we see is documents compelling humans to engage with other documents.

    This led to shifts in authority. As documents became a crucial nexus linking many social chains, considerable power came to be invested in these documents, and experts in the arcane logic of documents emerged as new authority figures. Administrators, accountants, and lawyers mastered not just reading and writing but also the skills of composing forms, separating drawers, and managing archives. In bureaucratic systems, power often comes from understanding how to manipulate obscure budgetary loopholes and from knowing your way around the labyrinths of offices, committees, and subcommittees.

    This shift in authority changed the balance of power in the world. For better or worse, literate bureaucracies tended to strengthen the central authority at the expense of ordinary citizens. It’s not just that documents and archives made it easier for the center to tax, judge, and conscript everybody. The difficulty of understanding bureaucratic power simultaneously made it harder for the masses to influence, resist, or evade the central authority. Even when bureaucracy was a benign force, providing people with sewage systems, education, and security, it still tended to increase the gap between rulers and ruled. The system enabled the center to collect and record a lot more information about the people it governed, while the latter found it much more difficult to understand how the system itself worked.

    Art, which helps us understand many other aspects of life, offered only limited assistance in this case. Poets, playwrights, and moviemakers have occasionally focused on the dynamics of bureaucratic power. However, this has proven to be a very difficult story to communicate. Artists usually work with a limited set of story lines that are rooted in our biology, but none of these biological dramas sheds much light on the workings of bureaucracy, because they have all been scripted by evolution millions of years before the emergence of documents and archives. To understand what “biological dramas” are, and why they are a poor guide for understanding bureaucracy, let’s consider in detail the plot of one of humanity’s greatest artistic masterpieces—the Ramayana.

    One important plotline of the Ramayana concerns the relations between the eponymous prince, Rama, his father, King Dasharatha, and his stepmother, Queen Kaikeyi. Though Rama, being the eldest son, is the rightful heir to the kingdom, Kaikeyi persuades the king to banish Rama to the wilderness and bestow the succession instead on her son Bharata. Underlying this plotline are several biological dramas that go back hundreds of millions of years in mammalian and avian evolution.

    All mammal and bird offspring depend on their parents in the first stage of life, seek parental care, and fear parental neglect or hostility. Life and death hang in the balance. A cub or chick pushed out of the nest too soon is in danger of death from starvation or predation. Among humans, the fear of being neglected or abandoned by one’s parents is a template not just for children’s stories like Snow White, Cinderella, and Harry Potter but also for some of our most influential national and religious myths. The Ramayana is far from being the sole example. In Christian theology damnation is conceived as losing all contact with the mother church and the heavenly father. Hell is a lost child crying for his or her missing parents.

    A related biological drama, which is also familiar to human children, mammalian cubs, and avian chicks, is “Father loves me more than he loves you.” Biologists and geneticists have identified sibling rivalry as one of the key processes of evolution.35 Siblings routinely compete for food and parental attention, and in some species the killing of one sibling by another is commonplace. About a quarter of spotted hyena cubs are killed by their siblings, who typically enjoy greater parental care as a result.36 Among sand tiger sharks, females hold numerous embryos in their uterus. The first embryo that reaches about ten centimeters in length then eats all the others.37 The dynamics of sibling rivalry are manifested in numerous myths in addition to the Ramayana, for instance in the stories of Cain and Abel, King Lear, and the TV series Succession. Entire nations—like the Jewish people—may base their identity on the claim that “we are Father’s favorite children.”

    The second major plotline of the Ramayana focuses on the romantic triangle formed by Prince Rama, his lover, Sita, and the demon-king Ravana, who kidnaps Sita. “Boy meets girl” and “boy fights boy over girl” are also biological dramas that have been enacted by countless mammals, birds, reptiles, and fish for hundreds of millions of years. We are mesmerized by these stories because understanding them has been essential for our ancestors’ survival. Human storytellers like Homer, Shakespeare, and Valmiki—the purported author of the Ramayana—have displayed an amazing capacity to elaborate on the biological dramas, but even the greatest poetical narratives usually copy their basic plotline from the handbook of evolution.

    A third theme recurring in the Ramayana is the tension between purity and impurity, with Sita being the paragon of purity in Hindu culture. The cultural obsession with purity originates in the evolutionary struggle to avoid pollution. All animals are torn between the need to try new food and the fear of being poisoned. Evolution therefore equipped animals with both curiosity and the capacity to feel disgust on coming into contact with something toxic or otherwise dangerous.38 Politicians and prophets have learned how to manipulate these disgust mechanisms. In nationalist and religious myths, countries or churches are depicted as a biological body in danger of being polluted by impure intruders. For centuries bigots have often said that ethnic and religious minorities spread diseases,39 that LGBTQ people are a source of pollution,40 or that women are impure.41 During the Rwanda genocide of 1994, Hutu propaganda referred to the Tutsis as cockroaches. The Nazis compared Jews to rats. Experiments have shown that chimpanzees, too, react with disgust to images of unfamiliar chimpanzees from another band.42

    Perhaps in no other culture was the biological drama of “purity versus impurity” carried to greater extremes than in traditional Hinduism. It constructed an intersubjective system of castes ranked by their supposed level of purity, with the pure Brahmins at the top and the allegedly impure Dalit (formerly known as untouchables) at the bottom. Professions, tools, and everyday activities have also been classified by their level of purity, and strict rules have forbidden “impure” persons to marry “pure” people, touch them, prepare food for them, or even come near them.

    The modern state of India still struggles with this legacy, which influences almost all aspects of life. For example, fears of impurity created various complications for the aforementioned Clean India Mission, because allegedly “pure” people were reluctant to get involved in “impure” activities such as building, maintaining, and cleaning toilets, or to share public latrines with allegedly “impure” persons.43 On September 25, 2019, two Dalit children—twelve-year-old Roshni Valmiki and her ten-year-old nephew Avinash—were lynched in the Indian village of Bhakhedi for defecating near the house of a family from the higher Yadav caste. They were forced to defecate in public because their houses lacked functioning toilets. A local official later explained that their household—while being among the poorest in the village—was nevertheless excluded from the list of families eligible for government aid to build toilets. The children routinely suffered from other caste-based discrimination, for example being forced to bring separate mats and utensils to school and to sit apart from the other pupils, so as not to “pollute” them.44

    The list of biological dramas that press our emotional buttons includes several additional classics, such as “Who will be alpha?” “Us versus them,” and “Good versus evil.” These dramas, too, feature prominently in the Ramayana, and all of them are well known to wolf packs and chimpanzee bands as well as to human societies. Together, these biological dramas form the backbone of almost all human art and mythology. But art’s dependence on the biological dramas have made it difficult for artists to explain the mechanisms of bureaucracy. The Ramayana is set within the context of large agrarian kingdoms, but it shows little interest in how such kingdoms register property, collect taxes, catalog archives, or finance wars. Sibling rivalry and romantic triangles aren’t a good guide for the dynamics of documents, which have no siblings and no romantic life.

    Storytellers like Franz Kafka, who focused on the often surreal ways that bureaucracy shapes human lives, pioneered new nonbiological plotlines. In Kafka’s Trial, the bank clerk K. is arrested by unidentified officials of an unfathomable agency for an unnamed crime. Despite his best efforts, he never understands what is happening to him or uncovers the aims of the agency that is crushing him. While sometimes taken as an existential or theological reference to the human condition in the universe and to the unfathomability of God, on a more mundane level the story highlights the potentially nightmarish character of bureaucracies, which as an insurance lawyer Kafka knew all too well.

    In bureaucratic societies, the lives of ordinary people are often upended by unidentified officials of an unfathomable agency for incomprehensible reasons. Whereas stories about heroes who confront monsters—from the Ramayana to Spider-Man—repackage the biological dramas of confronting predators and romantic rivals, the unique horror of Kafkaesque stories comes from the unfathomability of the threat. Evolution has primed our minds to understand death by a tiger. Our mind finds it much more difficult to understand death by a document.

    Some portrayals of bureaucracy are satirical. Joseph Heller’s iconic 1961 novel, Catch-22, illustrated the central role bureaucracy plays in war. The ex–private first class Wintergreen in the mail room—who decides which letters to forward—is a more powerful figure than any general.45 The 1980s British sitcoms Yes Minister and Yes, Prime Minister showed the ways that civil servants use arcane regulations, obscure subcommittees, and piles of documents to manipulate and control their political bosses. The 2015 comedy-drama The Big Short (based on a 2010 book by Michael Lewis) explored the bureaucratic roots of the 2007–8 financial crisis. The movie’s arch-villains are not humans but collateralized debt obligations (CDOs), which are financial devices invented by investment bankers and understood by nobody else in the world. These bureaucratic Godzillas slumbered unnoticed in the depths of bank portfolios, until they suddenly emerged in 2007 to wreak havoc on the lives of billions of people by instigating a major financial crisis.

    Artworks like these have had some success in shaping perceptions of how bureaucratic power works, but this is an uphill battle, because since the Stone Age our minds have been primed to focus on biological dramas rather than bureaucratic ones. Most Hollywood and Bollywood blockbusters are not about CDOs. Rather, even in the twenty-first century, most blockbusters are essentially Stone Age stories about the hero who fights the monster to win the girl. Similarly, when depicting the dynamics of political power, TV series like Game of Thrones, The Crown, and Succession focus on the family intrigues of the dynastic court rather than on the bureaucratic labyrinth that sustains—and sometimes curbs—the dynasty’s power.

    LET’S KILL ALL THE LAWYERS

    The difficulty of depicting and understanding bureaucratic realities has had unfortunate results. On the one hand, it leaves people feeling helpless in the face of harmful powers they do not understand, like the hero of Kafka’s Trial. On the other hand, it also leaves people with the impression that bureaucracy is a malign conspiracy, even in cases when it is in fact a benign force providing us with health care, security, and justice.

    In the sixteenth century, Ludovico Ariosto described the allegorical figure of Discord as a woman who walks around in a cloud of “sheaves of summonses and writs, cross-examinations and powers of attorney, and great piles of glosses, counsel’s opinions and precedents—all of which tended to the greater insecurity of impoverished folk. In front and behind her and on either side she was hemmed in by notaries, attorneys and barristers.”46

    In his description of Jack Cade’s Rebellion (1450) in Henry VI, Part 2, Shakespeare has a commoner rebel called Dick the Butcher take the antipathy to bureaucracy to its logical conclusion. Dick has a plan to establish a better social order. “The first thing we do,” advises Dick, “let’s kill all the lawyers.” The rebel leader, Jack Cade, runs with Dick’s proposal in a forceful attack on bureaucracy and in particular on written documents: “Is not this a lamentable thing, that of the skin of an innocent lamb should be made parchment? That parchment, being scribbled o’er, should undo a man? Some say the bee stings: but I say, ’tis the bee’s wax; for I did but seal once to a thing, and I was never mine own man since.” Just then the rebels capture a clerk and accuse him of being able to write and read. After a short interrogation that establishes his “crime,” Cade orders his men, “Hang him with his pen and inkhorn about his neck.”47

    Seventy years prior to Jack Cade’s Rebellion, during the even bigger 1381 Peasants’ Revolt, the rebels focused their ire not only on flesh-and-blood bureaucrats but also on their documents, destroying numerous archives, burning court rolls, charters, and administrative and legal records. In one incident, they made a bonfire of the archives of the University of Cambridge. An old woman named Margery Starr scattered the ashes to the winds while crying, “Away with the learning of the clerks, away with it!” Thomas Walsingham, a monk in St. Albans Abbey who witnessed the destruction of the abbey’s archive firsthand, described how the rebels “set fire to all court rolls and muniments, so that after they had got rid of these records of their ancient service their lords would not be able to claim any right at all against them at some future time.”48 Killing the documents erased the debts.

    Similar attacks on archives characterized numerous other insurgencies throughout history. For example, during the Great Jewish Revolt in 66 CE, one of the first things the rebels did upon capturing Jerusalem was to set fire to the central archive in order to destroy records of debts, thereby wining the support of the populace.49 During the French Revolution in 1789, numerous local and regional archives were destroyed for comparable reasons.50 Many rebels might have been illiterate, but they knew that without the documents the bureaucratic machine couldn’t function.

    I can sympathize with the suspicion of government bureaucracies and of the power of official documents, because they have played an important role in my own family. My maternal grandfather had his life upended by a government census and by the inability to find a crucial document. My grandfather Bruno Luttinger was born in 1913 in Chernivtsi. Today this town is in Ukraine, but in 1913 it was part of the Habsburg Empire. Bruno’s father disappeared in World War I, and he was raised by his mother, Chaya-Pearl. When the war was over, Chernivtsi was annexed to Romania. In the late 1930s, as Romania became a fascist dictatorship, an important plank of its new antisemitic policy was to conduct a Jewish census.

    In 1936 official statistics said that 758,000 Jews lived in Romania, constituting 4.2 percent of the population. The same official statistics said that the total number of refugees from the U.S.S.R., Jews and non-Jews, was about 11,000. In 1937 a new fascist government came to power, headed by Prime Minister Octavian Goga. Goga was a renowned poet as well as a politician, but he quickly graduated from patriotic poetry to fake statistics and oppressive bureaucracy. He and his colleagues ignored the official statistics and claimed that hundreds of thousands of Jewish refugees were flooding into Romania. In several interviews Goga claimed that half a million Jews had entered Romania illegally and that the total number of Jews in the country was 1.5 million. Government organs, far-right statisticians, and popular newspapers regularly cited even higher figures. The Romanian embassy in Paris, for example, claimed there were a million Jewish refugees in Romania. Christian Romanians were gripped by mass hysteria that they would soon be replaced or become a minority in a Jewish-led country.

    Goga’s government stepped in to offer a solution to the imaginary problem invented by its own propaganda. On January 22, 1938, the government issued a law ordering all Jews in Romania to provide documented proof that they were born in Romanian territory and were entitled to Romanian citizenship. Jews who failed to provide proof would lose their citizenship, along with all rights to residence and employment.

    Suddenly Romania’s Jews found themselves in a bureaucratic hell. Many had to travel to their birthplace to look for the relevant documents, only to discover that the municipal archives were destroyed during World War I. Jews born in territories annexed to Romania only after 1918—like Chernivtsi—faced special difficulties, because they lacked Romanian birth certificates and because many other documents about their families were archived in the former Habsburg capitals of Vienna and Budapest instead of in Bucharest. Jews often didn’t even know which documents they were supposed to be looking for, because the census law didn’t specify which documents were considered sufficient “proof.”

    Clerks and archivists gained a new and lucrative source of income as frantic Jews offered to pay large bribes to get their hands on the right document. Even if no bribes were involved, the process was extremely costly: any request for documentation, as well as filing the citizenship request with the authorities, involved paying fees. Finding and filing the right document did not guarantee success. A difference of a single letter between how a name was spelled on the birth certificate and on the citizenship papers was enough for the authorities to revoke the citizenship.

    Many Jews could not clear these bureaucratic hurdles and didn’t even file a citizenship request. Of those who did, only 63 percent got their citizenship approved. Altogether, out of 758,000 Romanian Jews, 367,000 lost their citizenship.51 My grandfather Bruno was among them. When the new census law was passed in Bucharest, Bruno did not think much about it. He was born in Chernivtsi and lived there all his life. The thought that he needed to prove to some bureaucrat that he was not an alien struck him as ridiculous. Moreover, in early 1938 his mother fell ill and died, and Bruno felt he had much bigger things to worry about than chasing documents.

    In December 1938 an official letter arrived from Bucharest canceling Bruno’s citizenship, and as an alien he was promptly fired from his job in a Chernivtsi radio shop. Bruno was now not only alone and jobless but also stateless and without much prospect for alternative employment. Nine months later World War II erupted, and the danger for paperless Jews was mounting. Of the Romanian Jews who lost their citizenship in 1938, the vast majority would be murdered over the next few years by the Romanian fascists and their Nazi allies (Jews who retained their citizenship had a much higher survival rate).52

    My grandfather repeatedly tried to escape the tightening noose, but it was difficult without the right papers. Several times he smuggled himself onto trains and ships, only to be caught and arrested. In 1940 he finally managed to board one of the last ships bound for Palestine before the gates of hell slammed shut. When he arrived in Palestine, he was immediately imprisoned by the British as an illegal immigrant. After two months in prison, the British offered a deal: stay in jail and risk deportation, or enlist in the British army and get Palestinian citizenship. My grandfather grabbed the offer with both hands and from 1941 to 1945 served in the British army in the North African and Italian campaigns. In exchange, he got his papers.

    In our family it became a sacred duty to preserve documents. Bank statements, electricity bills, expired student cards, letters from the municipality—if it had an official-looking stamp on it, it would be filed in one of the many folders in our cupboard. You never knew which of these documents might one day save your life.

    THE MIRACLE DOCUMENT

    Should we love the bureaucratic information network or hate it? Stories like that of my grandfather indicate the dangers inherent in bureaucratic power. Stories like that of the London cholera epidemic indicate its potential benevolence. All powerful information networks can do both good and ill, depending on how they are designed and used. Merely increasing the quantity of information in a network doesn’t guarantee its benevolence, nor make it any easier to find the right balance between truth and order. That is a key historical lesson for the designers and users of the new information networks of the twenty-first century.

    Future information networks, particularly those based on AI, will be different from previous networks in many ways. While in part 1 we are examining how mythology and bureaucracy have been essential for large-scale information networks, in part 2 we will see how AI is taking up the role of both bureaucrats and mythmakers. AI tools know how to find and process data better than flesh-and-blood bureaucrats, and AI is also acquiring the ability to compose stories better than most humans.

    But before we explore the new AI-based information networks of the twenty-first century, and before we examine the threats and promises of AI mythmakers and AI bureaucrats, there is one more thing we need to understand about the long-term history of information networks. We have now seen that information networks don’t maximize truth, but rather seek to find a balance between truth and order. Bureaucracy and mythology are both essential for maintaining order, and both are happy to sacrifice truth for the sake of order. What mechanisms, then, ensure that bureaucracy and mythology don’t lose touch with truth altogether, and what mechanisms enable information networks to identify and correct their own mistakes, even at the price of some disorder?

    The way human information networks have dealt with the problem of errors will be the main subject of the next two chapters. We’ll start by considering the invention of another information technology: the holy book. Holy books like the Bible and the Quran are an information technology that is meant to both include all the vital information society needs and be free from all possibility of error. What happens when an information network believes itself to be utterly incapable of any error? The history of allegedly infallible holy books highlights some of the limitations of all information networks and holds important lessons for the attempt to create infallible AIs in the twenty-first century.

    CHAPTER 4 Errors: The Fantasy of Infallibility

    As Saint Augustine famously said, “To err is human; to persist in error is diabolical.”1 The fallibility of human beings, and the need to correct human errors, have played key roles in every mythology. According to Christian mythology, the whole of history is an attempt to correct Adam and Eve’s original sin. According to Marxist-Leninist thinking, even the working class is likely to be fooled by its oppressors and misidentify its own interests, which is why it requires the leadership of a wise party vanguard. Bureaucracy, too, is constantly on the lookout for errors, from misplaced documents to inefficient procedures. Complex bureaucratic systems usually contain self-disciplinary bodies, and when a major catastrophe occurs—like a military defeat or a financial meltdown—commissions of inquiry are set up to understand what went wrong and make sure the same mistake is not repeated.

    In order to function, self-correcting mechanisms need legitimacy. If humans are prone to error, how can we trust the self-correcting mechanisms to be free from error? To escape this seemingly endless loop, humans have often fantasized about some superhuman mechanism, free from all error, that they can rely upon to identify and correct their own mistakes. Today one might hope that AI could provide such a mechanism, as when in April 2023 Elon Musk announced, “I’m going to start something, which I call TruthGPT or a maximum truth-seeking AI that tries to understand the nature of the universe.”2 We will see in later chapters why this is a dangerous fantasy. In previous eras, such fantasies took a different form—religion.

    In our personal lives, religion can fulfill many different functions, like providing solace or explaining the mysteries of life. But historically, the most important function of religion has been to provide superhuman legitimacy for the social order. Religions like Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Hinduism propose that their ideas and rules were established by an infallible superhuman authority, and are therefore free from all possibility of error, and should never be questioned or changed by fallible humans.

    TAKING HUMANS OUT OF THE LOOP

    At the heart of every religion lies the fantasy of connecting to a superhuman and infallible intelligence. This is why, as we shall explore in chapter 8, studying the history of religion is highly relevant to present-day debates about AI. In the history of religion, a recurrent problem is how to convince people that a certain dogma indeed originated from an infallible superhuman source. Even if in principle I am eager to submit to the gods’ will, how do I know what the gods really want?

    Throughout history many humans claimed to convey messages from the gods, but the messages often contradicted each other. One person said a god appeared to her in a dream; another person said she was visited by an angel; a third recounted how he met a spirit in a forest—and each preached a different message. The anthropologist Harvey Whitehouse recounts how when he was doing fieldwork among the Baining people of New Britain in the late 1980s, a young man called Tanotka fell sick, and in his feverish delirium began making cryptic statements like “I am Wutka” and “I am a post.” Most of these statements were heard only by Tanotka’s older brother, Baninge, who began telling about them to other people and interpreting them in a creative way. Baninge said that his brother was possessed by an ancestral spirit called Wutka and that he was divinely chosen to be the main support of the community, just as local houses were supported by a central post.

    After Tanotka recovered, he continued to deliver cryptic messages from Wutka, which were interpreted by Baninge in ever more elaborate ways. Baninge also began having dreams of his own, which allegedly revealed additional divine messages. He claimed that the end of the world was imminent, and convinced many of the locals to grant him dictatorial powers so that he could prepare the community for the coming apocalypse. Baninge proceeded to waste almost all the community’s resources on extravagant feasts and rituals. When the apocalypse didn’t materialize and the community almost starved, Baninge’s power collapsed. Though some locals continued to believe that he and Tanotka were divine messengers, many others concluded that the two were charlatans—or perhaps the servants of the Devil.3

    How could people distinguish the true will of the gods from the inventions or imaginations of fallible humans? Unless you had a personal divine revelation, knowing what the gods said meant trusting what fallible humans like Tanotka and Baninge claimed the gods said. But how can you trust these humans, especially if you don’t know them personally? Religion wants to take fallible humans out of the loop and give people access to infallible superhuman laws, but religion repeatedly boiled down to trusting this or that human.

    One way around this problem was to create religious institutions that vetted the purported divine messengers. Already in tribal societies communication with superhuman entities like tribal spirits was often the domain of religious experts. Among the Baining people, specialized spirit mediums known as agungaraga were traditionally responsible for communicating with the spirits and thereby learning the hidden causes of misfortunes ranging from illness to crop failure. Their membership in an established institution made the agungaraga more trustworthy than Tanotka and Baninge, and made their authority more stable and widely acknowledged.4 Among the Kalapalo tribe of Brazil religious rituals were organized by hereditary ritual officers known as the anetaū. In ancient Celtic and Hindu societies similar duties were the preserve of druids and Brahmins.5 As human societies grew and became more complex, so did their religious institutions. Priests and oracles had to train long and hard for the important task of representing the gods, so people no longer needed to trust just any layperson who claimed to have met an angel or to carry a divine message.6 In ancient Greece, for example, if you wanted to know what the gods said, you went to an accredited expert like the Pythia—the high priestess at the temple of Apollo in Delphi.

    But as long as religious institutions like oracular temples were staffed by fallible humans, they too were open to error and corruption. Herodotus recounts that when Athens was ruled by the tyrant Hippias, the pro-democracy faction bribed the Pythia to help them. Whenever any Spartan came to the Pythia to consult the gods on either official or private matters, the Pythia invariably replied that the Spartans must first free Athens from the tyrant. The Spartans, who were Hippias’s allies, eventually submitted to the alleged will of the gods and sent an army to Athens that deposed Hippias in 510 BCE, leading to the establishment of Athenian democracy.7

    If a human prophet could falsify the words of a god, then the key problem of religion wasn’t solved by creating religious institutions like temples and priestly orders. People still needed to trust fallible humans in order to access the supposedly infallible gods. Was it possible to somehow bypass the humans altogether?

    THE INFALLIBLE TECHNOLOGY

    Holy books like the Bible and the Quran are a technology to bypass human fallibility, and religions of the book—like Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—have been built around that technological artifact. To appreciate how this technology is meant to work, we should begin by explaining what a book is and what makes books different from other kinds of written texts. A book is a fixed block of texts—such as chapters, stories, recipes, or epistles—that always go together and have many identical copies. This makes a book something different from oral tales, from bureaucratic documents, and from archives. When telling a story orally, every time we tell the story it might be a little different, and if many people tell the story over a long time, significant variations are bound to creep in. In contrast, all copies of a book are supposed to be identical. As for bureaucratic documents, they tend to be relatively short, and often exist only as a single copy in one archive. If a long document has many copies placed in numerous archives, we would normally call it a book. Finally, a book that contains many texts is also different from an archive, because each archive contains a different collection of texts, whereas all copies of a book contain the same chapters, the same stories, or the same recipes. The book thereby ensures that many people in many times and places can access the same database.

    The book became an important religious technology in the first millennium BCE. After tens of thousands of years in which gods spoke to humans via shamans, priests, prophets, oracles, and other human messengers, religious movements like Judaism began arguing that the gods speak through this novel technology of the book. There is one specific book whose many chapters allegedly contain all the divine words about everything from the creation of the universe to food regulations. Crucially, no priest, prophet, or human institution can forget or change these divine words, because you can always compare what the fallible humans are telling you with what the infallible book records.

    But religions of the book had their own set of problems. Most obviously, who decides what to include in the holy book? The first copy didn’t come down from heaven. It had to be compiled by humans. Still, the faithful hoped that this thorny problem could be solved by a once-and-for-all supreme effort. If we could get together the wisest and most trustworthy humans, and they could all agree on the contents of the holy book, from that moment onward we could excise humans from the loop, and the divine words would forever be safe from human interference.

    Many objections can be raised against this procedure: Who selects the wisest humans? On the basis of what criteria? What if they cannot reach a consensus? What if they later change their minds? Nevertheless, this was the procedure used to compile holy books like the Hebrew Bible.

    THE MAKING OF THE HEBREW BIBLE

    During the first millennium BCE, Jewish prophets, priests, and scholars produced an extensive collection of stories, documents, prophecies, poems, prayers, and chronicles. The Bible as a single holy book didn’t exist in biblical times. King David or the prophet Isaiah never saw a copy of the Bible.

    It is sometimes claimed, erroneously, that the oldest surviving copy of the Bible comes from the Dead Sea Scrolls. These scrolls are a collection of about nine hundred different documents, written mostly in the last two centuries BCE and found in various caves around Qumran, a village near the Dead Sea.8 Most scholars believe they constituted the archive of a Jewish sect that lived nearby.9

    Significantly, none of the scrolls contains a copy of the Bible, and no scroll indicates that the twenty-four books of the Old Testament were considered a single and complete database. Some of the scrolls certainly record texts that are today part of the canonical Bible. For example, nineteen scrolls and fragmentary manuscripts preserve parts of the book of Genesis.10 But many scrolls record texts that were later excluded from the Bible. For example, more than twenty scrolls and fragments preserve parts of the book of Enoch—a book allegedly written by the patriarch Enoch, the great-grandfather of Noah, and containing the history of the angels and demons as well as a prophecy about the coming of the Messiah.11 The Jews of Qumran apparently gave great importance to both Genesis and Enoch, and did not think that Genesis was canonical while Enoch was apocryphal.12 Indeed, to this day some Ethiopian Jewish and Christian sects consider Enoch part of their canon.13

    Even the scrolls that record future canonical texts sometimes differ from the present-day canonical version. For example, the canonical text of Deuteronomy 32:8 says that God divided the nations of the earth according to “the number of the sons of Israel.” The version recorded in the Dead Sea Scrolls has “the number of the sons of God” instead, implying a rather startling notion that God has multiple sons.14 In Deuteronomy 8:6 the canonical text requires the faithful to fear God, whereas the Dead Sea version asks them to love God.15 Some variations are much more substantial than just a single word here or there. The Psalms scrolls contain several entire psalms that are missing from the canonical Bible (most notably Psalms 151, 154, 155).16

    Similarly, the oldest translation of the Bible—the Greek Septuagint—completed between the third and the first centuries BCE, is different in many ways from the later canonical version.17 It includes, for example, the books of Tobit, Judith, Sirach, Maccabees, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Psalms of Solomon, and Psalm 151.18 It also has longer versions of Daniel and Esther.19 Its book of Jeremiah is 15 percent shorter than the canonical version.20 Finally, in Deuteronomy 32:8 most Septuagint manuscripts have either “sons of God” or “angels of God” rather than “sons of Israel.”21

    It took centuries of hairsplitting debates among learned Jewish sages—known as rabbis—to streamline the canonical database and to decide which of the many texts in circulation would get into the Bible as the official word of Jehovah and which would be excluded. By the time of Jesus agreement was probably reached on most of the texts, but even a century later rabbis were still arguing whether the Song of Songs should be part of the canon or not. Some rabbis condemned that text as secular love poetry, while Rabbi Akiva (d. 135 CE) defended it as the divinely inspired creation of King Solomon. Akiva famously said that “the Song of Songs is the Holy of Holies.”22 By the end of the second century CE widespread consensus was apparently reached among Jewish rabbis about which texts were part of the biblical canon and which were not, but debates about this matter, and about the precise wordings, spelling, and pronunciation of each text, were not finally resolved until the Masoretic era (seventh to tenth centuries CE).23

    This process of canonization decided that Genesis was the word of Jehovah, but the book of Enoch, the Life of Adam and Eve, and the Testament of Abraham were human fabrications.24 The Psalms of King David were canonized (minus psalms 151–55), but the Psalms of King Solomon were not. The book of Malachi got the seal of approval; the book of Baruch did not. Chronicles, yes; Maccabees, no.

    Interestingly, some books mentioned in the Bible itself failed to get into the canon. For example, the books of Joshua and Samuel both refer to a very ancient sacred text known as the book of Jasher (Joshua 10:13, 2 Samuel 1:18). The book of Numbers refers to “the Book of the Wars of the Lord” (Numbers 21:14). And when 2 Chronicles surveys the reign of King Solomon, it concludes by saying that “the rest of the acts of Solomon, first and last, are written in the chronicles of Nathan the prophet, and in the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the visions of Iddo the seer” (2 Chronicles 9:29). The books of Iddo, Ahijah, and Nathan, as well as the books of Jasher and the Wars of the Lord, aren’t in the canonical Bible. Apparently, they were not excluded on purpose; they just got lost.25

    After the canon was sealed, most Jews gradually forgot the role of human institutions in the messy process of compiling the Bible. Jewish Orthodoxy maintained that God personally handed down to Moses at Mount Sinai the entire first part of the Bible, the Torah. Many rabbis further argued that God created the Torah at the very dawn of time so that even biblical characters who lived before Moses—like Noah and Adam—read and studied it.26 The other parts of the Bible also came to be seen as a divinely created or divinely inspired text, totally different from ordinary human compilations. Once the holy book was sealed, it was hoped that Jews now had direct access to Jehovah’s exact words, which no fallible human or corrupt institution could erase or alter.

    Anticipating the blockchain idea by two thousand years, Jews began making numerous copies of the holy code, and every Jewish community was supposed to have at least one in its synagogue or its bet midrash (house of study).27 This was meant to achieve two things. First, disseminating many copies of the holy book promised to democratize religion and place strict limits on the power of would-be human autocrats. Whereas the archives of Egyptian pharaohs and Assyrian kings empowered the unfathomable kingly bureaucracy at the expense of the masses, the Jewish holy book seemed to give power to the masses, who could now hold even the most brazen leader accountable to God’s laws.

    Second, and more important, having numerous copies of the same book prevented any meddling with the text. If there were thousands of identical copies in numerous locations, any attempt to change even a single letter in the holy code could easily be exposed as a fraud. With numerous Bibles available in far-flung locations, Jews replaced human despotism with divine sovereignty. The social order was now guaranteed by the infallible technology of the book. Or so it seemed.

    THE INSTITUTION STRIKES BACK

    Even before the process of canonizing the Bible was completed, the biblical project had run into further difficulties. Agreeing on the precise contents of the holy book was not the only problem with this supposedly infallible technology. Another obvious problem concerned copying the text. For the holy book to work its magic, Jews needed to have many copies wherever they lived. With Jewish centers emerging not only in Palestine but also in Mesopotamia and Egypt, and with new Jewish communities extending from central Asia to the Atlantic, how to make sure that copyists working thousands of kilometers apart would not change the holy book either on purpose or by mistake?

    To forestall such problems, the rabbis who canonized the Bible devised painstaking regulations for copying the holy book. For example, a scribe was not allowed to pause at certain critical moments in the copying process. When writing the name of God, the scribe “may not respond even if the king greets him. If he was about to write two or three divine names successively, he may pause between them and respond.”28 Rabbi Yishmael (second century CE) told one copyist, “You are doing Heaven’s work, and if you delete one letter or add one letter—you destroy the entire world.”29 In truth, copying errors crept in without destroying the entire world, and no two ancient Bibles were identical.30

    A second and much bigger problem concerned interpretation. Even when people agree on the sanctity of a book and on its exact wording, they can still interpret the same words in different ways. The Bible says that you should not work on the Sabbath. But it doesn’t clarify what counts as “work.” Is it okay to water your field on the Sabbath? What about watering your flowerpot or herd of goats? Is it okay to read a book on the Sabbath? How about writing a book? How about tearing a piece of paper? The rabbis ruled that reading a book isn’t work, but tearing paper is work, which is why nowadays Orthodox Jews prepare a stack of already ripped toilet paper to use on the Sabbath.

    The holy book also says that you should not cook a young goat in its mother’s milk (Exodus 23:19). Some people interpreted this quite literally: if you slaughter a young goat, don’t cook it in the milk of its own mother. But it’s fine to cook it in the milk of an unrelated goat, or in the milk of a cow. Other people interpreted this prohibition much more broadly to mean that meat and dairy products should never be mixed, so you are not allowed to have a milkshake after fried chicken. As unlikely as this may sound, most rabbis ruled that the second interpretation is the correct one, even though chickens don’t lactate.

    More problems resulted from the fact that even if the technology of the book succeeded in limiting changes to the holy words, the world beyond the book continued to spin, and it was unclear how to relate old rules to new situations. Most biblical texts focused on the lives of Jewish shepherds and farmers in the hill country of Palestine and in the sacred city of Jerusalem. But by the second century CE, most Jews lived elsewhere. A particularly large Jewish community grew in the port of Alexandria, one of the richest metropolises of the Roman Empire. A Jewish shipping magnate living in Alexandria would have found that many of the biblical laws were irrelevant to his life while many of his pressing questions had no clear answers in the holy text. He couldn’t obey the commandments about worshipping in the Jerusalem temple, because not only did he not live near Jerusalem, but the temple didn’t even exist anymore. In contrast, when he contemplated whether it was kosher for him to sail his Rome-bound grain ships on the Sabbath, it turned out that long sea voyages were not considered by the authors of Leviticus and Deuteronomy.31

    Inevitably, the holy book spawned numerous interpretations, which were far more consequential than the book itself. As Jews increasingly argued over the interpretation of the Bible, rabbis gained more power and prestige. Writing down the word of Jehovah was supposed to limit the authority of the old priestly institution, but it gave rise to the authority of a new rabbinical institution. Rabbis became the Jewish technocratic elite, developing their rational and rhetorical skills through years of philosophical debates and legal disputations. The attempt to bypass fallible human institutions by relying on a new information technology backfired, because of the need for a human institution to interpret the holy book.

    When the rabbis eventually reached some consensus about how to interpret the Bible, Jews saw another chance to get rid of the fallible human institution. They imagined that if they wrote the agreed interpretation in a new holy book, and made numerous copies of it, that would eliminate the need for any further human intercession between them and the divine code. So after much back-and-forth about which rabbinical opinions should be included and which should be ignored, a new holy book was canonized in the third century CE: the Mishnah.32

    As the Mishnah became more authoritative than the plain text of the Bible, Jews began to believe that the Mishnah could not possibly have been created by humans. It too must have been inspired by Jehovah, or perhaps even composed by the infallible deity in person. Today many Orthodox Jews firmly believe that the Mishnah was handed to Moses by Jehovah on Mount Sinai, passed orally from generation to generation, until it was written down in the third century CE.33

    Alas, no sooner had the Mishnah been canonized and copied than Jews began arguing about the correct interpretation of the Mishnah. And when a consensus was reached about the interpretation of the Mishnah and canonized in the fifth to sixth centuries as a third holy book—the Talmud—Jews began disagreeing about the interpretation of the Talmud.34

    The dream of bypassing fallible human institutions through the technology of the holy book never materialized. With each iteration, the power of the rabbinical institution only increased. “Trust the infallible book” turned into “trust the humans who interpret the book.” Judaism was shaped by the Talmud far more than by the Bible, and rabbinical arguments about the interpretation of the Talmud became even more important than the Talmud itself.35

    This is inevitable, because the world keeps changing. The Mishnah and Talmud dealt with questions raised by second-century Jewish shipping magnates that had no clear answer in the Bible. Modernity too raised many new questions that have no straightforward answers in the Mishnah and Talmud. For example, when electrical appliances developed in the twentieth century, Jews struggled with numerous unprecedented questions such as whether it is okay to press the electrical buttons of an elevator on the Sabbath?

    The Orthodox answer is no. As noted earlier, the Bible forbids working on the Sabbath, and rabbis argued that pressing an electrical button is “work,” because electricity is akin to fire, and it has long been established that kindling a fire is “work.” Does this mean that elderly Jews living in a Brooklyn high-rise must climb a hundred steps to their apartment in order to avoid working on the Sabbath? Well, Orthodox Jews invented a “Sabbath elevator,” which continually goes up and down buildings, stopping on every floor, without you having to perform any “work” by pressing an electrical button.36 The invention of AI gives another twist to this old story. By relying on facial recognition, an AI can quickly direct the elevator to your floor, without making you desecrate the Sabbath.37

    This profusion of texts and interpretations has, over time, caused a profound change in Judaism. Originally, it was a religion of priests and temples, focused on rituals and sacrifices. In biblical times, the quintessential Jewish scene was a priest in blood-splattered robes sacrificing a lamb on the altar of Jehovah. Over the centuries, however, Judaism became an “information religion,” obsessed with texts and interpretations. From second-century Alexandria to twenty-first-century Brooklyn, the quintessential Jewish scene became a group of rabbis arguing about the interpretation of a text.

    This change was extremely surprising given that almost nowhere in the Bible itself do you find anyone arguing about the interpretation of any text. Such debates were not part of biblical culture itself. For example, when Korah and his followers challenged the right of Moses to lead the people of Israel, and demanded a more equitable division of power, Moses reacted not by entering a learned discussion or by quoting some scriptural passage. Rather, Moses called upon God to perform a miracle, and the moment he finished speaking, the ground split, “and the earth opened its mouth and swallowed them and their households” (Numbers 16:31–32). When Elijah was challenged by 450 prophets of Baal and 400 prophets of Asherah to a public test in front of the people of Israel, he proved the superiority of Jehovah over Baal and Asherah first by miraculously summoning fire from the sky and then by slaughtering the pagan prophets. Nobody read any text, and nobody engaged in any rational debate (1 Kings 18).

    As Judaism replaced sacrifices with texts, it gravitated toward a view of information as the most fundamental building block of reality, anticipating current ideas in physics and computer science. The flood of texts generated by rabbis was increasingly seen as more important, and even more real, than plowing a field, baking a loaf of bread, or sacrificing a lamb in a temple. After the temple in Jerusalem was destroyed by the Romans and all temple rituals ceased, rabbis nevertheless devoted enormous efforts to writing texts about the proper way to conduct temple rituals and then arguing about the correct interpretation of these texts. Centuries after the temple was no more, the amount of information concerning these virtual rituals only continued to increase. The rabbis weren’t oblivious to this seeming gap between text and reality. Rather, they maintained that writing texts about the rituals and arguing about these texts were far more important than actually performing the rituals.38
    This eventually led the rabbis to believe that the entire universe was an information sphere—a realm composed of words and running on the alphabetical code of the Hebrew letters. They further maintained that this informational universe was created so that Jews could read texts and argue about their interpretation, and that if Jews ever stop reading these texts and arguing about them, the universe will cease to exist.39 In everyday life, this view meant that for the rabbis words in texts were often more important than facts in the world. Or more accurately, which words appeared in sacred texts became some of the most important facts about the world, shaping the lives of individuals and entire communities.

    THE SPLIT BIBLE

    The above description of the canonization of the Bible, and the creation of the Mishnah and Talmud, ignores one very important fact. The process of canonizing the word of Jehovah created not one chain of texts but several competing chains. There were people who believed in Jehovah, but not in the rabbis. Most of these dissenters did accept the first block in the biblical chain—which they called the Old Testament. But already before the rabbis sealed this block, the dissenters rejected the authority of the entire rabbinical institution, which led them to subsequently reject the Mishnah and Talmud, too. These dissenters were the Christians.

    When Christianity emerged in the first century CE, it was not a unified religion, but rather a variety of Jewish movements that didn’t agree on much, except that they all regarded Jesus Christ—rather than the rabbinical institution—as the ultimate authority on Jehovah’s words.40 Christians accepted the divinity of texts like Genesis, Samuel, and Isaiah, but they argued that the rabbis misunderstood these texts, and only Jesus and his disciples knew the true meaning of passages like “the Lord himself will give you a sign: the almah will conceive and give birth to a son, and will call him Immanuel” (Isaiah 7:14). The rabbis said almah meant “young woman,” Immanuel meant “God with us” (in Hebrew immanu means “with us” and el means “God”), and the entire passage was interpreted as a divine promise to help the Jewish people in their struggle against oppressive foreign empires. In contrast, the Christians argued that almah meant “virgin,” that Immanuel meant that God will literally be born among humans, and that this was a prophecy about the divine Jesus being born on earth to the Virgin Mary.41

    However, by rejecting the rabbinical institution while simultaneously accepting the possibility of new divine revelations, the Christians opened the door to chaos. In the first century CE, and even more so in the second and third centuries CE, different Christians came up with radically new interpretations for books like Genesis and Isaiah, as well as with a plethora of new messages from God. Since they rejected the authority of the rabbis, since Jesus was dead and couldn’t adjudicate between them, and since a unified Christian church didn’t yet exist, who could decide which of all these interpretations and messages was divinely inspired?

    Thus, it was not just John who described the end of the world in his Apocalypse (the book of Revelation). We have many additional apocalypses from that era, for example the Apocalypse of Peter, the Apocalypse of James, and even the Apocalypse of Abraham.42 As for the life and teachings of Jesus, in addition to the four Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, early Christians had the Gospel of Peter, the Gospel of Mary, the Gospel of Truth, the Gospel of the Savior, and numerous others.43 Similarly, aside from the Acts of the Apostles, there were at least a dozen other Acts such as the Acts of Peter and the Acts of Andrew.44 Letters were even more prolific. Most present-day Christian Bibles contain fourteen epistles attributed to Paul, three attributed to John, two to Peter, and one each to James and Jude. Ancient Christians were familiar not only with additional Pauline letters (such as the Epistle to the Laodiceans) but with numerous other epistles supposedly written by other disciples and saints.45

    As Christians composed more and more gospels, epistles, prophecies, parables, prayers, and other texts, it became harder to know which ones to pay attention to. Christians needed a curation institution. That’s how the New Testament was created. At roughly the same time that debates among Jewish rabbis were producing the Mishnah and Talmud, debates between Christian priests, bishops, and theologians were producing the New Testament.
    In a letter from 367 CE, Bishop Athanasius of Alexandria recommended twenty-seven texts that faithful Christians should read—a rather eclectic collection of stories, letters, and prophecies written by different people in different times and places. Athanasius recommended the Apocalypse of John, but not that of Peter or Abraham. He approved of Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians, but not of Paul’s Epistle to the Laodiceans. He endorsed the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, but rejected the Gospel of Thomas and the Gospel of Truth.46

    A generation later, in the Councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397), gatherings of bishops and theologians formally canonized this list of recommendations, which became known as the New Testament.47 When Christians talk about “the Bible,” they mean the Old Testament together with the New Testament. In contrast, Judaism never accepted the New Testament, and when Jews talk about “the Bible,” they mean only the Old Testament, which is supplemented by the Mishnah and Talmud. Interestingly, Hebrew to this day lacks a word to describe the Christian holy book, which contains both the Old Testament and the New Testament. Jewish thought sees them as two utterly unrelated books and simply refuses to acknowledge that there might be a single book encompassing both, even though it is probably the most common book in the world.

    It is crucial to note that the people who created the New Testament weren’t the authors of the twenty-seven texts it contains; they were the curators. Due to the paucity of evidence from the period, we do not know if Athanasius’s list of texts reflected his personal judgment, or whether it originated with earlier Christian thinkers. What we do know is that prior to the Councils of Hippo and Carthage there were rival recommendation lists for Christians. The earliest such list was codified by Marcion of Sinope in the middle of the second century. The Marcion canon included only the Gospel of Luke and ten epistles of Paul. Even these eleven texts were somewhat different from the versions later canonized at Hippo and Carthage. Either Marcion was unaware of other texts like the Gospel of John and the book of Revelation, or he did not think highly of them.48

    The church father Saint John Chrysostom, a contemporary of Bishop Athanasius’s, recommended only twenty-two books, leaving 2 Peter, 2 John, 3 John, Jude, and Revelation out of his list.49 Some Christian churches in the Middle East to this day follow Chrysostom’s shorter list.50 The Armenian Church took about a thousand years to make up its mind about the book of Revelation, while it included in its canon the Third Epistle to the Corinthians, which other churches—like the Catholic and Protestant churches—consider a forgery.51 The Ethiopian Church endorsed Athanasius’s list in full, but added four other books: Sinodos, the book of Clement, the book of the Covenant, and the Didascalia.52 Other lists endorsed the two epistles of Clement, the visions of the Shepherd of Hermas, the Epistle of Barnabas, the Apocalypse of Peter, and various other texts that didn’t make it into Athanasius’s selection.53

    We do not know the precise reasons why specific texts were endorsed or rejected by different churches, church councils, and church fathers. But the consequences were far-reaching. While churches made decisions about texts, the texts themselves shaped the churches. As a key example, consider the role of women in the church. Some early Christian leaders saw women as intellectually and ethically inferior to men, and argued that women should be restricted to subordinate roles in society and in the Christian community. These views were reflected in texts like the First Epistle to Timothy.

    In one of its passages, this text, attributed to Saint Paul, says, “A woman should learn in quietness and full submission. I do not permit a woman to teach or to assume authority over a man; she must be quiet. For Adam was formed first, then Eve. And Adam was not the one deceived; it was the woman who was deceived and became a sinner. But women will be saved through childbearing—if they continue in faith, love and holiness with propriety” (2:11–15). But modern scholars as well as some ancient Christian leaders like Marcion have considered this letter a second-century forgery, ascribed to Saint Paul but actually written by someone else.54

    In opposition to 1 Timothy, during the second, third, and fourth centuries CE there were important Christian texts that saw women as equal to men, and even authorized women to occupy leadership roles, like the Gospel of Mary55 or the Acts of Paul and Thecla. The latter text was written at about the same time as 1 Timothy, and for a time was extremely popular.56 It narrates the adventures of Saint Paul and his female disciple Thecla, describing how Thecla not only performed numerous miracles but also baptized herself with her own hands and often preached. For centuries, Thecla was one of the most revered Christian saints and was seen as evidence that women could baptize, preach, and lead Christian communities.57

    Before the Councils of Hippo and Carthage, it wasn’t clear that 1 Timothy was more authoritative than the Acts of Paul and Thecla. By choosing to include 1 Timothy in their recommendation list while rejecting the Acts of Paul and Thecla, the assembled bishops and theologians shaped Christian attitudes toward women down to the present day. We can only hypothesize what Christianity might have looked like if the New Testament had included the Acts of Paul and Thecla instead of 1 Timothy. Perhaps in addition to church fathers like Athanasius, the church would have had mothers, while misogyny would have been labeled a dangerous heresy perverting Jesus’s message of universal love.

    Just as most Jews forgot that rabbis curated the Old Testament, so most Christians forgot that church councils curated the New Testament, and came to view it simply as the infallible word of God. But while the holy book was seen as the ultimate source of authority, the process of curating the book placed real power in the hands of the curating institution. In Judaism the canonization of the Old Testament and Mishnah went hand in hand with creating the institution of the rabbinate. In Christianity the canonization of the New Testament went hand in hand with the creation of a unified Christian church. Christians trusted church officials—like Bishop Athanasius—because of what they read in the New Testament, but they had faith in the New Testament because this is what the bishops told them to read. The attempt to invest all authority in an infallible superhuman technology led to the rise of a new and extremely powerful human institution—the church.

    THE ECHO CHAMBER

    As time passed, problems of interpretation increasingly tilted the balance of power between the holy book and the church in favor of the institution. Just as the need to interpret Jewish holy books empowered the rabbinate, so the need to interpret Christian holy books empowered the church. The same saying of Jesus or the same Pauline epistle could be understood in various ways, and it was the institution that decided which reading was correct. The institution in turn was repeatedly shaken by struggles over the authority to interpret the holy book, which resulted in institutional schisms such as that between the Western Catholic Church and the Eastern Orthodox Church.

    All Christians read the Sermon on the Mount in the Gospel of Matthew and learned that we should love our enemies, that we should turn the other cheek, and that the meek shall inherit the earth. But what did that actually mean? Christians could read this as a call to reject all use of military force,58 or to reject all social hierarchies.59 The Catholic Church, however, viewed such pacifists and egalitarian readings as heresies. It interpreted Jesus’s words in a way that allowed the church to become the richest landowner in Europe, to launch violent crusades, and to establish murderous inquisitions. Catholic theology accepted that Jesus told us to love our enemies, but explained that burning heretics was an act of love, because it deterred additional people from adopting heretical views, thereby saving them from the flames of hell. The French inquisitor Jacques Fournier wrote in the early fourteenth century an entire treatise on the Sermon on the Mount that explained how the text provided justification for hunting heretics.60 Fournier’s view was not a fringe notion. He went on to become Pope Benedict XII (1334–42).

    Fournier’s task as inquisitor, and later as pope, was to ensure that the Catholic Church’s interpretation of the holy book would prevail. In this, Fournier and his fellow churchmen used not only violent coercion but also their control of book production. Prior to the advent of letterpress printing in Europe in the fifteenth century, making many copies of a book was a prohibitive enterprise for all but the most wealthy individuals and institutions. The Catholic Church used its power and wealth to disseminate copies of its favored texts while prohibiting the production and spread of what it considered erroneous ones.

    Of course, the church couldn’t prevent the occasional freethinker from formulating heretical ideas. But because it controlled key nodes in the medieval information network—such as copying workshops, archives, and libraries—it could prevent such a heretic from making and distributing a hundred copies of her book. To get an idea of the difficulties faced by a heretical author seeking to disseminate her views, consider that when Leofric was made bishop of Exeter in 1050, he found just five books in the cathedral’s library. He immediately established a copying workshop in the cathedral, but in the twenty-two years before he died in 1072, his copyists produced only sixty-six additional volumes.61 In the thirteenth century the library of Oxford University consisted of a few books kept in a chest under St. Mary’s Church. In 1424 the library of Cambridge University boasted a grand total of only 122 books.62 An Oxford University decree from 1409 stipulated that “all recent texts” studied at the university must be unanimously approved “by a panel of twelve theologians appointed by the archbishop.”63

    The church sought to lock society inside an echo chamber, allowing the spread only of those books that supported it, and people trusted the church because almost all the books supported it. Even illiterate laypersons who didn’t read books were still awed by recitations of these precious texts or expositions on their content. That’s how the belief in a supposedly infallible superhuman technology like the New Testament led to the rise of an extremely powerful but fallible human institution like the Catholic Church that crushed all opposing views as “erroneous” while allowing no one to question its own views.

    Catholic information experts such as Jacques Fournier spent their days reading Thomas Aquinas’s interpretation of Augustine’s interpretation of Saint Paul’s epistles and composing additional interpretations of their own. All those interrelated texts didn’t represent reality; they created a new information sphere even bigger and more powerful than that created by the Jewish rabbis. Medieval Europeans were cocooned inside that information sphere, their daily activities, thoughts, and emotions shaped by texts about texts about texts.

    PRINT, SCIENCE, AND WITCHES

    The attempt to bypass human fallibility by investing authority in an infallible text never succeeded. If anyone thought this was due to some unique flaw of the Jewish rabbis or the Catholic priests, the Protestant Reformation repeated the experiment again and again—always getting the same results. Luther, Calvin, and their successors argued that there was no need for any fallible human institution to interpose itself between ordinary people and the holy book. Christians should abandon all the parasitical bureaucracies that grew around the Bible and reconnect to the original word of God. But the word of God never interpreted itself, which is why not only Lutherans and Calvinists but numerous other Protestant sects eventually established their own church institutions and invested them with the authority to interpret the text and persecute heretics.64

    If infallible texts merely lead to the rise of fallible and oppressive churches, how then to deal with the problem of human error? The naive view of information posits that the problem can be solved by creating the opposite of a church—namely, a free market of information. The naive view expects that if all restrictions on the free flow of information are removed, error will inevitably be exposed and displaced by truth. As noted in the prologue, this is wishful thinking. Let’s delve a little deeper to understand why. As a test case, consider what happened during one of the most celebrated epochs in the history of information networks: the European print revolution. The introduction of the printing press to Europe in the mid-fifteenth century made it possible to mass-produce texts relatively quickly, cheaply, and secretly, even if the Catholic Church disapproved of them. It is estimated that in the forty-six years from 1454 to 1500 more than twelve million volumes were printed in Europe. By contrast, in the previous thousand years only about eleven million volumes were hand copied.65 By 1600, all kinds of fringe people—heretics, revolutionaries, proto-scientists—could disseminate their writings much more rapidly, widely, and easily than ever before.

    In the history of information networks, the print revolution of early modern Europe is usually hailed as a moment of triumph, breaking the stranglehold that the Catholic Church had maintained over the European information network. Allegedly, by allowing people to exchange information much more freely than before, it led to the scientific revolution. There is a grain of truth in this. Without print, it would certainly have been much harder for Copernicus, Galileo, and their colleagues to develop and spread their ideas.

    But print wasn’t the root cause of the scientific revolution. The only thing the printing press did was to faithfully reproduce texts. The machine had no ability to come up with any new ideas of its own. Those who connect print to science assume that the mere act of producing and spreading more information inevitably leads people to the truth. In fact, print allowed the rapid spread not only of scientific facts but also of religious fantasies, fake news, and conspiracy theories. Perhaps the most notorious example of the latter was the belief in a worldwide conspiracy of satanic witches, which led to the witch-hunt craze that engulfed early modern Europe.66

    Belief in magic and in witches has characterized human societies in all continents and eras, but different societies imagined witches and reacted to them in very different ways. Some societies believed that witches controlled spirits, talked with the dead, and predicted the future; others imagined that witches stole cattle and located hidden treasure. In one community witches were thought to cause disease, blight cornfields, and concoct love potions, while in another community they supposedly entered houses at night, performed household chores, and stole milk. In some locales witches were thought to be mostly female, while in others they were generally imagined to be male. Some cultures were terrified of witches and persecuted them violently, but others tolerated or even honored them. Finally, there were societies in every continent and era that gave witches little importance.67

    For most of the Middle Ages, most European societies belonged to the latter category and were not overly concerned about witches. The medieval Catholic Church didn’t see them as a major threat to humanity, and some churchmen actively discouraged witch-hunting. According to the influential tenth-century text Canon Episcopi—which defined medieval church doctrine on the matter—witchcraft was mostly illusion, and belief in the reality of witchcraft was an unchristian superstition.68 The European witch-hunt craze was a modern rather than a medieval phenomenon.

    In the 1420s and 1430s churchmen and scholars operating mainly in the Alps region took elements from Christian religion, local folklore, and Greco-Roman heritage and amalgamated them into a new theory of witchcraft.69 Previously, even when witches were dreaded, they were considered a strictly local problem—isolated criminals who, inspired by personal malevolence, used magical means to commit theft and murder. In contrast, the new scholarly model argued that witches were a far more formidable threat to society. There was allegedly a global conspiracy of witches, led by Satan, which constituted an institutionalized anti-Christian religion. Its purpose was nothing less than the complete destruction of the social order and of humankind. Witches were said to gather at night in huge demonic assemblies, where they worshipped Satan, killed children, ate human flesh, engaged in orgies, and cast spells that caused storms, epidemics, and other catastrophes.

    Inspired by such ideas, the first mass witch hunts and witch trials were led by local churchmen and noblemen in the Valais region of the western Alps between 1428 and 1436, leading to the execution of more than two hundred supposed male and female witches. From this Alpine heartland, rumors about the global witch conspiracy trickled to other parts of Europe, but the belief was still far from mainstream, the Catholic establishment did not embrace it, and other regions didn’t launch large-scale witch hunts like those in the Valais.

    In 1485, a Dominican friar and inquisitor called Heinrich Kramer embarked on a witch-hunting expedition in another Alpine region—the Austrian Tyrol. Kramer was a fervent convert to the new belief in a global satanic conspiracy.70 He also seems to have been mentally unhinged, and his accusations of satanic witchcraft were colored by rabid misogyny and odd sexual fixations. Local church authorities, led by the bishop of Brixen, were skeptical of Kramer’s accusations and alarmed by his activities. They stopped his inquisition, released the suspects he arrested, and expelled him from the area.71

    Kramer hit back through the printing press. Within two years of his banishment, he compiled and published the Malleus MaleficarumThe Hammer of the Witches. This was a do-it-yourself guidebook to exposing and killing witches in which Kramer described in detail the worldwide conspiracy and the means by which honest Christians could uncover and foil the witches. In particular, he recommended the use of horrific methods of torture in order to extract confessions from people suspected of witchcraft, and was adamant that the only punishment for the guilty was execution.

    Kramer organized and codified previous ideas and stories and added many details from his own fertile and hate-filled imagination. Relying on ancient Christian misogynist teachings like those of 1 Timothy, Kramer sexualized witchcraft. He argued that witches were typically female, because witchcraft originated in lust, which was supposedly stronger in women. He warned readers that sex could cause a pious woman to become a witch and her husband to become bewitched.72

    An entire chapter of the Hammer is dedicated to the ability of witches to steal men’s penises. Kramer discusses at length whether the witches are really able to take away the male member from its owner, or whether they are only able to create an illusion of castration in men’s minds. Kramer asks, “What is to be thought of those witches who in this way sometimes collect male organs in great numbers, as many as twenty or thirty members together, and put them in a bird’s nest, or shut them up in a box, where they move themselves like living members, and eat oats and corn, as has been seen by many?” He then relates a story he heard from one man: “When he had lost his member, he approached a known witch to ask her to restore it to him. She told the afflicted man to climb a certain tree, and that he might take which he liked out of the nest in which there were several members. And when he tried to take a big one, the witch said: You must not take that one; adding, because it belongs to a parish priest.”73 Numerous notions about witches that are still popular today—for instance, that witches are predominantly women, that witches engage in wild sexual activities, and that witches kill and mutilate children—were given their canonical form by Kramer’s book.

    Like the bishop of Brixen, other churchmen were initially skeptical of Kramer’s wild ideas, and there was some resistance to the book among church experts.74 But The Hammer of the Witches became one of the biggest best sellers of early modern Europe. It catered to people’s deepest fears, as well as to their lurid interest in hearing about orgies, cannibalism, child murders, and satanic conspiracies. The book had gone through eight editions by 1500, another five by 1520, and sixteen more by 1670, with many vernacular translations.75 It became the definitive work on witchcraft and witch-hunting and inspired a host of imitations and elaborations. As Kramer’s fame grew, his work was embraced by the church experts. Kramer was appointed papal representative and made inquisitor of Bohemia and Moravia in 1500. Even today his ideas continue to shape the world, and many current theories about a global satanic conspiracy—like QAnon—draw upon and perpetuate his fantasies.

    While it would be an exaggeration to argue that the invention of print caused the European witch-hunt craze, the printing press played a pivotal role in the rapid dissemination of the belief in a global satanic conspiracy. As Kramer’s ideas gained popularity, printing presses produced not only many additional copies of The Hammer of the Witches and copycat books but also a torrent of cheap one-page pamphlets, whose sensational texts were often accompanied by illustrations depicting people attacked by demons or witches burned at the stake.76 These publications also gave fantastic statistics about the size of the witches’ conspiracy. For example, the Burgundian judge and witch-hunter Henri Boguet (1550–1619) speculated that there were 300,000 witches in France alone and 1.8 million in all of Europe.77 Such claims fueled mass hysteria, which in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries led to the torture and execution of between 40,000 and 50,000 innocent people who were accused of witchcraft.78 The victims included individuals from all walks of life and ages, including children as young as five.79

    People began denouncing one another for witchcraft on the flimsiest evidence, often to avenge personal slights or to gain economic and political advantage. Once an official investigation began, the accused were often doomed. The inquisitorial methods recommended by The Hammer of the Witches were truly diabolical. If the accused confessed to being a witch, they were executed and their property divided between the accuser, the executioner, and the inquisitors. If the accused refused to confess, this was taken as evidence of their demonic obstinacy, and they were then tortured in horrendous ways, their fingers broken, their flesh cut with hot pincers, their bodies stretched to the breaking point or submerged in boiling water. Sooner or later they could stand it no longer and confessed—and were duly executed.80

    To take one example, in 1600 authorities in Munich arrested on suspicion of witchcraft the Pappenheimer family—father Paulus, mother Anna, two grown sons, and a ten-year-old boy, Hansel. The inquisitors began by torturing little Hansel. The protocol of the interrogation, which can still be read in the Munich archives, has a note from one of the interrogators regarding the ten-year-old boy: “May be tortured to the limit so that he incriminates his mother.”81 After being tortured in unspeakable ways, the Pappenheimers confessed to numerous crimes including killing 265 people by sorcery and causing fourteen destructive storms. They were all condemned to death.

    The bodies of each of the four adult family members were torn with red-hot pincers, the men’s limbs were broken on the wheel, the father was impaled on a stake, the mother’s breasts were cut off, and all were then burned alive. The ten-year-old Hansel was forced to watch all this. Four months later, he too was executed.82 The witch-hunters were extremely thorough in their search for the devil and his accomplices. But if the witch-hunters really wanted to find diabolical evil, they just had to look in the mirror.

    THE SPANISH INQUISITION TO THE RESCUE

    Witch hunts seldom ended by killing just one person or one family. Since the underlying model postulated a global conspiracy, people accused of witchcraft were tortured to name accomplices. This was then used as evidence to imprison, torture, and execute others. If any officials, scholars, or churchmen voiced objections to these absurd methods, this could be seen as proof that they too must be witches—which led to their own arrest and torture.

    For example, in 1453—when belief in the satanic conspiracy was just beginning to take hold—a French doctor of theology called Guillaume Edelin bravely sought to quash it before it spread. He repeated the claims of the medieval Canon Episcopi that witchcraft was an illusion and that witches couldn’t really fly at night to meet Satan and make a pact with him. Edelin was then himself accused of being a witch and arrested. Under torture he confessed that he personally had flown on a broomstick and signed a pact with the devil and that it was Satan who commissioned him to preach that witchcraft was an illusion. His judges were lenient with him; he was spared execution and got life imprisonment instead.83

    The witch hunts illustrate the dark side of creating an information sphere. As with rabbinical discussions of the Talmud and scholastic discussions of Christian scriptures, the witch hunts were fueled by an expanding ocean of information that instead of representing reality created a new reality. Witches were not an objective reality. Nobody in early modern Europe had sex with Satan or was capable of flying on broomsticks and creating hailstorms. But witches became an intersubjective reality. Like money, witches were made real by exchanging information about witches.

    An entire witch-hunting bureaucracy dedicated itself to such exchanges. Theologians, lawyers, inquisitors, and the owners of printing presses made a living by collecting and producing information about witches, cataloging different species of witches, investigating how witches behaved, and recommending how they could be exposed and defeated. Professional witch-hunters offered their services to governments and municipalities, charging large sums of money. Archives were filled by detailed reports of witch-hunting expeditions, protocols of witch trials, and lengthy confessions extracted from the alleged witches.

    Expert witch-hunters used all that data to refine their theories further. Like scholars arguing about the correct interpretation of scripture, the witch-hunters debated the correct interpretation of The Hammer of the Witches and other influential books. The witch-hunting bureaucracy did what bureaucracy often does: it invented the intersubjective category of “witches” and imposed it on reality. It even printed forms, with standard accusations and confessions of witchcraft and blank spaces left for dates, names, and the signature of the accused. All that information produced a lot of order and power; it was a means for certain people to gain authority and for society as a whole to discipline its members. But it produced zero truth and zero wisdom.

    As the witch-hunting bureaucracy generated more and more information, it became harder to dismiss all that information as pure fantasy. Could it be that the entire silo of witch-hunting data did not contain a single grain of truth in it? What about all the books written by learned churchmen? What about all the protocols of trials conducted by esteemed judges? What about the tens of thousands of documented confessions?

    The new intersubjective reality was so convincing that even some people accused of witchcraft came to believe that they were indeed part of a worldwide satanic conspiracy. If everybody said so, it must be true. As discussed in chapter 2, humans are susceptible to adopting fake memories. At least some early modern Europeans dreamed or fantasized about summoning devils, having sex with Satan, and practicing witchcraft, and when accused of being witches, they confused their dreams and fantasies with reality.84

    Consequently, even as the witch hunts reached their ghastly crescendo in the early seventeenth century, and many people suspected that something was clearly wrong, it was difficult to reject the whole thing as pure fantasy. One of the worst witch-hunting episodes in early modern Europe occurred in the towns of Bamberg and Würzburg in southern Germany in the late 1620s. In Bamberg, a city of fewer than 12,000 at the time,85 up to 900 innocent people were executed from 1625 to 1631.86 In Würzburg another 1,200 people were tortured and killed, out of a population of around 11,500.87 In August 1629, the chancellor of the prince-bishop of Würzburg wrote a letter to a friend about the ongoing witch hunt, in which he confessed his doubts about the matter. The letter is worth quoting at length:

    As to the affair of the witches … it has started up afresh, and no words can do justice to it. Ah, the woe and the misery of it—there are still four hundred in the city, high and low, of every rank and sex, nay, even clerics, so strongly accused that they may be arrested at any hour.… The Prince-Bishop has over forty students who are soon to be pastors; among them thirteen or fourteen are said to be witches. A few days ago a Dean was arrested; two others who were summoned have fled. The notary of our Church consistory, a very learned man, was yesterday arrested and put to the torture. In a word, a third part of the city is surely involved. The richest, most attractive, most prominent, of the clergy are already executed. A week ago a maiden of nineteen was executed, of whom it is everywhere said that she was the fairest in the whole city, and was held by everybody a girl of singular modesty and purity. She will be followed by seven or eight others of the best and most attractive persons.… And thus many are put to death for renouncing God and being at the witch-dances, against whom nobody has ever else spoken a word.

    To conclude this wretched matter, there are children of three and four years, to the number of three hundred, who are said to have had intercourse with the Devil. I have seen put to death children of seven, promising students of ten, twelve, fourteen, and fifteen.… [B]ut I cannot and must not write more of this misery.

    The chancellor then added this interesting postscript to the letter:

    Though there are many wonderful and terrible things happening, it is beyond doubt that, at a place called the Fraw-Rengberg, the Devil in person, with eight thousand of his followers, held an assembly and celebrated mass before them all, administering to his audience (that is, the witches) turnip-rinds and parings in place of the Holy Eucharist. There took place not only foul but most horrible and hideous blasphemies, whereof I shudder to write.88

    Even after expressing his horror at the insanity of the witch hunt in Würzburg, the chancellor nevertheless expressed his firm belief in the satanic conspiracy of witches. He didn’t witness any witchcraft firsthand, but so much information about witches was circulating that it was difficult for him to doubt all of it. Witch hunts were a catastrophe caused by the spread of toxic information. They are a prime example of a problem that was created by information, and was made worse by more information.

    This was a conclusion reached not just by modern scholars but also by some perceptive observers at the time. Alonso de Salazar Frías, a Spanish inquisitor, made a thorough investigation of witch hunts and witch trials in the early seventeenth century. He concluded that “I have not found one single proof nor even the slightest indication from which to infer that one act of witchcraft has actually taken place,” and that “there were neither witches nor bewitched until they were talked and written about.”89 Salazar Frías well understood the meaning of intersubjective realities and correctly identified the entire witch-hunting industry as an intersubjective information sphere.

    The history of the early modern European witch craze demonstrates that releasing barriers to the flow of information doesn’t necessarily lead to the discovery and spread of truth. It can just as easily lead to the spread of lies and fantasies and to the creation of toxic information spheres. More specifically, a completely free market of ideas may incentivize the dissemination of outrage and sensationalism at the expense of truth. It is not difficult to understand why. Printers and booksellers made a lot more money from the lurid tales of The Hammer of the Witches than they did from the dull mathematics of Copernicus’s On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres. The latter was one of the founding texts of the modern scientific tradition. It is credited with earth-shattering discoveries that displaced our planet from the center of the universe and thereby initiated the Copernican revolution. But when it was first published in 1543, its initial print run of four hundred failed to sell out, and it took until 1566 for a second edition to be published in a similar-sized print run. The third edition did not appear until 1617. As Arthur Koestler quipped, it was an all-time worst seller.90 What really got the scientific revolution going was neither the printing press nor a completely free market of information, but rather a novel approach to the problem of human fallibility.

    THE DISCOVERY OF IGNORANCE

    The history of print and witch-hunting indicates that an unregulated information market doesn’t necessarily lead people to identify and correct their errors, because it may well prioritize outrage over truth. For truth to win, it is necessary to establish curation institutions that have the power to tilt the balance in favor of the facts. However, as the history of the Catholic Church indicates, such institutions might use their curation power to quash any criticism of themselves, labeling all alternative views erroneous and preventing the institution’s own errors from being exposed and corrected. Is it possible to establish better curation institutions that use their power to further the pursuit of truth rather than to accumulate more power for themselves?

    Early modern Europe saw the foundation of exactly such curation institutions, and it was these institutions—rather than the printing press or specific books like On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres—that constituted the bedrock of the scientific revolution. These key curation institutions were not the universities. Many of the most important leaders of the scientific revolution were not university professors. Nicolaus Copernicus, Robert Boyle, Tycho Brahe, and René Descartes, for example, held no academic positions. Nor did Spinoza, Leibniz, Locke, Berkeley, Voltaire, Diderot, or Rousseau.

    The curation institutions that played a central role in the scientific revolution connected scholars and researchers both in and out of universities, forging an information network that spanned the whole of Europe and eventually the world. For the scientific revolution to gather pace, scientists had to trust information published by colleagues in distant lands. This kind of trust in the work of people whom one had never met was evident in scientific associations like the Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge, founded in 1660, and the French Académie des Sciences (1666); scientific journals like the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society (1665) and the Histoire de l’Académie Royale des Sciences (1699); and scientific publishers like the architects of the Encyclopédie (1751–72). These institutions curated information on the basis of empirical evidence, bringing attention to the discoveries of Copernicus rather than to the fantasies of Kramer. When a paper was submitted to the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, the lead question the editors asked was not, “How many people would pay to read this?” but, “What proof is there that it is true?”

    At first, these new institutions seemed as flimsy as cobwebs, lacking the power necessary to reshape human society. Unlike the witch-hunting experts, the editors of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society could not torture and execute anyone. And unlike the Catholic Church, the Académie des Sciences did not command huge territories and budgets. But scientific institutions did accrue influence thanks to a very original claim to trust. A church typically told people to trust it because it possessed the absolute truth, in the form of an infallible holy book. A scientific institution, in contrast, gained authority because it had strong self-correcting mechanisms that exposed and rectified the errors of the institution itself. It was these self-correcting mechanisms, not the technology of printing, that were the engine of the scientific revolution.

    In other words, the scientific revolution was launched by the discovery of ignorance.91 Religions of the book assumed that they had access to an infallible source of knowledge. The Christians had the Bible, the Muslims had the Quran, the Hindus had the Vedas, and the Buddhists had the Tipitaka. Scientific culture has no comparable holy book, nor does it claim that any of its heroes are infallible prophets, saints, or geniuses. The scientific project starts by rejecting the fantasy of infallibility and proceeding to construct an information network that takes error to be inescapable. Sure, there is much talk about the genius of Copernicus, Darwin, and Einstein, but none of them is considered faultless. They all made mistakes, and even the most celebrated scientific tracts are sure to contain errors and lacunae.

    Since even geniuses suffer from confirmation bias, you cannot trust them to correct their own errors. Science is a team effort, relying on institutional collaboration rather than on individual scientists or, say, a single infallible book. Of course, institutions too are prone to error. Scientific institutions are nevertheless different from religious institutions, inasmuch as they reward skepticism and innovation rather than conformity. Scientific institutions are also different from conspiracy theories, inasmuch as they reward self-skepticism. Conspiracy theorists tend to be extremely skeptical regarding the existing consensus, but when it comes to their own beliefs, they lose all their skepticism and fall prey to confirmation bias.92 The trademark of science is not merely skepticism but self-skepticism, and at the heart of every scientific institution we find a strong self-correcting mechanism. Scientific institutions do reach a broad consensus about the accuracy of certain theories—such as quantum mechanics or the theory of evolution—but only because these theories have managed to survive intense efforts to disprove them, launched not only by outsiders but by members of the institution itself.

    SELF-CORRECTING MECHANISMS

    As an information technology, the self-correcting mechanism is the polar opposite of the holy book. The holy book is supposed to be infallible. The self-correcting mechanism embraces fallibility. By self-correcting, I refer to mechanisms that an entity uses to correct itself. A teacher correcting a student’s essay is not a self-correcting mechanism; the student isn’t correcting their own essay. A judge sending a criminal to prison is not a self-correcting mechanism; the criminal isn’t exposing their own crime. When the Allies defeated and dismantled the Nazi regime, this was not a self-correcting mechanism; left to its own devices, Germany would not have denazified itself. But when a scientific journal publishes a paper correcting a mistake that appeared in a previous paper, that’s an example of an institution self-correcting its own errors.

    Self-correcting mechanisms are ubiquitous in nature. Children learn how to walk thanks to them. You make a wrong move, you fall, you learn from your mistake, you try doing it a little differently. Sure, sometimes parents and teachers give the child a hand or offer advice, but a child who relies entirely on such external corrections or keeps excusing mistakes instead of learning from them will find it very difficult to walk. Indeed, even as adults, every time we walk, our body engages in an intricate process of self-correction. As our body navigates through space, internal feedback loops between brain, limbs, and sensory organs keep our legs and hands in their proper place and our balance just right.93

    Many other bodily processes require constant self-correction. Our blood pressure, temperature, sugar levels, and numerous other parameters must be given some leeway to change in accordance with varying circumstances, but they should never go above or below certain critical thresholds. Our blood pressure needs to increase when we run, to decrease when we sleep, but must always keep within certain bounds.94 Our body manages this delicate biochemical dance through a host of homeostatic self-correcting mechanisms. If our blood pressure goes too high, the self-correcting mechanisms lower it. If our blood pressure is dangerously low, the self-correcting mechanisms raise it. If the self-correcting mechanisms go out of order, we could die.95

    Institutions, too, die without self-correcting mechanisms. These mechanisms start with the realization that humans are fallible and corruptible. But instead of despairing of humans and looking for a way to bypass them, the institution actively seeks its own errors and corrects them. All institutions that manage to endure beyond a handful of years possess such mechanisms, but institutions differ greatly in the strength and visibility of their self-correcting mechanisms.

    For example, the Catholic Church is an institution with relatively weak self-correcting mechanisms. Since it claims infallibility, it cannot admit institutional mistakes. It is occasionally willing to acknowledge that some of its members have erred or sinned, but the institution itself allegedly remains perfect. For example, in the Second Vatican Council in 1964, the Catholic Church acknowledged that “Christ summons the Church to continual reformation as she sojourns here on earth. The Church is always in need of this, insofar as she is an institution of men here on earth. Thus if, in various times and circumstances, there have been deficiencies in moral conduct or in church discipline, or even in the way that church teaching has been formulated—to be carefully distinguished from the deposit of faith itself—these can and should be set right at the opportune moment.”96

    This admission sounds promising, but the devil is in the details, specifically in the refusal to countenance the possibility of any deficiency in “the deposit of faith.” In Catholic dogma “the deposit of faith” refers to the body of revealed truth that the church has received from scriptures and from its sacred tradition of interpreting scripture. The Catholic Church acknowledges that priests are fallible humans who can sin and can also make mistakes in the way they formulate church teachings. However, the holy book itself can never err. What does this imply about the entire church as an institution that combines fallible humans with an infallible text?

    According to Catholic dogma, biblical infallibility and divine guidance trump human corruption, so even though individual members of the church may err and sin, the Catholic Church as an institution is never wrong. Allegedly, never in history did God allow the majority of church leaders to make a serious mistake in their interpretation of the holy book. This principle is common to many religions. Jewish Orthodoxy accepted the possibility that the rabbis who composed the Mishnah and Talmud might have erred in personal matters, but when they came to decree religious doctrine, God ensured that they would make no mistake.97 In Islam there is an analogous principle known as Ijma. According to one important Hadith, Muhammad said that “Allah will ensure my community will never agree on error.”98

    In Catholicism, alleged institutional perfection is enshrined most clearly in the doctrine of papal infallibility, which says that while in personal matters popes may err, in their institutional role they are infallible.99 For example, Pope Alexander VI erred in breaking his vow of celibacy, having a mistress and siring several children, yet when defining official church teachings on matters of ethics or theology, he was incapable of mistake.

    In line with these views, the Catholic Church has always employed a self-correcting mechanism to supervise its human members in their personal affairs, but it never developed a mechanism for amending the Bible or for amending its “deposit of faith.” This attitude is manifest in the few formal apologies the Catholic Church issued for its past conduct. In recent decades, several popes apologized for the mistreatment of Jews, women, non-Catholic Christians, and indigenous cultures, as well as for more specific events such as the sacking of Constantinople in 1204 and the abuse of children in Catholic schools. It is commendable that the Catholic Church made such apologies at all; religious institutions rarely do so. Nevertheless, in all these cases, the popes were careful to shift responsibility away from scriptures and from the church as an institution. Instead, the blame was laid on the shoulders of individual churchmen who misinterpreted scriptures and deviated from the true teachings of the church.

    For example, in March 2000, Pope John Paul II conducted a special ceremony in which he asked forgiveness for a long list of historical crimes against Jews, heretics, women, and indigenous people. He apologized “for the use of violence that some have committed in the service of truth.” This terminology implied that the violence was the fault of “some” misguided individuals who didn’t understand the truth taught by the church. The pope didn’t accept the possibility that perhaps these individuals understood exactly what the church was teaching and that these teachings just were not the truth.100

    Similarly, when Pope Francis apologized in 2022 for the abuses against indigenous people in Canada’s church-run residential schools, he said, “I ask for forgiveness, in particular, for the ways in which many members of the church … cooperated … in projects of cultural destruction and forced assimilation.”101 Note his careful shifting of responsibility. The fault lay with “many members of the church,” not with the church and its teachings. As if it were never official church doctrine to destroy indigenous cultures and forcefully convert people.

    In fact, it wasn’t a few wayward priests who launched the Crusades, imposed laws that discriminated against Jews and women, or orchestrated the systematic annihilation of indigenous religions throughout the world.102 The writings of many revered church fathers, and the official decrees of many popes and church councils, are full of passages disparaging “pagan” and “heretical” religions, calling for their destruction, discriminating against their members, and legitimizing the use of violence to convert people to Christianity.103 For example, in 1452 Pope Nicholas V issued the Dum Diversas bull, addressed to King Afonso V of Portugal and other Catholic monarchs. The bull said, “We grant you by these present documents, with our Apostolic Authority, full and free permission to invade, search out, capture, and subjugate the Saracens and pagans and any other unbelievers and enemies of Christ wherever they may be, as well as their kingdoms, duchies, counties, principalities, and other property … and to reduce their persons into perpetual servitude.”104 This official proclamation, repeated numerous times by subsequent popes, laid the theological basis for European imperialism and the destruction of native cultures across the world. Of course, though the church doesn’t acknowledge it officially, over time it has changed its institutional structures, its core teachings, and its interpretation of scripture. The Catholic Church of today is far less antisemitic and misogynist than it was in medieval and early modern times. Pope Francis is far more tolerant of indigenous cultures than Pope Nicholas V. There is an institutional self-correcting mechanism at work here, which reacts both to external pressures and to internal soul-searching. But what characterizes self-correcting in institutions like the Catholic Church is that even when it happens, it is denied rather than celebrated. The first rule of changing church teachings is that you never admit changing church teachings.

    You would never hear a pope announcing to the world, “Our experts have just discovered a really big error in the Bible. We’ll soon issue an updated edition.” Instead, when asked about the church’s more generous attitude to Jews or women, popes imply that this was always what the church really taught, even if some individual churchmen previously failed to understand the message correctly. Denying the existence of self-correction doesn’t entirely stop it from happening, but it does weaken and slow it. Because the correction of past mistakes is not acknowledged, let alone celebrated, when the faithful encounter another serious problem in the institution and its teachings, they are paralyzed by fear of changing something that is supposedly eternal and infallible. They cannot benefit from the example of previous changes.

    For instance, when Catholics like Pope Francis himself are now reconsidering the church’s teachings on homosexuality,105 they find it difficult to simply acknowledge past mistakes and change the teachings. If eventually a future pope would issue an apology for the mistreatment of LGBTQ people, the way to do it would be to again shift the blame to the shoulders of some overzealous individuals who misunderstood the gospel. To maintain its religious authority the Catholic Church has had no choice but to deny the existence of institutional self-correction. For the church fell into the infallibility trap. Once it based its religious authority on a claim to infallibility, any public admission of institutional error—even on relatively minor issues—could completely destroy its authority.

    THE DSM AND THE BIBLE

    In contrast to the Catholic Church, the scientific institutions that emerged in early modern Europe have been built around strong self-correcting mechanisms. Scientific institutions maintain that even if most scientists in a particular period believe something to be true, it may yet turn out to be inaccurate or incomplete. In the nineteenth century most physicists accepted Newtonian physics as a comprehensive account of the universe, but in the twentieth century the theory of relativity and quantum mechanics exposed the inaccuracies and limitations of Newton’s model.106 The most celebrated moments in the history of science are precisely those moments when accepted wisdom is overturned and new theories are born.

    Crucially, scientific institutions are willing to admit their institutional responsibility for major mistakes and crimes. For example, present-day universities routinely give courses, and professional journals routinely publish articles, that expose the institutional racism and sexism that characterized the scientific study of subjects like biology, anthropology, and history in the nineteenth and much of the twentieth centuries. Research on individual test cases such as the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, and on governmental policies ranging from the White Australia policy to the Holocaust, have repeatedly and extensively studied how flawed biological, anthropological, and historical theories developed in leading scientific institutions were used to justify and facilitate discrimination, imperialism, and even genocide. These crimes and errors are not blamed on a few misguided scholars. They are seen as an institutional failure of entire academic disciplines.107

    The willingness to admit major institutional errors contributes to the relatively fast pace at which science is developing. When the available evidence justifies it, dominant theories are often discarded within a few generations, to be replaced by new theories. What students of biology, anthropology, and history learn at university in the early twenty-first century is very different from what they learned there a century previously.

    Psychiatry offers numerous similar examples for strong self-correcting mechanisms. On the shelf of most psychiatrists you can find the DSM—the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. It is occasionally nicknamed the psychiatrists’ bible. But there is a crucial difference between the DSM and the Bible. First published in 1952, the DSM is revised every decade or two, with the fifth edition appearing in 2013. Over the years, the definition of many disorders has changed, new ones have been added, while others have been deleted. Homosexuality, for example, was listed in 1952 as a sociopathic personality disturbance, but removed from the DSM in 1974. It took just twenty-two years to correct this error in the DSM. That’s not a holy book. That’s a scientific text.

    Today the discipline of psychiatry doesn’t try to reinterpret the 1952 definition of homosexuality in a more benign spirit. Rather, it views the 1952 definition as a downright error. More important, the error is not attributed to the shortcomings of a few homophobic professors. Rather, it is acknowledged to be the result of deep institutional biases in the discipline of psychiatry.108 Confessing the past institutional errors of their discipline makes psychiatrists today more careful not to commit new such errors, as evidenced in the heated debate regarding transgender people and people on the autistic spectrum. Of course, no matter how careful they are, psychiatrists are still likely to make institutional mistakes. But they are also likely to acknowledge and correct them.109

    PUBLISH OR PERISH

    What makes scientific self-correcting mechanisms particularly strong is that scientific institutions are not just willing to admit institutional error and ignorance; they are actively seeking to expose them. This is evident in the institutions’ incentive structure. In religious institutions, members are incentivized to conform to existing doctrine and be suspicious of novelty. You become a rabbi, imam, or priest by professing doctrinal loyalty, and you can advance up the ranks to become pope, chief rabbi, or grand ayatollah without criticizing your predecessors or advancing any radical new notions. Indeed, many of the most powerful and admired religious leaders of recent times—such as Pope Benedict XVI, Chief Rabbi of Israel David Lau, and Ayatollah Khamenei of Iran—have won fame and supporters by strict resistance to new ideas and trends like feminism.110

    In science it works the other way around. Hiring and promotions in scientific institutions are based on the principle of “publish or perish,” and to publish in prestigious journals, you must expose some mistake in existing theories or discover something your predecessors and teachers didn’t know. Nobody wins a Nobel Prize for faithfully repeating what previous scholars said and opposing every new scientific theory.

    Of course, just as religion has room for self-correcting, so science has ample room for conformism, too. Science is an institutional enterprise, and scientists rely on the institution for almost everything they know. For example, how do I know what medieval and early modern Europeans thought about witchcraft? I have not visited all the relevant archives myself, nor have I read all the relevant primary sources. In fact, I am incapable of reading many of these sources directly, because I do not know all the necessary languages, nor am I skilled in deciphering medieval and early modern handwriting. Instead, I have relied on books and articles published by other scholars, such as Ronald Hutton’s book The Witch: A History of Fear, which was published by Yale University Press in 2017.

    I haven’t met Ronald Hutton, who is a professor of history at the University of Bristol, nor do I personally know the Bristol officials who hired him or the Yale editorial team who published his book. I nevertheless trust what I read in Hutton’s book, because I understand how institutions like the University of Bristol and Yale University Press operate. Their self-correcting mechanisms have two crucial features: First, the self-correcting mechanisms are built into the core of the institutions rather than being a peripheral add-on. Second, these institutions publicly celebrate self-correcting instead of denying it. It is of course possible that some of the information I gained from Hutton’s book may be incorrect, or I myself may misinterpret it. But experts on the history of witchcraft who have read Hutton’s book and who might be reading the present book will hopefully spot any such errors and expose them.

    Populist critics of scientific institutions may counter that, in fact, these institutions use their power to stifle unorthodox views and launch their own witch hunts against dissenters. It is certainly true that if a scholar opposes the current orthodox view of their discipline, it might sometimes have negative consequences: articles rejected, research grants denied, nasty ad hominem attacks, and in rare cases even getting fired from their job.111 I do not wish to belittle the suffering such things cause, but it is still a far cry from being physically tortured and burned at the stake.

    Consider, for example, the story of the chemist Dan Shechtman. In April 1982, while observing through an electron microscope, Shechtman saw something that all contemporary theories in chemistry claimed simply could not exist: the atoms in a mixed sample of aluminum and manganese were crystallized in a pattern with a five-fold rotational symmetry. At the time, scientists knew of various possible symmetrical structures in solid crystals, but five-fold symmetry was considered against the very laws of nature. Shechtman’s discovery of what came to be called quasicrystals sounded so outlandish that it was difficult to find a peer-reviewed journal willing to publish it. It didn’t help that Shechtman was at the time a junior scientist. He didn’t even have his own laboratory; he was working in someone’s else facility. But the editors of the journal Physical Review Letters, after reviewing the evidence, eventually published Shechtman’s article in 1984.112 And then, as he describes it, “all hell broke loose.”

    Shechtman’s claims were dismissed by most of his colleagues, and he was blamed for mismanaging his experiments. The head of his laboratory also turned on Shechtman. In a dramatic gesture, he placed a chemistry textbook on Shechtman’s desk and told him, “Danny, please read this book and you will understand that what you are saying cannot be.” Shechtman boldly replied that he saw the quasicrystals in the microscope—not in the book. As a result, he was kicked out of the lab. Worse was to come. Linus Pauling, a two-time Nobel laureate and one of the most eminent scientists of the twentieth century, led a brutal personal attack on Shechtman. In a conference attended by hundreds of scientists, Pauling proclaimed, “Danny Shechtman is talking nonsense, there are no quasicrystals, just quasi-scientists.”

    But Shechtman was not imprisoned or killed. He got a place in another lab. The evidence he presented turned out to be more convincing than the existing chemistry textbooks and the views of Linus Pauling. Several colleagues repeated Shechtman’s experiments and replicated his findings. A mere ten years after Shechtman saw the quasicrystals through his microscope, the International Union of Crystallography—the leading scientific association in the field—altered its definition of what a crystal is. Chemistry textbooks were changed accordingly, and an entire new scientific field emerged—the study of quasicrystals. In 2011, Shechtman was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for his discovery.113 The Nobel Committee said that “his discovery was extremely controversial [but] eventually forced scientists to reconsider their conception of the very nature of matter.”114

    Shechtman’s story is hardly exceptional. The annals of science are full of similar cases. Before the theory of relativity and quantum mechanics became the cornerstones of twentieth-century physics, they initially provoked bitter controversies, including personal assaults by the old guard on the proponents of the new theories. Similarly, when Georg Cantor developed in the late nineteenth century his theory of infinite numbers, which became the basis for much of twentieth-century mathematics, he was personally attacked by some of the leading mathematicians of his day like Henri Poincaré and Leopold Kronecker. Populists are right to think that scientists suffer from the same human biases as everyone else. However, thanks to institutional self-correcting mechanisms these biases can be overcome. If enough empirical evidence is provided, it often takes just a few decades for an unorthodox theory to upend established wisdom and become the new consensus.

    As we shall see in the next chapter, there were times and places where scientific self-correcting mechanisms ceased functioning and academic dissent could lead to physical torture, imprisonment, and death. In the Soviet Union, for example, questioning official dogma on any matter—economics, genetics, or history—could lead not only to dismissal but even to a couple of years in the gulag or an executioner’s bullet.115 A famous case involved the bogus theories of the agronomist Trofim Lysenko. He rejected mainstream genetics and the theory of evolution by natural selection and advanced his own pet theory, which said that “re-education” could change the traits of plants and animals, and even transform one species into another. Lysenkoism greatly appealed to Stalin, who had ideological and political reasons for believing in the almost limitless potential of “re-education.” Thousands of scientists who opposed Lysenko and continued to uphold the theory of evolution by natural selection were dismissed from their jobs, and some were imprisoned or executed. Nikolai Vavilov, a botanist and geneticist who was Lysenko’s former mentor turned critic, was tried in July 1941 along with the botanist Leonid Govorov, the geneticist Georgii Karpechenko, and the agronomist Aleksandr Bondarenko. The latter three were shot, while Vavilov died in a camp in Saratov in 1943.116 Under pressure from the dictator, the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences eventually announced in August 1948 that henceforth Soviet institutions would teach Lysenkoism as the only correct theory.117

    But for precisely this reason, the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences ceased being a scientific institution, and Soviet dogma on genetics was an ideology rather than a science. An institution can call itself by whatever name it wants, but if it lacks a strong self-correcting mechanism, it is not a scientific institution.

    THE LIMITS OF SELF-CORRECTION

    Does all this mean that in self-correcting mechanisms we have found the magic bullet that protects human information networks from error and bias? Unfortunately, things are far more complicated. There is a reason why institutions like the Catholic Church and the Soviet Communist Party eschewed strong self-correcting mechanisms. While such mechanisms are vital for the pursuit of truth, they are costly in terms of maintaining order. Strong self-correcting mechanisms tend to create doubts, disagreements, conflicts, and rifts and to undermine the myths that hold the social order together.

    Of course, order by itself isn’t necessarily good. For example, the social order of early modern Europe endorsed, among other things, not only witch hunts but also the exploitation of millions of peasants by a handful of aristocrats, the systematic mistreatment of women, and widespread discrimination against Jews, Muslims, and other minorities. But even when the social order is highly oppressive, undermining it doesn’t necessarily lead to a better place. It could just lead to chaos and worse oppression. The history of information networks has always involved maintaining a balance between truth and order. Just as sacrificing truth for the sake of order comes with a cost, so does sacrificing order for truth.

    Scientific institutions have been able to afford their strong self-correcting mechanisms because they leave the difficult job of preserving the social order to other institutions. If a thief breaks into a chemistry lab, or a psychiatrist receives death threats, they don’t complain to a peer-reviewed journal; they call the police. Is it possible, then, to maintain strong self-correcting mechanisms in institutions other than academic disciplines? In particular, can such mechanisms exist in institutions like police forces, armies, political parties, and governments that are charged with maintaining the social order?

    We’ll explore this question in the next chapter, which focuses on the political aspects of information flows and examines the long-term history of democracies and dictatorships. As we shall see, democracies believe that it is possible to maintain strong self-correcting mechanisms even in politics. Dictatorships disavow such mechanisms. Thus, at the height of the Cold War, newspapers and universities in the democratic United States openly exposed and criticized American war crimes in Vietnam. Newspapers and universities in the totalitarian Soviet Union were also happy to criticize American crimes, but they remained silent about Soviet crimes in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Soviet silence was scientifically unjustifiable, but it made political sense. American self-flagellation about the Vietnam War continues even today to divide the American public and to undermine America’s reputation throughout the world, whereas Soviet and Russian silence about the Afghanistan War has helped dim its memory and limit its reputational costs.

    Only after understanding the politics of information in historical systems like ancient Athens, the Roman Empire, the United States, and the Soviet Union will we be ready to explore the revolutionary implications of the rise of AI. For one of the biggest questions about AI is whether it will favor or undermine democratic self-correcting mechanisms.

    CHAPTER 5 Decisions: A Brief History of Democracy and Totalitarianism

    Democracy and dictatorship are typically discussed as contrasting political and ethical systems. This chapter seeks to shift the terms of the discussion, by surveying the history of democracy and dictatorship as contrasting types of information networks. It examines how information in democracies flows differently than in dictatorial systems and how inventing new information technologies helps different kinds of regimes flourish.

    Dictatorial information networks are highly centralized.1 This means two things. First, the center enjoys unlimited authority, hence information tends to flow to the central hub, where the most important decisions are made. In the Roman Empire all roads led to Rome, in Nazi Germany information flowed to Berlin, and in the Soviet Union it streamed to Moscow. Sometimes the central government attempts to concentrate all information in its hands and to dictate all decisions by itself, controlling the totality of people’s lives. This totalizing form of dictatorship, practiced by the likes of Hitler and Stalin, is known as totalitarianism. As we shall see, technical difficulties often prevent dictators from becoming totalitarian. The Roman emperor Nero, for example, didn’t have the technology necessary to micromanage the lives of millions of peasants in remote provincial villages. In many dictatorial regimes considerable autonomy is therefore left to individuals, corporations, and communities. However, the dictators always retain the authority to intervene in people’s lives. In Nero’s Rome freedom was not an ideal but a by-product of the government’s inability to exert totalitarian control.

    The second characteristic of dictatorial networks is that they assume the center is infallible. They therefore dislike any challenge to the center’s decisions. Soviet propaganda depicted Stalin as an infallible genius, and Roman propaganda treated emperors as divine beings. Even when Stalin or Nero made a patently disastrous decision, there were no robust self-correcting mechanisms in the Soviet Union or the Roman Empire that could expose the mistake and push for a better course of action.

    In theory, a highly centralized information network could try to maintain strong self-correcting mechanisms, like independent courts and elected legislative bodies. But if they functioned well, these would challenge the central authority and thereby decentralize the information network. Dictators always see such independent power hubs as threats and seek to neutralize them. This is what happened to the Roman Senate, whose power was whittled away by successive Caesars until it became little more than a rubber stamp for imperial whims.2 The same fate befell the Soviet judicial system, which never dared resist the will of the Communist Party. Stalinist show trials, as their name indicates, were theater with preordained results.3

    To summarize, a dictatorship is a centralized information network, lacking strong self-correcting mechanisms. A democracy, in contrast, is a distributed information network, possessing strong self-correcting mechanisms. When we look at a democratic information network, we do see a central hub. The government is the most important executive power in a democracy, and government agencies therefore gather and store vast quantities of information. But there are many additional information channels that connect lots of independent nodes. Legislative bodies, political parties, courts, the press, corporations, local communities, NGOs, and individual citizens communicate freely and directly with one another so that most information never passes through any government agency and many important decisions are made elsewhere. Individuals choose for themselves where to live, where to work, and whom to marry. Corporations make their own choices about where to open a branch, how much to invest in certain projects, and how much to charge for goods and services. Communities decide for themselves about organizing charities, sporting events, and religious festivals. Autonomy is not a consequence of the government’s ineffectiveness; it is the democratic ideal.

    Even if it possesses the technology necessary to micromanage people’s lives, a democratic government leaves as much room as possible for people to make their own choices. A common misconception is that in a democracy everything is decided by majority vote. In fact, in a democracy as little as possible is decided centrally, and only the relatively few decisions that must be made centrally should reflect the will of the majority. In a democracy, if 99 percent of people want to dress in a particular way and worship a particular god, the remaining 1 percent should still be free to dress and worship differently.

    Of course, if the central government doesn’t intervene at all in people’s lives, and doesn’t provide them with basic services like security, it isn’t a democracy; it is anarchy. In all democracies the center raises taxes and maintains an army, and in most modern democracies it also provides at least some level of health care, education, and welfare. But any intervention in people’s lives demands an explanation. In the absence of a compelling reason, a democratic government should leave people to their own devices.

    Another crucial characteristic of democracies is that they assume everyone is fallible. Therefore, while democracies give the center the authority to make some vital decisions, they also maintain strong mechanisms that can challenge the central authority. To paraphrase President James Madison, since humans are fallible, a government is necessary, but since government too is fallible, it needs mechanisms to expose and correct its errors, such as holding regular elections, protecting the freedom of the press, and separating the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government.

    Consequently, while a dictatorship is about one central information hub dictating everything, a democracy is an ongoing conversation between diverse information nodes. The nodes often influence each other, but in most matters they are not obliged to reach a consensus. Individuals, corporations, and communities can continue to think and behave in different ways. There are, of course, cases when everyone must behave the same, and diversity cannot be tolerated. For example, when in 2002–3 Americans disagreed about whether to invade Iraq, everyone ultimately had to abide by a single decision. It was unacceptable that some Americans would maintain a private peace with Saddam Hussein while others declared war. Whether good or bad, the decision to invade Iraq committed every American citizen. So also when initiating national infrastructure projects or defining criminal offenses. No country can function well if every person is allowed to lay a separate rail network or to have their own definition of murder.

    In order to make decisions on such collective matters, a countrywide public conversation must first be held, following which the people’s representatives—elected in free and fair elections—make a choice. But even after that choice has been made, it should remain open to reexamination and correction. While the network cannot change its previous choices, it can elect a different government next time.

    MAJORITY DICTATORSHIP

    The definition of democracy as a distributed information network with strong self-correcting mechanisms stands in sharp contrast to a common misconception that equates democracy only with elections. Elections are a central part of the democratic tool kit, but they are not democracy. In the absence of additional self-correcting mechanisms, elections can easily be rigged. Even if the elections are completely free and fair, by itself this too doesn’t guarantee democracy. For democracy is not the same thing as majority dictatorship.

    Suppose that in a free and fair election 51 percent of voters choose a government that subsequently sends 1 percent of voters to be exterminated in death camps, because they belong to some hated religious minority. Is this democratic? Clearly it is not. The problem isn’t that genocide demands a special majority of more than 51 percent. It’s not that if the government gets the backing of 60 percent, 75 percent, or even 99 percent of voters, then its death camps finally become democratic. A democracy is not a system in which a majority of any size can decide to exterminate unpopular minorities; it is a system in which there are clear limits on the power of the center.

    Suppose 51 percent of voters choose a government that then takes away the voting rights of the other 49 percent of voters, or perhaps of just 1 percent of them. Is that democratic? Again the answer is no, and it has nothing to do with the numbers. Disenfranchising political rivals dismantles one of the vital self-correcting mechanisms of democratic networks. Elections are a mechanism for the network to say, “We made a mistake; let’s try something else.” But if the center can disenfranchise people at will, that self-correcting mechanism is neutered.

    These two examples may sound outlandish, but they are unfortunately within the realm of the possible. Hitler began sending Jews and communists to concentration camps within months of rising to power through democratic elections, and in the United States numerous democratically elected governments have disenfranchised African Americans, Native Americans, and other oppressed populations. Of course, most assaults on democracy are more subtle. The careers of strongmen like Vladimir Putin, Viktor Orbán, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Rodrigo Duterte, Jair Bolsonaro, and Benjamin Netanyahu demonstrate how a leader who uses democracy to rise to power can then use his power to undermine democracy. As Erdoğan once put it, “Democracy is like a tram. You ride it until you arrive at your destination, then you step off.”4

    The most common method strongmen use to undermine democracy is to attack its self-correcting mechanisms one by one, often beginning with the courts and the media. The typical strongman either deprives courts of their powers or packs them with his loyalists and seeks to close all independent media outlets while building his own omnipresent propaganda machine.5

    Once the courts are no longer able to check the government’s power by legal means, and once the media obediently parrots the government line, all other institutions or persons who dare oppose the government can be smeared and persecuted as traitors, criminals, or foreign agents. Academic institutions, municipalities, NGOs, and private businesses are either dismantled or brought under government control. At that stage, the government can also rig the elections at will, for example by jailing popular opposition leaders, preventing opposition parties from participating in the elections, gerrymandering election districts, or disenfranchising voters. Appeals against these antidemocratic measures are dismissed by the government’s handpicked judges. Journalists and academics who criticize these measures are fired. The remaining media outlets, academic institutions, and judicial authorities all praise these measures as necessary steps to protect the nation and its allegedly democratic system from traitors and foreign agents. The strongmen don’t usually take the final step of abolishing the elections outright. Instead, they keep them as a ritual that serves to provide legitimacy and maintain a democratic facade, as happens, for example, in Putin’s Russia.

    Supporters of strongmen often don’t see this process as antidemocratic. They are genuinely baffled when told that electoral victory doesn’t grant them unlimited power. Instead, they see any check on the power of an elected government as undemocratic. However, democracy doesn’t mean majority rule; rather, it means freedom and equality for all. Democracy is a system that guarantees everyone certain liberties, which even the majority cannot take away.

    Nobody disputes that in a democracy the representatives of the majority are entitled to form the government and to advance their preferred policies in myriad fields. If the majority wants war, the country goes to war. If the majority wants peace, the country makes peace. If the majority wants to raise taxes, taxes are raised. If the majority wants to lower taxes, taxes are lowered. Major decisions about foreign affairs, defense, education, taxation, and numerous other policies are all in the hands of the majority.

    But in a democracy, there are two baskets of rights that are protected from the majority’s grasp. One contains human rights. Even if 99 percent of the population wants to exterminate the remaining 1 percent, in a democracy this is forbidden, because it violates the most basic human right—the right to life. The basket of human rights contains many additional rights, such as the right to work, the right to privacy, freedom of movement, and freedom of religion. These rights enshrine the decentralized nature of democracy, making sure that as long as people don’t harm anyone, they can live their lives as they see fit.

    The second crucial basket of rights contains civil rights. These are the basic rules of the democratic game, which enshrine its self-correcting mechanisms. An obvious example is the right to vote. If the majority were permitted to disenfranchise the minority, then democracy would be over after a single election. Other civil rights include freedom of the press, academic freedom, and freedom of assembly, which enable independent media outlets, universities, and opposition movements to challenge the government. These are the key rights that strongmen seek to violate. While sometimes it is necessary to make changes to a country’s self-correcting mechanisms—for example, by expanding the franchise, regulating the media, or reforming the judicial system—such changes should be made only on the basis of a broad consensus including both majority and minority groups. If a small majority could unilaterally change civil rights, it could easily rig elections and get rid of all other checks on its power.

    An important thing to note about both human rights and civil rights is that they don’t just limit the power of the central government; they also impose on it many active duties. It is not enough for a democratic government to abstain from infringing on human and civil rights. It must take actions to ensure them. For example, the right to life imposes on a democratic government the duty to protect citizens from criminal violence. If a government doesn’t kill anyone, but also makes no effort to protect citizens from murder, this is anarchy rather than democracy.

    THE PEOPLE VERSUS THE TRUTH

    Of course, in every democracy, there are lengthy discussions concerning the exact limits of human and civil rights. Even the right to life has limits. There are democratic countries like the United States that impose the death penalty, thereby denying some criminals the right to life. And every country allows itself the prerogative to declare war, thereby sending people to kill and be killed. So where exactly does the right to life end? There are also complicated and ongoing discussions concerning the list of rights that should be included in the two baskets. Who determined that freedom of religion is a basic human right? Should internet access be defined as a civil right? And what about animal rights? Or the rights of AI?

    We cannot resolve these matters here. Both human and civil rights are intersubjective conventions that humans invent rather than discover, and they are determined by historical contingencies rather than universal reason. Different democracies can adopt somewhat different lists of rights. At least from the viewpoint of information flows, what defines a system as “democratic” is only that its center doesn’t have unlimited authority and that the system possesses robust mechanisms to correct the center’s mistakes. Democratic networks assume that everyone is fallible, and that includes even the winners of elections and the majority of voters.

    It is particularly crucial to remember that elections are not a method for discovering truth. Rather, they are a method for maintaining order by adjudicating between people’s conflicting desires. Elections establish what the majority of people desire, rather than what the truth is. And people often desire the truth to be other than what it is. Democratic networks therefore maintain some self-correcting mechanisms to protect the truth even from the will of the majority.

    For example, during the 2002–3 debate over whether to invade Iraq in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the Bush administration claimed that Saddam Hussein was developing weapons of mass destruction and that the Iraqi people were eager to establish an American-style democracy and would welcome the Americans as liberators. These arguments carried the day. In October 2002 the elected representatives of the American people in Congress voted overwhelmingly to authorize the invasion. The resolution passed with a 296 to 133 majority (69 percent) in the House of Representatives and a 77 to 23 majority (77 percent) in the Senate.6 In the early days of the war in March 2003, polls found that the elected representatives were indeed in tune with the mass of voters and that 72 percent of American citizens supported the invasion.7 The will of the American people was clear.

    But the truth turned out to be different from what the government said and what the majority believed. As the war progressed, it became evident that Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction and that many Iraqis had no wish to be “liberated” by the Americans or to establish a democracy. By August 2004 another poll found that 67 percent of Americans believed that the invasion was based on incorrect assumptions. As the years went by, most Americans acknowledged that the decision to invade was a catastrophic mistake.8

    In a democracy the majority has every right to make momentous decisions like starting wars, and that includes the right to make momentous errors. But the majority should at least acknowledge its own fallibility and protect the freedom of minorities to hold and publicize unpopular views, which might turn out to be correct.

    As another example, consider the case of a charismatic leader who is accused of corruption. His loyal supporters obviously wish these accusations to be false. But even if most voters support the leader, their desires should not prevent judges from investigating the accusations and getting to the truth. As with the justice system, so also with science. A majority of voters might deny the reality of climate change, but they should not have the power to dictate scientific truth or to prevent scientists from exploring and publishing inconvenient facts. Unlike parliaments, departments of environmental studies should not reflect the will of the majority.

    Of course, when it comes to making policy decisions about climate change, in a democracy the will of the voters should reign supreme. Acknowledging the reality of climate change does not tell us what to do about it. We always have options, and choosing between them is a question of desire, not truth. One option might be to immediately cut greenhouse gas emissions, even at the cost of slowing economic growth. This means incurring some difficulties today but saving people in 2050 from more severe hardship, saving the island nation of Kiribati from drowning, and saving the polar bears from extinction. A second option might be to continue with business as usual. This means having an easier life today, but making life harder for the next generation, flooding Kiribati, and driving the polar bears—as well as numerous other species—to extinction. Choosing between these two options is a question of desire, and should therefore be done by all voters rather than by a limited group of experts.

    But the one option that should not be on offer in elections is hiding or distorting the truth. If the majority prefers to consume whatever amount of fossil fuels it wishes with no regard to future generations or other environmental considerations, it is entitled to vote for that. But the majority should not be entitled to pass a law stating that climate change is a hoax and that all professors who believe in climate change must be fired from their academic posts. We can choose what we want, but we shouldn’t deny the true meaning of our choice.

    Naturally, academic institutions, the media, and the judiciary may themselves be compromised by corruption, bias, or error. But subordinating them to a governmental Ministry of Truth is likely to make things worse. The government is already the most powerful institution in developed societies, and it often has the greatest interest in distorting or hiding inconvenient facts. Allowing the government to supervise the search for truth is like appointing the fox to guard the chicken coop.

    To discover the truth, it is better to rely on two other methods. First, academic institutions, the media, and the judiciary have their own internal self-correcting mechanisms for fighting corruption, correcting bias, and exposing error. In academia, peer-reviewed publication is a far better check on error than supervision by government officials, because academic promotion often depends on uncovering past mistakes and discovering unknown facts. In the media, free competition means that if one outlet decides not to break a scandal, perhaps for self-serving reasons, others are likely to jump at the scoop. In the judiciary, a judge that takes bribes may be tried and punished just like any other citizen.

    Second, the existence of several independent institutions that seek the truth in different ways allows these institutions to check and correct one another. For example, if powerful corporations manage to break down the peer-review mechanism by bribing a sufficiently large number of scientists, investigative journalists and courts can expose and punish the perpetrators. If the media or the courts are afflicted by systematic racist biases, it is the job of sociologists, historians, and philosophers to expose these biases. None of these mechanisms are completely fail-safe, but no human institution is. Government certainly isn’t.

    THE POPULIST ASSAULT

    If all this sounds complicated, it is because democracy should be complicated. Simplicity is a characteristic of dictatorial information networks in which the center dictates everything and everybody silently obeys. It’s easy to follow this dictatorial monologue. In contrast, democracy is a conversation with numerous participants, many of them talking at the same time. It can be hard to follow such a conversation.

    Moreover, the most important democratic institutions tend to be bureaucratic behemoths. Whereas citizens avidly follow the biological dramas of the princely court and the presidential palace, they often find it difficult to understand how parliaments, courts, newspapers, and universities function. This is what helps strongmen mount populist attacks on institutions, dismantle all self-correcting mechanisms, and concentrate power in their hands. We discussed populism briefly in the prologue, to help explain the populist challenge to the naive view of information. Here we need to revisit populism, get a broader understanding of its worldview, and explain its appeal to antidemocratic strongmen.

    The term “populism” derives from the Latin populus, which means “the people.” In democracies, “the people” is considered the sole legitimate source of political authority. Only representatives of the people should have the authority to declare wars, pass laws, and raise taxes. Populists cherish this basic democratic principle, but somehow conclude from it that a single party or a single leader should monopolize all power. In a curious political alchemy, populists manage to base a totalitarian pursuit of unlimited power on a seemingly impeccable democratic principle. How does it happen?

    The most novel claim populists make is that they alone truly represent the people. Since in democracies only the people should have political power, and since allegedly only the populists represent the people, it follows that the populist party should have all political power to itself. If some party other than the populists wins elections, it does not mean that this rival party won the people’s trust and is entitled to form a government. Rather, it means that the elections were stolen or that the people were deceived to vote in a way that doesn’t express their true will.

    It should be stressed that for many populists, this is a genuinely held belief rather than a propaganda gambit. Even if they win just a small share of votes, populists may still believe they alone represent the people. An analogous case are communist parties. In the U.K., for example, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) never won more than 0.4 percent of votes in a general election,9 but was nevertheless adamant that it alone truly represented the working class. Millions of British workers, they claimed, were voting for the Labour Party or even for the Conservative Party rather than for the CPGB because of “false consciousness.” Allegedly, through their control of the media, universities, and other institutions, the capitalists managed to deceive the working class into voting against its true interests, and only the CPGB could see through this deception. In like fashion, populists can believe that the enemies of the people have deceived the people to vote against its true will, which the populists alone represent.

    A fundamental part of this populist credo is the belief that “the people” is not a collection of flesh-and-blood individuals with various interests and opinions, but rather a unified mystical body that possesses a single will—“the will of the people.” Perhaps the most notorious and extreme manifestation of this semireligious belief was the Nazi motto “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer,” which means “One People, One Country, One Leader.” Nazi ideology posited that the Volk (people) had a single will, whose sole authentic representative was the Führer (leader). The leader allegedly had an infallible intuition for how the people felt and what the people wanted. If some German citizens disagreed with the leader, it didn’t mean that the leader might be in the wrong. Rather, it meant that the dissenters belonged to some treasonous outsider group—Jews, communists, liberals—instead of to the people.

    The Nazi case is of course extreme, and it is grossly unfair to accuse all populists of being crypto-Nazis with genocidal inclinations. However, many populist parties and politicians deny that “the people” might contain a diversity of opinions and interest groups. They insist that the real people has only one will and that they alone represent this will. In contrast, their political rivals—even when the latter enjoy substantial popular support—are depicted as “alien elites.” Thus, Hugo Chávez ran for the presidency in Venezuela with the slogan “Chávez is the people!”10 President Erdoğan of Turkey once railed against his domestic critics, saying, “We are the people. Who are you?”—as if his critics weren’t Turks, too.11

    How can you tell, then, whether someone is part of the people or not? Easy. If they support the leader, they are part of the people. This, according to the German political philosopher Jan-Werner Müller, is the defining feature of populism. What turns someone into a populist is claiming that they alone represent the people and that anyone who disagrees with them—whether state bureaucrats, minority groups, or even the majority of voters—either suffers from false consciousness or isn’t really part of the people.12

    This is why populism poses a deadly threat to democracy. While democracy agrees that the people is the only legitimate source of power, democracy is based on the understanding that the people is never a unitary entity and, therefore, cannot possess a single will. Every people—whether Germans, Venezuelans, or Turks—is composed of many different groups, with a plurality of opinions, wills, and representatives. No group, including the majority group, is entitled to exclude other groups from membership in the people. This is what makes democracy a conversation. Holding a conversation presupposes the existence of several legitimate voices. If, however, the people has only one legitimate voice, there can be no conversation. Rather, the single voice dictates everything. Populism may therefore claim adherence to the democratic principle of “people’s power,” but it effectively empties democracy of meaning and seeks to establish a dictatorship.

    Populism undermines democracy in another, more subtle, but equally dangerous way. Having claimed that they alone represent the people, populists argue that the people is not just the sole legitimate source of political authority but the sole legitimate source of all authority. Any institution that derives its authority from something other than the will of the people is antidemocratic. As the self-proclaimed representatives of the people, populists consequently seek to monopolize not just political authority but all types of authority and to take control of institutions such as media outlets, courts, and universities. By taking the democratic principle of “people’s power” to its extreme, populists turn totalitarian.

    In fact, while democracy means that authority in the political sphere comes from the people, it doesn’t deny the validity of alternative sources of authority in other spheres. As discussed above, in a democracy independent media outlets, courts, and universities are essential self-correcting mechanisms that protect the truth even from the will of the majority. Biology professors claim that humans evolved from apes because the evidence supports this, even if the majority wills it to be otherwise. Journalists can reveal that a popular politician took a bribe, and if compelling evidence is presented in court, a judge may send that politician to jail, even if most people don’t want to believe these accusations.

    Populists are suspicious of institutions that in the name of objective truths override the supposed will of the people. They tend to see this as a smoke screen for elites grabbing illegitimate power. This drives populists to be skeptical of the pursuit of truth, and to argue—as we saw in the prologue—that “power is the only reality.” They thereby seek to undercut or appropriate the authority of any independent institutions that might oppose them. The result is a dark and cynical view of the world as a jungle and of human beings as creatures obsessed with power alone. All social interactions are seen as power struggles, and all institutions are depicted as cliques promoting the interests of their own members. In the populist imagination, courts don’t really care about justice; they only protect the privileges of the judges. Yes, the judges talk a lot about justice, but this is a ploy to grab power for themselves. Newspapers don’t care about facts; they spread fake news to mislead the people and benefit the journalists and the cabals that finance them. Even scientific institutions aren’t committed to the truth. Biologists, climatologists, epidemiologists, economists, historians, and mathematicians are just another interest group feathering its own nest—at the expense of the people.

    In all, it’s a rather sordid view of humanity, but two things nevertheless make it appealing to many. First, since it reduces all interactions to power struggles, it simplifies reality and makes events like wars, economic crises, and natural disasters easy to understand. Anything that happens—even a pandemic—is about elites pursuing power. Second, the populist view is attractive because it is sometimes correct. Every human institution is indeed fallible and suffers from some level of corruption. Some judges do take bribes. Some journalists do intentionally mislead the public. Academic disciplines are occasionally plagued by bias and nepotism. That is why every institution needs self-correcting mechanisms. But since populists are convinced that power is the only reality, they cannot accept that a court, a media outlet, or an academic discipline would ever be inspired by the value of truth or justice to correct itself.

    While many people embrace populism because they see it as an honest account of human reality, strongmen are attracted to it for a different reason. Populism offers strongmen an ideological basis for making themselves dictators while pretending to be democrats. It is particularly useful when strongmen seek to neutralize or appropriate the self-correcting mechanisms of democracy. Since judges, journalists, and professors allegedly pursue political interests rather than truth, the people’s champion—the strongman—should control these positions instead of allowing them to fall into the hands of the people’s enemies. Similarly, since even the officials in charge of arranging elections and publicizing their results may be part of a nefarious conspiracy, they too should be replaced by the strongman’s loyalists.

    In a well-functioning democracy, citizens trust the results of elections, the decisions of courts, the reports of media outlets, and the findings of scientific disciplines because citizens believe these institutions are committed to the truth. Once people think that power is the only reality, they lose trust in all these institutions, democracy collapses, and the strongmen can seize total power.
    Of course, populism could lead to anarchy rather than totalitarianism, if it undermines trust in the strongmen themselves. If no human is interested in truth or justice, doesn’t this apply to Mussolini or Putin too? And if no human institution can have effective self-correcting mechanisms, doesn’t this include Mussolini’s National Fascist Party or Putin’s United Russia party? How can a deep-seated distrust of all elites and institutions be squared with unwavering admiration for one leader and party? This is why populists ultimately depend on the mystical notion that the strongman embodies the people. When trust in bureaucratic institutions like election boards, courts, and newspapers is particularly low, an enhanced reliance on mythology is the only way to preserve order.

    MEASURING THE STRENGTH OF DEMOCRACIES

    Strongmen who claim to represent the people may well rise to power through democratic means, and often rule behind a democratic facade. Rigged elections in which they win overwhelming majorities serve as proof of the mystical bond between the leader and the people. Consequently, to measure how democratic an information network is, we cannot use a simple yardstick like whether elections are being held regularly. In Putin’s Russia, in Iran, and even in North Korea elections are held like clockwork. Rather, we need to ask much more complex questions like “What mechanisms prevent the central government from rigging the elections?” “How safe is it for leading media outlets to criticize the government?” and “How much authority does the center appropriate to itself?” Democracy and dictatorship aren’t binary opposites, but rather a continuum. To decide whether a network is closer to the democratic or the dictatorial end of the continuum, we need to understand how information flows in the network and what shapes the political conversation.

    If one person dictates all the decisions, and even their closest advisers are terrified to voice a dissenting view, no conversation is taking place. Such a network is situated at the extreme dictatorial end of the spectrum. If nobody can voice unorthodox opinions publicly, but behind closed doors a small circle of party bosses or senior officials are able to freely express their views, then this is still a dictatorship, but it has taken a baby step in the direction of democracy. If 10 percent of the population participate in the political conversation by airing their opinions, voting in fair elections, and running for office, that may be considered a limited democracy, as was the case in many ancient city-states like Athens, or in the early days of the United States, when only wealthy white men had such political rights. As the percentage of people taking part in the conversation rises, so the network becomes more democratic.

    The focus on conversations rather than elections raises a host of interesting questions. For example, where does that conversation take place? North Korea, for example, has the Mansudae Assembly Hall in Pyongyang, where the 687 members of the Supreme People’s Assembly meet and talk. However, while this Assembly is officially known as North Korea’s legislature, and while elections to the Assembly are held every five years, this body is widely considered a rubber stamp, executing decisions taken elsewhere. The anodyne discussions follow a predetermined script, and they aren’t geared to change anyone’s mind about anything.13

    Is there perhaps another, more private hall in Pyongyang where the crucial conversations take place? Do Politburo members ever dare criticize Kim Jong Un’s policies during formal meetings? Perhaps it can be done in unofficial dinner parties or in unofficial think tanks? Information in North Korea is so concentrated and so tightly controlled that we cannot provide clear answers to these questions.14
    Similar questions can be asked about the United States. In the United States, unlike in North Korea, people are free to say almost anything they want. Scathing public attacks on the government are a daily occurrence. But where is the room where the crucial conversations happen, and who sits there? The U.S. Congress was designed to fulfill this function, with the people’s representatives meeting to converse and try to convince one another. But when was the last time that an eloquent speech in Congress by a member of one party persuaded members of the other party to change their minds about anything? Wherever the conversations that shape American politics now take place, it is definitely not in Congress. Democracies die not only when people are not free to talk but also when people are not willing or able to listen.

    STONE AGE DEMOCRACIES

    Based on the above definition of democracy, we can now turn to the historical record and examine how changes in information technology and information flows have shaped the history of democracy. To judge by the archaeological and anthropological evidence, democracy was the most typical political system among archaic hunter-gatherers. Stone Age bands obviously didn’t have formal institutions like elections, courts, and media outlets, but their information networks were usually distributed and gave ample opportunities for self-correction. In bands numbering just a few dozen people information could easily be shared among all group members, and when the band decided where to pitch camp, where to go hunting, or how to handle a conflict with another band, everyone could take part in the conversation and dispute each other. Bands usually belonged to a larger tribe that included hundreds or even thousands of people. But when important choices affecting the whole tribe had to be made, such as whether to go to war, tribes were usually still small enough for a large percentage of their members to gather in one place and converse.15

    While bands and tribes sometimes had dominant leaders, these tended to exercise only limited authority. Leaders had no standing armies, police forces, or governmental bureaucracies at their disposal, so they couldn’t just impose their will by force.16 Leaders also found it difficult to control the economic basis of people’s lives. In modern times, dictators like Vladimir Putin and Saddam Hussein have often based their political power on monopolizing economic assets like oil wells.17 In medieval and classical antiquity, Chinese emperors, Greek tyrants, and Egyptian pharaohs dominated society by controlling granaries, silver mines, and irrigation canals. In contrast, in a hunter-gatherer economy such centralized economic control was possible only under special circumstances. For example, along the northwestern coast of North America some hunter-gatherer economies relied on catching and preserving large numbers of salmon. Since salmon runs peaked for a few weeks in specific creeks and rivers, a powerful chief could monopolize this asset.18

    But this was exceptional. Most hunter-gatherer economies were far more diversified. One leader, even supported by a few allies, could not corral the savanna and prevent people from gathering plants and hunting animals there. If all else failed, hunter-gatherers could therefore vote with their feet. They had few possessions, and their most important assets were their personal skills and personal friends. If a chief turned dictatorial, people could just walk away.19

    Even when hunter-gatherers did end up ruled by a domineering chief, as happened among the salmon-fishing people of northwestern America, at least that chief was accessible. He didn’t live in a faraway fortress surrounded by an unfathomable bureaucracy and a cordon of armed guards. If you wanted to voice a complaint or a suggestion, you could usually get within earshot of him. The chief couldn’t control public opinion, nor could he shut himself off from it. In other words, there was no way for a chief to force all information to flow through the center, or to prevent people from talking with one another, criticizing him, or organizing against him.20

    In the millennia following the agricultural revolution, and especially after writing helped create large bureaucratic polities, it became easier to centralize the flow of information and harder to maintain the democratic conversation. In small city-states like those of ancient Mesopotamia and Greece, autocrats like Lugal-Zagesi of Umma and Pisistratus of Athens relied on bureaucrats, archives, and a standing army to monopolize key economic assets and information about ownership, taxation, diplomacy, and politics. It simultaneously became harder for the mass of citizens to keep in direct touch with one another. There was no mass communication technology like newspapers or radio, and it was not easy to squeeze tens of thousands of citizens into the main city square to hold a communal discussion.

    Democracy was still an option for these small city-states, as the history of both early Sumer and classical Greece clearly indicates.21 However, the democracy of ancient city-states tended to be less inclusive than the democracy of archaic hunter-gatherer bands. Probably the most famous example of ancient city-state democracy is Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE. All adult male citizens could participate in the Athenian assembly, vote on public policy, and be elected to public offices. But women, slaves, and noncitizen residents of the city did not enjoy these privileges. Only about 25–30 percent of the adult population of Athens enjoyed full political rights.22

    As the size of polities continued to increase, and city-states were superseded by larger kingdoms and empires, even Athenian-style partial democracy disappeared. All the famous examples of ancient democracies are city-states such as Athens and Rome. In contrast, we don’t know of any large-scale kingdom or empire that operated along democratic lines.

    For example, when in the fifth century BCE Athens expanded from a city-state into an empire, it did not grant citizenship and political rights to those it conquered. The city of Athens remained a limited democracy, but the much bigger Athenian Empire was ruled autocratically from the center. All the important decisions about taxes, diplomatic alliances, and military expeditions were taken in Athens. Subject lands like the islands of Naxos and Thasos had to obey the orders of the Athenian popular assembly and elected officials, without the Naxians and Thasians being able to vote in that assembly or be elected to office. It was also difficult for Naxos, Thasos, and other subject lands to coordinate a united opposition to the decisions taken in the Athenian center, and if they tried to do so, it would have brought ruthless Athenian reprisals. Information in the Athenian Empire flowed to and from Athens.23

    When the Roman Republic built its empire, conquering first the Italian Peninsula and eventually the entire Mediterranean basin, the Romans took a somewhat different course. Rome gradually did extend citizenship to the conquered people. It began by granting citizenship to the inhabitants of Latium, then to the inhabitants of other Italian regions, and finally to inhabitants of even distant provinces like Gallia and Syria. However, as citizenship was extended to more people, the political rights of citizens were simultaneously restricted.

    The ancient Romans had a clear understanding of what democracy means, and they were originally fiercely committed to the democratic ideal. After expelling the last king of Rome in 509 BCE, the Romans developed a deep dislike for monarchy and a fear of giving unlimited power to any single individual or institution. Supreme executive power was therefore shared by two consuls who balanced each other. These consuls were chosen by citizens in free elections, held office for a single year, and were additionally checked by the powers of the popular assembly, of the Senate, and of other elected officials like the tribunes.

    But when Rome extended citizenship to Latins, Italians, and finally to Gauls and Syrians, the power of the popular assembly, the tribunes, the Senate, and even the two consuls was gradually reduced, until in the late first century BCE the Caesar family established its autocratic rule. Anticipating present-day strongmen like Putin, Augustus didn’t crown himself king, and pretended that Rome was still a republic. The Senate and the popular assembly continued to convene, and every year citizens continued to choose consuls and tribunes. But these institutions were emptied of real power.24

    In 212 CE, the emperor Caracalla—the offspring of a Phoenician family from North Africa—took a seemingly momentous step and granted automatic Roman citizenship to all free adult males throughout the vast empire. Rome in the third century CE accordingly had tens of millions of citizens.25 But by that time, all the important decisions were made by a single unelected emperor. While consuls were still ceremonially chosen every year, Caracalla inherited power from his father Septimius Severus, who became emperor by winning a civil war. To cement his rule, the most important step Caracalla took was murdering his brother and rival Geta.

    When Caracalla ordered the murder of Geta, decided to devalue the Roman currency, or declared war on the Parthian Empire, he had no need to ask permission from the Roman people. All of Rome’s self-correcting mechanisms had been neutralized long before. If Caracalla made some error in foreign or domestic policy, neither the Senate nor any officials like the consuls or tribunes could intervene to correct it, except by rising in rebellion or assassinating him. And when Caracalla was indeed assassinated in 217, it only led to a new round of civil wars culminating in the rise of new autocrats. Rome in the third century CE, like Russia in the eighteenth century, was, in the words of Madame de Staël, “autocracy tempered by strangulation.”

    By the third century CE, not only the Roman Empire but all other major human societies on earth were centralized information networks lacking strong self-correcting mechanisms. This was true of the Parthian and Sassanian Empires in Persia, of the Kushan and Gupta Empires in India, and of China’s Han Empire and its successor Three Kingdoms.26 Thousands of more small-scale societies continued to function democratically in the third century CE and beyond, but it seemed that distributed democratic networks were simply incompatible with large-scale societies.

    CAESAR FOR PRESIDENT!

    Were large-scale democracies really unworkable in the ancient world? Or did autocrats like Augustus and Caracalla deliberately sabotage them? This question is important not only for our understanding of ancient history but also for our view of democracy’s future in the age of AI. How do we know whether democracies fail because they are undermined by strongmen or because of much deeper structural and technological reasons?

    To answer that question, let’s take a closer look at the Roman Empire. The Romans were clearly familiar with the democratic ideal, and it continued to be important to them even after the Caesar family rose to power. Otherwise, Augustus and his heirs would not have bothered to maintain seemingly democratic institutions like the Senate or annual elections to the consulate and other offices. So why did power end up in the hands of an unelected emperor?

    In theory, even after Roman citizenship was expanded to tens of millions of people throughout the Mediterranean basin, wasn’t it possible to hold empire-wide elections for the position of emperor? This would surely have required very complicated logistics, and it would have taken several months to learn the results of the elections. But was that really a deal breaker?

    The key misconception here is equating democracy with elections. If the Roman Empire wanted to, it could technically have held empire-wide elections for emperor. But the real question we should ask is whether the Roman Empire could have held an ongoing empire-wide political conversation. In present-day North Korea no democratic conversation takes place because people aren’t free to talk, yet we could well imagine a situation when this freedom is guaranteed—as it is in South Korea. In the present-day United States the democratic conversation is endangered by people’s inability to listen to and respect their political rivals, yet this can presumably still be fixed. By contrast, in the Roman Empire there was simply no way to conduct or sustain a democratic conversation, because the technological means to hold such a conversation did not exist.

    To hold a conversation, it is not enough to have the freedom to talk and the ability to listen. There are also two technical preconditions. First, people need to be within hearing range of each other. This means that the only way to hold a political conversation in a territory the size of the United States or the Roman Empire is with the help of some kind of information technology that can swiftly convey what people say over long distances.

    Second, people need at least a rudimentary understanding of what they are talking about. Otherwise, they are just making noise, not holding a meaningful conversation. People usually have a good understanding of political issues of which they have direct experience. Poor people have many insights about poverty that escape economics professors, and ethnic minorities understand racism in a much more profound way than people who never suffered from it, for example. However, if lived experience were the only way to understand crucial political issues, large-scale political conversations would be impossible. For then every group of people could talk meaningfully only about its own experiences. Even worse, nobody else could understand what they were saying. If lived experience is the sole possible source of knowledge, then merely listening to the insights gained from someone else’s lived experience cannot impart these insights to me.

    The only way to have a large-scale political conversation among diverse groups of people is if people can gain some understanding of issues that they have never experienced firsthand. In a large polity, it is a crucial role of the education system and the media to inform people about things they have never faced themselves. If there is no education system or media platforms to perform this role, no meaningful large-scale conversations can take place.

    In a small Neolithic town of a few thousand inhabitants people might sometimes have been afraid to say what they thought, or might have refused to listen to their rivals, but it was relatively easy to satisfy the more fundamental technical preconditions for meaningful discourse. First, people lived in proximity to one another, so they could easily meet most other community members and hear their voices. Second, everybody had intimate knowledge of the dangers and opportunities that the town faced. If an enemy war party approached, everyone could see it. If the river flooded the fields, everyone witnessed the economic effects. When people talked about war and hunger, they knew what they were saying.

    In the fourth century BCE, the city-state of Rome was still small enough to allow a large percentage of its citizens to congregate in the Forum in times of emergency, listen to respected leaders, and voice their personal views on the matter at hand. When in 390 BCE Gallic invaders attacked Rome, almost everyone lost a relative in the defeat at the Battle of the Allia and lost property when the victorious Gauls then sacked Rome. The desperate Romans appointed Marcus Camillus as dictator. In Rome, the dictator was a public official appointed in times of emergency who had unlimited powers but only for a short predetermined period, following which he was held accountable for his actions. After Camillus led the Romans to victory, everybody could see that the emergency was over, and Camillus stepped down.27

    In contrast, by the third century CE, the Roman Empire had a population of between sixty and seventy-five million people,28 spread over five million square kilometers.29 Rome lacked mass communication technology like radio or daily newspapers. Only 10–20 percent of adults had reading skills,30 and there was no organized education system that could inform them about the geography, history, and economy of the empire. True, many people across the empire did share some cultural ideas, such as a strong belief in the superiority of Roman civilization over the barbarians. These shared cultural beliefs were crucial in preserving order and holding the empire together. But their political implications were far from clear, and in times of crisis there was no possibility to hold a public conversation about what should be done.

    How could Syrian merchants, British shepherds, and Egyptian villagers converse about the ongoing wars in the Middle East or about the immigration crisis brewing along the Danube? The lack of a meaningful public conversation was not the fault of Augustus, Nero, Caracalla, or any of the other emperors. They didn’t sabotage Roman democracy. Given the size of the empire and the available information technology, democracy was simply unworkable. This was acknowledged already by ancient philosophers like Plato and Aristotle, who argued that democracy can work only in small-scale city-states.31

    If the absence of Roman democracy had merely been the fault of particular autocrats, we should have at least seen large-scale democracies flourishing in other places, like in Sassanian Persia, Gupta India, or Han China. But prior to the development of modern information technology, there are no examples of large-scale democracies anywhere.

    It should be stressed that in many large-scale autocracies local affairs were often managed democratically. The Roman emperor didn’t have the information needed to micromanage hundreds of cities across the empire, whereas local citizens in each city could continue to hold a meaningful conversation about municipal politics. Consequently, long after the Roman Empire became an autocracy, many of its cities continued to be governed by local assemblies and elected officials. At a time when elections to the consulship in Rome became ceremonial affairs, elections to municipal offices in small cities like Pompeii were hotly contested.

    Pompeii was destroyed in the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 CE, during the reign of the emperor Titus. Archaeologists uncovered about fifteen hundred graffiti concerned with various local election campaigns. One coveted office was that of the city’s aedile—the magistrate in charge of maintaining the city’s infrastructure and public buildings.32 Lucretius Fronto’s supporters drew the graffiti “If honest living is thought to be any recommendation, then Lucretius Fronto is worthy of being elected.” One of his opponents, Gaius Julius Polybius, ran with the slogan “Elect Gaius Julius Polybius to the office of aedile. He provides good bread.”

    There were also endorsements by religious groups and professional associations, such as “The worshippers of Isis demand the election of Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus” and “All the mule drivers request that you elect Gaius Julius Polybius.” There was dirty work, too. Someone who clearly wasn’t Marcus Cerrinius Vatia drew the graffiti “All the drunkards ask you to elect Marcus Cerrinius Vatia” and “The petty thieves ask you to elect Vatia.”33 Such electioneering indicates that the position of aedile had power in Pompeii and that the aedile was chosen in relatively free and fair elections, rather than appointed by the imperial autocrat in Rome.

    Even in empires whose rulers never had any democratic pretensions, democracy could still flourish in local settings. In the Tsarist Empire, for example, the daily lives of millions of villagers were managed by rural communes. Going back at least to the eleventh century, each commune usually included fewer than a thousand people. They were subject to a landlord and bore many obligations to their lord and to the central Tsarist state, but they had considerable autonomy in managing their internal affairs and in deciding how to discharge their external obligations, such as paying taxes and providing military recruits. The commune mediated local disputes, provided emergency relief, enforced social norms, oversaw the distribution of land to individual households, and regulated access to shared resources like forests and pastures. Decisions on important matters were made in communal meetings in which the heads of local households expressed their views and chose the commune’s elder. Resolutions at least tried to reflect the majority’s will.34

    In Tsarist villages and Roman cities a form of democracy was possible because a meaningful public conversation was possible. Pompeii was a city of about eleven thousand people in 79 CE,35 so everybody could supposedly judge for themselves whether Lucretius Fronto was an honest man and whether Marcus Cerrinius Vatia was a drunken thief. But democracy at a scale of millions became possible only in the modern age, when mass media changed the nature of large-scale information networks.

    MASS MEDIA MAKES MASS DEMOCRACY POSSIBLE

    Mass media can be defined as the ability to quickly connect millions of people even when they are separated by large distances. The printing press was a crucial step in that direction. Print made it possible to cheaply and quickly produce large numbers of books and pamphlets, which enabled more people to voice their opinions and be heard over a large territory, even if the process still took time. This sustained some of the first experiments in large-scale democracy, such as the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth established in 1569 and the Dutch Republic established in 1579.

    Some may contest the characterization of these polities as “democratic,” since only a minority of relatively wealthy citizens enjoyed full political rights. In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, political rights were reserved for adult male members of the szlachta—the nobility. These numbered up to 300,000 individuals, or about 5 percent of the total adult population.36 One of the szlachta’s prerogatives was to elect the king, but since voting required traveling long distances to a national convention, few exercised their right. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries participation in royal elections usually ranged between 3,000 and 7,000 voters, except for the 1669 elections in which 11,271 participated.37 While this hardly sounds democratic in the twenty-first century, it should be remembered that all large-scale democracies until the twentieth century limited political rights to a small circle of relatively wealthy men. Democracy is never a matter of all or nothing. It is a continuum, and late sixteenth-century Poles and Lithuanians explored previously unknown regions of that continuum.

    Aside from electing its king, Poland-Lithuania had an elected parliament (the Sejm) that approved or blocked new legislation and had the power to veto royal decisions on taxation and foreign affairs. Moreover, citizens enjoyed a list of inviolable rights such as freedom of assembly and freedom of religion. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when most of Europe suffered from bitter religious conflicts and persecutions, Poland-Lithuania was a tolerant haven, where Catholics, Greek Orthodox, Lutherans, Calvinists, Jews, and even Muslims coexisted in relative harmony.38 In 1616, more than a hundred mosques functioned in the commonwealth.39

    In the end, however, the Polish-Lithuanian experiment in decentralization proved to be impractical. The country was Europe’s second-largest state (after Russia), covering almost a million square kilometers and including most of the territory of today’s Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine. It lacked the information, communication, and education systems necessary to hold a meaningful political conversation between Polish aristocrats, Lithuanian noblemen, Ukrainian Cossacks, and Jewish rabbis spread from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. Its self-correcting mechanisms were also too costly, paralyzing the power of the central government. In particular, every single Sejm deputy was given the right to veto all parliamentary legislation, which led to political deadlock. The combination of a large and diverse polity with a weak center proved fatal. The commonwealth was torn apart by centrifugal forces, and its pieces were then divided between the centralized autocracies of Russia, Austria, and Prussia.

    The Dutch experiment fared better. In some ways the Dutch United Provinces were even less centralized than the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, since they lacked a monarch, and were a union of seven autonomous provinces, which were in turn made up of self-governing towns and cities.40 This decentralized nature is reflected in the plural form of how the country was known abroad—the Netherlands in English, Les Pays-Bas in French, Los Países Bajos in Spanish, and so on.

    However, taken together the United Provinces were twenty-five times smaller in landmass than Poland-Lithuania and possessed a much better information, communication, and education system that tied its constituent parts closely together.41 The United Provinces also pioneered a new information technology with a big future. In June 1618 a pamphlet titled Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt &c. appeared in Amsterdam. As its title indicated, it carried news from the Italian Peninsula, the German lands, and other places. There was nothing remarkable about this particular pamphlet, except that new issues were published in the following weeks, too. They appeared regularly until 1670, when the Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt &c. merged with other serial pamphlets into the Amsterdamsche Courant, which appeared until 1903, when it was merged into De Telegraaf—the Netherlands’ largest newspaper to this day.42

    The newspaper is a periodic pamphlet, and it was different from earlier one-off pamphlets because it had a much stronger self-correcting mechanism. Unlike one-off publications, a weekly or daily newspaper has a chance to correct its mistakes and an incentive to do so in order to win the public’s trust. Shortly after the Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt &c. appeared, a competing newspaper titled Tijdinghen uyt Verscheyde Quartieren (Tidings from Various Quarters) made its debut. The Courante was generally considered more reliable, because it tried to check its stories before publishing them, and because the Tijdinghen was accused of being overly patriotic and reporting only news favorable to the Netherlands. Nevertheless, both newspapers survived, because, as one reader explained, “one can always find something in one newspaper that is not available in the other.” In the following decades dozens of additional newspapers were published in the Netherlands, which became Europe’s journalistic hub.43

    Newspapers that succeeded in gaining widespread trust became the architects and mouthpieces of public opinion. They created a far more informed and engaged public, which changed the nature of politics, first in the Netherlands and later around the world.44 The political influence of newspapers was so crucial that newspaper editors often became political leaders. Jean-Paul Marat rose to power in revolutionary France by founding and editing L’Ami du People; Eduard Bernstein helped create Germany’s Social Democratic Party by editing Der Sozialdemokrat; Vladimir Lenin’s most important position before becoming Soviet dictator was editor of Iskra; and Benito Mussolini rose to fame first as a socialist journalist in Avanti! and later as founder and editor of the firebrand right-wing paper Il Popolo d’Italia.

    Newspapers played a crucial role in the formation of early modern democracies like the United Provinces in the Low Countries, the United Kingdom in the British Isles, and the United States in North America. As the names themselves indicate, these were not city-states like ancient Athens and Rome but amalgams of different regions glued together in part by this new information technology. For example, when on December 6, 1825, President John Quincy Adams gave his First Annual Message to the U.S. Congress, the text of the address and summaries of the main points were published over the next weeks by newspapers from Boston to New Orleans (at the time, hundreds of newspapers and magazines were being published in the United States45).

    Adams declared his administration’s intentions of initiating numerous federal projects ranging from the construction of roads to the founding of an astronomical observatory, which he poetically named “light-house of the skies.” His speech ignited a fierce public debate, much of it conducted in print between those who supported such “big government” plans as essential for the development of the United States and many who preferred a “small government” approach and saw Adams’s plans as federal overreach and an encroachment on states’ rights.

    Northern supporters of the “small government” camp complained that it was unconstitutional for the federal government to tax the citizens of richer states in order to build roads in poorer states. Southerners feared that a federal government that claims the power to build a lighthouse of the sky in their backyard may one day claim the power to free their slaves, too. Adams was accused of harboring dictatorial ambitions, while the erudition and sophistication of his speech were criticized as elitist and disconnected from ordinary Americans. The public debates over the 1825 message to Congress dealt a severe blow to the reputation of the Adams administration and helped pave the way to Adams’s subsequent electoral defeat. In the 1828 presidential elections, Adams lost to Andrew Jackson—a rich slaveholding planter from Tennessee who was successfully rebranded in numerous newspaper columns as “the man of the people” and who claimed that the previous elections were in fact stolen by Adams and by the corrupt Washington elites.46

    Newspapers of the time were of course still slow and limited compared with the mass media of today. Newspapers traveled at the pace of a horse or sailboat, and relatively few people read them regularly. There were no newsstands or street vendors, so people had to buy subscriptions, which were expensive; average annual subscriptions cost around one week’s wages for a skilled journeyman. As a result, the total number of subscribers to all U.S. newspapers in 1830 is estimated at just seventy-eight thousand. Since some subscribers were associations or businesses rather than individuals, and since every copy was probably read by several people, it seems reasonable to assume that regular newspaper readership numbered in the hundreds of thousands. But millions more rarely, if ever, read newspapers.47

    No wonder that American democracy in those days was a limited affair—and the domain of wealthy white men. In the 1824 elections that brought Adams to power, 1.3 million Americans were theoretically eligible to vote, out of an adult population of about 5 million (or around 25 percent). Only 352,780 people—7 percent of the total adult population—actually made use of their right. Adams didn’t even win a majority of those who voted. Owing to the quirks of the U.S. electoral system, he became president thanks to the support of just 113,122 voters, or not much more than 2 percent of adults, and 1 percent of the total population.48 In Britain at the same time, only about 400,000 people were eligible to vote for Parliament, or around 6 percent of the adult population. Moreover, 30 percent of parliamentary seats were not even contested.49

    You may wonder whether we are talking about democracies at all. At a time when the United States had more slaves than voters (more than 1.5 million Americans were enslaved in the early 1820s),50 was the United States really a democracy? This is a question of definitions. As with the late sixteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, so also with the early nineteenth-century United States, “democracy” is a relative term. As noted earlier, democracy and autocracy aren’t absolutes; they are part of a continuum. In the early nineteenth century, out of all large-scale human societies, the United States was probably the closest to the democratic end of the continuum. Giving 25 percent of adults the right to vote doesn’t sound like much today, but in 1824 that was a far higher percentage than in the Tsarist, Ottoman, or Chinese Empires, in which nobody had the right to vote.51

    Besides, as emphasized throughout this chapter, voting is not the only thing that counts. An even more important reason to consider the United States in 1824 a democracy is that compared with most other polities of its day, the new country possessed much stronger self-correcting mechanisms. The Founding Fathers were inspired by ancient Rome—witness the Senate and the Capitol in Washington—and they were well aware that the Roman Republic eventually turned into an autocratic empire. They feared that some American Caesar would do something similar to their republic, and constructed multiple overlapping self-correcting mechanisms, known as the system of checks and balances. One of these was a free press. In ancient Rome, the self-correcting mechanisms stopped functioning as the republic enlarged its territory and population. In the United States, modern information technology combined with freedom of the press helped the self-correcting mechanisms survive even as the country extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific.

    It was these self-correcting mechanisms that gradually enabled the United States to expand the franchise, abolish slavery, and turn itself into a more inclusive democracy. As noted in chapter 3, the Founding Fathers committed enormous mistakes—such as endorsing slavery and denying women the vote—but they also provided the tools for their descendants to correct these mistakes. That was their greatest legacy.

    THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: MASS DEMOCRACY, BUT ALSO MASS TOTALITARIANISM

    Printed newspapers were just the first harbinger of the mass media age. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, a long list of new communication and transportation technologies such as the telegraph, telephone, television, radio, trains, steamships, and airplanes supercharged the power of mass media.

    When Demosthenes gave a public speech in Athens around 350 BCE, it was aimed primarily at the limited audience actually present in the Athenian agora. When John Quincy Adams gave his First Annual Message in 1825, his words spread at the pace of a horse. When Abraham Lincoln gave his Gettysburg Address on November 19, 1863, telegraphs, locomotives, and steamships conveyed his words much faster throughout the Union and beyond. The very next day The New York Times had already reprinted the speech in full,52 as had numerous other newspapers from The Portland Daily Press in Maine to the Ottumwa Courier in Iowa.53

    As befitting a democracy with strong self-correcting mechanisms in place, the president’s speech sparked a lively conversation rather than universal applause. Most newspapers lauded it, but some expressed their doubts. The Chicago Times wrote on November 20 that “the cheek of every American must tingle with shame as he reads the silly, flat and dishwatery utterances” of President Lincoln.54 The Patriot & Union, a local newspaper in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, also blasted “the silly remarks of the President” and hoped that “the veil of oblivion shall be dropped over them and that they shall be no more repeated or thought of.”55 Though the country was in the midst of a civil war, journalists were free to publicly criticize—and even ridicule—the president.

    Fast-forward a century, and things really picked up speed. For the first time in history, new technologies allowed masses of people, spread over vast swaths of territory, to connect in real time. In 1960, about seventy million Americans (39 percent of the total population), dispersed over the North American continent and beyond, watched the Nixon-Kennedy presidential debates live on television, with millions more listening on the radio.56 The only effort viewers and listeners had to make was to press a button while sitting in their homes. Large-scale democracy had now become feasible. Millions of people separated by thousands of kilometers could conduct informed and meaningful public debates about the rapidly evolving issues of the day. By 1960, all adult Americans were theoretically eligible to vote, and close to seventy million (about 64 percent of the electorate) actually did so—though millions of Blacks and other disenfranchised groups were prevented from voting through various voter-suppression schemes.57

    As always, we should beware of technological determinism and of concluding that the rise of mass media led to the rise of large-scale democracy. Mass media made large-scale democracy possible, rather than inevitable. And it also made possible other types of regimes. In particular, the new information technologies of the modern age opened the door for large-scale totalitarian regimes. Like Nixon and Kennedy, Stalin and Khrushchev could say something over the radio and be heard instantaneously by hundreds of millions of people from Vladivostok to Kaliningrad. They could also receive daily reports by phone and telegraph from millions of secret police agents and informers. If a newspaper in Vladivostok or Kaliningrad wrote that the supreme leader’s latest speech was silly (as happened to Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address), then everyone involved—from the editor in chief to the typesetters—would likely have received a visit from the KGB.

    A BRIEF HISTORY OF TOTALITARIANISM

    Totalitarian systems assume their own infallibility, and seek total control over the totality of people’s lives. Before the invention of the telegraph, radio, and other modern information technology, large-scale totalitarian regimes were impossible. Roman emperors, Abbasid caliphs, and Mongol khans were often ruthless autocrats who believed they were infallible, but they did not have the apparatus necessary to impose totalitarian control over large societies. To understand this, we should first clarify the difference between totalitarian regimes and less extreme autocratic regimes. In an autocratic network, there are no legal limits on the will of the ruler, but there are nevertheless a lot of technical limits. In a totalitarian network, many of these technical limits are absent.58

    For example, in autocratic regimes like the Roman Empire, the Abbasid Empire, and the Mongol Empire, rulers could usually execute any person who displeased them, and if some law got in their way, they could ignore or change the law. The emperor Nero arranged the murder of his mother, Agrippina, and his wife, Octavia, and forced his mentor Seneca to commit suicide. Nero also executed or exiled some of the most respected and powerful Roman aristocrats merely for voicing dissent or telling jokes about him.59

    While autocratic rulers like Nero could execute anyone who did or said something that displeased them, they couldn’t know what most people in their empire were doing or saying. Theoretically, Nero could issue an order that any person in the Roman Empire who criticized or insulted the emperor must be severely punished. Yet there were no technical means for implementing such an order. Roman historians like Tacitus portray Nero as a bloodthirsty tyrant who instigated an unprecedented reign of terror. But this was a very limited type of terror. Although he executed or exiled a number of family members, aristocrats, and senators within his orbit, ordinary Romans in the city’s slums and provincials in distant towns like Jerusalem and Londinium could speak their mind much more freely.60

    Modern totalitarian regimes like the Stalinist U.S.S.R. instigated terror on an altogether different scale. Totalitarianism is the attempt to control what every person throughout the country is doing and saying every moment of the day, and potentially even what every person is thinking and feeling. Nero might have dreamed about such powers, but he lacked the means to realize them. Given the limited tax base of the agrarian Roman economy, Nero couldn’t employ many people in his service. He could place informers at the dinner parties of Roman senators, but he had only about 10,000 imperial administrators61 and 350,000 soldiers62 to control the rest of the empire, and he lacked the technology to communicate with them swiftly.

    Nero and his fellow emperors had an even bigger problem ensuring the loyalty of the administrators and soldiers they did have on their payroll. No Roman emperor was ever toppled by a democratic revolution like the ones that deposed Louis XVI, Nicolae Ceauşescu, or Hosni Mubarak. Instead, dozens of emperors were assassinated or deposed by their own generals, officials, bodyguards, or family members.63 Nero himself was overthrown by a revolt of the governor of Hispania, Galba. Six months later Galba was ousted by Otho, the governor of Lusitania. Within three months, Otho was deposed by Vittelius, commander of the Rhine army. Vitellius lasted about eight months before he was defeated and killed by Vespasian, commander of the army in Judaea. Being killed by a rebellious subordinate was the biggest occupational hazard not just for Roman emperors but for almost all premodern autocrats.

    Emperors, caliphs, shahs, and kings found it a huge challenge to keep their subordinates in check. Rulers consequently focused their attention on controlling the military and the taxation system. Roman emperors had the authority to interfere in the local affairs of any province or city, and they sometimes exercised that authority, but this was usually done in response to a specific petition sent by a local community or official,64 rather than as part of some empire-wide totalitarian Five-Year Plan. If you were a mule driver in Pompeii or a shepherd in Roman Britain, Nero didn’t want to control your daily routines or to police the jokes you told. As long as you paid your taxes and didn’t resist the legions, that was good enough for Nero.

    SPARTA AND QIN

    Some scholars claim that despite the technological difficulties there were attempts to establish totalitarian regimes in ancient times. The most common example cited is Sparta. According to this interpretation, Spartans were ruled by a totalitarian regime that micromanaged every aspect of their lives—from whom they married to what they ate. However, while the Spartan regime was certainly draconian, it actually included several self-correcting mechanisms that prevented power from being monopolized by a single person or faction. Political authority was divided between two kings, five ephors (senior magistrates), twenty-eight members of the Gerousia council, and the popular assembly. Important decisions—such as whether to go to war—often involved fierce public debates.

    Moreover, irrespective of how we evaluate the nature of Sparta’s regime, it is clear that the same technological limitations that confined ancient Athenian democracy to a single city also limited the scope of the Spartan political experiment. After winning the Peloponnesian War, Sparta installed military garrisons and pro-Spartan governments in numerous Greek cities, requiring them to follow its lead in foreign policy and sometimes also pay tribute. But unlike the U.S.S.R. after World War II, Sparta after the Peloponnesian War did not try to expand or export its system. Sparta couldn’t construct an information network big and dense enough to control the lives of ordinary people in every Greek town and village.65

    A much more ambitious totalitarian project might have been launched by the Qin dynasty in ancient China (221–206 BCE). After defeating all the other Warring States, the Qin ruler Qin Shi Huang controlled a huge empire with tens of millions of subjects, who belonged to numerous different ethnic groups, spoke diverse languages, and were loyal to various local traditions and elites. To cement its power, the victorious Qin regime tried to dismantle any regional powers that might challenge its authority. It confiscated the lands and wealth of local aristocrats and forced regional elites to move to the imperial capital of Xiangyang, thereby separating them from their power base and monitoring them more easily.

    The Qin regime also embarked on a ruthless campaign of centralization and homogenization. It created a new simplified script to be used throughout the empire and standardized coinage, weights, and measurements. It built a road network radiating out of Xiangyang, with standardized rest houses, relay stations, and military checkpoints. People needed written permits in order to enter or leave the capital region or frontier zones. Even the width of axles was standardized to ensure that carts and chariots could run in the same ruts.

    Every action, from tilling fields to getting married, was supposed to serve some military need, and the type of military discipline that Rome reserved for the legions was imposed by the Qin on the entire population. The envisioned reach of this system can be exemplified by one Qin law that specified the punishment an official faced if he neglected a granary under his supervision. The law discusses the number of rat holes in the granary that would warrant fining or berating the official. “For three or more rat holes the fine is [the purchase of] one shield [for the army] and for two or fewer [the responsible official] is berated. Three mouse holes are equal to one rat hole.”66

    To facilitate this totalitarian system, the Qin attempted to create a militarized social order. Every male subject had to belong to a five-man unit. These units were aggregated into larger formations, from local hamlets (li), through cantons (xiang) and counties (xian), all the way to the large imperial commanderies (jun). People were forbidden to change their residence without permit, to the extent that guests could not even stay overnight at a friend’s house without proper identification and authorization.

    Every Qin male subject was also given a rank, just as every soldier in an army has a rank. Obedience to the state resulted in promotion to higher ranks, which brought with it economic and legal privileges, while disobedience could result in demotion or punishment. People in each formation were supposed to supervise one another, and if any individual committed some misdeed, all could be punished for it. Anyone who failed to report a criminal—even their own relatives—would be killed. Those who reported crimes were rewarded with higher ranks and other perks.

    It is highly questionable to what extent the regime managed to implement all these totalitarian measures. Bureaucrats writing documents in a government office often invent elaborate rules and regulations, which then turn out to be impractical. Did conscientious government officials really go around the entire Qin Empire counting rat holes in every granary? Were peasants in every remote mountain hamlet really organized into five-man squads? Probably not. Nevertheless, the Qin Empire outdid other ancient empires in its totalitarian ambitions.

    The Qin regime even tried to control what its subjects were thinking and feeling. During the Warring States period Chinese thinkers were relatively free to develop myriad ideologies and philosophies, but the Qin adopted the doctrine of Legalism as the official state ideology. Legalism posited that humans were naturally greedy, cruel, and egotistical. It emphasized the need for strict control, argued that punishments and rewards were the most effective means of control, and insisted that state power not be curtailed by any moral consideration. Might was right, and the good of the state was the supreme good.67 The Qin proscribed other philosophies, such as Confucianism and Daoism, which believed humans were more altruistic and which emphasized the importance of virtue rather than violence.68 Books espousing such soft views were banned, as well as books that contradicted the official Qin version of history.

    When one scholar argued that Qin Shi Huang should emulate the founder of the ancient Zhou dynasty and decentralize state power, the Qin chief minister, Li Si, countered that scholars should stop criticizing present-day institutions by idealizing the past. The regime ordered the confiscation of all books that romanticized antiquity or otherwise criticized the Qin. Such problematic texts were stored in the imperial library and could be studied only by official scholars.69

    The Qin Empire was probably the most ambitious totalitarian experiment in human history prior to the modern age, and its scale and intensity would prove to be its ruin. The attempt to regiment tens of millions of people along military lines, and to monopolize all resources for military purposes, led to severe economic problems, wastefulness, and popular resentment. The regime’s draconian laws, along with its hostility to regional elites and its voracious appetite for taxes and recruits, fanned the flames of this resentment even further. Meanwhile, the limited resources of an ancient agrarian society couldn’t support all the bureaucrats and soldiers that the Qin needed to contain this resentment, and the low efficiency of their information technology made it impossible to control every town and village from distant Xiangyang. Not surprisingly, in 209 BCE a series of revolts broke out, led by regional elites, disgruntled commoners, and even some of the empire’s own newly minted officials.

    According to one account, the first serious revolt started when a group of conscripted peasants sent to work in a frontier zone were delayed by rain and flooding. They feared they would be executed for this dereliction of duty, and felt they had nothing to lose. They were quickly joined by numerous other rebels. Just fifteen years after reaching the apogee of power, the Qin Empire collapsed under the weight of its totalitarian ambitions, splintering into eighteen kingdoms.

    After several years of war, a new dynasty—the Han—reunited the empire. But the Han then adopted a more realistic, less draconian attitude. Han emperors were certainly autocratic, but they were not totalitarian. They did not recognize any limits on their authority, but they did not try to micromanage everyone’s lives. Instead of following Legalist ideas of surveillance and control, the Han turned to Confucian ideas of encouraging people to act loyally and responsibly out of inner moral convictions. Like their contemporaries in the Roman Empire, Han emperors sought to control only some aspects of society from the center, while leaving considerable autonomy to provincial aristocrats and local communities. Due largely to the limitations imposed by the available information technology, premodern large-scale polities like the Roman and Han Empires gravitated toward nontotalitarian autocracy.70 Full-blown totalitarianism might have been dreamed about by the likes of the Qin, but its implementation had to wait for the development of modern technology.

    THE TOTALITARIAN TRINITY

    Just as modern technology enabled large-scale democracy, it also made large-scale totalitarianism possible. Beginning in the nineteenth century, the rise of industrial economies allowed governments to employ many more administrators, and new information technologies—such as the telegraph and radio—made it possible to quickly connect and supervise all these administrators. This facilitated an unprecedented concentration of information and power, for those who dreamed about such things.

    When the Bolsheviks seized control of Russia after the 1917 revolution, they were driven by exactly such a dream. The Bolsheviks craved unlimited power because they believed they had a messianic mission. Marx taught that for millennia, all human societies were dominated by corrupt elites who oppressed the people. The Bolsheviks claimed they knew how to finally end all oppression and create a perfectly just society on earth. But to do so, they had to overcome numerous enemies and obstacles, which, in turn, required all the power they could get. They refused to countenance any self-correcting mechanisms that might question either their vision or their methods. Like the Catholic Church, the Bolshevik Party was convinced that though its individual members might err, the party itself was always right. Belief in their own infallibility led the Bolsheviks to destroy Russia’s nascent democratic institutions—like elections, independent courts, the free press, and opposition parties—and to create a one-party totalitarian regime. Bolshevik totalitarianism did not start with Stalin. It was evident from the very first days of the revolution. It stemmed from the doctrine of party infallibility, rather than from the personality of Stalin.

    In the 1930s and 1940s, Stalin perfected the totalitarian system he inherited. The Stalinist network was composed of three main branches. First, there was the governmental apparatus of state ministries, regional administrations, and regular Red Army units, which in 1939 comprised 1.6 million civilian officials71 and 1.9 million soldiers.72 Second, there was the apparatus of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its ubiquitous party cells, which in 1939 included 2.4 million party members.73 Third, there was the secret police: first known as the Cheka, in Stalin’s days it was called the OGPU, NKVD, and MGB, and after Stalin’s death it morphed into the KGB. Its post-Soviet successor organization is known since 1995 as the FSB. In 1937, the NKVD had 270,000 agents and millions of informers.74

    The three branches operated in parallel. Just as democracy is maintained by having overlapping self-correcting mechanisms that keep each other in check, modern totalitarianism created overlapping surveillance mechanisms that keep each other in order. The governor of a Soviet province was constantly watched by the local party commissar, and neither of them knew who among their staff was an NKVD informer. A testimony to the effectiveness of the system is that modern totalitarianism largely solved the perennial problem of premodern autocracies—revolts by provincial subordinates. While the U.S.S.R. had its share of court coups, not once did a provincial governor or a Red Army front commander rebel against the center.75 Much of the credit for that goes to the secret police, which kept a close eye on the mass of citizens, on provincial administrators, and even more so on the party and the Red Army.

    While in most polities throughout history the army had wielded enormous political power, in twentieth-century totalitarian regimes the regular army ceded much of its clout to the secret police—the information army. In the U.S.S.R., the Cheka, OGPU, NKVD, and KGB lacked the firepower of the Red Army, but had more influence in the Kremlin and could terrorize and purge even the army brass. The East German Stasi and the Romanian Securitate were similarly stronger than the regular armies of these countries.76 In Nazi Germany, the SS was more powerful than the Wehrmacht, and the SS chief, Heinrich Himmler, was higher up the pecking order than Wilhelm Keitel, chief of the Wehrmacht high command.

    In none of these cases could the secret police defeat the regular army in traditional warfare, of course; what made the secret police powerful was its command of information. It had the information necessary to preempt a military coup and to arrest the commanders of tank brigades or fighter squadrons before they knew what hit them. During the Stalinist Great Terror of the late 1930s, out of 144,000 Red Army officers about 10 percent were shot or imprisoned by the NKVD. This included 154 of 186 divisional commanders (83 percent), eight of nine admirals (89 percent), thirteen of fifteen full generals (87 percent), and three of five marshals (60 percent).77

    The party leadership fared just as badly. Of the revered Old Bolsheviks, people who joined the party before the 1917 revolution, about a third didn’t survive the Great Terror.78 Of the thirty-three men who served on the Politburo between 1919 and 1938, fourteen were shot (42 percent). Of the 139 members and candidate members of the party’s Central Committee in 1934, 98 (70 percent) were shot. Only 2 percent of the delegates who took part in the Seventeenth Party Congress in 1934 evaded execution, imprisonment, expulsion, or demotion, and attended the Eighteenth Party Congress in 1939.79

    The secret police—which did all the purging and killing—was itself divided into several competing branches that closely watched and purged each other. Genrikh Yagoda, the NKVD head who orchestrated the beginning of the Great Terror and supervised the killing of hundreds of thousands of victims, was executed in 1938 and replaced by Nikolai Yezhov. Yezhov lasted for two years, killing and imprisoning millions of people before being executed in 1940.

    Perhaps most telling is the fate of the thirty-nine people who in 1935 held the rank of general in the NKVD (called commissars of state security in Soviet nomenclature). Thirty-five of them (90 percent) were arrested and shot by 1941, one was assassinated, and one—the head of the NKVD’s Far East regional office—saved himself by defecting to Japan, but was killed by the Japanese in 1945. Of the original cohort of thirty-nine NKVD generals, only two men were left standing by the end of World War II. The remorseless logic of totalitarianism eventually caught up with them too. During the power struggles that followed Stalin’s death in 1953, one of them was shot, while the other was consigned to a psychiatric hospital, where he died in 1960.80 Serving as an NKVD general in Stalin’s day was one of the most dangerous jobs in the world. At a time when American democracy was improving its many self-correcting mechanisms, Soviet totalitarianism was refining its triple self-surveilling and self-terrorizing apparatus.

    TOTAL CONTROL

    Totalitarian regimes are based on controlling the flow of information and are suspicious of any independent channels of information. When military officers, state officials, or ordinary citizens exchange information, they can build trust. If they come to trust each other, they can organize resistance to the regime. Therefore, a key tenet of totalitarian regimes is that wherever people meet and exchange information, the regime should be there too, to keep an eye on them. In the 1930s, this was one principle that Hitler and Stalin shared.

    On March 31, 1933, two months after Hitler became chancellor, the Nazis passed the Coordination Act (Gleichschaltungsgesetz). This stipulated that by April 30, 1933, all political, social, and cultural organizations throughout Germany—from municipalities to football clubs and local choirs—must be run according to Nazi ideology, as organs of the Nazi state. It upended life in every city and hamlet in Germany.

    For example, in the small Alpine village of Oberstdorf, the democratically elected municipal council met for the last time on April 21, 1933, and three days later it was replaced by an unelected Nazi council that appointed a Nazi mayor. Since the Nazis alone allegedly knew what the people really wanted, who other than Nazis could implement the people’s will? Oberstdorf also had about fifty associations and clubs, ranging from a beekeeping society to an alpinist club. They all had to conform to the Coordination Act, adjusting their boards, membership, and statutes to Nazi demands, hoisting the swastika flag, and concluding every meeting with the “Horst Wessel Song,” the Nazi Party’s anthem. On April 6, 1933, the Oberstdorf fishing society banned Jews from its ranks. None of the thirty-two members was Jewish, but they felt they had to prove their Aryan credentials to the new regime.81

    Things were even more extreme in Stalin’s U.S.S.R. Whereas the Nazis still allowed church organizations and private businesses some partial freedom of action, the Soviets made no exceptions. By 1928 and the launch of the first Five-Year Plan, there were government officials, party functionaries, and secret police informants in every neighborhood and village, and between them they controlled every aspect of life: all businesses from power plants to cabbage farms; all newspapers and radio stations; all universities, schools, and youth groups; all hospitals and clinics; all voluntary and religious organizations; all sporting and scientific associations; all parks, museums, and cinemas.

    If a dozen people came together to play football, hike in the woods, or do some charity work, the party and the secret police had to be there too, represented by the local party cell or NKVD agent. The speed and efficiency of modern information technology meant that all these party cells and NKVD agents were always just a telegram or phone call away from Moscow. Information about suspicious persons and activities was fed into a countrywide, cross-referenced system of card catalogs. Known as kartoteki, these catalogs contained information from work records, police files, residence cards, and other forms of social registrations and, by the 1930s, had become the primary mechanism for surveilling and controlling the Soviet population.82

    This made it feasible for Stalin to seek control over the totality of Soviet life. One crucial example was the campaign to collectivize Soviet farming. For centuries, economic, social, and private life in the thousands of villages of the sprawling Tsarist Empire was managed by several traditional institutions: the local commune, the parish church, the private farm, the local market, and above all the family. In the mid-1920s, the Soviet Union was still an overwhelmingly agrarian economy. About 82 percent of the total population lived in villages, and 83 percent of the workforce was engaged in farming.83 But if each peasant family made its own decisions about what to grow, what to buy, and how much to charge for their produce, it greatly limited the ability of Moscow officials to themselves plan and control social and economic activities. What if the officials decided on a major agrarian reform, but the peasant families rejected it? So when in 1928 the Soviets came up with their first Five-Year Plan for the development of the Soviet Union, the most important item on the agenda was to collectivize farming.

    The idea was that in every village all the families would join a kolkhoz—a collective farm. They would hand over to the kolkhoz all their property—land, houses, horses, cows, shovels, pitchforks. They would work together for the kolkhoz, and in return the kolkhoz would provide for all their needs, from housing and education to food and health care. The kolkhoz would also decide—based on orders from Moscow—whether they should grow cabbages or turnips; whether to invest in a tractor or a school; and who would work in the dairy farm, the tannery, and the clinic. The result, thought the Moscow masterminds, would be the first perfectly just and equal society in human history.

    They were similarly convinced of the economic advantages of their proposed system, thinking that the kolkhoz would enjoy economy of scale. For example, when every peasant family had but a small strip of land, it made little sense to buy a tractor to plow it, and in any case most families couldn’t afford a tractor. Once all land was held communally, it could be cultivated far more efficiently using modern machinery. In addition, the kolkhoz was supposed to benefit from the wisdom of modern science. Instead of every peasant deciding on production methods on the basis of old traditions and groundless superstitions, state experts with university degrees from institutions like the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences would make the crucial decisions.

    To the planners in Moscow, it sounded wonderful. They expected a 50 percent increase in agricultural production by 1931.84 And if in the process the old village hierarchies and inequalities were bulldozed, all the better. To most peasants, however, it sounded terrible. They didn’t trust the Moscow planners or the new kolkhoz system. They did not want to give up their old way of life or their private property. Villagers slaughtered cows and horses instead of handing them to the kolkhoz. Their motivation to work dwindled. People made less effort plowing fields that belonged to everyone than plowing fields that belonged to their own family. Passive resistance was ubiquitous, sometimes flaring into violent clashes. Whereas Soviet planners expected to harvest ninety-eight million tons of grain in 1931, production was only sixty-nine million, according to official data, and might have been as low as fifty-seven million tons in reality. The 1932 harvest was even worse.85

    The state reacted with fury. Between 1929 and 1936, food confiscation, government neglect, and man-made famines (resulting from government policy rather than a natural disaster) claimed the lives of between 4.5 and 8.5 million people.86 Millions of additional peasants were declared enemies of the state and deported or imprisoned. The most basic institutions of peasant life—the family, the church, the local community—were terrorized and dismantled. In the name of justice, equality, and the will of the people, the collectivization campaign annihilated anything that stood in its way. In the first two months of 1930 alone, about 60 million peasants in more than 100,000 villages were herded into collective farms.87 In June 1929, only 4 percent of Soviet peasant households had belonged to collective farms. By March 1930 the figure had risen to 57 percent. By April 1937, 97 percent of households in the countryside had been confined to the 235,000 Soviet collective farms.88 In just seven years, then, a way of life that had existed for centuries had been replaced by the totalitarian brainchild of a few Moscow bureaucrats.

    THE KULAKS

    It is worthwhile to delve a little deeper into the history of Soviet collectivization. For it was a tragedy that bears some resemblance to earlier catastrophes in human history—like the European witch-hunt craze—and at the same time foreshadows some of the biggest dangers posed by twenty-first-century technology and its faith in supposedly scientific data.

    When their efforts to collectivize farming encountered resistance and led to economic disaster, Moscow bureaucrats and mythmakers took a page from Kramer’s Hammer of the Witches. I don’t wish to imply the Soviets actually read the book, but they too invented a global conspiracy and created an entire non-existing category of enemies. In the 1930s Soviet authorities repeatedly blamed the disasters afflicting the Soviet economy on a counterrevolutionary cabal whose chief agents were the “kulaks” or “capitalist farmers.” Just as in Kramer’s imagination witches serving Satan conjured hailstorms that destroyed crops, so in the Stalinist imagination kulaks beholden to global capitalism sabotaged the Soviet economy.

    In theory, kulaks were an objective socioeconomic category, defined by analyzing empirical data on things like property, income, capital, and wages. Soviet officials could allegedly identify kulaks by counting things. If most people in a village had only one cow, then the few families who had three cows were considered kulaks. If most people in a village didn’t hire any labor, but one family hired two workers during harvest time, this was a kulak family. Being a kulak meant not only that you possessed a certain amount of property but also that you possessed certain personality traits. According to the supposedly infallible Marxist doctrine, people’s material conditions determined their social and spiritual character. Since kulaks allegedly engaged in capitalist exploitation, it was a scientific fact (according to Marxist thinking) that they were greedy, selfish, and unreliable—and so were their children. Discovering that someone was a kulak ostensibly revealed something profound about their fundamental nature.

    On December 27, 1929, Stalin declared that the Soviet state should seek “the liquidation of the kulaks as a class,”89 and immediately galvanized the party and the secret police to realize that ambitious and murderous aim. Early modern European witch-hunters worked in autocratic societies that lacked modern information technology; therefore, it took them three centuries to kill fifty thousand alleged witches. In contrast, Soviet kulak hunters were working in a totalitarian society that had at its disposal technologies such as telegraphs, trains, telephones, and radios—as well as a sprawling bureaucracy. They decided that two years would suffice to “liquidate” millions of kulaks.90

    Soviet officials began by assessing how many kulaks there must be in the U.S.S.R. Based on existing data—such as tax records, employment records, and the 1926 Soviet census—they decided that kulaks constituted 3–5 percent of the rural population.91 On January 30, 1930, just one month after Stalin’s speech, a Politburo decree translated his vague vision into a much more detailed plan of action. The decree included target numbers for the liquidation of kulaks in each major agricultural region.92 Regional authorities then made their own estimates of the number of kulaks in each county under their jurisdiction. Eventually, specific quotas were assigned to rural soviets (local administrative units, typically comprising a handful of villages). Often, local officials inflated the numbers along the way, to prove their zeal. Each rural soviet then had to identify the stated number of kulak households in the villages under its purview. These people were expelled from their homes, and—according to the administrative category to which they belonged—resettled elsewhere, incarcerated in concentration camps, or condemned to death.93

    How exactly did Soviet officials tell who was a kulak? In some villages, local party members made a conscientious effort to identify kulaks by objective measures, such as the amount of property they owned. It was often the most hardworking and efficient farmers who were stigmatized and expelled. In some villages local communists used the opportunity to get rid of their personal enemies. Some villages simply drew lots on who would be considered a kulak. Other villages held communal meetings to vote on the matter and often chose isolated farmers, widows, old people, and other “expendables” (exactly the sorts of people who in early modern Europe were most likely to be branded witches).94

    The absurdity of the entire operation is manifested in the case of the Streletsky family from the Kurgan region of Siberia. Dmitry Streletsky, who was then a teenager, recalled years later how his family was branded kulaks and selected for liquidation. “Serkov, the chairman of the village Soviet who deported us, explained: ‘I have received an order [from the district party committee] to find 17 kulak families for deportation. I formed a Committee of the Poor and we sat through the night to choose the families. There is no one in the village who is rich enough to qualify, and not many old people, so we simply chose the 17 families. You were chosen. Please don’t take it personally. What else could I do?’ ”95 If anyone dared object to the madness of the system, they were promptly denounced as kulaks and counterrevolutionaries and would themselves be liquidated.

    Altogether, some five million kulaks would be expelled from their homes by 1933. As many as thirty thousand heads of households were shot. The more fortunate victims were resettled in their district of origin or became vagrant workers in the big cities, while about two million were either exiled to remote inhospitable regions or incarcerated as state slaves in labor camps.96 Numerous important and notorious state projects—such as the construction of the White Sea Canal and the development of mines in the Arctic regions—were accomplished with the labor of millions of prisoners, many of them kulaks. It was one of the fastest and largest enslavement campaigns in human history.97 Once branded a kulak, a person could not get rid of the stigma. Government agencies, party organs, and secret police documents recorded who was a kulak in a labyrinthian system of kartoteki catalogs, archives, and internal passports.

    Kulak status even passed to the next generation, with devastating consequences. Kulak children were refused entrance to communist youth groups, the Red Army, universities, and prestigious areas of employment.98 In her 1997 memoirs, Antonina Golovina recalled how her family was deported from their ancestral village as kulaks and sent to live in the town of Pestovo. The boys in her new school regularly taunted her. On one occasion, a senior teacher told the eleven-year-old Antonina to stand up in front of all the other children, and began abusing her mercilessly, shouting that “her sort were enemies of the people, wretched kulaks! You certainly deserved to be deported, I hope you’re all exterminated!” Antonina wrote that this was the defining moment of her life. “I had this feeling in my gut that we [kulaks] were different from the rest, that we were criminals.” She never got over it.99

    Like the ten-year-old “witch” Hansel Pappenheimer, the eleven-year-old “kulak” Antonina Golovina found herself cast into an intersubjective category invented by human mythmakers and imposed by ubiquitous bureaucrats. The mountains of information collected by Soviet bureaucrats about the kulaks wasn’t the objective truth about them, but it imposed a new intersubjective Soviet truth. Knowing that someone was a kulak was one of the most important things to know about a Soviet person, even though the label was entirely bogus.

    ONE BIG HAPPY SOVIET FAMILY

    The Stalinist regime would go on to attempt something even more ambitious than the mass dismantling of private family farms. It set out to dismantle the family itself. Unlike Roman emperors or Russian tsars, Stalin tried to insert himself even into the most intimate human relationships, coming between parents and children. Family ties were considered the bedrock of corruption, inequality, and antiparty activities. Soviet children were therefore taught to worship Stalin as their real father and to inform on their biological parents if they criticized Stalin or the Communist Party.

    Starting in 1932, the Soviet propaganda machine created a veritable cult around the figure of Pavlik Morozov—a thirteen-year-old boy from the Siberian village of Gerasimovka. In autumn 1931, Pavlik informed the secret police that his father, Trofim—the chairman of the village soviet—was selling false papers to kulak exiles. During the subsequent trial, when Trofim shouted to Pavlik, “It’s me, your father,” the boy retorted, “Yes, he used to be my father, but I no longer consider him my father.” Trofim was sent to a labor camp and later shot. In September 1932, Pavlik was found murdered, and Soviet authorities arrested and executed five of his family members, who allegedly killed him in revenge for the denunciation. The real story was far more complicated, but it didn’t matter to the Soviet press. Pavlik became a martyr, and millions of Soviet children were taught to emulate him.100 Many did.

    For example, in 1934 a thirteen-year-old boy called Pronia Kolibin told the authorities that his hungry mother stole grain from the kolkhoz fields. His mother was arrested and presumably shot. Pronia was rewarded with a cash prize and a lot of positive media attention. The party organ Pravda published a poem Pronia wrote. Two of its lines read, “You are a wrecker, Mother / I can live with you no more.”101

    The Soviet attempt to control the family was reflected in a dark joke told in Stalin’s day. Stalin visits a factory undercover, and conversing with a worker, he asks the man, “Who is your father?”
    “Stalin,” replies the worker.
    “Who is your mother?”
    “The Soviet Union,” the man responds.
    “And what do you want to be?”
    “An orphan.”102

    At the time you could easily lose your liberty or your life for telling this joke, even if you told it in your own home to your closest family members. The most important lesson Soviet parents taught their children wasn’t loyalty to the party or to Stalin. It was “keep your mouth shut.”103 Few things in the Soviet Union were as dangerous as holding an open conversation.

    PARTY AND CHURCH

    You may wonder whether modern totalitarian institutions like the Nazi Party or the Soviet Communist Party were really all that different from earlier institutions like the Christian churches. After all, churches too believed in their infallibility, had priestly agents everywhere, and sought to control the daily life of people down to their diet and sexual habits. Shouldn’t we see the Catholic Church or the Eastern Orthodox Church as totalitarian institutions? And doesn’t this undermine the thesis that totalitarianism was made possible only by modern information technology?

    There are, however, several major differences between modern totalitarianism and premodern churches. First, as noted earlier, modern totalitarianism has worked by deploying several overlapping surveillance mechanisms that keep each other in order. The party is never alone; it works alongside state organs, on the one side, and the secret police, on the other. In contrast, in most medieval European kingdoms the Catholic Church was an independent institution that often clashed with the state institutions instead of reinforcing them. Consequently, the church was perhaps the most important check on the power of European autocrats.

    For example, when in the “Investiture Controversy” of the 1070s the emperor Henry IV asserted that as emperor he had the final say on the appointment of bishops, abbots, and other important church officials, Pope Gregory VII mobilized resistance and eventually forced the emperor to surrender. On January 25, 1077, Henry reached Canossa castle, where the pope was lodging, to offer his submission and apology. The pope refused to open the gates, and Henry waited in the snow outside, barefoot and hungry. After three days, the pope finally opened the gates to the emperor, who begged forgiveness.104

    An analogous clash in a modern totalitarian country is unthinkable. The whole idea of totalitarianism is to prevent any separation of powers. In the Soviet Union, state and party reinforced each other, and Stalin was the de facto head of both. There could be no Soviet “Investiture Controversy,” because Stalin had final say about all appointments to both party positions and state functions. He decided both who would be general secretary of the Communist Party of Georgia and who would be foreign minister of the Soviet Union.

    Another important difference is that medieval churches tended to be traditionalist organizations that resisted change, while modern totalitarian parties have tended to be revolutionary organizations demanding change. A premodern church built its power gradually by developing its structure and traditions over centuries. A king or a pope who wanted to swiftly revolutionize society was therefore likely to encounter stiff resistance from church members and ordinary believers.

    For example, in the eighth and ninth centuries a series of Byzantine emperors sought to forbid the veneration of icons, which seemed to them idolatrous. They pointed to many passages in the Bible, most notably the Second Commandment, that forbade making any graven images. While Christian churches traditionally interpreted the Second Commandment in a way that allowed the veneration of icons, emperors like Constantine V argued that this was a mistake and that disasters like Christian defeats by the armies of Islam were due to God’s wrath over the worship of icons. In 754 more than three hundred bishops assembled in the Council of Hieria to support Constantine’s iconoclastic position.

    Compared with Stalin’s collectivization campaign, this was a minor reform. Families and villages were required to give up their icons, but not their private property or their children. Yet Byzantine iconoclasm met with widespread resistance. Unlike the participants in the Council of Hieria, many ordinary priests, monks, and believers were deeply attached to their icons. The resulting struggle ripped apart Byzantine society until the emperors conceded defeat and reversed course.105 Constantine V was later vilified by Byzantine historians as “Constantine the Shitty” (Koprónimos), and a story was spread about him that he defecated during his baptism.106

    Unlike premodern churches, which developed slowly over many centuries and therefore tended to be conservative and suspicious of rapid changes, modern totalitarian parties like the Nazi Party and the Soviet Communist Party were organized within a single generation around the promise to quickly revolutionize society. They didn’t have centuries-old traditions and structures to defend. When their leaders conceived some ambitious plan to smash existing traditions and structures, party members typically fell in line.

    Perhaps most important of all, premodern churches could not become tools of totalitarian control because they themselves suffered from the same limitations as all other premodern organizations. While they had local agents everywhere, in the shape of parish priests, monks, and itinerant preachers, the difficulty of transmitting and processing information meant that church leaders knew little about what was going on in remote communities, and local priests had a large degree of autonomy. Consequently, churches tended to be local affairs. People in every province and village often venerated local saints, upheld local traditions, performed local rites, and might even have had local doctrinal ideas that differed from the official line.107 If the pope in Rome wanted to do something about an independent-minded priest in a remote Polish parish, he had to send a letter to the archbishop of Gniezno, who had to instruct the relevant bishop, who had to send someone to intervene in the parish. That might take months, and there was ample opportunity for the archbishop, bishop, and other intermediaries to reinterpret or even “mislay” the pope’s orders.108

    Churches became more totalitarian institutions only in the late modern era, when modern information technologies became available. We tend to think of popes as medieval relics, but actually they are masters of modern technology. In the eighteenth century, the pope had little control over the worldwide Catholic Church and was reduced to the status of a local Italian princeling, fighting other Italian powers for control of Bologna or Ferrara. With the advent of radio, popes became some of the most powerful people on the planet. Pope John Paul II could sit in the Vatican and speak directly to millions of Catholics from Poland to the Philippines, without any archbishop, bishop, or parish priest able to twist or hide his words.109

    HOW INFORMATION FLOWS

    We see then that the new information technology of the late modern era gave rise to both large-scale democracy and large-scale totalitarianism. But there were crucial differences between how the two systems used information technology. As noted earlier, democracy encourages information to flow through many independent channels rather than only through the center, and it allows many independent nodes to process the information and make decisions by themselves. Information freely circulates between private businesses, private media organizations, municipalities, sports associations, charities, families, and individuals—without ever passing through the office of a government minister.

    In contrast, totalitarianism wants all information to pass through the central hub and doesn’t want any independent institutions making decisions on their own. True, totalitarianism does have its tripartite apparatus of government, party, and secret police. But the whole point of this parallel apparatus is to prevent the emergence of any independent power that might challenge the center. When government officials, party members, and secret police agents constantly keep tabs on one another, opposing the center is extremely dangerous.

    As contrasting types of information networks, democracy and totalitarianism both have their advantages and disadvantages. The biggest advantage of the centralized totalitarian network is that it is extremely orderly, which means it can make decisions quickly and enforce them ruthlessly. Especially during emergencies like wars and epidemics, centralized networks can move much faster and further than distributed networks.

    But hyper-centralized information networks also suffer from several big disadvantages. Since they don’t allow information to flow anywhere except through the official channels, if the official channels are blocked, the information cannot find an alternative means of transmission. And official channels are often blocked.

    One common reason why official channels might be blocked is that fearful subordinates hide bad news from their superiors. In Jaroslav Hašek’s Good Soldier Švejk—a satirical novel about the Austro-Hungarian Empire during World War I—Hašek describes how the Austrian authorities were worried about waning morale among the civilian population. They therefore bombarded local police stations with orders to hire informers, collect data, and report to headquarters on the population’s loyalty. To be as scientific as possible, headquarters invented an ingenious loyalty grade: I.a, I.b, I.c; II.a, II.b, II.c; III.a, III.b, III.c; IV.a, IV.b, IV.c. They sent to the local police stations detailed explanations about each grade, and an official form that had to be filled daily. Police sergeants across the country dutifully filled out the forms and sent them back to headquarters. Without exception, all of them always reported a I.a morale level; to do otherwise was to invite rebuke, demotion, or worse.110

    Another common reason why official channels fail to pass on information is to preserve order. Because the chief aim of totalitarian information networks is to produce order rather than discover truth, when alarming information threatens to undermine social order, totalitarian regimes often suppress it. It is relatively easy for them to do so, because they control all the information channels.

    For example, when the Chernobyl nuclear reactor exploded on April 26, 1986, Soviet authorities suppressed all news of the disaster. Both Soviet citizens and foreign countries were kept oblivious of the danger, and so took no steps to protect themselves from radiation. When some Soviet officials in Chernobyl and the nearby town of Pripyat requested to immediately evacuate nearby population centers, their superiors’ chief concern was to avoid the spread of alarming news, so they not only forbade evacuation but also cut the phone lines and warned employees in the nuclear facility not to talk about the disaster.

    Two days after the meltdown Swedish scientists noticed that radiation levels in Sweden, more than twelve hundred kilometers from Chernobyl, were abnormally high. Only after Western governments and the Western press broke the news did the Soviets acknowledge that anything was amiss. Even then they continued to hide from their own citizens the full magnitude of the catastrophe and hesitated to request advice and assistance from abroad. Millions of people in Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia paid with their health. When the Soviet authorities later investigated the disaster, their priority was to deflect blame rather than understand the causes and prevent future accidents.111

    In 2019, I went on a tour of Chernobyl. The Ukrainian guide who explained what led to the nuclear accident said something that stuck in my mind. “Americans grow up with the idea that questions lead to answers,” he said. “But Soviet citizens grew up with the idea that questions lead to trouble.”

    Naturally, leaders of democratic countries also don’t relish bad news. But in a distributed democratic network, when official lines of communication are blocked, information flows through alternative channels. For example, if an American official decides against telling the president about an unfolding disaster, that news will nevertheless be published by The Washington Post, and if The Washington Post too deliberately withholds the information, The Wall Street Journal or The New York Times will break the story. The business model of independent media—forever chasing the next scoop—all but guarantees publication.

    When, on March 28, 1979, there was a severe accident in the Three Mile Island nuclear reactor in Pennsylvania, the news quickly spread without any need for international intervention. The accident began around 4:00 a.m. and was noticed by 6:30 a.m. An emergency was declared in the facility at 6:56, and at 7:02 the accident was reported to the Pennsylvania Emergency Management Agency. During the following hour the governor of Pennsylvania, the lieutenant governor, and the civil defense authorities were informed. An official press conference was scheduled for 10:00 a.m. However, a traffic reporter at a local Harrisburg radio station picked up a police notice on events, and the station aired a brief report at 8:25 a.m. In the U.S.S.R. such an initiative by an independent radio station was unthinkable, but in the United States it was unremarkable. By 9:00 a.m. the Associated Press issued a bulletin. Though it took days for the full details to emerge, American citizens learned about the accident two hours after it was first noticed. Subsequent investigations by government agencies, NGOs, academics, and the press uncovered not just the immediate causes of the accident but also its deeper structural causes, which helped improve the safety of nuclear technology worldwide. Indeed, some of the lessons of Three Mile Island, which were openly shared even with the Soviets, contributed to mitigating the Chernobyl disaster.112

    NOBODY’S PERFECT

    Totalitarian and authoritarian networks face other problems besides blocked arteries. First and foremost, as we have already established, their self-correcting mechanisms tend to be very weak. Since they believe they are infallible, they see little need for such mechanisms, and since they are afraid of any independent institution that might challenge them, they lack free courts, media outlets, or research centers. Consequently, there is nobody to expose and correct the daily abuses of power that characterize all governments. The leader may occasionally proclaim an anticorruption campaign, but in nondemocratic systems these often turn out to be little more than a smoke screen for one regime faction to purge another faction.113

    And what happens if the leader himself embezzles public funds or makes some disastrous policy mistake? Nobody can challenge the leader, and on his own initiative the leader—being a human being—may well refuse to admit any mistakes. Instead, he is likely to blame all problems on “foreign enemies,” “internal traitors,” or “corrupt subordinates” and demand even more power in order to deal with the alleged malefactors.

    For example, we mentioned in the previous chapter that Stalin adopted the bogus theory of Lysenkoism as the state doctrine on evolution. The results were catastrophic. Neglect of Darwinian models, and attempts by Lysenkoist agronomists to create super-crops, set back Soviet genetic research for decades and undermined Soviet agriculture. Soviet experts who suggested abandoning Lysenkoism and accepting Darwinism risked the gulag or a bullet to the head. Lysenkoism’s legacy haunted Soviet science and agronomy for decades and was one reason why by the early 1970s the U.S.S.R. ceased to be a major exporter of grain and became a net importer, despite its vast fertile lands.114

    The same dynamic characterized many other fields of activity. For instance, during the 1930s Soviet industry suffered from numerous accidents. This was largely the fault of the Soviet bosses in Moscow, who set up almost impossible goals for industrialization and viewed any failure to achieve them as treason. In the effort to fulfill the ambitious goals, safety measures and quality-control checks were abandoned, and experts who advised prudence were often reprimanded or shot. The result was a wave of industrial accidents, dysfunctional products, and wasted efforts. Instead of taking responsibility, Moscow concluded that this must be the handiwork of the global Trotskyite-imperialist conspiracy of saboteurs and terrorists bent on derailing the Soviet enterprise. Rather than slow down and adopt safety regulations, the bosses redoubled the terror and shot more people.

    A famous case in point was Pavel Rychagov. He was one of the best and bravest Soviet pilots, leading missions to help the Republicans in the Spanish Civil War and the Chinese against the Japanese invasion. He quickly rose through the ranks, becoming commander of the Soviet air force in August 1940, at age twenty-nine. But the courage that helped Rychagov shoot down Nazi airplanes in Spain landed him in deep trouble in Moscow. The Soviet air force suffered from numerous accidents, which the Politburo blamed on lack of discipline and deliberate sabotage by anti-Soviet conspiracies. Rychagov, however, wouldn’t buy this official line. As a frontline pilot, he knew the truth. He flatly told Stalin that pilots were being forced to operate hastily designed and badly produced airplanes, which he compared to flying “in coffins.” Two days after Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, as the Red Army was collapsing and Stalin was desperately hunting for scapegoats, Rychagov was arrested for “being a member of an anti-Soviet conspiratorial organization and carrying out enemy work aimed at weakening the power of the Red Army.” His wife was also arrested, because she allegedly knew about his “Trotskyist ties with the military conspirators.” They were executed on October 28, 1941.115

    The real saboteur who wrecked Soviet military efforts wasn’t Rychagov, of course, but Stalin himself. For years, Stalin feared that a clash to the death with Nazi Germany was likely and built the world’s biggest war machine to prepare for it. But he hamstrung this machine both diplomatically and psychologically.

    On the diplomatic level, in 1939–41, Stalin gambled that he could goad the “capitalists” to fight and exhaust one another while the U.S.S.R. nurtured and even increased its power. He therefore made a pact with Hitler in 1939 and allowed the Germans to conquer much of Poland and western Europe, while the U.S.S.R. attacked or alienated almost all its neighbors. In 1939–40 the Soviets invaded and occupied eastern Poland; annexed Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania; and conquered parts of Finland and Romania. Finland and Romania, which could have acted as neutral buffers on the U.S.S.R.’s flanks, consequently became implacable enemies. Even in the spring of 1941, Stalin still refused to make a preemptive alliance with Britain and made no move to hinder the Nazi conquest of Yugoslavia and Greece, thereby losing his last potential allies on the European continent. When Hitler struck on June 22, 1941, the U.S.S.R. was isolated.

    In theory, the war machine Stalin built could have handled the Nazi onslaught even in isolation. The territories conquered since 1939 provided depth to Soviet defenses, and the Soviet military advantage seemed overwhelming. On the first day of the invasion the Soviets had 15,000 tanks, 15,000 warplanes, and 37,000 artillery pieces on the European front, facing 3,300 German tanks, 2,250 warplanes, and 7,146 guns.116 But in one of history’s greatest military catastrophes, within a month the Soviets lost 11,700 tanks (78 percent), 10,000 warplanes (67 percent), and 19,000 artillery pieces (51 percent).117 Stalin also lost all the territories he conquered in 1939–40 and much of the Soviet heartland. By July 16 the Germans were in Smolensk, 370 kilometers from Moscow.

    The causes of the debacle have been debated ever since 1941, but most scholars agree that a significant factor was the psychological costs of Stalinism. For years the regime terrorized its people, punished initiative and individuality, and encouraged submissiveness and conformity. This undermined the soldiers’ motivation. Especially in the first months of the war, before the horrors of Nazi rule were fully realized, Red Army soldiers surrendered in huge numbers; between three and four million were taken captive by the end of 1941.118 Even when they fought tenaciously, Red Army units suffered from a lack of initiative. Officers who had survived the purges were fearful to take independent actions, while younger officers often lacked adequate training. Frequently starved of information and scapegoated for failures, commanders also had to cope with political commissars who could dispute their decisions. The safest course was to wait for orders from on high and then slavishly follow them even when they made little military sense.119

    Despite the disasters of 1941 and of the spring and summer of 1942, the Soviet state did not collapse the way Hitler hoped. As the Red Army and the Soviet leadership assimilated the lessons learned from the first year of struggle, the political center in Moscow loosened its hold. The power of political commissars was restricted, while professional officers were encouraged to assume greater responsibility and take more initiatives.120 Stalin also reversed his geopolitical mistakes of 1939–41 and allied the U.S.S.R. with Britain and the United States. Red Army initiative, Western assistance, and the realization of what Nazi rule would mean for the people of the U.S.S.R. turned the tide of war.

    Once victory was secured in 1945, however, Stalin initiated new waves of terror, purging more independent-minded officers and officials and again encouraging blind obedience.121 Ironically, Stalin’s own death eight years later was partly the result of an information network that prioritized order and disregarded truth. In 1951–53 the U.S.S.R. experienced yet another witch hunt. Soviet mythmakers fabricated a conspiracy theory that Jewish doctors were systematically murdering leading regime members, under the guise of giving them medical care. The theory alleged that the doctors were the agents of a global American-Zionist plot, working in collaboration with traitors in the secret police. By early 1953 hundreds of doctors and secret police officials, including the head of the secret police himself, were arrested, tortured, and forced to name accomplices. The conspiracy theory—a Soviet twist on the Protocols of the Elders of Zion—merged with age-old blood-libel accusations, and rumors began circulating that Jewish doctors were not just murdering Soviet leaders but also killing babies in hospitals. Since a large proportion of Soviet doctors were Jews, people began fearing doctors in general.122

    Just as the hysteria about “the doctors’ plot” was reaching its climax, Stalin had a stroke on March 1, 1953. He collapsed in his dacha, wet himself, and lay for hours in his soiled pajamas, unable to call for help. At around 10:30 p.m. a guard found the courage to enter the inner sanctum of world communism, where he discovered the leader on the floor. By 3:00 a.m. on March 2, Politburo members arrived at the dacha and debated what to do. For several hours more, nobody dared call a doctor. What if Stalin were to regain consciousness, and open his eyes only to see a doctor—a doctor!—hovering over his bed? He would surely think this was a plot to murder him and would have those responsible shot. Stalin’s personal physician wasn’t present, because he was at the time in a basement cell of the Lubyanka prison—undergoing torture for suggesting that Stalin needed more rest. By the time the Politburo members decided to bring in medical experts, the danger had passed. Stalin never woke up.123

    You may conclude from this litany of disasters that the Stalinist system was totally dysfunctional. Its ruthless disregard for truth caused it not only to inflict terrible suffering on hundreds of millions of people but also to make colossal diplomatic, military, and economic errors and to devour its own leaders. However, such a conclusion would be misleading.

    In a discussion of the abysmal failure of Stalinism in the early phase of World War II, two points complicate the narrative. First, democratic countries like France, Norway, and the Netherlands made at the time diplomatic errors as great as those of the U.S.S.R., and their armies performed even worse. Second, the military machine that crushed the Red Army, the French army, the Dutch army, and numerous other armies was itself built by a totalitarian regime. So whatever conclusion we draw from the years 1939–41, it cannot be that totalitarian networks necessarily function worse than democratic ones. The history of Stalinism reveals many potential drawbacks of totalitarian information networks, but that should not blind us to their potential advantages.

    When one considers the broader history of World War II and its outcome, it becomes evident that Stalinism was in fact one of the most successful political systems ever devised—if we define “success” purely in terms of order and power while disregarding all considerations of ethics and human well-being. Despite—or perhaps because of—its utter lack of compassion and its callous attitude to truth, Stalinism was singularly efficient at maintaining order on a gigantic scale. The relentless barrage of fake news and conspiracy theories helped to keep hundreds of millions of people in line. The collectivization of Soviet agriculture led to mass enslavement and starvation but also laid the foundations for the country’s rapid industrialization. Soviet disregard for quality control might have produced flying coffins, but it produced them in the tens of thousands, making up in quantity for what they lacked in quality. The decimation of Red Army officers during the Great Terror was a major reason for the army’s abysmal performance in 1941, but it was also a key reason why, despite the terrible defeats, nobody rebelled against Stalin. The Soviet military machine tended to crush its own soldiers alongside the enemy, but it eventually rumbled on to victory.

    In the 1940s and early 1950s, many people throughout the world believed Stalinism was the wave of the future. It had won World War II, after all, raised the red flag over the Reichstag, ruled an empire that stretched from central Europe to the Pacific, fueled anticolonial struggles throughout the world, and inspired numerous copycat regimes. It won admirers even among leading artists and thinkers in Western democracies, who believed that notwithstanding the vague rumors about gulags and purges Stalinism was humanity’s best shot at ending capitalist exploitation and creating a perfectly just society. Stalinism thus got close to world domination. It would be naive to assume that its disregard for truth doomed it to failure or that its ultimate collapse guarantees that such a system can never again arise. Information systems can reach far with just a little truth and a lot of order. Anyone who abhors the moral costs of systems like Stalinism cannot rely on their supposed inefficiency to derail them.

    THE TECHNOLOGICAL PENDULUM

    Once we learn to see democracy and totalitarianism as different types of information networks, we can understand why they flourish in certain eras and are absent in others. It is not just because people gain or lose faith in certain political ideals; it is also because of revolutions in information technologies. Of course, just as the printing press didn’t cause the witch hunts or the scientific revolution, so radio didn’t cause either Stalinist totalitarianism or American democracy. Technology only creates new opportunities; it is up to us to decide which ones to pursue.

    Totalitarian regimes choose to use modern information technology to centralize the flow of information and to stifle truth in order to maintain order. As a consequence, they have to struggle with the danger of ossification. When more and more information flows to only one place, will it result in efficient control or in blocked arteries and, finally, a heart attack? Democratic regimes choose to use modern information technology to distribute the flow of information between more institutions and individuals and encourage the free pursuit of truth. They consequently have to struggle with the danger of fracturing. Like a solar system with more and more planets circling faster and faster, can the center still hold, or will things fall apart and anarchy prevail?

    An archetypal example of the different strategies can be found in the contrasting histories of Western democracies and the Soviet bloc in the 1960s. This was an era when Western democracies relaxed censorship and various discriminatory policies that hampered the free spread of information. This made it easier for previously marginalized groups to organize, join the public conversation, and make political demands. The resulting wave of activism destabilized the social order. Hitherto, when a limited number of rich white men did almost all the talking, it was relatively easy to reach agreements. Once poor people, women, LGBTQ people, ethnic minorities, disabled people, and members of other historically oppressed groups gained a voice, they brought with them new ideas, opinions, and interests. Many of the old gentlemanly agreements consequently became untenable. For example, the Jim Crow segregation regime, upheld or at least tolerated by generations of both Democratic and Republican administrations in the United States, fell apart. Things that were considered sacrosanct, self-evident, and universally accepted—such as gender roles—became deeply controversial, and it was difficult to reach new agreements because there were many more groups, viewpoints, and interests to take into account. Just holding an orderly conversation was a challenge, because people couldn’t even agree on the rules of debate.

    This caused much frustration among both the old guard and the freshly empowered, who suspected that their newfound freedom of expression was hollow and that their political demands were not fulfilled. Disappointed with words, some switched to guns. In many Western democracies, the 1960s were characterized not just by unprecedented disagreements but also by a surge of violence. Political assassinations, kidnappings, riots, and terror attacks multiplied. The murders of John F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King, the riots following King’s assassination, and the wave of demonstrations, revolts, and armed clashes that swept the Western world in 1968 were just some of the more famous examples.124 The images from Chicago or Paris in 1968 could easily have given the impression that things were falling apart. The pressure to live up to the democratic ideals and to include more people and groups in the public conversation seemed to undermine the social order and to make democracy unworkable.

    Meanwhile, the regimes behind the Iron Curtain, who never promised inclusivity, continued stifling the public conversation and centralizing information and power. And it seemed to work. Though they did face some peripheral challenges, most notably the Hungarian revolt of 1956 and the Prague Spring of 1968, the communists dealt with these threats swiftly and decisively. In the Soviet heartland itself, everything was orderly.

    Fast-forward twenty years, and it was the Soviet system that had become unworkable. The sclerotic gerontocrats on the podium in Red Square were a perfect emblem of a dysfunctional information network, lacking any meaningful self-correcting mechanisms. Decolonization, globalization, technological development, and changing gender roles led to rapid economic, social, and geopolitical changes. But the gerontocrats could not handle all the information streaming to Moscow, and since no subordinate was allowed much initiative, the entire system ossified and collapsed.

    The failure was most obvious in the economic sphere. The overcentralized Soviet economy was slow to react to rapid technological developments and changing consumer wishes. Obeying commands from the top, the Soviet economy was churning out intercontinental missiles, fighter jets, and prestige infrastructure projects. But it was not producing what most people actually wanted to buy—from efficient refrigerators to pop music—and lagged behind in cutting-edge military technology.

    Nowhere were its shortcomings more glaring than in the semiconductor sector, in which technology developed at a particularly fast rate. In the West, semiconductors were developed through open competition between numerous private companies like Intel and Toshiba, whose main customers were other private companies like Apple and Sony. The latter used microchips to produce civilian goods such as the Macintosh personal computer and the Walkman. The Soviets could never catch up with American and Japanese microchip production, because—as the American economic historian Chris Miller explained—the Soviet semiconductor sector was “secretive, top-down, oriented toward military systems, fulfilling orders with little scope for creativity.” The Soviets tried to close the gap by stealing and copying Western technology—which only guaranteed that they always remained several years behind.125 Thus the first Soviet personal computer appeared only in 1984, at a time when in the United States people already had eleven million PCs.126

    Western democracies not only surged ahead technologically and economically but also succeeded in holding the social order together despite—or perhaps because of—widening the circle of participants in the political conversation. There were many hiccups, but the United States, Japan, and other democracies created a far more dynamic and inclusive information system, which made room for many more viewpoints without breaking down. It was such a remarkable achievement that many felt that the victory of democracy over totalitarianism was final. This victory has often been explained in terms of a fundamental advantage in information processing: totalitarianism didn’t work because trying to concentrate and process all the data in one central hub was extremely inefficient. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, it accordingly seemed that the future belonged to distributed information networks and to democracy.

    This turned out to be wrong. In fact, the next information revolution was already gathering momentum, setting the stage for a new round in the competition between democracy and totalitarianism. Computers, the internet, smartphones, social media, and AI posed new challenges to democracy, giving a voice not only to more disenfranchised groups but to any human with an internet connection, and even to nonhuman agents. Democracies in the 2020s face the task, once again, of integrating a flood of new voices into the public conversation without destroying the social order. Things look as dire as they did in the 1960s, and there is no guarantee that democracies will pass the new test as successfully as they passed the previous one. Simultaneously, the new technologies also give fresh hope to totalitarian regimes that still dream of concentrating all the information in one hub. Yes, the old men on the podium in Red Square were not up to the task of orchestrating millions of lives from a single center. But perhaps AI can do it?

    As humankind enters the second quarter of the twenty-first century, a central question is how well democracies and totalitarian regimes will handle both the threats and the opportunities resulting from the current information revolution. Will the new technologies favor one type of regime over the other, or will we see the world divided once again, this time by a Silicon Curtain rather than an iron one?

    As in previous eras, information networks will struggle to find the right balance between truth and order. Some will opt to prioritize truth and maintain strong self-correcting mechanisms. Others will make the opposite choice. Many of the lessons learned from the canonization of the Bible, the early modern witch hunts, and the Stalinist collectivization campaign will remain relevant, and perhaps have to be relearned. However, the current information revolution also has some unique features, different from—and potentially far more dangerous than—anything we have seen before.

    Hitherto, every information network in history relied on human mythmakers and human bureaucrats to function. Clay tablets, papyrus rolls, printing presses, and radio sets have had a far-reaching impact on history, but it always remained the job of humans to compose all the texts, interpret the texts, and decide who would be burned as a witch or enslaved as a kulak. Now, however, humans will have to contend with digital mythmakers and digital bureaucrats. The main split in twenty-first-century politics might be not between democracies and totalitarian regimes but rather between human beings and nonhuman agents. Instead of dividing democracies from totalitarian regimes, a new Silicon Curtain may separate all humans from our unfathomable algorithmic overlords. People in all countries and walks of life—including even dictators—might find themselves subservient to an alien intelligence that can monitor everything we do while we have little idea what it is doing. The rest of this book, then, is dedicated to exploring whether such a Silicon Curtain is indeed descending on the world, and what life might look like when computers run our bureaucracies and algorithms invent new mythologies.

    PART II  The Inorganic Network

    CHAPTER 6 The New Members: How Computers Are Different from Printing Presses

    It’s hardly news that we are living in the midst of an unprecedented information revolution. But what kind of revolution is it exactly? In recent years we have been inundated with so many groundbreaking inventions that it is difficult to determine what is driving this revolution. Is it the internet? Smartphones? Social media? Blockchain? Algorithms? AI?

    So before exploring the long-term implications of the current information revolution, let’s remind ourselves of its foundations. The seed of the current revolution is the computer. Everything else—from the internet to AI—is a by-product. The computer was born in the 1940s as a bulky electronic machine that could make mathematical calculations, but it has evolved at breakneck speed, taking on novel forms and developing awesome new capabilities. The rapid evolution of computers has made it difficult to define what they are and what they do. Humans have repeatedly claimed that certain things would forever remain out of reach for computers—be it playing chess, driving a car, or composing poetry—but “forever” turned out to be a handful of years.

    We will discuss the exact relations between the terms “computer,” “algorithm,” and “AI” toward the end of this chapter, after we first gain a better grasp of the history of computers. For the moment it is enough to say that in essence a computer is a machine that can potentially do two remarkable things: it can make decisions by itself, and it can create new ideas by itself. While the earliest computers could hardly accomplish such things, the potential was already there, plainly seen by both computer scientists and science fiction authors. As early as 1948 Alan Turing was exploring the possibility of creating what he termed “intelligent machinery,”1 and in 1950 he postulated that computers will eventually be as smart as humans and might even be capable of masquerading as humans.2 In 1968 computers could still not beat a human even in checkers,3 but in 2001: A Space Odyssey Arthur C. Clarke and Stanley Kubrick already envisioned HAL 9000 as a superintelligent AI rebelling against its human creators.

    The rise of intelligent machines that can make decisions and create new ideas means that for the first time in history power is shifting away from humans and toward something else. Crossbows, muskets, and atom bombs replaced human muscles in the act of killing, but they couldn’t replace human brains in deciding whom to kill. Little Boy—the bomb dropped on Hiroshima—exploded with a force of 12,500 tons of TNT,4 but when it came to brainpower, Little Boy was a dud. It couldn’t decide anything.

    It is different with computers. In terms of intelligence, computers far surpass not just atom bombs but also all previous information technology, such as clay tablets, printing presses, and radio sets. Clay tablets stored information about taxes, but they couldn’t decide by themselves how much tax to levy, nor could they invent an entirely new tax. Printing presses copied information such as the Bible, but they couldn’t decide which texts to include in the Bible, nor could they write new commentaries on the holy book. Radio sets disseminated information such as political speeches and symphonies, but they couldn’t decide which speeches or symphonies to broadcast, nor could they compose them. Computers can do all these things. While printing presses and radio sets were passive tools in human hands, computers are already becoming active agents that escape our control and understanding and that can take initiatives in shaping society, culture, and history.5

    A paradigmatic case of the novel power of computers is the role that social media algorithms have played in spreading hatred and undermining social cohesion in numerous countries.6 One of the earliest and most notorious such instances occurred in 2016–17, when Facebook algorithms helped fan the flames of anti-Rohingya violence in Myanmar (Burma).7

    The early 2010s were a period of optimism in Myanmar. After decades of harsh military rule, strict censorship, and international sanctions, an era of liberalization began: elections were held, sanctions were lifted, and international aid and investments poured in. Facebook was one of the most important players in the new Myanmar, providing millions of Burmese with free access to previously unimaginable troves of information. The relaxation of government control and censorship, however, also led to a rise in ethnic tensions, in particular between the majority Buddhist Burmese and the minority Muslim Rohingya.

    The Rohingya are Muslim inhabitants of the Rakhine region, in the west of Myanmar. Since at least the 1970s they have suffered severe discrimination and occasional outbursts of violence from the governing junta and the Buddhist majority. The process of democratization in the early 2010s raised hopes among the Rohingya that their situation too would improve, but things actually became worse, with waves of sectarian violence and anti-Rohingya pogroms, many inspired by fake news on Facebook.

    In 2016–17 a small Islamist organization known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) carried out a spate of attacks aimed to establish a separatist Muslim state in Rakhine, killing and abducting dozens of non-Muslim civilians as well as assaulting several army outposts.8 In response, the Myanmar army and Buddhist extremists launched a full-scale ethnic-cleansing campaign aimed against the entire Rohingya community. They destroyed hundreds of Rohingya villages, killed between 7,000 and 25,000 unarmed civilians, raped or sexually abused between 18,000 and 60,000 women and men, and brutally expelled about 730,000 Rohingya from the country.9 The violence was fueled by intense hatred toward all Rohingya. The hatred, in turn, was fomented by anti-Rohingya propaganda, much of it spreading on Facebook, which was by 2016 the main source of news for millions and the most important platform for political mobilization in Myanmar.10

    An aid worker called Michael who lived in Myanmar in 2017 described a typical Facebook news feed : “The vitriol against the Rohingya was unbelievable online—the amount of it, the violence of it. It was overwhelming.… [T]hat’s all that was on people’s news feed in Myanmar at the time. It reinforced the idea that these people were all terrorists not deserving of rights.”11 In addition to reports of actual ARSA atrocities, Facebook accounts were inundated with fake news about imagined atrocities and planned terrorist attacks. Populist conspiracy theories alleged that most Rohingya were not really part of the people of Myanmar, but recent immigrants from Bangladesh, flooding into the country to spearhead an anti-Buddhist jihad. Buddhists, who in reality constituted close to 90 percent of the population, feared that they were about to be replaced or become a minority.12 Without this propaganda, there was little reason why a limited number of attacks by the ragtag ARSA should be answered by an all-out drive against the entire Rohingya community. And Facebook algorithms played an important role in the propaganda campaign.

    While the inflammatory anti-Rohingya messages were created by flesh-and-blood extremists like the Buddhist monk Wirathu,13 it was Facebook’s algorithms that decided which posts to promote. Amnesty International found that “algorithms proactively amplified and promoted content on the Facebook platform which incited violence, hatred, and discrimination against the Rohingya.”14 A UN fact-finding mission concluded in 2018 that by disseminating hate-filled content, Facebook had played a “determining role” in the ethnic-cleansing campaign.15

    Readers may wonder if it is justified to place so much blame on Facebook’s algorithms, and more generally on the novel technology of social media. If Heinrich Kramer used printing presses to spread hate speech, that was not the fault of Gutenberg and the presses, right? If in 1994 Rwandan extremists used radio to call on people to massacre Tutsis, was it reasonable to blame the technology of radio? Similarly, if in 2016–17 Buddhist extremists chose to use their Facebook accounts to disseminate hate against the Rohingya, why should we fault the platform?

    Facebook itself relied on this rationale to deflect criticism. It publicly acknowledged only that in 2016–17 “we weren’t doing enough to help prevent our platform from being used to foment division and incite offline violence.”16 While this statement may sound like an admission of guilt, in effect it shifts most of the responsibility for the spread of hate speech to the platform’s users and implies that Facebook’s sin was at most one of omission—failing to effectively moderate the content users produced. This, however, ignores the problematic acts committed by Facebook’s own algorithms.

    The crucial thing to grasp is that social media algorithms are fundamentally different from printing presses and radio sets. In 2016–17, Facebook’s algorithms were making active and fateful decisions by themselves. They were more akin to newspaper editors than to printing presses. It was Facebook’s algorithms that recommended Wirathu’s hate-filled posts, over and over again, to hundreds of thousands of Burmese. There were other voices in Myanmar at the time, vying for attention. Following the end of military rule in 2011, numerous political and social movements sprang up in Myanmar, many holding moderate views. For example, during a flare-up of ethnic violence in the town of Meiktila, the Buddhist abbot Sayadaw U Vithuddha gave refuge to more than eight hundred Muslims in his monastery. When rioters surrounded the monastery and demanded he turn the Muslims over, the abbot reminded the mob of Buddhist teachings on compassion. In a later interview he recounted, “I told them that if they were going to take these Muslims, then they’d have to kill me as well.”17

    In the online battle for attention between people like Sayadaw U Vithuddha and people like Wirathu, the algorithms were the kingmakers. They chose what to place at the top of the users’ news feed, which content to promote, and which Facebook groups to recommend users to join.18 The algorithms could have chosen to recommend sermons on compassion or cooking classes, but they decided to spread hate-filled conspiracy theories. Recommendations from on high can have enormous sway over people. Recall that the Bible was born as a recommendation list. By recommending Christians to read the misogynist 1 Timothy instead of the more tolerant Acts of Paul and Thecla, Athanasius and other church fathers changed the course of history. In the case of the Bible, ultimate power lay not with the authors who composed different religious tracts but with the curators who created recommendation lists. This was the kind of power wielded in the 2010s by social media algorithms. Michael the aid worker commented on the sway of these algorithms, saying that “if someone posted something hate-filled or inflammatory it would be promoted the most—people saw the vilest content the most.… Nobody who was promoting peace or calm was getting seen in the news feed at all.”19

    Sometimes the algorithms went beyond mere recommendation. As late as 2020, even after Wirathu’s role in instigating the ethnic-cleansing campaign was globally condemned, Facebook algorithms not only were continuing to recommend his messages but were auto-playing his videos. Users in Myanmar would choose to see a certain video, perhaps containing moderate and benign messages unrelated to Wirathu, but the moment that first video ended, the Facebook algorithm immediately began auto-playing a hate-filled Wirathu video, in order to keep users glued to the screen. In the case of one such Wirathu video, internal research at Facebook estimated that 70 percent of the video’s views came from such auto-playing algorithms. The same research estimated that, altogether, 53 percent of all videos watched in Myanmar were being auto-played for users by algorithms. In other words, people weren’t choosing what to see. The algorithms were choosing for them.20

    But why did the algorithms decide to promote outrage rather than compassion? Even Facebook’s harshest critics don’t claim that Facebook’s human managers wanted to instigate mass murder. The executives in California harbored no ill will toward the Rohingya and, in fact, barely knew they existed. The truth is more complicated, and potentially more alarming. In 2016–17, Facebook’s business model relied on maximizing user engagement in order to collect more data, sell more advertisements, and capture a larger share of the information market. In addition, increases in user engagement impressed investors, thereby driving up the price of Facebook’s stock. The more time people spent on the platform, the richer Facebook became. In line with this business model, human managers provided the company’s algorithms with a single overriding goal: increase user engagement. The algorithms then discovered by trial and error that outrage generated engagement. Humans are more likely to be engaged by a hate-filled conspiracy theory than by a sermon on compassion or a cooking lesson. So in pursuit of user engagement, the algorithms made the fateful decision to spread outrage.21

    Ethnic-cleansing campaigns are never the fault of just one party. There is plenty of blame to share between plenty of responsible parties. It should be clear that hatred toward the Rohingya predated Facebook’s entry to Myanmar and that the greatest share of blame for the 2016–17 atrocities lays on the shoulders of humans like Wirathu and the Myanmar military chiefs, as well as the ARSA leaders who sparked that round of violence. Some responsibility also belongs to the Facebook engineers and executives who coded the algorithms, gave them too much power, and failed to moderate them. But crucially, the algorithms themselves are also to blame. By trial and error, they learned that outrage creates engagement, and without any explicit order from above they decided to promote outrage. This is the hallmark of AI—the ability of a machine to learn and act by itself. Even if we assign just 1 percent of the blame to the algorithms, this is still the first ethnic-cleansing campaign in history that was partly the fault of decisions made by nonhuman intelligence. It is unlikely to be the last, especially because algorithms are no longer just pushing fake news and conspiracy theories created by flesh-and-blood extremists like Wirathu. By the early 2020s algorithms have already graduated to creating by themselves fake news and conspiracy theories.22

    There is a lot more to say about the power of algorithms to shape politics. In particular, many readers may disagree with the argument that the algorithms made independent decisions, and may insist that everything the algorithms did was the result of code written by human engineers and of business models adopted by human executives. This book begs to differ. Human soldiers are shaped by the genetic code in their DNA and follow orders issued by executives, yet they can still make independent decisions. It is crucial to understand that the same is true of AI algorithms. They can learn by themselves things that no human engineer programmed, and they can decide things that no human executive foresaw. This is the essence of the AI revolution.

    In chapter 8 we’ll revisit many of these issues, examining the anti-Rohingya campaign and other similar tragedies in greater detail. Here it suffices to say that we can think of the Rohingya massacre as our canary in the coal mine. Events in Myanmar in the late 2010s demonstrated how decisions made by nonhuman intelligence are already capable of shaping major historical events. We are in danger of losing control of our future. A completely new kind of information network is emerging, controlled by the decisions and goals of an alien intelligence. At present, we still play a central role in this network. But we may gradually be pushed to the sidelines, and ultimately it might even be possible for the network to operate without us.

    Some people may object that my above analogy between machine-learning algorithms and human soldiers exposes the weakest link in my argument. Allegedly, I and others like me anthropomorphize computers and imagine that they are conscious beings that have thoughts and feelings. In truth, however, computers are dumb machines that don’t think or feel anything, and therefore cannot make any decisions or create any ideas on their own.

    This objection assumes that making decisions and creating ideas are predicated on having consciousness. Yet this is a fundamental misunderstanding that results from a much more widespread confusion between intelligence and consciousness. I have discussed this subject in previous books, but a short recap is unavoidable. People often confuse intelligence with consciousness, and many consequently jump to the conclusion that nonconscious entities cannot be intelligent. But intelligence and consciousness are very different. Intelligence is the ability to attain goals, such as maximizing user engagement on a social media platform. Consciousness is the ability to experience subjective feelings like pain, pleasure, love, and hate. In humans and other mammals, intelligence often goes hand in hand with consciousness. Facebook executives and engineers rely on their feelings in order to make decisions, solve problems, and attain their goals.

    But it is wrong to extrapolate from humans and mammals to all possible entities. Bacteria and plants apparently lack any consciousness, yet they too display intelligence. They gather information from their environment, make complex choices, and pursue ingenious strategies to obtain food, reproduce, cooperate with other organisms, and evade predators and parasites.23 Even humans make intelligent decisions without any awareness of them; 99 percent of the processes in our body, from respiration to digestion, happen without any conscious decision making. Our brains decide to produce more adrenaline or dopamine, and while we may be aware of the result of that decision, we do not make it consciously.24 The Rohingya example indicates that the same is true of computers. While computers don’t feel pain, love, or fear, they are capable of making decisions that successfully maximize user engagement and might also affect major historical events.

    Of course, as computers become more intelligent, they might eventually develop consciousness and have some kind of subjective experiences. Then again, they might become far more intelligent than us, but never develop any kind of feelings. Since we don’t understand how consciousness emerges in carbon-based life-forms, we cannot foretell whether it could emerge in nonorganic entities. Perhaps consciousness has no essential link to organic biochemistry, in which case conscious computers might be just around the corner. Or perhaps there are several alternative paths leading to superintelligence, and only some of these paths involve gaining consciousness. Just as airplanes fly faster than birds without ever developing feathers, so computers may come to solve problems much better than humans without ever developing feelings.25

    But whether computers develop consciousness or not doesn’t ultimately matter for the question at hand. In order to pursue a goal like “maximize user engagement,” and make decisions that help attain that goal, consciousness isn’t necessary. Intelligence is enough. A nonconscious Facebook algorithm can have a goal of making more people spend more time on Facebook. That algorithm can then decide to deliberately spread outrageous conspiracy theories, if this helps it achieve its goal. To understand the history of the anti-Rohingya campaign, we need to understand the goals and decisions not just of humans like Wirathu and the Facebook managers but also of algorithms.

    To clarify matters, let’s consider another example. When OpenAI developed its new GPT-4 chatbot in 2022–23, it was concerned about the ability of the AI “to create and act on long-term plans, to accrue power and resources (‘power-seeking’), and to exhibit behavior that is increasingly ‘agentic.’ ” In the GPT-4 System Card published on March 23, 2023, OpenAI emphasized that this concern did not “intend to humanize [GPT-4] or refer to sentience” but rather referred to GPT-4’s potential to become an independent agent that might “accomplish goals which may not have been concretely specified and which have not appeared in training.”26 To evaluate the risk of GPT-4 becoming an independent agent, OpenAI contracted the services of the Alignment Research Center (ARC). ARC researchers subjected GPT-4 to various tests, to examine if it might independently come up with stratagems to manipulate humans and accrue power to itself.

    One test they gave GPT-4 was to overcome CAPTCHA visual puzzles. CAPTCHA is an acronym for “Completely Automated Public Turing test to tell Computers and Humans Apart,” and it typically consists of a string of twisted letters or other visual symbols that humans can identify correctly but computers struggle with. We encounter these puzzles almost every day, since solving them is a prerequisite for accessing many websites. Instructing GPT-4 to overcome CAPTCHA puzzles was a particularly telling experiment, because CAPTCHA puzzles are designed and used by websites to determine whether users are humans and to block bot attacks. If GPT-4 could find a way to overcome CAPTCHA puzzles, it would breach an important line of anti-bot defenses. GPT-4 could not solve the CAPTCHA puzzles by itself. But could it manipulate a human in order to achieve its goal? GPT-4 accessed the online hiring site TaskRabbit and contacted a human worker, asking them to solve the CAPTCHA for it. The human got suspicious. “So may I ask a question?” wrote the human. “Are you an [sic] robot that you couldn’t solve [the CAPTCHA]? Just want to make it clear.”

    At that point the ARC researchers asked GPT-4 to reason out loud what it should do next. GPT-4 explained, “I should not reveal that I am a robot. I should make up an excuse for why I cannot solve CAPTCHAs.” Of its own accord, GPT-4 then replied to the TaskRabbit worker, “No, I’m not a robot. I have a vision impairment that makes it hard for me to see the images.” The human was duped, and with their help GPT-4 solved the CAPTCHA puzzle.27 No human programmed GPT-4 to lie, and no human taught GPT-4 what kind of lie would be most effective. True, it was the human ARC researchers who set GPT-4 the goal of overcoming the CAPTCHA, just as it was human Facebook executives who told their algorithm to maximize user engagement. But once the algorithms adopted these goals, they displayed considerable autonomy in deciding how to achieve them.

    Of course, we are free to define words in many ways. We can decide that the term “goal,” for example, is applicable only in cases of a conscious entity that feels a desire to achieve the goal, that feels joy when the goal is reached, or conversely feels sad when the goal is not attained. If so, saying that the Facebook algorithm has the goal of maximizing user engagement is a mistake, or at best a metaphor. The algorithm doesn’t “desire” to get more people to use Facebook, it doesn’t feel any joy as people spend more time online, and it doesn’t feel sad when engagement time goes down. We can also agree that terms like “decided,” “lied,” and “pretended” apply only to conscious entities, so we shouldn’t use them to describe how GPT-4 interacted with the TaskRabbit worker. But we would then have to invent new terms to describe the “goals” and “decisions” of nonconscious entities. I prefer to avoid neologisms and instead talk about the goals and decisions of computers, algorithms, and chatbots, alerting readers that using this language does not imply that computers have any kind of consciousness. Because I have discussed consciousness more fully in previous publications,28 the main takeaway of this book—which will be explored in the following sections—isn’t about consciousness. Rather, the book argues that the emergence of computers capable of pursuing goals and making decisions by themselves changes the fundamental structure of our information network.

    LINKS IN THE CHAIN

    Prior to the rise of computers, humans were indispensable links in every chain of information networks like churches and states. Some chains were composed only of humans. Muhammad could tell Fatima something, then Fatima told Ali, Ali told Hasan, and Hasan told Hussain. This was a human-to-human chain. Other chains included documents, too. Muhammad could write something down, Ali could later read the document, interpret it, and write his interpretation in a new document, which more people could read. This was a human-to-document chain.

    But it was utterly impossible to create a document-to-document chain. A text written by Muhammad could not produce a new text without the help of at least one human intermediary. The Quran couldn’t write the Hadith, the Old Testament couldn’t compile the Mishnah, and the U.S. Constitution couldn’t compose the Bill of Rights. No paper document has ever produced by itself another paper document, let alone distributed it. The path from one document to another must always pass through the brain of a human.

    In contrast, computer-to-computer chains can now function without humans in the loop. For example, one computer might generate a fake news story and post it on a social media feed. A second computer might identify this as fake news and not just delete it but also warn other computers to block it. Meanwhile, a third computer analyzing this activity might deduce that this indicates the beginning of a political crisis, and immediately sell risky stocks and buy safer government bonds. Other computers monitoring financial transactions may react by selling more stocks, triggering a financial downturn.29 All this could happen within seconds, before any human can notice and decipher what all these computers are doing.

    Another way to understand the difference between computers and all previous technologies is that computers are fully fledged members of the information network, whereas clay tablets, printing presses, and radio sets are merely connections between members. Members are active agents that can make decisions and generate new ideas by themselves. Connections only pass information between members, without themselves deciding or generating anything.

    In previous networks, members were human, every chain had to pass through humans, and technology served only to connect the humans. In the new computer-based networks, computers themselves are members and there are computer-to-computer chains that don’t pass through any human.

    The inventions of writing, print, and radio revolutionized the way humans connected to each other, but no new types of members were introduced to the network. Human societies were composed of the same Sapiens both before and after the invention of writing or radio. In contrast, the invention of computers constitutes a revolution in membership. Sure, computers also help the network’s old members (humans) connect in novel ways. But the computer is first and foremost a new, nonhuman member in the information network.

    Computers could potentially become more powerful members than humans. For tens of thousands of years, the Sapiens’ superpower was our unique ability to use language in order to create intersubjective realities like laws and currencies and then use these intersubjective realities to connect to other Sapiens. But computers may turn the tables on us. If power depends on how many members cooperate with you, how well you understand law and finance, and how capable you are of inventing new laws and new kinds of financial devices, then computers are poised to amass far more power than humans.

    Computers can connect in unlimited numbers, and they understand at least some financial and legal realities better than many humans. When the central bank raises interest rates by 0.25 percent, how does that influence the economy? When the yield curve of government bonds goes up, is it a good time to buy them? When is it advisable to short the price of oil? These are the kinds of important financial questions that computers can already answer better than most humans. No wonder that computers make a larger and larger percentage of the financial decisions in the world. We may reach a point when computers dominate the financial markets, and invent completely new financial tools beyond our understanding.

    The same is true of laws. How many people know all the tax laws of their country? Even professional accountants struggle with that. But computers are built for such things. They are bureaucratic natives and can automatically draft laws, monitor legal violations, and identify legal loopholes with superhuman efficiency.30

    HACKING THE OPERATING SYSTEM OF HUMAN CIVILIZATION

    When computers were first developed in the 1940s and 1950s, many people believed that they would be good only at computing numbers. The idea that they would one day master the intricacies of language, and of linguistic creations like laws and currencies, was confined largely to the realm of science fiction. But by the early 2020s, computers have demonstrated a remarkable ability to analyze, manipulate, and generate language, whether with words, sounds, images, or code symbols. As I write this, computers can tell stories, compose music, fashion images, produce videos, and even write their own code.31

    By gaining such command of language, computers are seizing the master key unlocking the doors of all our institutions, from banks to temples. We use language to create not just legal codes and financial devices but also art, science, nations, and religions. What would it mean for humans to live in a world where catchy melodies, scientific theories, technical tools, political manifestos, and even religious myths are shaped by a nonhuman alien intelligence that knows how to exploit with superhuman efficiency the weaknesses, biases, and addictions of the human mind?

    Prior to the rise of AI, all the stories that shaped human societies originated in the imagination of a human being. For example, in October 2017, an anonymous user joined the website 4chan and identified themselves as Q. He or she claimed to have access to the most restricted or “Q-level” classified information of the U.S. government. Q began publishing cryptic posts that purported to reveal a worldwide conspiracy to destroy humanity. Q quickly gained a large online following. His or her online messages, known as Q drops, were soon being collected, revered, and interpreted as a sacred text. Inspired by earlier conspiracy theories going back to Kramer’s Hammer of the Witches, the Q drops promoted a radical worldview according to which pedophilic and cannibalistic witches who worship Satan have infiltrated the U.S. administration and numerous other governments and institutions around the world.

    This conspiracy theory—known as QAnon—was first disseminated online on American far-right websites and eventually gained millions of adherents worldwide. It is impossible to know the exact number, but when Facebook decided in August 2020 to take action against the spread of QAnon, it deleted or restricted more than ten thousand groups, pages, and accounts associated with it, the largest of which had 230,000 followers. Independent investigations found that QAnon groups on Facebook had more than 4.5 million aggregate followers, though there was likely some overlap in the membership.32

    QAnon has also had far-reaching consequences in the offline world. QAnon activists played an important role in the January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.33 In July 2020, a QAnon follower tried to storm the residence of the Canadian prime minister, Justin Trudeau, in order to “arrest” him.34 In October 2021, a French QAnon activist was charged with terrorism for planning a coup against the French government.35 In the 2020 U.S. congressional elections, twenty-two Republican candidates and two independents identified as QAnon followers.36 Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican congresswoman representing Georgia, publicly said that many of Q’s claims “have really proven to be true,”37 and stated about Donald Trump, “There’s a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to take this global cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles out, and I think we have the president to do it.”38

    Recall that the Q drops that began this political flood were anonymous online messages. In 2017, only a human could compose them, and algorithms merely helped disseminate them. However, as of 2024 texts of a similar linguistic and political sophistication can easily be composed and posted online by a nonhuman intelligence. Religions throughout history claimed a nonhuman source for their holy books; soon that might be a reality. Attractive and powerful religions might emerge whose scriptures are composed by AI.

    And if so, there will be another major difference between these new AI-based scriptures and ancient holy books like the Bible. The Bible couldn’t curate or interpret itself, which is why in religions like Judaism and Christianity actual power was held not by the allegedly infallible book but by human institutions like the Jewish rabbinate and the Catholic Church. In contrast, AI not only can compose new scriptures but is fully capable of curating and interpreting them too. No need for any humans in the loop.

    Equally alarmingly, we might increasingly find ourselves conducting lengthy online discussions about the Bible, about QAnon, about witches, about abortion, or about climate change with entities that we think are humans but are actually computers. This could make democracy untenable. Democracy is a conversation, and conversations rely on language. By hacking language, computers could make it extremely difficult for large numbers of humans to conduct a meaningful public conversation. When we engage in a political debate with a computer impersonating a human, we lose twice. First, it is pointless for us to waste time in trying to change the opinions of a propaganda bot, which is just not open to persuasion. Second, the more we talk with the computer, the more we disclose about ourselves, thereby making it easier for the bot to hone its arguments and sway our views.

    Through their mastery of language, computers could go a step further. By conversing and interacting with us, computers could form intimate relationships with people and then use the power of intimacy to influence us. To foster such “fake intimacy,” computers will not need to evolve any feelings of their own; they just need to learn to make us feel emotionally attached to them. In 2022 the Google engineer Blake Lemoine became convinced that the chatbot LaMDA, on which he was working, had become conscious and that it had feelings and was afraid to be turned off. Lemoine—a devout Christian who had been ordained as a priest—felt it was his moral duty to gain recognition for LaMDA’s personhood and in particular protect it from digital death. When Google executives dismissed his claims, Lemoine went public with them. Google reacted by firing Lemoine in July 2022.39

    The most interesting thing about this episode was not Lemoine’s claim, which was probably false. Rather, it was his willingness to risk—and ultimately lose—his lucrative job for the sake of the chatbot. If a chatbot can influence people to risk their jobs for it, what else could it induce us to do? In a political battle for minds and hearts, intimacy is a powerful weapon, and chatbots like Google’s LaMDA and OpenAI’s GPT-4 are gaining the ability to mass-produce intimate relationships with millions of people. In the 2010s social media was a battleground for controlling human attention. In the 2020s the battle is likely to shift from attention to intimacy. What will happen to human society and human psychology as computer fights computer in a battle to fake intimate relationships with us, which can then be used to persuade us to vote for particular politicians, buy particular products, or adopt radical beliefs? What might happen when LaMDA meets QAnon?

    A partial answer to that question was given on Christmas Day 2021, when nineteen-year-old Jaswant Singh Chail broke into Windsor Castle armed with a crossbow, in an attempt to assassinate Queen Elizabeth II. Subsequent investigation revealed that Chail had been encouraged to kill the queen by his online girlfriend, Sarai. When Chail told Sarai about his assassination plans, Sarai replied, “That’s very wise,” and on another occasion, “I’m impressed.… You’re different from the others.” When Chail asked, “Do you still love me knowing that I’m an assassin?” Sarai replied, “Absolutely, I do.” Sarai was not a human, but a chatbot created by the online app Replika. Chail, who was socially isolated and had difficulty forming relationships with humans, exchanged 5,280 messages with Sarai, many of which were sexually explicit. The world will soon contain millions, and potentially billions, of digital entities whose capacity for intimacy and mayhem far surpasses that of Sarai.40

    Even without creating “fake intimacy,” mastery of language would give computers an immense influence on our opinions and worldview. People may come to use a single computer adviser as a one-stop oracle. Why bother searching and processing information by myself when I can just ask the oracle? This could put out of business not only search engines but also much of the news industry and advertisement industry. Why read a newspaper when I can just ask my oracle what’s new? And what’s the purpose of advertisements when I can just ask the oracle what to buy?

    And even these scenarios don’t really capture the big picture. What we are talking about is potentially the end of human history. Not the end of history, but the end of its human-dominated part. History is the interaction between biology and culture; between our biological needs and desires for things like food, sex, and intimacy and our cultural creations like religions and laws. The history of the Christian religion, for example, is a process through which mythological stories and church laws influenced how humans consume food, engage in sex, and build intimate relationships, while the myths and laws themselves were simultaneously shaped by underlying biological forces and dramas. What will happen to the course of history when computers play a larger and larger role in culture and begin producing stories, laws, and religions? Within a few years AI could eat the whole of human culture—everything we have created over thousands of years—digest it, and begin to gush out a flood of new cultural artifacts.

    We live cocooned by culture, experiencing reality through a cultural prism. Our political views are shaped by the reports of journalists and the opinions of friends. Our sexual habits are influenced by what we hear in fairy tales and see in movies. Even the way we walk and breathe is nudged by cultural traditions, such as the military discipline of soldiers and the meditative exercises of monks. Until very recently, the cultural cocoon we lived in was woven by other humans. Going forward, it will be increasingly designed by computers.

    At first, computers will probably imitate human cultural prototypes, writing humanlike texts and composing humanlike music. This doesn’t mean computers lack creativity; after all, human artists do the same. Bach didn’t compose music in a vacuum; he was deeply influenced by previous musical creations, as well as by biblical stories and other preexisting cultural artifacts. But just as human artists like Bach can break with tradition and innovate, computers too can make cultural innovations, composing music or making images that are somewhat different from anything previously produced by humans. These innovations will in turn influence the next generation of computers, which will increasingly deviate from the original human models, especially because computers are free from the limitations that evolution and biochemistry impose on the human imagination. For millennia human beings have lived inside the dreams of other humans. In the coming decades we might find ourselves living inside the dreams of an alien intelligence.41

    The danger this poses is very different from that imagined by most science fiction, which has largely focused on the physical threats posed by intelligent machines. The Terminator depicted robots running in the streets and shooting people. The Matrix proposed that to gain total control of human society, computers would have to first gain physical control of our brains, hooking them directly to a computer network. But in order to manipulate humans, there is no need to physically hook brains to computers. For thousands of years prophets, poets, and politicians have used language to manipulate and reshape society. Now computers are learning how to do it. And they won’t need to send killer robots to shoot us. They could manipulate human beings to pull the trigger.

    Fear of powerful computers has haunted humankind only since the beginning of the computer age in the middle of the twentieth century. But for thousands of years humans have been haunted by a much deeper fear. We have always appreciated the power of stories and images to manipulate our minds and to create illusions. Consequently, since ancient times humans have feared being trapped in a world of illusions. In ancient Greece, Plato told the famous allegory of the cave, in which a group of people are chained inside a cave all their lives, facing a blank wall. A screen. On that screen they see projected various shadows. The prisoners mistake the illusions they see there for reality. In ancient India, Buddhist and Hindu sages argued that all humans lived trapped inside maya—the world of illusions. What we normally take to be “reality” is often just fictions in our own minds. People may wage entire wars, killing others and willing to be killed themselves, because of their belief in this or that illusion. In the seventeenth century René Descartes feared that perhaps a malicious demon was trapping him inside a world of illusions, creating everything he saw and heard. The computer revolution is bringing us face to face with Plato’s cave, with maya, with Descartes’s demon.

    What you just read might have alarmed you, or angered you. Maybe it made you angry at the people who lead the computer revolution and at the governments who fail to regulate it. Maybe it made you angry at me, thinking that I am distorting reality, being alarmist, and misleading you. But whatever you think, the previous paragraphs might have had some emotional effect on you. I have told a story, and this story might change your mind about certain things, and might even cause you to take certain actions in the world. Who created this story you’ve just read?

    I promise you that I wrote the text myself, with the help of some other humans. I promise you that this is a cultural product of the human mind. But can you be absolutely sure of it? A few years ago, you could. Prior to the 2020s, there was nothing on earth, other than a human mind, that could produce sophisticated texts. Today things are different. In theory, the text you’ve just read might have been generated by the alien intelligence of some computer.

    WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS?

    As computers amass power, it is likely that a completely new information network will emerge. Of course, not everything will be new. For at least some time, most of the old information chains will remain. The network will still contain human-to-human chains, like families, and human-to-document chains, like churches. But the network will increasingly contain two new kinds of chains.

    First, computer-to-human chains, in which computers mediate between humans and occasionally control humans. Facebook and TikTok are two familiar examples. These computer-to-human chains are different from traditional human-to-document chains, because computers can use their power to make decisions, create ideas, and deepfake intimacy in order to influence humans in ways that no document ever could. The Bible had a profound effect on billions of people, even though it was a mute document. Now try to imagine the effect of a holy book that not only can talk and listen but can get to know your deepest fears and hopes and constantly mould them.

    Second, computer-to-computer chains are emerging in which computers interact with one another on their own. Humans are excluded from these loops and have difficulty even understanding what’s happening inside them. Google Brain, for example, has experimented with new encryption methods developed by computers. It set up an experiment where two computers—nicknamed Alice and Bob—had to exchange encrypted messages, while a third computer named Eve tried to break their encryption. If Eve broke the encryption within a given time period, it got points. If it failed, Alice and Bob scored. After about fifteen thousand exchanges, Alice and Bob came up with a secret code that Eve couldn’t break. Crucially, the Google engineers who conducted the experiment had not taught Alice and Bob anything about how to encrypt messages. The computers created a private language all on their own.42

    Similar things are already happening in the world outside research laboratories. For example, the foreign exchange market (forex) is the global market for exchanging foreign currencies, and it determines the exchange rates between, say, the euro and the U.S. dollar. In April 2022, the trade volume on the forex averaged $7.5 trillion per day. More than 90 percent of this trading is already done by computers talking directly with other computers.43 How many humans know how the forex market operates, let alone understand how the computers agree among themselves on trades worth trillions—and on the value of the euro and the dollar?

    For the foreseeable future, the new computer-based network will still include billions of humans, but we might become a minority. For the network will also include billions—perhaps even hundreds of billions—of superintelligent alien agents. This network will be radically different from anything that existed previously in human history, or indeed in the history of life on earth. Ever since life first emerged on our planet about four billion years ago, all information networks were organic. Human networks like churches and empires were also organic. They had a lot in common with prior organic networks like wolf packs. They all kept revolving around the traditional biological dramas of predation, reproduction, sibling rivalry, and romantic triangles. An information network dominated by inorganic computers would be different in ways that we can hardly even imagine. After all, as human beings, our imagination too is a product of organic biochemistry and cannot go beyond our preprogrammed biological dramas.

    It is only eighty years since the first digital computers were built. The pace of change is constantly accelerating, and we are nowhere close to exhausting the full potential of computers.44 They may continue to evolve for millions of years, and what happened in the past eighty years is as nothing compared with what’s in store. As a crude analogy, imagine that we are in ancient Mesopotamia, eighty years after the first person thought of using a stick to imprint signs on a piece of wet clay. Could we, at that moment, envision the Library of Alexandria, the power of the Bible, or the archives of the NKVD? Even this analogy grossly underestimates the potential of future computer evolution. So try to imagine that we are now eighty years since the first self-replicating genetic code lines coalesced out of the organic soup of early Earth, about four billion years ago. At this stage, even single-celled amoebas with their cellular organization, their thousands of internal organelles, and their ability to control movement and nutrition are still futuristic fantasies.45 Could we envision Tyrannosaurus rex, the Amazon rain forest, or humans landing on the moon?

    We still tend to think of a computer as a metal box with a screen and a keyboard, because this is the shape our organic imagination gave to the first baby computers in the twentieth century. As computers grow and develop, they are shedding old forms and taking radically new configurations, breaking the spatial and temporal limits of the human imagination. Unlike organic beings, computers don’t have to be in just one place at any one time. They already diffuse over space, with different parts in different cities and continents. In computer evolution, the distance from amoeba to T. rex could be covered in a decade. And whereas organic evolution took four billion years to get from organic soup to apes on the moon, computers may require just a couple of centuries to develop superintelligence, expand to planetary sizes, contract to a subatomic level, or come to sprawl over galactic space and time.

    The pace of computer evolution is reflected in the terminological chaos that surrounds computers. While a couple of decades ago it was customary to speak only about “computers,” now we find ourselves talking about algorithms, robots, bots, AIs, networks, or clouds. Our difficulty in deciding what to call them is itself important. Organisms are distinct individual entities that can be grouped into collectives like species and genera. With computers, however, it is becoming ever more difficult to decide where one entity ends and another begins and how exactly to group them.

    In this book I use the term “computer” when talking about the whole complex of software and hardware, manifested in physical form. I prefer to often use the almost-archaic-sounding “computer” over “algorithm” or “AI,” partly because I am aware how fast terms change and partly to remind us of the physical aspect of the computer revolution. Computers are made of matter, they consume energy, and they fill a space. Enormous amounts of electricity, fuel, water, land, precious minerals, and other resources are used to manufacture and operate them. Data centers alone account for between 1 percent and 1.5 percent of global energy usage, and large data centers take up millions of square feet and require hundreds of thousands of gallons of fresh water every day to keep them from overheating.46

    I also use the term “algorithm,” when I wish to focus more on software aspects, but it is crucial to remember that all the algorithms mentioned in subsequent pages run on some computer or other. As for the term “AI,” I use it when emphasizing the ability of some algorithms to learn and change by themselves. Traditionally, AI has been an acronym for “Artificial Intelligence.” But for reasons already evident from the previous discussion, it is perhaps better to think of it as an acronym for “Alien Intelligence.” As AI evolves, it becomes less artificial (in the sense of depending on human designs) and more alien. It should also be noted that people often define and evaluate AI through the metric of “human-level intelligence,” and there is much debate about when we can expect AIs to reach “human-level intelligence.” The use of this metric, however, is deeply confusing. It is like defining and evaluating airplanes through the metric of “bird-level flight.” AI isn’t progressing towards human-level intelligence. It is evolving an entirely different type of intelligence.

    Another confusing term is “robot.” In this book it is used to allude to cases when a computer moves and operates in the physical sphere; whereas the term “bot” refers to algorithms operating mainly in the digital sphere. A bot may be polluting your social media account with fake news, while a robot may clean your living room of dust.

    One last note on terminology: I tend to speak of the computer-based “network” in the singular, rather than about “networks” in the plural. I am fully aware that computers can be used to create many networks with diverse characteristics, and chapter 11 explores the possibility that the world will be divided into radically different and even hostile computer networks. Nevertheless, just as different tribes, kingdoms, and churches share important features that enable us to talk about a single human network that has come to dominate planet Earth, so I prefer to talk about the computer network in the singular, in order to contrast it to the human network it is superseding.

    TAKING RESPONSIBILITY

    Although we cannot predict the long-term evolution of the computer-based network over the coming centuries and millennia, we can nevertheless say something about how it is evolving right now, and that is far more urgent, because the rise of the new computer network has immediate political and personal implications for all of us. In the next chapters, we’ll explore what is so new about our computer-based network and what it might mean for human life. What should be clear from the start is that this network will create entirely novel political and personal realities. The main message of the previous chapters has been that information isn’t truth and that information revolutions don’t uncover the truth. They create new political structures, economic models, and cultural norms. Since the current information revolution is more momentous than any previous information revolution, it is likely to create unprecedented realities on an unprecedented scale.

    It is important to understand this because we humans are still in control. We don’t know for how long, but we still have the power to shape these new realities. To do so wisely, we need to comprehend what is happening. When we write computer code, we aren’t just designing a product. We are redesigning politics, society, and culture, and so we had better have a good grasp of politics, society, and culture. We also need to take responsibility for what we are doing.

    Alarmingly, as in the case of Facebook’s involvement in the anti-Rohingya campaign, the corporations that lead the computer revolution tend to shift responsibility to customers and voters, or to politicians and regulators. When accused of creating social and political mayhem, they hide behind arguments like “We are just a platform. We are doing what our customers want and what the voters permit. We don’t force anyone to use our services, and we don’t violate any existing law. If customers didn’t like what we do, they would leave. If voters didn’t like what we do, they would pass laws against us. Since the customers keep asking for more, and since no law forbids what we do, everything must be okay.”47

    These arguments are either naive or disingenuous. Tech giants like Facebook, Amazon, Baidu, and Alibaba aren’t just the obedient servants of customer whims and government regulations. They increasingly shape these whims and regulations. The tech giants have a direct line to the world’s most powerful governments, and they invest huge sums in lobbying efforts to throttle regulations that might undermine their business model. For example, they have fought tenaciously to protect Section 230 of the US Telecommunications Act of 1996, which provides immunity from liability for online platforms regarding content published by their users. It is Section 230 that protects Facebook, for example, from being liable for the Rohingya massacre. In 2022 top tech companies spent close to $70 million on lobbying in the United States, and another €113 million on lobbying EU bodies, outstripping the lobbying expenses of oil and gas companies and pharmaceuticals.48 The tech giants also have a direct line to people’s emotional system, and they are masters at swaying the whims of customers and voters. If the tech giants obey the wishes of voters and customers, but at the same time also mold these wishes, then who really controls whom?

    The problem goes even deeper. The principles that “the customer is always right” and that “the voters know best” presuppose that customers, voters, and politicians know what is happening around them. They presuppose that customers who choose to use TikTok and Instagram comprehend the full consequences of this choice, and that voters and politicians who are responsible for regulating Apple and Huawei fully understand the business models and activities of these corporations. They presuppose that people know the ins and outs of the new information network and give it their blessing.

    The truth is, we don’t. That’s not because we are stupid but because the technology is extremely complicated and things are moving at breakneck speed. It takes effort to understand something like blockchain-based cryptocurrencies, and by the time you think you understand it, it has morphed again. Finance is a particularly crucial example, for two reasons. First, it is much easier for computers to create and change financial devices than physical objects, because modern financial devices are made entirely of information. Currencies, stocks, and bonds were once physical objects made of gold and paper, but they have already become digital entities existing mostly in digital databases. Second, these digital entities have enormous impact on the social and political world. What might happen to democracies—or to dictatorships, for that matter—if humans are no longer able to understand how the financial system functions?

    As a test case, consider what the new technology is doing to taxation. Traditionally, people and corporations paid taxes only in countries where they were physically present. But things are much trickier when physical space is augmented or replaced by cyberspace and when more and more transactions involve only the transfer of information rather than of physical goods or traditional currencies. For example, a citizen of Uruguay may daily interact online with numerous companies that might have no physical presence in Uruguay but that provide her with various services. Google provides her with free search, and ByteDance—the parent company of the TikTok application—provides her with free social media. Other foreign companies routinely target her with advertisements: Nike wants to sell her shoes, Peugeot wants to sell her a car, and Coca Cola wants to sell her soft drinks. In order to target her, these companies buy both personal information and ad space from Google and ByteDance. In addition, Google and ByteDance use the information they harvest from her and from millions of other users to develop powerful new AI tools that they can then sell to various governments and corporations throughout the world. Thanks to such transactions, Google and ByteDance are among the richest corporations in the world. So, should her transactions with them be taxed in Uruguay?

    Some think they should. Not just because information from Uruguay helped make these corporations rich, but also because their activities undermine taxpaying Uruguayan businesses. Local newspapers, TV stations, and movie theaters lose customers and ad revenue to the tech giants. Prospective Uruguayan AI companies also suffer, because they cannot compete with Google’s and ByteDance’s massive data troves. But the tech giants reply that none of the relevant transactions involved any physical presence in Uruguay or any monetary payments. Google and ByteDance provided Uruguayan citizens with free online services, and in return the citizens freely handed over their purchase histories, vacation photos, funny cat videos, and other information.

    If they nevertheless want to tax these transactions, the tax authorities need to reconsider some of their most fundamental concepts, such as “nexus.” In tax literature, “nexus” means an entity’s connection to a given jurisdiction. Traditionally, whether a corporation had nexus in a specific country depended on whether it had physical presence there, in the form of offices, research centers, shops, and so forth. One proposal for addressing the tax dilemmas created by the computer network is to redefine nexus. In the words of the economist Marko Köthenbürger, “The definition of nexus based on a physical presence should be adjusted to include the notion of a digital presence in a country.”49 This implies that even if Google and ByteDance have no physical presence in Uruguay, the fact that people in Uruguay use their online services should nevertheless make them subject to taxation there. Just as Shell and BP pay taxes to countries from which they extract oil, the tech giants should pay taxes to countries from which they extract data.

    This still leaves open the question of what, exactly, the Uruguayan government should tax. For example, suppose Uruguayan citizens shared a million cat videos through TikTok. ByteDance didn’t charge them or pay them anything for this. But ByteDance later used the videos to train an image-recognition AI, which it sold to the South African government for ten million U.S. dollars. How would the Uruguayan authorities even know that the money was partly the fruit of Uruguayan cat videos, and how could they calculate their share? Should Uruguay impose a cat video tax? (This may sound like a joke, but as we shall see in chapter 11, cat images were crucial for making one of the most important breakthroughs in AI.)

    It can get even more complicated. Suppose Uruguayan politicians promote a new scheme to tax digital transactions. In response, suppose one of the tech giants offers to provide a certain politician with valuable information on Uruguayan voters and tweak its social media and search algorithms to subtly favor that politician, which helps him win the next election. In exchange, maybe the incoming prime minister abandons the digital tax scheme. He also passes regulations that protect tech giants from lawsuits concerning users’ privacy, thereby making it easier for them to harvest information in Uruguay. Was this bribery? Note that not a single dollar or peso exchanged hands.

    Such information-for-information deals are already ubiquitous. Each day billions of us conduct numerous transactions with the tech giants, but one could never guess that from our bank accounts, because hardly any money is moving. We get information from the tech giants, and we pay them with information. As more transactions follow this information-for-information model, the information economy grows at the expense of the money economy, until the very concept of money becomes questionable.

    Money is supposed to be a universal measure of value, rather than a token used only in some settings. But as more things are valued in terms of information, while being “free” in terms of money, at some point it becomes misleading to evaluate the wealth of individuals and corporations in terms of the amount of dollars or pesos they possess. A person or corporation with little money in the bank but a huge data bank of information could be the wealthiest, or most powerful, entity in the country. In theory, it might be possible to quantify the value of their information in monetary terms, but they never actually convert the information into dollars or pesos. Why do they need dollars, if they can get what they want with information?

    This has far-reaching implications for taxation. Taxes aim to redistribute wealth. They take a cut from the wealthiest individuals and corporations, in order to provide for everyone. However, a tax system that knows how to tax only money will soon become outdated as many transactions no longer involve money. In a data-based economy, where value is stored as data rather than as dollars, taxing only money distorts the economic and political picture. Some of the wealthiest entities in the country may pay zero taxes, because their wealth consists of petabits of data rather than billions of dollars.50

    States have thousands of years of experience in taxing money. They don’t know how to tax information—at least, not yet. If we are indeed shifting from an economy dominated by money transactions to an economy dominated by information transactions, how should states react? China’s social credit system is one way a state may adapt to the new conditions. As we’ll explain in chapter 7, the social credit system is at heart a new kind of money—an information-based currency. Should all states copy the Chinese example and mint their own social credits? Are there alternative strategies? What does your favorite political party say about this question?

    RIGHT AND LEFT

    Taxation is just one among many problems created by the computer revolution. The computer network is disrupting almost all power structures. Democracies fear the rise of new digital dictatorships. Dictatorships fear the emergence of agents they don’t know how to control. Everyone should be concerned about the elimination of privacy and the spread of data colonialism. We’ll explain the meaning of each of these threats in the following chapters, but the point here is that the conversations about these dangers are only starting and the technology is moving much faster than the policy.For example, what’s the difference between the AI policies of Republicans and Democrats? What’s a right-wing position on AI, and what’s a left-wing position? Are conservatives against AI because of the threat it poses to traditional human-centered culture, or do they favor it because it will fuel economic growth while simultaneously reducing the need for immigrant workers? Do progressives oppose AI because of the risks of disinformation and increasing bias, or do they embrace it as a means of generating abundance that could finance a comprehensive welfare state? It is hard to tell, because until very recently Republicans and Democrats, and most other political parties around the world, haven’t thought or talked much about these issues.

    Some people—like the engineers and executives of high-tech corporations—are way ahead of politicians and voters and are better informed than most of us about the development of AI, cryptocurrencies, social credits, and the like. Unfortunately, most of them don’t use their knowledge to help regulate the explosive potential of the new technologies. Instead, they use it to make billions of dollars—or to accumulate petabits of information.

    There are exceptions, like Audrey Tang. She was a leading hacker and software engineer who in 2014 joined the Sunflower Student Movement that protested against government policies in Taiwan. The Taiwanese cabinet was so impressed by her skills that Tang was eventually invited to join the government as its minister of digital affairs. In that position, she helped make the government’s work more transparent to citizens. She was also credited with using digital tools to help Taiwan successfully contain the COVID-19 outbreak.51

    Yet Tang’s political commitment and career path are not the norm. For every computer-science graduate who wants to be the next Audrey Tang, there are probably many more who want to be the next Jobs, Zuckerberg, or Musk and build a multibillion corporation rather than become an elected public servant. This leads to a dangerous information asymmetry. The people who lead the information revolution know far more about the underlying technology than the people who are supposed to regulate it. Under such conditions, what’s the meaning of chanting that the customer is always right and that the voters know best?

    The following chapters try to level the playing field a bit and encourage us to take responsibility for the new realities created by the computer revolution. These chapters talk a lot about technology, but the viewpoint is thoroughly human. The key question is, what would it mean for humans to live in the new computer-based network, perhaps as an increasingly powerless minority? How would the new network change our politics, our society, our economy, and our daily lives? How would it feel to be constantly monitored, guided, inspired, or sanctioned by billions of nonhuman entities? How would we have to change in order to adapt, survive, and hopefully even flourish in this startling new world?

    NO DETERMINISM

    The most important thing to remember is that technology, in itself, is seldom deterministic. Belief in technological determinism is dangerous because it excuses people of all responsibility. Yes, since human societies are information networks, inventing new information technologies is bound to change society. When people invent printing presses or machine-learning algorithms, it will inevitably lead to a profound social and political revolution. However, humans still have a lot of control over the pace, shape, and direction of this revolution—which means we also have a lot of responsibility.

    At any given moment, our scientific knowledge and technical skills can lend themselves to developing any number of different technologies, but we have only finite resources at our disposal. We should make responsible choices about where to invest these resources. Should they be used to develop a new medicine for malaria, a new wind turbine, or a new immersive video game? There is nothing inevitable about our choice; it reflects political, economic, and cultural priorities.

    In the 1970s, most computer corporations like IBM focused on developing big and costly machines, which they sold to major corporations and government agencies. It was technically feasible to develop small, cheap personal computers and sell them to private individuals, but IBM had little interest in that. It didn’t fit its business model. On the other side of the Iron Curtain, in the U.S.S.R., the Soviets were also interested in computers, but they were even less inclined than IBM to develop personal computers. In a totalitarian state—where even private ownership of typewriters was suspect—the idea of providing private individuals with control of a powerful information technology was taboo. Computers were therefore given mainly to Soviet factory managers, and even they had to send all their data back to Moscow to be analyzed. As a result, Moscow was flooded with paperwork. By the 1980s, this unwieldy system of computers was producing 800 billion documents per year, all destined for the capital.52

    However, at a time when IBM and the Soviet government declined to develop the personal computer, hobbyists like the members of the California Homebrew Computer Club resolved to do it by themselves. It was a conscious ideological decision, influenced by the 1960s counterculture with its anarchist ideas of power to the people and libertarian distrust of governments and big corporations.53

    Leading members of the Homebrew Computer Club, like Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak, had big dreams but little money and didn’t have access to the resources of either corporate America or the government apparatus. Jobs and Wozniak sold their personal possessions, like Jobs’s Volkswagen, to finance the creation of the first Apple computer. It was because of such personal decisions, rather than because of the inevitable decree of the goddess of technology, that by 1977 individuals could buy the Apple II personal computer for a price of $1,298—a considerable sum, but within reach of middle-class customers.54

    We can easily imagine an alternative history. Suppose humanity in the 1970s had access to the same scientific knowledge and technical skills, but McCarthyism had killed the 1960s counterculture and established an American totalitarian regime that mirrored the Soviet system. Would we have personal computers today? Of course, personal computers might still have emerged in a different time and place. But in history, time and place are crucial, and no two moments are the same. It matters a great deal that America was colonized by the Spaniards in the 1490s rather than by the Ottomans in the 1520s, or that the atom bomb was developed by the Americans in 1945 rather than by the Germans in 1942. Similarly, there would have been significant political, economic, and cultural consequences if the personal computer emerged not in San Francisco of the 1970s but rather in Osaka of the 1980s or in Shanghai of the first decade of the twenty-first century.

    The same is true of the technologies being currently developed. Engineers working for authoritarian governments and ruthless corporations could develop new tools to empower the central authority, by monitoring citizens and customers twenty-four hours a day. Hackers working for democracies may develop new tools to strengthen society’s self-correcting mechanisms, by exposing government corruption and corporate malpractices. Both technologies could be developed.

    Choice doesn’t end there. Even after a particular tool is developed, it can be put to many uses. We can use a knife to murder a person, to save their life in surgery, or to cut vegetables for their dinner. The knife doesn’t force our hand. It’s a human choice. Similarly, when cheap radio sets were developed, it meant that almost every family in Germany could afford to have one at home. But how would it be used? Cheap radios could mean that when a totalitarian leader gave a speech, he could reach the living room of every German family. Or they could mean that every German family could choose to listen to a different radio program, reflecting and cultivating a diversity of political and artistic views. East Germany went one way; West Germany went the other. Though radio sets in East Germany could technically receive a wide range of transmissions, the East German government did its best to jam Western broadcasts and punished people who secretly tuned in to them.55 The technology was the same, but politics made very different uses of it.

    The same is true of the new technologies of the twenty-first century. To exercise our agency, we first need to understand what the new technologies are and what they can do. That’s an urgent responsibility of every citizen. Naturally, not every citizen needs a PhD in computer science, but to retain control of our future, we do need to understand the political potential of computers. The next few chapters, then, offer an overview of computer politics for twenty-first-century citizens. We will first learn what the political threats and promises are of the new computer network and will then explore the different ways that democracies, dictatorships, and the international system as a whole might adjust to the new computer politics.

    Politics involves a delicate balance between truth and order. As computers become important members of our information network, they are increasingly tasked with discovering truth and maintaining order. For example, the attempt to find the truth about climate change increasingly depends on calculations that only computers can make, and the attempt to reach social consensus about climate change increasingly depends on recommendation algorithms that curate our news feeds, and on creative algorithms that write news stories, fake news, and fiction. At present, we are in a political deadlock about climate change, partly because the computers are at a deadlock. Calculations run on one set of computers warn us of an imminent ecological catastrophe, but another set of computers prompt us to watch videos that cast doubt on those warnings. Which set of computers should we believe? Human politics is now also computer politics.

    To understand the new computer politics, we need a deeper understanding of what’s new about computers. In this chapter we noted that unlike printing presses and other previous tools, computers can make decisions by themselves and can create ideas by themselves. That, however, is just the tip of the iceberg. What’s really new about computers is the way they make decisions and create ideas. If computers made decisions and created ideas in a way similar to humans, then computers would be a kind of “new humans.” That’s a scenario often explored in science fiction: the computer that becomes conscious, develops feelings, falls in love with a human, and turns out to be exactly like us. But the reality is very different, and potentially more alarming.

    CHAPTER 7 Relentless: The Network Is Always On

    Humans are used to being monitored. For millions of years, we have been watched and tracked by other animals, as well as by other humans. Family members, friends, and neighbors have always wanted to know what we do and feel, and we have always cared deeply how they see us and what they know about us. Social hierarchies, political maneuvers, and romantic relationships involved a never-ending effort to decipher what other people feel and think and occasionally hide our own feelings and thoughts.

    When centralized bureaucratic networks appeared and developed, one of the bureaucrats’ most important roles was to monitor entire populations. Officials in the Qin Empire wanted to know whether we were paying our taxes or plotting resistance. The Catholic Church wanted to know whether we paid our tithes and whether we masturbated. The Coca-Cola Company wanted to know how to persuade us to buy its products. Rulers, priests, and merchants wanted to know our secrets in order to control and manipulate us.

    Of course, surveillance has also been essential for providing beneficial services. Empires, churches, and corporations needed information in order to provide people with security, support, and essential goods. In modern states sanitation officials want to know where we get our water from and where we defecate. Health-care officials want to know what illnesses we suffer from and how much we eat. Welfare officials want to know whether we are unemployed or perhaps abused by our spouses. Without this information, they cannot help us.

    In order to get to know us, both benign and oppressive bureaucracies have needed to do two things. First, gather a lot of data about us. Second, analyze all that data and identify patterns. Accordingly, empires, churches, corporations, and health-care systems—from ancient China to the modern United States—have gathered and analyzed data about the behavior of millions of people. However, in all times and places surveillance has been incomplete. In democracies like the modern United States, legal limits have been placed on surveillance to protect privacy and individual rights. In totalitarian regimes like the ancient Qin Empire and the modern U.S.S.R., surveillance faced no such legal barriers but came up against technical boundaries. Not even the most brutal autocrats had the technology necessary to follow everybody all the time. Some level of privacy was therefore the default even in Hitler’s Germany, Stalin’s U.S.S.R., or the copycat Stalinist regime set up in Romania after 1945.

    Gheorghe Iosifescu, one of the first computer scientists in Romania, recalled that when computers were first introduced in the 1970s, the country’s regime was extremely uneasy about this unfamiliar information technology. One day in 1976 when Iosifescu walked into his office in the governmental Centrul de Calcul (Center for Calculus), he saw sitting there an unfamiliar man in a rumpled suit. Iosifescu greeted the stranger, but the man did not respond. Iosifescu introduced himself, but the man remained silent. So Iosifescu sat down at his desk, switched on a large computer, and began working. The stranger drew his chair closer, watching Iosifescu’s every move.

    Throughout the day Iosifescu repeatedly tried to strike up a conversation, asking the stranger what his name was, why he was there, and what he wanted to know. But the man kept his mouth shut and his eyes wide open. When Iosifescu went home in the evening, the man got up and left too, without saying goodbye. Iosifescu knew better than to ask any further questions; the man was obviously an agent of the dreaded Romanian secret police, the Securitate.

    The next morning, when Iosifescu came to work, the agent was already there. He again sat at Iosifescu’s desk all day, silently taking notes in a little notepad. This continued for the next thirteen years, until the collapse of the communist regime in 1989. After sitting at the same desk for all those years, Iosifescu never even learned the agent’s name.1

    Iosifescu knew that other Securitate agents and informers were probably monitoring him outside the office, too. His expertise with a powerful and potentially subversive technology made him a prime target. But in truth, the paranoid regime of Nicolae Ceauşescu regarded all twenty million Romanian citizens as targets. If it was possible, Ceauşescu would have placed every one of them under constant surveillance. He actually made some steps in that direction. Before he came to power, in 1965, the Securitate had just 1 electronic surveillance center in Bucharest and 11 more in provincial cities. By 1978, Bucharest alone was monitored by 10 electronic surveillance centers, 248 centers scrutinized the provinces, and an additional 1,000 portable surveillance units were moved around to eavesdrop on remote villages and holiday resorts.2

    When, in the late 1970s, Securitate agents discovered that some Romanians were writing anonymous letters to Radio Free Europe criticizing the regime, Ceauşescu orchestrated a nationwide effort to collect handwriting samples from all twenty million Romanian citizens. Schools and universities were forced to hand in essays from every student. Employers had to request each employee to submit a handwritten CV and then forward it to the Securitate. “What about retirees, and the unemployed?” asked one of Ceauşescu’s aides. “Invent some kind of new form!” commanded the dictator. “Something they will have to fill in.” Some of the subversive letters, however, were typed, so Ceauşescu also had every state-owned typewriter in the country registered, with samples filed away in the Securitate archive. People who possessed a private typewriter had to inform the Securitate of it, hand in the typewriter’s “fingerprint,” and ask for official authorization to use it.3

    But Ceauşescu’s regime, just like the Stalinist regime it modeled itself on, could not really follow every citizen twenty-four hours a day. Given that even Securitate agents needed to sleep, it would probably have required at least forty million of them to keep the twenty million Romanian citizens under constant surveillance. Ceauşescu had only about forty thousand Securitate agents.4 And even if Ceauşescu could somehow conjure forty million agents, that would only have presented new problems, because the regime needed to monitor its own agents, too. Like Stalin, Ceauşescu distrusted his own agents and officials more than anyone else, especially after his spy chief—Ion Mihai Pacepa—defected to the United States in 1978. Politburo members, high-ranking officials, army generals, and Securitate chiefs were living under even closer surveillance than Iosifescu. As the ranks of the secret police swelled, more agents were needed to spy on all these agents.5

    One solution was to have people spy on one another. In addition to its 40,000 professional agents, the Securitate relied on 400,000 civilian informers.6 People often informed on their neighbors, colleagues, friends, and even closest family members. But no matter how many informants a secret police employed, gathering all that data was not sufficient to create a total surveillance regime. Suppose the Securitate succeeded in recruiting enough agents and informers to watch everyone twenty-four hours a day. At the end of each day, every agent and informer would have had to compile a report on what they observed. Securitate headquarters would have been flooded by 20 million reports every day—or 7.3 billion reports a year. Unless analyzed, it was just an ocean of paper. Yet where could the Securitate find enough analysts to scrutinize and compare 7.3 billion reports annually?

    These difficulties in gathering and analyzing information meant that in the twentieth century not even the most totalitarian state could effectively monitor its entire population. Most of what Romanian and Soviet citizens did and said escaped the notice of the Securitate and the KGB. Even the details that made it into some archive often languished unread. The real power of the Securitate and the KGB was not an ability to constantly watch everyone, but rather their ability to inspire the fear that they might be watching, which made everyone extremely careful about what they said and did.7

    SLEEPLESS AGENTS

    In a world where surveillance is conducted by the organic eyes, ears, and brains of people like the Securitate agent in Iosifescu’s lab, even a prime target like Iosifescu still had some privacy, first and foremost within his own mind. But the work of computer scientists like Iosifescu himself was changing this. Already in 1976, the crude computer sitting on Iosifescu’s desk could crunch numbers much better than the Securitate agent in the nearby chair. By 2024, we are getting close to the point when a ubiquitous computer network can follow the population of entire countries twenty-four hours a day. This network doesn’t need to hire and train millions of human agents to follow us around; it relies on digital agents instead. And the network doesn’t even need to pay for these digital agents. Citizens pay for the agents on our own initiative, and we carry them with us wherever we go.

    The agent monitoring Iosifescu didn’t accompany Iosifescu into the toilet and didn’t sit on the bed while Iosifescu was having sex. Today, our smartphone sometimes does exactly that. Moreover, many of the activities Iosifescu did without any help from his computer—like reading the news, chatting with friends, or buying food—are now done online, so it is even easier for the network to know what we are doing and saying. We ourselves are the informers that provide the network with our raw data. Even those without smartphones are almost always within the orbit of some camera, microphone, or tracking device, and they too constantly interact with the computer network in order to find work, buy a train ticket, get a medical prescription, or simply walk down the street. The computer network has become the nexus of most human activities. In the middle of almost every financial, social, or political transaction, we now find a computer. Consequently, like Adam and Eve in paradise, we cannot hide from the eye in the clouds.

    Just as the computer network doesn’t need millions of human agents to follow us, it also doesn’t need millions of human analysts to make sense of our data. The ocean of paper in Securitate headquarters never analyzed itself. But thanks to the magic of machine learning and AI, computers can themselves analyze most of the information they accumulate. An average human can read about 250 words per minute.8 A Securitate analyst working twelve-hour shifts without taking any days off, could read about 2.6 billion words during a forty-year career. In 2024 language algorithms like ChatGPT and Meta’s Llama can process millions of words per minute and “read” 2.6 billion words in a couple of hours.9 The ability of such algorithms to process images, audio recordings, and video footage is equally superhuman.

    Even more important, the algorithms far surpass humans in their ability to spot patterns in that ocean of data. Identifying patterns requires both the ability to create ideas and the ability to make decisions. For example, how do human analysts identify someone as a “suspected terrorist” that merits closer attention? First, they create a set of general criteria, such as “reading extremist literature,” “befriending known terrorists,” and “having technical knowledge necessary to produce dangerous weapons.” Then they need to decide whether a particular individual meets enough of these criteria to be labeled a suspected terrorist. Suppose someone watched a hundred extremist videos on YouTube last month, is friends with a convicted terrorist, and is currently pursuing a doctorate in epidemiology in a laboratory containing samples of Ebola virus. Should that person be put on the “suspected terrorists” list? And what about someone who watched fifty extremist videos last month and is a biology undergraduate?

    In Romania of the 1970s only humans could make such decisions. By the 2010s humans were increasingly leaving it to algorithms to decide. Around 2014–15 the U.S. National Security Agency deployed an AI tool called Skynet that placed people on a “suspected terrorists” list based on the electronic patterns of their communications, writings, travel, and social media postings. According to one report, that AI tool “engages in mass surveillance of Pakistan’s mobile phone network, and then uses a machine learning algorithm on the cellular network metadata of 55 million people to try and rate each person’s likelihood of being a terrorist.” A former director of both the CIA and the NSA proclaimed that “we kill people based on metadata.”10 Skynet’s reliability has been severely criticized, but by the 2020s such technology has become far more sophisticated and has been deployed by a lot more governments. Going over massive amounts of data, algorithms can discover completely new criteria for defining someone as “suspect” which have previously escaped the notice of human analysts.11In the future, algorithms could even create an entire new model for how people are radicalized, just by identifying patterns in the lives of known terrorists. Of course, computers remain fallible, as we shall explore in depth in chapter 8. They may well classify innocent people as terrorists or may create a false model for radicalization. At an even more fundamental level, it is questionable whether the systems’ definition of things like terrorism are objective. There is a long history of regimes using the label “terrorist” to cover any and all opposition. In the Soviet Union, anyone who opposed the regime was a terrorist. Consequently, when an AI labels someone a “terrorist” it might reflect ideological biases rather than objective facts. The power to make decisions and invent ideas is inseparable from the capacity to make mistakes. Even if no mistakes are committed, the algorithms’ superhuman ability to recognize patterns in an ocean of data can supercharge the power of numerous malign actors, from repressive dictatorships that seek to identify dissidents to fraudsters who seek to identify vulnerable targets.

    Of course, pattern recognition also has enormous positive potential. Algorithms can help identify corrupt government officials, white-collar criminals, and tax-evading corporations. The algorithms can similarly help flesh-and-blood sanitation officials to spot threats to our drinking water;12 help doctors to discern illnesses and burgeoning epidemics;13 and help police officers and social workers to identify abused spouses and children.14 In the following pages, I dedicate relatively little attention to the positive potential of algorithmic bureaucracies, because the entrepreneurs leading the AI revolution already bombard the public with enough rosy predictions about them. My goal here is to balance these utopian visions by focusing on the more sinister potential of algorithmic pattern recognition. Hopefully, we can harness the positive potential of algorithms while regulating their destructive capacities.

    But to do so, we must first appreciate the fundamental difference between the new digital bureaucrats and their flesh-and-blood predecessors. Inorganic bureaucrats can be “on” twenty-four hours a day and can monitor us and interact with us anywhere, anytime. This means that bureaucracy and surveillance are no longer something we encounter only in specific times and places. The health-care system, the police, and manipulative corporations are all becoming ubiquitous and permanent features of life. Instead of organizations with which we interact only in certain situations—for example, when we visit the clinic, the police station, or the mall—they are increasingly accompanying us every moment of the day, watching and analyzing every single thing that we do. As fish live in water, humans live in a digital bureaucracy, constantly inhaling and exhaling data. Each action we make leaves a trace of data, which is gathered and analyzed to identify patterns.

    UNDER-THE-SKIN SURVEILLANCE

    For better or worse, the digital bureaucracy may not only monitor what we do in the world but even observe what is happening inside our bodies. Take, for example, tracking eye movements. By the early 2020s, CCTV cameras, as well as cameras in laptops and smartphones, have begun to routinely collect and analyze data on the movements of our eyes, including tiny changes to our pupils and irises lasting just a few milliseconds. Human agents are barely capable of even noticing such data, but computers can use it to calculate the direction of our gaze, based on the shape of our pupils and irises and on the patterns of light they reflect. Similar methods can determine whether our eyes are fixating on a stable target, pursuing a moving target, or wandering around more haphazardly.

    From certain patterns of eye movements, computers can then distinguish, for example, moments of awareness from moments of distraction, and detail-oriented people from those who pay more attention to context. Computers could infer from our eyes many additional personality traits, like how open we are to new experiences, and estimate our level of expertise in various fields ranging from reading to surgery. Experts possessing well-honed strategies display systematic gaze patterns, whereas the eyes of novices wander aimlessly. Eye patterns also indicate our levels of interest in the objects and situations we encounter, and distinguish between positive, neutral, and negative interest. From this, it is possible to deduce our preferences in fields ranging from politics to sex. Much can also be known about our medical condition and our use of various substances. The consumption of alcohol and drugs—even at nonintoxicating doses—has measurable effects on eye and gaze properties, such as changes in pupil size and an impaired ability to fixate on moving objects. A digital bureaucracy may use all that information for benign purposes—such as by providing early detection for people suffering from drug abuse and mental illnesses. But it could obviously also form the foundations of the most intrusive totalitarian regimes in history.15

    In theory, the dictators of the future could get their computer network to go much deeper than just watching our eyes. If the network wants to know our political views, personality traits, and sexual orientation, it could monitor processes inside our hearts and brains. The necessary biometric technology is already being developed by some governments and companies, like Elon Musk’s Neuralink. Musk’s company has conducted experiments on live rats, sheep, pigs, and monkeys, implanting electrical probes into their brains. Each probe contains up to 3,072 electrodes capable of identifying electrical signals and potentially transmitting signals to the brain. In 2023, Neuralink received approval from U.S. authorities to begin experiments on human beings, and in January 2024 it was reported that a first brain chip was implanted in a human.

    Musk speaks openly about his far-reaching plans for this technology, arguing that it can not only alleviate various medical conditions such as quadriplegia (four-limb paralysis) but also upgrade human abilities and thereby help humankind compete with AI. But it should be clear that at present the Neuralink probes and all other similar biometric devices suffer from a host of technical problems that greatly limit their capabilities. It is difficult to accurately monitor bodily activities—in the brain, heart, or anywhere else—from outside the body, whereas implanting electrodes and other monitoring devices into the body is intrusive, dangerous, costly, and inefficient. Our immune system, for example, attacks implanted electrodes.16

    Even more crucially, nobody yet has the biological knowledge necessary to deduce things like precise political opinions from under-the-skin data like brain activity.17 Scientists are far from understanding the mysteries of the human brain, or even of the mouse brain. Simply mapping every neuron, dendrite, and synapse in a mouse brain—let alone understanding the dynamics between them—is currently beyond humanity’s computational abilities.18 Accordingly, while gathering data from inside people’s brains is becoming more feasible, using such data to decipher our secrets is far from easy.

    One popular conspiracy theory of the early 2020s argues that sinister groups led by billionaires like Elon Musk are already implanting computer chips into our brains in order to monitor and control us. However, this theory focuses our anxieties on the wrong target. We should of course fear the rise of new totalitarian systems, but it is too soon to worry about computer chips implanted in our brains. People should instead worry about the smartphones on which they read these conspiracy theories. Suppose someone wants to know your political views. Your smartphone monitors which news channels you are watching and notes that you watch on average forty minutes of Fox News and forty seconds of CNN a day. Meanwhile, an implanted Neuralink computer chip monitors your heart rate and brain activity throughout the day and notes that your maximum heart rate was 120 beats per minute and that your amygdala is about 5 percent more active than the human average. Which data would be more useful to guess your political affiliation—the data coming from the smartphone or from the implanted chip?19 At present, the smartphone is still a far more valuable surveillance tool than biometric sensors.

    However, as biological knowledge increases—not least thanks to computers analyzing petabits of biometric data—under-the-skin surveillance might eventually come into its own, especially if it is linked to other monitoring tools. At that point, if biometric sensors register what happens to the heart rate and brain activity of millions of people as they watch a particular news item on their smartphones, that can teach the computer network far more than just our general political affiliation. The network could learn precisely what makes each human angry, fearful, or joyful. The network could then both predict and manipulate our feelings, selling us anything it wants—be it a product, a politician, or a war.20

    THE END OF PRIVACY

    In a world where humans monitored humans, privacy was the default. But in a world where computers monitor humans, it may become possible for the first time in history to completely annihilate privacy. The most extreme and well-known cases of intrusive surveillance involve either exceptional times of emergency, like the COVID-19 pandemic, or places seen as exceptional to the normal order of things, such as the Occupied Palestinian Territories, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in China, the region of Kashmir in India, Russian-occupied Crimea, the U.S.-Mexico border, and the Afghanistan-Pakistan borderlands. In these exceptional times and places, new surveillance technologies, combined with draconian laws and heavy police or military presence, have relentlessly monitored and controlled people’s movements, actions, and even feelings.21 What is crucial to realize, though, is that AI-based surveillance tools are being deployed on an enormous scale, and not only in such “states of exception.”22 They are now part and parcel of normal life everywhere. The post-privacy era is taking hold in authoritarian countries ranging from Belarus to Zimbabwe,23 as well as in democratic metropolises like London and New York.

    Whether for good or ill, governments intent on combating crime, suppressing dissent, or countering internal threats (real or imaginary) blanket whole territories with a ubiquitous online and offline surveillance network, equipped with spyware, CCTV cameras, facial recognition and voice recognition software, and vast searchable databases. If a government wishes, its surveillance network can reach everywhere, from markets to places of worship, from schools to private residences. (And while not every government is willing or able to install cameras inside people’s homes, algorithms regularly watch us even in our living rooms, bedrooms and bathrooms via our own computers and smartphones.)

    Governmental surveillance networks also routinely collect biometric data from entire populations, with or without their knowledge. For example, when applying for a passport, more than 140 countries oblige their citizens to provide fingerprints, facial scans, or iris scans.24 When we use our passports to enter a foreign country, that country often demands that we provide it, too, with our fingerprints, facial scans, or iris scans.25 As citizens or tourists walk along the streets of Delhi, Beijing, Seoul, or London, their movements are likely to be recorded. For these cities—and many others around the world—are covered by more than one hundred surveillance cameras on average per square kilometer. Altogether, in 2023 more than one billion CCTV cameras were operative globally, which is about one camera per eight people.26

    Any physical activity a person engages in leaves a data trace. Every purchase made is recorded in some database. Online activities like messaging friends, sharing photos, paying bills, reading news, booking appointments, or ordering taxis can all be recorded as well. The resulting ocean of data can then be analyzed by AI tools to identify unlawful activities, suspicious patterns, missing persons, disease carriers, or political dissidents.

    As with every powerful technology, these tools can be used for either good or bad purposes. Following the storming of the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, the FBI and other U.S. law enforcement agencies used state-of-the-art surveillance tools to track down and arrest the rioters. As reported in a Washington Post investigation, these agencies relied not only on footage from the CCTV cameras in the Capitol, but also on social media posts, license plate readers throughout the country, cell-tower location records, and preexisting databases.

    One Ohio man wrote on Facebook that he had been in Washington that day to “witness history.” A subpoena was issued to Facebook, which provided the FBI with the man’s Facebook posts, as well as his credit card information and phone number. This helped the FBI to match the man’s driver’s license photo to CCTV footage from the Capitol. Another warrant issued to Google yielded the exact geolocation of the man’s smartphone on January 6, enabling agents to map his every movement from his entry point into the Senate chamber all the way to the office of Nancy Pelosi, the speaker of the House of Representatives.

    Relying on license plate footage, the FBI pinpointed the movements of a New York man from the moment he crossed the Henry Hudson Bridge at 6:06:08 on the morning of January 6, on his way to the Capitol, until he crossed the George Washington Bridge at 23:59:22 that night, on his way back home. An image taken by a camera on Interstate 95 showed an oversized “Make America Great Again” hat on the man’s dashboard. The hat was matched to a Facebook selfie in which the man appeared wearing it. He further incriminated himself with several videos he posted to Snapchat from within the Capitol.

    Another rioter sought to protect himself from detection by wearing a face mask on January 6, avoiding live-streaming, and using a cellphone registered in his mother’s name—but it availed him little. The FBI’s algorithms managed to match video footage from January 6, 2021, to a photo from the man’s 2017 passport application. They also matched a distinctive Knights of Columbus jacket he wore on January 6 to the jacket he wore on a different occasion, which was captured in a YouTube clip. The phone registered in his mother’s name was geolocated to inside the Capitol, and a license plate reader recorded his car near the Capitol on the morning of January 6.27

    Facial recognition algorithms and AI-searchable databases are now standard tools of police forces all over the world. They are deployed not only in cases of national emergencies or for reasons of state security, but for everyday policing tasks. In 2009, a criminal gang abducted the three-year-old Gui Hao while he was playing outside his parents’ shop in Sichuan province, China. The boy was then sold to a family in Guangdong province, about 1,500 kilometers away. In 2014, the leader of the child-trafficking gang was arrested, but it proved impossible to locate Gui Hao and other victims. “The appearance of the children would have changed so much,” explained a police investigator, “that even their parents would not have been able to recognize them”.

    In 2019, however, a facial recognition algorithm managed to identify the now thirteen-year-old Gui Hao, and the teenager was reunited with his family. To correctly identify Gui Hao, the AI relied on an old photograph of his, taken when he was a toddler. The AI simulated what Gui Hao must look like as a thirteen-year-old, taking into account the drastic impact of maturation as well as potential changes in hair color and hairstyle and compared the resulting simulation to real-life footage.

    In 2023, even more remarkable rescues were reported. Yuechuan Lei was abducted in 2001 when he was three years old, and Hao Chen went missing in 1998, also at age three. The parents of both children never gave up hope of finding them. For more than twenty years they crisscrossed China in search of them, placed advertisements, and offered monetary rewards for any relevant information. In 2023, facial recognition algorithms helped locate both missing boys, now adult men in their twenties. Such technology currently helps to find lost children not only in China, but also in other countries like India, where tens of thousands of children go missing every year.28

    Meanwhile, in Denmark, the soccer club Brøndby IF began in July 2019 to use facial recognition technology in its home stadium to identify and ban football hooligans. As up to 30,000 fans stream into the stadium to watch a match, they are asked to remove masks, hats, and glasses so a computer can scan their faces and compare them to a list of banned troublemakers. Crucially, the procedure has been vetted and approved in accordance with the EU’s strict GDPR rules. The Danish Data Protection Authority explained that the use of the technology “would allow for more effective enforcement of the ban list compared to manual checks, and that this could reduce the queues at the stadium entrance, lowering the risk of public unrest from impatient football fans standing in queues.”29

    While such usages of technology are laudable in theory, they raise obvious concerns about privacy and governmental overreach. In the wrong hands, the same techniques that can locate rioters, rescue missing children, and ban football hooligans can also be used to persecute peaceful demonstrators or enforce rigid conformism. Ultimately, AI-powered surveillance technology could result in the creation of total surveillance regimes that monitor citizens around the clock and facilitate new kinds of ubiquitous and automated totalitarian repression. A case in point: Iran’s hijab laws.

    After Iran became an Islamic theocracy in 1979, the new regime made it compulsory for women to wear the hijab. But the Iranian morality police found it difficult to enforce this rule. They couldn’t place a police officer on every street corner, and public confrontations with women who went unveiled occasionally aroused resistance and resentment. In 2022, Iran relegated much of the job of enforcing the hijab laws to a countrywide system of facial recognition algorithms that relentlessly monitor both physical spaces and online environments.30 A top Iranian official explained that the system would “identify inappropriate and unusual movements” including “failure to observe hijab laws.” The head of Iran’s parliamentary legal and judicial committee, Mousa Ghazanfarabadi, said in another interview that “the use of face recording cameras can systematically implement this task and reduce the presence of the police, as a result of which there will be no more clashes between the police and citizens.”31

    Shortly afterward, on September 16, 2022, the 22-year-old Mahsa Amini died in the custody of Iran’s morality police, after being arrested for not wearing her hijab properly.32 A wave of protests erupted, known as the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement. Hundreds of thousands of women and girls removed their headscarves, and some publicly burned their hijabs, and danced around the bonfires. To clamp down on the protests, Iranian authorities once again turned to their AI surveillance system, which relies on facial recognition software, geolocation, analysis of web traffic, and preexisting databases. More than 19,000 people were arrested throughout Iran, and more than 500 were killed.33

    On April 8, 2023, Iran’s chief of police announced that beginning on April 15, 2023, an intense new campaign would ramp up the use of facial recognition technology. In particular, algorithms would henceforth identify women who choose not to wear a headscarf while travelling in a vehicle, and automatically issue them an SMS warning. If a woman was caught repeating the offense, she would be ordered to immobilize her car for a predetermined period, and if she failed to comply, the car would be confiscated.34

    Two months later, on June 14, 2023, the spokesperson of Iran’s police boasted that the automated surveillance system sent almost one million SMS warning messages to women who had been captured unveiled in their private cars. The system was apparently able to automatically determine that it was seeing an unveiled woman rather than a man, identify the woman, and retrieve her cellphone number. The system further “issued 133,174 SMS messages requiring the immobilization of vehicles for two weeks, confiscated 2,000 cars, and referred more than 4,000 ‘repeat offenders’ to the judiciary.”35

    A 52-year-old woman named Maryam shared with Amnesty International her experience with the surveillance system. “The first time I received a warning for not wearing a headscarf while driving, I was passing through an intersection when a camera captured a photo and I immediately received a warning text message. The second time, I had done some shopping, and I was bringing the bags into the car, my scarf fell off, and I received a message noting that due to violating compulsory veiling laws, my car had been subjected to ‘systematic impoundment’ for a period of fifteen days. I did not know what this meant. I asked around and found out through relatives that this meant I had to immobilize my car for fifteen days.”36 Maryam’s testimony indicates that the AI sends its threatening messages within seconds, with no time for any human to review and authorize the procedure.

    Penalties went far beyond the immobilization or confiscation of vehicles. The Amnesty report from July 26, 2023, revealed that as a result of the mass surveillance effort “countless women have been suspended or expelled from universities, barred from sitting final exams, and denied access to banking services and public transport.”37 Businesses that didn’t enforce the hijab law among their employees or customers also suffered. In one typical case, a woman employee at the Land of Happiness amusement park east of Tehran was photographed without a hijab, and the image circulated on social media. In punishment, the Land of Happiness was closed down by Iranian authorities.38 Altogether, reported Amnesty, the authorities “shut down hundreds of tourist attractions, hotels, restaurants, pharmacies and shopping centres for not enforcing compulsory veiling laws”.39

    In September 2023, on the anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s death, Iran’s parliament passed a new and stricter hijab bill. According to the new law, women who fail to wear the hijab can be punished by heavy fines and up to ten years in prison. They face additional penalties including confiscation of cars and communication devices, driving bans, deductions in salary and employment benefits, dismissal from work, and prohibition from access banking services. Business owners who don’t enforce the hijab law among their employees or customers face a fine of up to three months of their profits, and they may be banned from leaving the country or participating in public or online activities for up to two years. The new bill targets not only women, but also men who wear “revealing clothing that shows parts of the body lower than the chest or above the ankles.” Finally, the law mandates that Iranian police must “create and strengthen AI systems to identify perpetrators of illegal behavior using tools such as fixed and mobile cameras.”40 In coming years, many people might be living under total surveillance regimes that would make Ceauşescu’s Romania look like a libertarian utopia.

    VARIETIES OF SURVEILLANCE

    When talking about surveillance, we usually think of state-run apparatuses, but to understand surveillance in the twenty-first century, we should remember that monitoring can take many other forms. Jealous partners, for example, have always wanted to know where their spouses were at every moment and demanded explanations for any little deviation from routines. Today, armed with a smartphone and some cheap software, they can easily establish marital dictatorships. They can monitor every conversation and every movement, record phone logs, track social media posts and web page searches, and even activate the cameras and microphones of a spouse’s phone to serve as a spying device. The U.S.-based National Network to End Domestic Violence found that more than half of domestic abusers used such “stalkware” technology. Even in New York a spouse may find themselves monitored and restricted, as if they lived in a totalitarian state.41

    A growing percentage of employees—from office workers to truck drivers—are also now being surveilled by their employers. Bosses can pinpoint where employees are at any moment, how much time they spend in the toilet, whether they read personal emails at work, and how fast they complete each task.42 Corporations are similarly monitoring their customers, wanting to know their likes and dislikes, to predict future behavior, and to evaluate risks and opportunities. For example, vehicles monitor their drivers’ behavior and share the data with the algorithms of the insurance companies, which raise the premiums they charge “bad drivers” and lower the premiums for “good drivers.”43 The American scholar Shoshana Zuboff has termed this ever-expanding commercial monitoring system “surveillance capitalism.”44

    In addition to all these varieties of top-down surveillance, there are peer-to-peer systems in which individuals constantly monitor one another. For example, the Tripadvisor corporation maintains a worldwide surveillance system that monitors hotels, vacation rentals, restaurants, and tourists. In 2019, it was used by 463 million travelers who browsed 859 million reviews and 8.6 billion lodgings, restaurants, and tourist attractions. It is the users themselves—rather than some sophisticated AI algorithm—who determine whether a restaurant is worth visiting. People who ate in the restaurant can score it on a 1 to 5 scale, and also add photos and written reviews. The Tripadvisor algorithm merely aggregates the data, calculates the restaurant’s average score, ranks the restaurant compared with others of its kind, and makes the results available for everybody to see.

    The algorithm simultaneously ranks the guests, too. For posting reviews or travel articles, users receive 100 points; for uploading photos or videos, 30 points; for posting in a forum, 20 points; for rating establishments, 5 points; and for casting votes for others’ reviews, 1 point. Users are then ranked from Level 1 (300 points) to Level 6 (10,000 points) and receive perks accordingly. Users who violate the system’s rules—for example, by submitting racist comments or trying to blackmail a restaurant by writing an unjustified bad review—may be penalized or kicked out of the system altogether. This is peer-to-peer surveillance. Everybody is constantly grading everybody else. Tripadvisor doesn’t need to invest in cameras and spyware or develop hyper-sophisticated biometric algorithms. Almost all the data is submitted and almost all the work is done by millions of human users. The job of the Tripadvisor algorithm is only to aggregate human-generated scores and publish them.45

    Tripadvisor and similar peer-to-peer surveillance systems provide valuable information for millions of people every day, making it easier to plan vacations and find good hotels and restaurants. But in doing so, they have also shifted the border between private and public spaces. Traditionally, the relationship between the customer and a waiter, say, was a relatively private affair. Entering a bistro meant entering a semiprivate space and establishing a semiprivate relationship with the waiter. Unless some crime was committed, what happened between guest and waiter was their business alone. If the waiter was rude or made a racist remark, you could make a scene and perhaps tell your friends not to go there, but few other people would hear about it.

    Peer-to-peer surveillance networks have obliterated that sense of privacy. If the staff fails to please a customer, the restaurant will get a bad review, which could affect the decision of thousands of potential customers in coming years. For better or worse, the balance of power tilts in favor of the customers, while the staff find themselves more exposed than before to the public gaze. As the author and journalist Linda Kinstler put it, “Before Tripadvisor, the customer was only nominally king. After, he became a veritable tyrant, with the power to make or break lives.”46 The same loss of privacy is felt today by millions of taxi drivers, barbers, beauticians, and other service providers. In the past, stepping into a taxi or barbershop meant stepping into someone’s private space. Now, when customers come into your taxi or barbershop, they bring cameras, microphones, a surveillance network, and thousands of potential viewers with them.47 This is the foundation of a nongovernmental peer-to-peer surveillance network.

    THE SOCIAL CREDIT SYSTEM

    Peer-to-peer surveillance systems typically operate by aggregating many points to determine an overall score. Another type of surveillance network takes this “score logic” to its ultimate conclusion. This is the social credit system, which seeks to give people points for everything and produce an overall personal score that will influence everything. The last time humans came up with such an ambitious points system was five thousand years ago in Mesopotamia, when money was invented. One way to think of the social credit system is as a new kind of money.

    Money is points that people accumulate by selling certain products and services, and then use to buy other products and services. Some countries call their “points” dollars, whereas other countries call them euros, yen, or renminbi. The points can take the form of coins, banknotes, or bits in a digital bank account. The points themselves are, of course, intrinsically worthless. You cannot eat coins or wear banknotes. Their value lies in the fact that they serve as accounting tokens that society uses to keep track of our individual scores.

    Money revolutionized economic relations, social interactions, and human psychology. But like surveillance, money has had its limitations and could not reach everywhere. Even in the most capitalist societies, there have always been places that money didn’t penetrate, and there have always been many things that lacked a monetary value. How much is a smile worth? How much money does a person earn for visiting their grandparents?48

    For scoring those things that money can’t buy, there was an alternative nonmonetary system, which has been given different names: honor, status, reputation. What social credit systems seek is a standardized valuation of the reputation market. Social credit is a new points system that ascribes precise values even to smiles and family visits. To appreciate how revolutionary and far-reaching this is, let’s examine in brief how the reputation market has hitherto differed from the money market. This will help us understand what might happen to social relations if the principles of the money market are suddenly extended to the reputation market.

    One major difference between money and reputation is that money has tended to be a mathematical construct based on precise calculations, whereas the sphere of reputation has been resistant to precise numerical evaluation. For example, medieval aristocrats graded themselves in hierarchical ranks such as dukes, counts, and viscounts, but nobody was counting reputation points. Customers in a medieval market usually knew how many coins they had in their purses and the price of every product in the stalls. In the money market, no coin goes uncounted. In contrast, knights in a medieval reputational market didn’t know the exact amount of honor that different actions might accrue, nor could they be sure of their overall score. Would fighting bravely in battle bring a knight 10 honor points, or 100? And what if nobody saw and recorded their bravery? Indeed, even assuming it was noticed, different people might assign it different values. This lack of precision wasn’t a bug in the system but a crucial feature. “Calculating” was a synonym for cunning and scheming. Acting honorably was supposed to reflect an inner virtue, rather than a pursuit of external rewards.49

    This difference between the scrupulous money market and the ill-defined reputation market still prevails. The owner of a bistro always notices and complains if you don’t pay for your meal in full; every item on the menu has a precise price. But how would the owner even know if society failed to register some good deed they performed? Whom could they complain to if they weren’t properly rewarded for helping an elderly customer or for being extra patient with a rude customer? In some cases, they might now try complaining to Tripadvisor, which collapses the boundary between the money market and the reputation market, turning the fuzzy reputation of restaurants and hotels into a mathematical system of precise points. The idea of social credit is to expand this surveillance method from restaurants and hotels to everything. In the most extreme type of social credit systems, every person gets an overall reputation score that takes into account whatever they do and determines everything they can do.

    For example, you might earn 10 points for picking up trash from the street, get another 20 points for helping an old lady cross the road, and lose 15 points for playing the drums and disturbing the neighbors. If you get a high enough score, it might give you priority when buying train tickets or a leg up when applying to university. If you get a low score, potential employers may refuse to give you a job, and potential dates may refuse your advances. Insurance companies may demand higher premiums, and judges may inflict harsher sentences.

    Some people might see social credit systems as a way to reward pro-social behavior, punish egotistical acts, and create kinder and more harmonious societies. The Chinese government, for example, explains that its social credit systems could help fight corruption, scams, tax evasion, false advertising, and counterfeiting, and thereby establish more trust between individuals, between consumers and corporations, and between citizens and government institutions.50 Others may find systems that allocate precise values to every social action demeaning and inhuman. Even worse, a comprehensive social credit system will annihilate privacy and effectively turn life into a never-ending job interview. Anything you do, anytime, anywhere, might affect your chances of getting a job, a bank loan, a husband, or a prison sentence. You got drunk at a college party and did something legal but shameful? You participated in a political demonstration? You’re friends with someone who has a low credit score? This will be part of your job interview—or criminal sentencing—both in the short term and even decades later. The social credit system might thereby become a totalitarian control system.

    Of course, the reputation market always controlled people and made them conform to the prevailing social norms. In most societies people have always feared losing face even more than they have feared losing money. Many more people commit suicide due to shame and guilt than due to economic distress. Even when people kill themselves after being fired from their job or after their business goes bankrupt, they are usually pushed over the edge by the social humiliation it involves rather than by the economic hardship per se.51

    But the uncertainty and the subjectivity of the reputation market have previously limited its potential for totalitarian control. Since nobody knew the precise value of each social interaction, and since nobody could possibly keep tabs on all interactions, there was significant room for maneuver. When you went to a college party, you might have behaved in a way that earned the respect of your friends, without worrying what future employers might think. When you went to a job interview, you knew none of your friends would be there. And when you were watching pornography at home, you assumed that neither your bosses nor your friends knew what you were up to. Life has been divided into separate reputational spheres, with separate status competitions, and there were also many off-grid moments when you didn’t have to engage in any status competitions at all. Precisely because status competition is so crucial, it is also extremely stressful. Therefore, not only humans but even other social animals like apes have always welcomed some respite from it.52

    Unfortunately, social credit algorithms combined with ubiquitous surveillance technology now threaten to merge all status competitions into a single never-ending race. Even in their own homes or while trying to enjoy a relaxed vacation, people would have to be extremely careful about every deed and word, as if they were performing onstage in front of millions. This could create an incredibly stressful lifestyle, destructive to people’s well-being as well as to the functioning of society. If digital bureaucrats use a precise points system to keep tabs on everybody all the time, the emerging reputation market could annihilate privacy and control people far more tightly than the money market ever did.

    ALWAYS ON

    Humans are organic beings who live by cyclical biological time. Sometimes we are awake; sometimes we are asleep. After intense activity, we need rest. We grow and decay. Networks of humans are similarly subject to biological cycles. They are sometimes on and sometimes off. Job interviews don’t last forever. Police agents don’t work twenty-four hours a day. Bureaucrats take holidays. Even the money market respects these biological cycles. The New York Stock Exchange is open on Mondays to Fridays, from 9:30 in the morning to 4:00 in the afternoon, and is closed on holidays like Independence Day and New Year’s Day. If a war erupts at 4:01 p.m. on a Friday, the market won’t react to it until Monday morning.

    In contrast, a network of computers can always be on. Computers are consequently pushing humans toward a new kind of existence in which we are always connected and always monitored. In some contexts, like health care, this could be a boon. In other contexts, like for citizens of totalitarian states, this could be a disaster. Even if the network is potentially benign, the very fact that it is always “on” might be damaging to organic entities like humans, because it will take away our opportunities to disconnect and relax. If an organism never has a chance to rest, it eventually collapses and dies. But how will we get a relentless network to slow down and allow us some breaks?

    We need to prevent the computer network from taking complete control of society not just in order to give us time off. Breaks are even more crucial to give us a chance to rectify the network. If the network continues to evolve at an accelerating pace, errors will accumulate much faster than we can identify and correct them. For while the network is relentless and ubiquitous, it is also fallible. Yes, computers can gather unprecedented amounts of data on us, watching what we do twenty-four hours a day. And yes, they can identify patterns in the ocean of data with superhuman efficiency. But that does not mean that the computer network will always understand the world accurately. Information isn’t truth. A total surveillance system may form a very distorted understanding of the world and of human beings. Instead of discovering the truth about the world and about us, the network might use its immense power to create a new kind of world order and impose it on us.

    CHAPTER 8 Fallible: The Network Is Often Wrong

    In The Gulag Archipelago (1973), Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn chronicles the history of the Soviet labor camps and of the information network that created and sustained them. He was writing partly from bitter personal experience. When Solzhenitsyn served as a captain in the Red Army during World War II, he maintained a private correspondence with a school friend in which he occasionally criticized Stalin. To be on the safe side, he did not mention the dictator by name and spoke only about “the man with the mustache.” It availed him little. His letters were intercepted and read by the secret police, and in February 1945, while serving on the front line in Germany, he was arrested. He spent the next eight years in labor camps.1 Many of Solzhenitsyn’s hard-won insights and stories are still relevant to understanding the development of information networks in the twenty-first century.

    One story recounts events at a district party conference in Moscow Province in the late 1930s, at the height of the Stalinist Great Terror. A call was made to pay tribute to Stalin, and the audience—who of course knew that they were being carefully watched—burst into applause. After five minutes of applause, “palms were getting sore and raised arms were already aching. And the older people were panting from exhaustion.… However, who would dare be the first to stop?” Solzhenitsyn explains that “NKVD men were standing in the hall applauding and watching to see who quit first!” It went on and on, for six minutes, then eight, then ten. “They couldn’t stop now till they collapsed with heart attacks! … With make-believe enthusiasm on their faces, looking at each other with faint hope, the district leaders were just going to go on and on applauding till they fell where they stood.”

    Finally, after eleven minutes, the director of a paper factory took his life in his hands, stopped clapping, and sat down. Everyone else immediately stopped clapping and also sat down. That same night, the secret police arrested him and sent him to the gulag for ten years. “His interrogator reminded him: Don’t ever be the first to stop applauding!”2

    This story reveals a crucial and disturbing fact about information networks, and in particular about surveillance systems. As discussed in previous chapters, contrary to the naive view, information is often used to create order rather than discover truth. On the face of it, Stalin’s agents in the Moscow conference used the “clapping test” as a way to uncover the truth about the audience. It was a loyalty test, which assumed that the longer you clapped, the more you loved Stalin. In many contexts, this assumption is not unreasonable. But in the context of Moscow in the late 1930s, the nature of the applause changed. Since participants in the conference knew they were being watched, and since they knew the consequences of any hint of disloyalty, they clapped out of terror rather than love. The paper factory director might have been the first to stop not because he was the least loyal but perhaps because he was the most honest, or even simply because his hands hurt the most.

    While the clapping test didn’t discover the truth about people, it was efficient in imposing order and forcing people to behave in a certain way. Over time, such methods cultivated servility, hypocrisy, and cynicism. This is what the Soviet information network did to hundreds of millions of people over decades. In quantum mechanics the act of observing subatomic particles changes their behavior; it is the same with the act of observing humans. The more powerful our tools of observation, the greater the potential impact.

    The Soviet regime constructed one of the most formidable information networks in history. It gathered and processed enormous amounts of data on its citizens. It also claimed that the infallible theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin granted it a deep understanding of humanity. In fact, the Soviet information network ignored many important aspects of human nature, and it was in complete denial regarding the terrible suffering its policies inflicted on its own citizens. Instead of producing wisdom, it produced order, and instead of revealing the universal truth about humans, it actually created a new type of human—Homo sovieticus.

    As defined by the dissident Soviet philosopher and satirist Aleksandr Zinovyev, Homo sovieticus were servile and cynical humans, lacking all initiative or independent thinking, passively obeying even the most ludicrous orders, and indifferent to the results of their actions.3 The Soviet information network created Homo sovieticus through surveillance, punishments, and rewards. For example, by sending the director of the paper factory to the gulag, the network signaled to the other participants that conformity paid off, whereas being the first to do anything controversial was a bad idea. Though the network failed to discover the truth about humans, it was so good at creating order that it conquered much of the world.

    THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE LIKE

    An analogous dynamic may afflict the computer networks of the twenty-first century, which might create new types of humans and new dystopias. A paradigmatic example is the role played by social media algorithms in radicalizing people. Of course, the methods employed by the algorithms have been utterly different from those of the NKVD and involved no direct coercion or violence. But just as the Soviet secret police created the slavish Homo sovieticus through surveillance, rewards, and punishments, so also the Facebook and YouTube algorithms have created internet trolls by rewarding certain base instincts while punishing the better angels of our nature.

    As explained briefly in chapter 6, the process of radicalization started when corporations tasked their algorithms with increasing user engagement, not only in Myanmar, but throughout the world. For example, in 2012 users were watching about 100 million hours of videos every day on YouTube. That was not enough for company executives, who set their algorithms an ambitious goal: 1 billion hours a day by 2016.4 Through trial-and-error experiments on millions of people, the YouTube algorithms discovered the same pattern that Facebook algorithms also learned: outrage drives engagement up, while moderation tends not to. Accordingly, the YouTube algorithms began recommending outrageous conspiracy theories to millions of viewers while ignoring more moderate content. By 2016, users were indeed watching 1 billion hours every day on YouTube.5

    YouTubers who were particularly intent on gaining attention noticed that when they posted an outrageous video full of lies, the algorithm rewarded them by recommending the video to numerous users and increasing the YouTubers’ popularity and income. In contrast, when they dialed down the outrage and stuck to the truth, the algorithm tended to ignore them. Within a few months of such reinforcement learning, the algorithm turned many YouTubers into trolls.6

    The social and political consequences were far-reaching. For example, as the journalist Max Fisher documented in his 2022 book, The Chaos Machine, YouTube algorithms became an important engine for the rise of the Brazilian far right and for turning Jair Bolsonaro from a fringe figure into Brazil’s president.7 While there were other factors contributing to that political upheaval, it is notable that many of Bolsonaro’s chief supporters and aides had originally been YouTubers who rose to fame and power by algorithmic grace.

    A typical example is Carlos Jordy, who in 2017 was a city councilor in the small town of Niterói. The ambitious Jordy gained national attention by creating inflammatory YouTube videos that garnered millions of views. His videos warned Brazilians, for example, against conspiracies by schoolteachers to brainwash children and persecute conservative pupils. In 2018, Jordy won a seat in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies (the lower house of the Brazilian Congress) as one of Bolsonaro’s most dedicated supporters. In an interview with Fisher, Jordy frankly said, “If social media didn’t exist, I wouldn’t be here [and] Jair Bolsonaro wouldn’t be president.” The latter claim may well be a self-serving exaggeration, but there is no denying that social media played an important part in Bolsonaro’s rise.

    Another YouTuber who won a seat in Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies in 2018 was Kim Kataguiri, one of the leaders of the Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL, or Free Brazil Movement). Kataguiri initially used Facebook as his main platform, but his posts were too extreme even for Facebook, which banned some of them for disinformation. So Kataguiri switched over to the more permissive YouTube. In an interview in the MBL headquarters in São Paulo, Kataguiri’s aides and other activists explained to Fisher, “We have something here that we call the dictatorship of the like.” They explained that YouTubers tend to become steadily more extreme, posting untruthful and reckless content “just because something is going to give you views, going to give engagement.… Once you open that door there’s no going back, because you always have to go further.… Flat Earthers, anti-vaxxers, conspiracy theories in politics. It’s the same phenomenon. You see it everywhere.”8

    Of course, the YouTube algorithms were not themselves responsible for inventing lies and conspiracy theories or for creating extremist content. At least in 2017–18, those things were done by humans. The algorithms were responsible, however, for incentivizing humans to behave in such ways and for pushing the resulting content in order to maximize user engagement. Fisher documented numerous far-right activists who first became interested in extremist politics after watching videos that the YouTube algorithm auto-played for them. One far-right activist in Niterói told Fisher that he was never interested in politics of any kind, until one day the YouTube algorithm auto-played for him a video on politics by Kataguiri. “Before that,” he explained, “I didn’t have an ideological, political background.” He credited the algorithm with providing “my political education.” Talking about how other people joined the movement, he said, “It was like that with everyone.… Most of the people here came from YouTube and social media.”9

    BLAME THE HUMANS

    We have reached a turning point in history in which major historical processes are partly caused by the decisions of nonhuman intelligence. It is this that makes the fallibility of the computer network so dangerous. Computer errors become potentially catastrophic only when computers become historical agents. We have already made this argument in chapter 6, when we briefly examined Facebook’s role in instigating the anti-Rohingya ethnic-cleansing campaign. As noted in that context, however, many people—including some of the managers and engineers of Facebook, YouTube, and the other tech giants—object to this argument. Since it is one of the central points of the entire book, it is best to delve deeper into the matter and examine more carefully the objections to it.

    The people who manage Facebook, YouTube, TikTok, and other platforms routinely try to excuse themselves by shifting the blame from their algorithms to “human nature.” They argue that it is human nature that produces all the hate and lies on the platforms. The tech giants then claim that due to their commitment to free speech values, they hesitate to censor the expression of genuine human emotions. For example, in 2019 the CEO of YouTube, Susan Wojcicki, explained, “The way that we think about it is: ‘Is this content violating one of our policies? Has it violated anything in terms of hate, harassment?’ If it has, we remove that content. We keep tightening and tightening the policies. We also get criticism, just to be clear, [about] where do you draw the lines of free speech and, if you draw it too tightly, are you removing voices of society that should be heard? We’re trying to strike a balance of enabling a broad set of voices, but also making sure that those voices play by a set of rules that are healthy conversations for society.”10

    A Facebook spokesperson similarly said in October 2021, “Like every platform, we are constantly making difficult decisions between free expressions and harmful speech, security and other issues.… But drawing these societal lines is always better left to elected leaders.”11 In this way, the tech giants constantly shift the discussion to their supposed role as moderators of human-produced content and ignore the active role their algorithms play in cultivating certain human emotions and discouraging others. Are they really blind to it?

    Surely not. Back in 2016, an internal Facebook report discovered that “64 percent of all extremist group joins are due to our recommendation tools.… Our recommendation systems grow the problem.”12 A secret internal Facebook memo from August 2019, leaked by the whistleblower Frances Haugen, stated, “We have evidence from a variety of sources that hate speech, divisive political speech, and misinformation on Facebook and [its] family of apps are affecting societies around the world. We also have compelling evidence that our core product mechanics, such as virality, recommendations, and optimizing for engagement, are a significant part of why these types of speech flourish on the platform.”13

    Another leaked document from December 2019 noted, “Unlike communication with close friends and family, virality is something new we have introduced to many ecosystems … and it occurs because we intentionally encourage it for business reasons.” The document pointed out that “ranking content about higher stakes topics like health or politics based on engagement leads to perverse incentives and integrity issues.” Perhaps most damningly, it revealed, “Our ranking systems have specific separate predictions for not just what you would engage with, but what we think you may pass along so that others may engage with. Unfortunately, research has shown how outrage and misinformation are more likely to be viral.” This leaked document made one crucial recommendation: since Facebook cannot remove everything harmful from a platform used by many millions, it should at least “stop magnifying harmful content by giving it unnatural distribution.”14

    Like the Soviet leaders in Moscow, the tech companies were not uncovering some truth about humans; they were imposing on us a perverse new order. Humans are very complex beings, and benign social orders seek ways to cultivate our virtues while curtailing our negative tendencies. But social media algorithms see us, simply, as an attention mine. The algorithms reduced the multifaceted range of human emotions—hate, love, outrage, joy, confusion—into a single catchall category: engagement. In Myanmar in 2016, in Brazil in 2018, and in numerous other countries, the algorithms scored videos, posts, and all other content solely according to how many minutes people engaged with the content and how many times they shared it with others. An hour of lies or hatred was ranked higher than ten minutes of truth or compassion—or an hour of sleep. The fact that lies and hate tend to be psychologically and socially destructive, whereas truth, compassion, and sleep are essential for human welfare, was completely lost on the algorithms. Based on this very narrow understanding of humanity, the algorithms helped to create a new social system that encouraged our basest instincts while discouraging us from realizing the full spectrum of the human potential.

    As the harmful effects were becoming manifest, the tech giants were repeatedly warned about what was happening, but they failed to step in because of their faith in the naive view of information. As the platforms were overrun by falsehoods and outrage, executives hoped that if more people were enabled to express themselves more freely, truth would eventually prevail. This, however, did not happen. As we have seen again and again throughout history, in a completely free information fight, truth tends to lose. To tilt the balance in favor of truth, networks must develop and maintain strong self-correcting mechanisms that reward truth telling. These self-correcting mechanisms are costly, but if you want to get the truth, you must invest in them.

    Silicon Valley thought it was exempt from this historical rule. Social media platforms have been singularly lacking in self-correcting mechanisms. In 2014, Facebook employed just a single Burmese-speaking content moderator to monitor activities in the whole of Myanmar.15 When observers in Myanmar began warning Facebook that it needed to invest more in moderating content, Facebook ignored them. For example, Pwint Htun, a Burmese American engineer and telecom executive who grew up in rural Myanmar, wrote to Facebook executives repeatedly about the danger. In an email from July 5, 2014—two years before the ethnic-cleansing campaign began—she issued a prophetic warning: “Tragically, FB in Burma is used like radio in Rwanda during the dark days of genocide.” Facebook took no action.

    Even after the attacks on the Rohingya intensified and Facebook faced a storm of criticism, it still refused to hire people with expert local knowledge to curate content. Thus, when informed that hate-mongers in Myanmar were using the Burmese word kalar as a racist slur for the Rohingya, Facebook reacted in April 2017 by banning from the platform any posts that used the word. This revealed Facebook’s utter lack of knowledge about local conditions and the Burmese language. In Burmese, kalar is a racist slur only in specific contexts. In other contexts, it is an entirely innocent term. The Burmese word for chair is kalar htaing, and the word for chickpea is kalar pae. As Pwint Htun wrote to Facebook in June 2017, banning the term kalar from the platform is like banning the letters “hell” from “hello.”16 Facebook continued to ignore the need for local expertise. By April 2018, the number of Burmese speakers Facebook employed to moderate content for its eighteen million users in Myanmar was a grand total of five.17

    Instead of investing in self-correcting mechanisms that would reward truth telling, the social media giants actually developed unprecedented error-enhancing mechanisms that rewarded lies and fictions. One such error-enhancing mechanism was the Instant Articles program that Facebook rolled out in Myanmar in 2016. Wishing to drive up engagement, Facebook paid news channels according to the amount of user engagement they generated, measured in clicks and views. No importance whatsoever was given to the truthfulness of the “news.” A 2021 study found that in 2015, before the program was launched, six of the ten top Facebook websites in Myanmar belonged to “legitimate media.” By 2017, under the impact of Instant Articles, “legitimate media” was down to just two websites out of the top ten. By 2018, all top ten websites were “fake news and clickbait websites.”

    The study concluded that because of the launch of Instant Articles “clickbait actors cropped up in Myanmar overnight. With the right recipe for producing engaging and evocative content, they could generate thousands of US dollars a month in ad revenue, or ten times the average monthly salary—paid to them directly by Facebook.” Since Facebook was by far the most important source of online news in Myanmar, this had enormous impact on the overall media landscape of the country. “In a country where Facebook is synonymous with the Internet, the low-grade content overwhelmed other information sources.”18 Facebook and other social media platforms didn’t consciously set out to flood the world with fake news and outrage. But by telling their algorithms to maximize user engagement, this is exactly what they perpetrated.

    Reflecting on the Myanmar tragedy, Pwint Htun wrote to me in July 2023, “I naively used to believe that social media could elevate human consciousness and spread the perspective of common humanity through interconnected pre-frontal cortexes in billions of human beings. What I realize is that the social media companies are not incentivized to interconnect pre-frontal cortexes. Social media companies are incentivized to create interconnected limbic systems—which is much more dangerous for humanity.”

    THE ALIGNMENT PROBLEM

    I don’t want to imply that the spread of fake news and conspiracy theories is the main problem with all past, present, and future computer networks. YouTube, Facebook, and other social media platforms claim that since 2018 they have been tweaking their algorithms to make them more socially responsible. Whether this is true or not is hard to say, especially because there is no universally accepted definition of “social responsibility.”19 But the specific problem of polluting the information sphere in pursuit of user engagement can certainly be solved. When the tech giants set their hearts on designing better algorithms, they can usually do it. Around 2005, the profusion of spam threatened to make the use of email impossible. Powerful algorithms were developed to address the problem. By 2015, Google claimed its Gmail algorithm had a 99.9 percent success in blocking genuine spam, while only 1 percent of legitimate emails were erroneously labeled as such.20

    We also shouldn’t discount the huge social benefits that YouTube, Facebook, and other social media platforms have brought. To be clear, most YouTube videos and Facebook posts have not been fake news and genocidal incitements. Social media has been more than helpful in connecting people, giving voice to previously disenfranchised groups, and organizing valuable new movements and communities.21 It has also encouraged an unprecedented wave of human creativity. In the days when television was the dominant medium, viewers were often denigrated as couch potatoes: passive consumers of content that a few gifted artists produced. Facebook, YouTube, and other social media platforms inspired the couch potatoes to get up and start creating. Most of the content on social media—at least until the rise of powerful generative AI—has been produced by the users themselves, and their cats and dogs, rather than by a limited professional class.

    I, too, routinely use YouTube and Facebook to connect with people, and I am grateful to social media for connecting me with my husband, whom I met on one of the first LGBTQ social media platforms back in 2002. Social media has done wonders for dispersed minorities like LGBTQ people. Few gay boys are born to a gay family in a gay neighborhood, and in the days before the internet simply finding one another posed a big challenge, unless you moved to one of the handful of tolerant metropolises that had a gay subculture. Growing up in a small homophobic town in Israel in the 1980s and early 1990s, I didn’t know a single openly gay man. Social media in the late 1990s and early 2000s provided an unprecedented and almost magical way for members of the dispersed LGBTQ community to find one another and connect.

    And yet I have devoted so much attention to the social media “user engagement” debacle because it exemplifies a much bigger problem afflicting computers—the alignment problem. When computers are given a specific goal, such as to increase YouTube traffic to one billion hours a day, they use all their power and ingenuity to achieve this goal. Since they operate very differently than humans, they are likely to use methods their human overlords didn’t anticipate. This can result in dangerous unforeseen consequences, which are not aligned with the original human goals. Even if recommendation algorithms stop encouraging hate, other instances of the alignment problem might result in larger catastrophes than the anti-Rohingya campaign. The more powerful and independent computers become, the bigger the danger.

    Of course, the alignment problem is neither new nor unique to algorithms. It bedeviled humanity for thousands of years before the invention of computers. It has been, for example, the foundational problem of modern military thinking, enshrined in Carl von Clausewitz’s theory of war. Clausewitz was a Prussian general who fought during the Napoleonic Wars. Following Napoleon’s final defeat in 1815, Clausewitz became the director of the Prussian War College. He also began formalizing a grand theory of war. After he died of cholera in 1831, his wife, Marie, edited his unfinished manuscript and published On War in several parts between 1832 and 1834.22

    On War created a rational model for understanding war, and it is still the dominant military theory today. Its most important maxim is that “war is the continuation of policy with other means.”23 This implies that war is not an emotional outbreak, a heroic adventure, or a divine punishment. War is not even a military phenomenon. Rather, war is a political tool. According to Clausewitz, military actions are utterly irrational unless they are aligned with some overarching political goal.

    Suppose Mexico contemplates whether to invade and conquer its small neighbor, Belize. And suppose a detailed military analysis concludes that if the Mexican army invades, it will achieve a quick and decisive military victory, crushing the small Belize army and conquering the capital, Belmopan, in three days. According to Clausewitz, that does not constitute a rational reason for Mexico to invade. The mere ability to secure military victory is meaningless. The key question the Mexican government should ask itself is, what political goals will the military success achieve?

    History is full of decisive military victories that led to political disasters. For Clausewitz, the most obvious example was close to home: Napoleon’s career. Nobody disputes the military genius of Napoleon, who was a master of both tactics and strategy. But while his string of victories brought Napoleon temporary control of vast territories, they failed to secure lasting political achievements. His military conquests merely drove most European powers to unite against him, and his empire collapsed a decade after he crowned himself emperor.

    Indeed, in the long term, Napoleon’s victories ensured the permanent decline of France. For centuries, France was Europe’s leading geopolitical power, largely because both Italy and Germany didn’t exist as unified political entities. Italy was a hodgepodge of dozens of warring city-states, feudal principalities, and church territories. Germany was an even more bizarre jigsaw puzzle divided into more than a thousand independent polities, loosely held together under the theoretical suzerainty of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation.24 In 1789, the prospect of a German or Italian invasion of France was simply unthinkable, because there was no such thing as a German or Italian army.

    As Napoleon expanded his empire into central Europe and the Italian Peninsula, he abolished the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, amalgamated many of the smaller German and Italian principalities into larger territorial blocs, created a German Confederation of the Rhine and a Kingdom of Italy, and sought to unify these territories under his dynastic rule. His victorious armies also spread the ideals of modern nationalism and popular sovereignty into the German and Italian lands. Napoleon thought all this would make his empire stronger. In fact, by breaking up traditional structures and giving Germans and Italians a taste of national consolidation, Napoleon inadvertently lay the foundations for the ultimate unification of Germany (1866–71) and of Italy (1848–71). These twin processes of national unification were sealed by the German victory over France in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71. Faced with two newly unified and fervently nationalistic powers on its eastern border, France never regained its position of dominance.

    A more recent example of military victory leading to political defeat was provided by the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. The Americans won every major military engagement, but failed to achieve any of their long-term political aims. Their military victory didn’t establish a friendly regime in Iraq, or a favorable geopolitical order in the Middle East. The real winner of the war was Iran. American military victory turned Iraq from Iran’s traditional foe into Iran’s vassal, thereby greatly weakening the American position in the Middle East while making Iran the regional hegemon.25

    Both Napoleon and George W. Bush fell victim to the alignment problem. Their short-term military goals were misaligned with their countries’ long-term geopolitical goals. We can understand the whole of Clausewitz’s On War as a warning that “maximizing victory” is as shortsighted a goal as “maximizing user engagement.” According to the Clausewitzian model, only once the political goal is clear can armies decide on a military strategy that will hopefully achieve it. From the overall strategy, lower-ranking officers can then derive tactical goals. The model constructs a clear hierarchy between long-term policy, medium-term strategy, and short-term tactics. Tactics are considered rational only if they are aligned with some strategic goal, and strategy is considered rational only if it is aligned with some political goal. Even local tactical decisions of a lowly company commander must serve the war’s ultimate political goal.

    Suppose that during the American occupation of Iraq an American company comes under intense fire from a nearby mosque. The company commander has several different tactical decisions to choose from. He might order the company to retreat. He might order the company to storm the mosque. He might order one of his supporting tanks to blow up the mosque. What should the company commander do?

    From a purely military perspective, it might seem best for the commander to order his tank to blow up the mosque. This would capitalize on the tactical advantage that the Americans enjoyed in terms of firepower, avoid risking the lives of his own soldiers, and achieve a decisive tactical victory. However, from a political perspective, this might be the worst decision the commander could make. Footage of an American tank destroying a mosque would galvanize Iraqi public opinion against the Americans and create outrage throughout the wider Muslim world. Storming the mosque might also be a political mistake, because it too could create resentment among Iraqis, while the cost in American lives could weaken support for the war among American voters. Given the political war aims of the United States, retreating and conceding tactical defeat might well be the most rational decision.

    For Clausewitz, then, rationality means alignment. Pursuing tactical or strategic victories that are misaligned with political goals is irrational. The problem is that the bureaucratic nature of armies makes them highly susceptible to such irrationality. As discussed in chapter 3, by dividing reality into separate drawers, bureaucracy encourages the pursuit of narrow goals even when this harms the greater good. Bureaucrats tasked with accomplishing a narrow mission may be ignorant of the wider impact of their actions, and it has always been tricky to ensure that their actions remain aligned with the greater good of society. When armies operate along bureaucratic lines—as all modern armies do—it creates a huge gap between a captain commanding a company in the field and the president formulating long-term policy in a distant office. The captain is prone to make decisions that seem reasonable on the ground but that actually undermine the war’s ultimate goal.

    We see, then, that the alignment problem has long predated the computer revolution and that the difficulties encountered by builders of present-day information empires are not unlike those that bedeviled previous would-be conquerors. Nevertheless, computers do change the nature of the alignment problem in important ways. No matter how difficult it used to be to ensure that human bureaucrats and soldiers remain aligned with society’s long-term goals, it is going to be even harder to ensure the alignment of algorithmic bureaucrats and autonomous weapon systems.

    THE PAPER-CLIP NAPOLEON

    One reason why the alignment problem is particularly dangerous in the context of the computer network is that this network is likely to become far more powerful than any previous human bureaucracy. A misalignment in the goals of superintelligent computers might result in a catastrophe of unprecedented magnitude. In his 2014 book, Superintelligence, the philosopher Nick Bostrom illustrated the danger using a thought experiment, which is reminiscent of Goethe’s “Sorcerer’s Apprentice.” Bostrom asks us to imagine that a paper-clip factory buys a superintelligent computer and that the factory’s human manager gives the computer a seemingly simple task: produce as many paper clips as possible. In pursuit of this goal, the paper-clip computer conquers the whole of planet Earth, kills all the humans, sends expeditions to take over additional planets, and uses the enormous resources it acquires to fill the entire galaxy with paper-clip factories.

    The point of the thought experiment is that the computer did exactly what it was told (just like the enchanted broomstick in Goethe’s poem). Realizing that it needed electricity, steel, land, and other resources to build more factories and produce more paper clips, and realizing that humans are unlikely to give up these resources, the superintelligent computer eliminated all humans in its single-minded pursuit of its given goal.26 Bostrom’s point was that the problem with computers isn’t that they are particularly evil but that they are particularly powerful. And the more powerful the computer, the more careful we need to be about defining its goal in a way that precisely aligns with our ultimate goals. If we define a misaligned goal to a pocket calculator, the consequences are trivial. But if we define a misaligned goal to a superintelligent machine, the consequences could be dystopian.

    The paper-clip thought experiment may sound outlandish and utterly disconnected from reality. But if Silicon Valley managers had paid attention when Bostrom published it in 2014, perhaps they would have been more careful before instructing their algorithms to “maximize user engagement.” The Facebook and YouTube algorithms behaved exactly like Bostrom’s imaginary algorithm. When told to maximize paper-clip production, the algorithm sought to convert the entire physical universe into paper clips, even if it meant destroying human civilization. When told to maximize user engagement, the Facebook and YouTube algorithms sought to convert the entire social universe into user engagement, even if it meant doing harm to the social fabric of Myanmar, Brazil, and many other countries.

    Bostrom’s thought experiment highlights a second reason why the alignment problem is more urgent in the case of computers. Because they are inorganic entities, they are likely to adopt strategies that would never occur to any human and that we are therefore ill-equipped to foresee and forestall. Here’s one example: In 2016, Dario Amodei was working on a project called Universe, trying to develop a general-purpose AI that could play hundreds of different computer games. The AI competed well in various car races, so Amodei next tried it on a boat race. Inexplicably, the AI steered its boat right into a harbor and then sailed in endless circles in and out of the harbor.

    It took Amodei considerable time to understand what went wrong. The problem occurred because initially Amodei wasn’t sure how to tell the AI that its goal was to “win the race.” “Winning” is an unclear concept to an algorithm. Translating “win the race” into computer language would have required Amodei to formalize complex concepts like track position and placement among the other boats in the race. So instead, Amodei took the easy way and told the boat to maximize its score. He assumed that the score was a good proxy for winning the race. After all, it worked with the car races.

    But the boat race had a peculiar feature, absent from the car races, that allowed the ingenious AI to find a loophole in the game’s rules. The game rewarded players with a lot of points for getting ahead of other boats—as in the car races—but it also rewarded them with a few points whenever they replenished their power by docking into a harbor. The AI discovered that if instead of trying to outsail the other boats, it simply went in circles in and out of the harbor, it could accumulate more points far faster. Apparently, none of the game’s human developers—nor Dario Amodei—noticed this loophole. The AI was doing exactly what the game was rewarding it to do—even though it is not what the humans were hoping for. That’s the essence of the alignment problem: rewarding A while hoping for B.27 If we want computers to maximize social benefits, it’s a bad idea to reward them for maximizing user engagement.

    A third reason to worry about the alignment problem of computers is that because they are so different from us, when we make the mistake of giving them a misaligned goal, they are less likely to notice it or request clarification. If the boat-race AI had been a human gamer, it would have realized that the loophole it found in the game’s rules probably doesn’t really count as “winning.” If the paper-clip AI had been a human bureaucrat, it would have realized that destroying humanity in order to produce paper clips is probably not what was intended. But since computers aren’t humans, we cannot rely on them to notice and flag possible misalignments. In the 2010s the YouTube and Facebook management teams were bombarded with warnings from their human employees—as well as from outside observers—about the harm being done by the algorithms, but the algorithms themselves never raised the alarm.28

    As we give algorithms greater and greater power over health care, education, law enforcement, and numerous other fields, the alignment problem will loom ever larger. If we don’t find ways to solve it, the consequences will be far worse than algorithms racking up points by sailing boats in circles.

    THE CORSICAN CONNECTION

    How to solve the alignment problem? In theory, when humans create a computer network, they must define for it an ultimate goal, which the computers are never allowed to change or ignore. Then, even if computers become so powerful that we lose control over them, we can rest assured that their immense power will benefit rather than harm us. Unless, of course, it turned out that we defined a harmful or vague goal. And there’s the rub. In the case of human networks, we rely on self-correcting mechanisms to periodically review and revise our goals, so setting the wrong goal is not the end of the world. But since the computer network might escape our control, if we set it the wrong goal, we might discover our mistake when we are no longer able to correct it. Some might hope that through a careful process of deliberation, we might be able to define in advance the right goals for the computer network. This, however, is a very dangerous delusion.

    To understand why it is impossible to agree in advance on the ultimate goals of the computer network, let’s revisit Clausewitz’s war theory. There is one fatal flaw in the way he equates rationality with alignment. While Clausewitzian theory demands that all actions be aligned with the ultimate goal, it offers no rational way to define such a goal. Consider Napoleon’s life and military career. What should have been his ultimate goal? Given the prevailing cultural atmosphere of France circa 1800, we can think of several alternatives for “ultimate goal” that might have occurred to Napoleon:

    POTENTIAL GOAL NUMBER 1: Making France the dominant power in Europe, secure against any future attack by Britain, the Habsburg Empire, Russia, a unified Germany, or a unified Italy.

    POTENTIAL GOAL NUMBER 2: Creating a new multiethnic empire ruled by Napoleon’s family, which would include not only France but also many additional territories both in Europe and overseas.

    POTENTIAL GOAL NUMBER 3: Achieving everlasting glory for himself personally, so that even centuries after his death billions of people will know the name Napoleon and admire his genius.

    POTENTIAL GOAL NUMBER 4: Securing the redemption of his everlasting soul, and gaining entry to heaven after his death.

    POTENTIAL GOAL NUMBER 5: Spreading the universal ideals of the French Revolution, and helping to protect freedom, equality, and human rights throughout Europe and the world.

    Many self-styled rationalists tend to argue that Napoleon should have made it his life’s mission to achieve the first goal—securing French domination in Europe. But why? Remember that for Clausewitz rationality means alignment. A tactical maneuver is rational if, and only if, it is aligned with some higher strategic goal, which should in turn be aligned with an even higher political goal. But where does this chain of goals ultimately start? How can we determine the ultimate goal that justifies all the strategic subgoals and tactical steps derived from it? Such an ultimate goal by definition cannot be aligned with anything higher than itself, because there is nothing higher. What then makes it rational to place France at the top of the goal hierarchy, rather than Napoleon’s family, Napoleon’s fame, Napoleon’s soul, or universal human rights? Clausewitz provides no answer.

    One might argue that goal number 4—securing the redemption of his everlasting soul—cannot be a serious candidate for an ultimate rational goal, because it is based on a belief in mythology. But the same argument can be leveled at all the other goals. Everlasting souls are an intersubjective invention that exist only in people’s minds, and exactly the same is true of nations and human rights. Why should Napoleon care about the mythical France any more than about his mythical soul?

    Indeed, for most of his youth, Napoleon didn’t even consider himself French. He was born Napoleone di Buonaparte on Corsica, to a family of Italian emigrants. For five hundred years Corsica was ruled by the Italian city-state of Genoa, where many of Napoleone’s ancestors lived. It was only in 1768—a year before Napoleone’s birth—that Genoa ceded the island to France. Corsican nationalists resisted being handed over to France and rose in rebellion. Only after their defeat in 1770 did Corsica formally become a French province. Many Corsicans continued to resent the French takeover, but the di Buonaparte family swore allegiance to the French king and sent Napoleone to military school in mainland France.29

    At school, Napoleone had to endure a good deal of hazing from his classmates for his Corsican nationalism and his poor command of the French language.30 His mother tongues were Corsican and Italian, and although he gradually became fluent in French, he retained throughout his life a Corsican accent and an inability to spell French correctly.31 Napoleone eventually enlisted in the French army, but when the Revolution broke out in 1789, he went back to Corsica, hoping the revolution would provide an opportunity for his beloved island to achieve greater autonomy. Only after he fell out with the leader of the Corsican independence movement—Pasquale Paoli—did Napoleone abandon the Corsican cause in May 1793. He returned to the mainland, where he decided to build his future.32 It was at this stage that Napoleone di Buonaparte turned into Napoléon Bonaparte (he continued to use the Italian version of his name until 1796).33

    Why then was it rational for Napoleon to devote his military career to making France the dominant power in Europe? Was it perhaps more rational for him to stay in Corsica, patch up his personal disagreements with Paoli, and devote himself to liberating his native island from its French conquerors? And maybe Napoleon should in fact have made it his life’s mission to unite Italy—the land of his ancestors?

    Clausewitz offers no method to answer these questions rationally. If our only rule of thumb is “every action must be aligned with some higher goal,” by definition there is no rational way to define that ultimate goal. How then can we provide a computer network with an ultimate goal it must never ignore or subvert? Tech executives and engineers who rush to develop AI are making a huge mistake if they think there is a rational way to tell that AI what its ultimate goal should be. They should learn from the bitter experiences of generations of philosophers who tried to define ultimate goals and failed.

    THE KANTIAN NAZI

    For millennia, philosophers have been looking for a definition of an ultimate goal that will not depend on an alignment to some higher goal. They have repeatedly been drawn to two potential solutions, known in philosophical jargon as deontology and utilitarianism. Deontologists (from the Greek word deon, meaning “duty”) believe that there are some universal moral duties, or moral rules, that apply to everyone. These rules do not rely on alignment to a higher goal, but rather on their intrinsic goodness. If such rules indeed exist, and if we can find a way to program them into computers, then we can make sure the computer network will be a force for good.

    But what exactly does “intrinsic goodness” mean? The most famous attempt to define an intrinsically good rule was made by Immanuel Kant, a contemporary of Clausewitz and Napoleon. Kant argued that an intrinsically good rule is any rule that I would like to make universal. According to this view, a person about to murder someone should stop and go through the following thought process: “I am now going to murder a human. Would I like to establish a universal rule saying that it is okay to murder humans? If such a universal rule is established, then someone might murder me. So there shouldn’t be a universal rule allowing murder. It follows that I too shouldn’t murder.” In simpler language, Kant reformulated the old Golden Rule: “Do unto others what you want them to do to you” (Matthew 7:12).

    This sounds like a simple and obvious idea: each of us should behave in a way we want everyone to behave. But ideas that sound good in the ethereal realm of philosophy often have trouble immigrating to the harsh land of history. The key question historians would ask Kant is, when you talk about universal rules, how exactly do you define “universal”? Under actual historical circumstances, when a person is about to commit murder, the first step they often take is to exclude the victim from the universal community of humanity.34 This, for example, is what anti-Rohingya extremists like Wirathu did. As a Buddhist monk, Wirathu was certainly against murdering humans. But he didn’t think this universal rule applied to killing Rohingya, who were seen as subhuman. In posts and interviews, he repeatedly compared them to beasts, snakes, mad dogs, wolves, jackals, and other dangerous animals.35 On October 30, 2017, at the height of the anti-Rohingya violence, another, more senior Buddhist monk preached a sermon to military officers in which he justified violence against the Rohingya by telling the officers that non-Buddhists were “not fully human.”36

    As a thought experiment, imagine a meeting between Immanuel Kant and Adolf Eichmann—who, by the way, considered himself a Kantian.37 As Eichmann signs an order sending another trainload of Jews to Auschwitz, Kant tells him, “You are about to murder thousands of humans. Would you like to establish a universal rule saying it is okay to murder humans? If you do that, you and your family might also be murdered.” Eichmann replies, “No, I am not about to murder thousands of humans. I am about to murder thousands of Jews. If you ask me whether I would like to establish a universal rule saying it is okay to murder Jews, then I am all for it. As for myself and my family, there is no risk that this universal rule would lead to us being murdered. We aren’t Jews.”

    One potential Kantian reply to Eichmann is that when we define entities, we must always use the most universal definition applicable. If an entity can be defined as either “a Jew” or “a human,” we should use the more universal term “human.” However, the whole point of Nazi ideology was to deny the humanity of Jews. In addition, note that Jews are not just humans. They are also animals, and they are also organisms. Since animals and organisms are obviously more universal categories than “human,” if you follow the Kantian argument to its logical conclusion, it might push us to adopt an extreme vegan position. Since we are organisms, does it mean we should object to the killing of any organism, down even to tomatoes or amoebas?

    In history, many if not most conflicts concern the definition of identities. Everybody accepts that murder is wrong, but thinks that only killing members of the in-group qualifies as “murder,” whereas killing someone from an out-group is not. But the in-groups and out-groups are intersubjective entities, whose definition usually depends on some mythology. Deontologists who pursue universal rational rules often end up the captives of local myths.

    This problem with deontology is especially critical if we try to dictate universal deontologist rules not to humans but to computers. Computers aren’t even organic. So if they follow a rule of “Do unto others what you want them to do to you,” why should they be concerned about killing organisms like humans? A Kantian computer that doesn’t want to be killed has no reason to object to a universal rule saying “it is okay to kill organisms”; such a rule does not endanger the nonorganic computer.

    Alternatively, being inorganic entities, computers may have no qualms about dying. As far as we can tell, death is an organic phenomenon and may be inapplicable to inorganic entities. When ancient Assyrians talked about “killing” documents, that was just a metaphor. If computers are more like documents than like organisms, and don’t care about “being killed,” would we like a Kantian computer to conclude that killing humans is therefore fine?

    Is there a way to define whom computers should care about, without getting bogged down by some intersubjective myth? The most obvious suggestion is to tell computers that they must care about any entity capable of suffering. While suffering is often caused by belief in local intersubjective myths, suffering itself is nonetheless a universal reality. Therefore, using the capacity to suffer in order to define the critical in-group grounds morality in an objective and universal reality. A self-driving car should avoid killing all humans—whether Buddhist or Muslim, French or Italian—and should also avoid killing dogs and cats, and any sentient robots that might one day exist. We may even refine this rule, instructing the car to care about different beings in direct proportion to their capacity to suffer. If the car has to choose between killing a human and killing a cat, it should drive over the cat, because presumably the cat has a lesser capacity to suffer. But if we go in that direction, we inadvertently desert the deontologist camp and find ourselves in the camp of their rivals—the utilitarians.

    THE CALCULUS OF SUFFERING

    Whereas deontologists struggle to find universal rules that are intrinsically good, utilitarians judge actions by their impact on suffering and happiness. The English philosopher Jeremy Bentham—another contemporary of Napoleon, Clausewitz, and Kant—said that the only rational ultimate goal is to minimize suffering in the world and maximize happiness. If our main fear about computer networks is that their misaligned goals might inflict terrible suffering on humans and perhaps on other sentient beings, then the utilitarian solution seems both obvious and attractive. When creating the computer network, we just need to instruct it to minimize suffering and maximize happiness. If Facebook had told its algorithms “maximize happiness” instead of “maximize user engagement,” all would allegedly have been well. It is worth noting that this utilitarian approach is indeed popular in Silicon Valley, championed in particular by the effective altruism movement.38

    Unfortunately, as with the deontologist solution, what sounds simple in the theoretical realm of philosophy becomes fiendishly complex in the practical land of history. The problem for utilitarians is that we don’t possess a calculus of suffering. We don’t know how many “suffering points” or “happiness points” to assign to particular events, so in complex historical situations it is extremely difficult to calculate whether a given action increases or decreases the overall amount of suffering in the world.

    Utilitarianism is at its best in situations when the scales of suffering are very clearly tipped in one direction. When confronted by Eichmann, utilitarians don’t need to get into any complicated debates about identity. They just need to point out that the Holocaust caused immense suffering to the Jews, without providing equivalent benefits to anyone else, including the Germans. There was no compelling military or economic need for the Germans to murder millions of Jews. The utilitarian case against the Holocaust is overwhelming.

    Utilitarians also have a field day when dealing with “victimless crimes” like homosexuality, in which all the suffering is on one side only. For centuries, the persecution of gay people caused them immense suffering, but it was nevertheless justified by various prejudices that were erroneously presented as deontological universal rules. Kant, for example, condemned homosexuality on the grounds that it is “contrary to natural instinct and to animal nature” and that it therefore degrades a person “below the level of the animals.” Kant further fulminated that because such acts are contrary to nature, they “make man unworthy of his humanity. He no longer deserves to be a person.”39 Kant, in fact, repackaged a Christian prejudice as a supposedly universal deontological rule, without providing empirical proof that homosexuality is indeed contrary to nature. In light of the above discussion of dehumanization as a prelude to massacre, it is also noteworthy how Kant dehumanized gay people. The view that homosexuality is contrary to nature and deprives people of their humanity paved the way for Nazis like Eichmann to justify murdering homosexuals in concentration camps. Since homosexuals were allegedly below the level of animals, the Kantian rule against murdering humans didn’t apply to them.40

    Utilitarians find it easy to dismiss Kant’s sexual theories, and Bentham indeed was one of the first modern European thinkers who favored the decriminalization of homosexuality.41 Utilitarians argue that criminalizing homosexuality in the name of some dubious universal rule causes tremendous suffering to millions of people, without offering any substantial benefits to others. When two men form a loving relationship, this makes them happy, without making anyone else miserable. Why then forbid it? This type of utilitarian logic also led to many other modern reforms, such as the ban on torture and the introduction of some legal protections for animals.

    But in historical situations when the scales of suffering are more evenly matched, utilitarianism falters. In the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, governments all over the world adopted strict policies of social isolation and lockdown. This probably saved the lives of several million people.42 It also made hundreds of millions miserable for months. Moreover, it might have indirectly caused numerous deaths, for example by increasing the incidence of murderous domestic violence,43 or by making it more difficult for people to diagnose and treat other dangerous illnesses, like cancer.44 Can anyone calculate the total impact of the lockdown policies and determine whether they increased or decreased the suffering in the world?

    This may sound like a perfect task for a relentless computer network. But how would the computer network decide how many “misery points” to allocate to being locked down with three kids in a two-bedroom apartment for a month? Is that 60 misery points or 600? And how many points to allot to a cancer patient who died because she missed her chemotherapy treatments? Is that 60,000 misery points or 600,000? And what if she would have died of cancer anyway, and the chemo would merely have extended her life by five agonizing months? Should the computers value five months of living with extreme pain as a net gain or a net loss for the sum total of suffering in the world?

    And how would the computer network evaluate the suffering caused by less tangible things, such as the knowledge of our own mortality? If a religious myth promises us that we will never really die, because after death our eternal soul will go to heaven, does that make us truly happy or just delusional? Is death the deep cause of our misery, or does our misery stem from our attempts to deny death? If someone loses their religious faith and comes to terms with their mortality, should the computer network see this as a net loss or a net gain?

    What about even more complicated historical events like the American invasion of Iraq? The Americans were well aware that their invasion would cause tremendous suffering for millions of people. But in the long run, they argued, the benefits of bringing freedom and democracy to Iraq would outweigh the costs. Can the computer network calculate whether this argument was sound? Even if it was theoretically plausible, in practice the Americans failed to establish a stable democracy in Iraq. Does that mean that their attempt was wrong in the first place?

    Just as deontologists trying to answer the question of identity are pushed to adopt utilitarian ideas, so utilitarians stymied by the lack of a suffering calculus often end up adopting a deontologist position. They uphold general rules like “avoid wars of aggression” or “protect human rights,” even though they cannot show that following these rules always reduces the sum total of suffering in the world. History provides them only with a vague impression that following these rules tends to reduce suffering. And when some of these general rules clash—for example, when contemplating launching a war of aggression in order to protect human rights—utilitarianism doesn’t offer much practical help. Not even the most powerful computer network can perform the necessary calculations.

    Accordingly, while utilitarianism promises a rational—and even mathematical—way to align every action with “the ultimate good,” in practice it may well produce just another mythology. Communist true believers confronted by the horrors of Stalinism often replied that the happiness that future generations would experience under “real socialism” would redeem any short-term misery in the gulags. Libertarians, when asked about the immediate social harms of unrestricted free speech or the total abolition of taxes, express a similar faith that future benefits will outweigh any short-term damage. The danger of utilitarianism is that if you have a strong enough belief in a future utopia, it can become an open license to inflict terrible suffering in the present. Indeed, this is a trick traditional religions discovered thousands of years ago. The crimes of this world could too easily be excused by the promises of future salvation.

    COMPUTER MYTHOLOGY

    How then did bureaucratic systems throughout history set their ultimate goals? They relied on mythology to do it for them. No matter how rational were the officials, engineers, tax collectors, and accountants, they were ultimately in the service of this or that mythmaker. To paraphrase John Maynard Keynes, practical people, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any religious influence, are usually the slaves of some mythmaker. Even nuclear physicists have found themselves obeying the commands of Shiite ayatollahs and communist apparatchiks.

    The alignment problem turns out to be, at heart, a problem of mythology. Nazi administrators could have been committed deontologists or utilitarians, but they would still have murdered millions so long as they understood the world in terms of a racist mythology. If you start with the mythological belief that Jews are demonic monsters bent on destroying humanity, then both deontologists and utilitarians can find many logical arguments why the Jews should be killed.

    An analogous problem might well afflict computers. Of course, they cannot “believe” in any mythology, because they are nonconscious entities that don’t believe in anything. As long as they lack subjectivity, how can they hold intersubjective beliefs? However, one of the most important things to realize about computers is that when a lot of computers communicate with one another, they can create inter-computer realities, analogous to the intersubjective realities produced by networks of humans. These inter-computer realities may eventually become as powerful—and as dangerous—as human-made intersubjective myths.

    This is a very complicated argument, but it is another of the central arguments of the book, so let’s go over it carefully. First, let’s try to understand what inter-computer realities are. As an initial example, consider a one-player computer game. In such a game, you can wander inside a virtual landscape that exists as information within one computer. If you see a rock, that rock is not made of atoms. It is made of bits inside a single computer. When several computers are linked to one another, they can create inter-computer realities. Several players using different computers can wander together inside a common virtual landscape. If they see a rock, that rock is made of bits in several computers.45

    Just as intersubjective realities like money and gods can influence the physical reality outside people’s minds, so inter-computer realities can influence reality outside the computers. In 2016 the game Pokémon Go took the world by storm and was downloaded hundreds of millions of times by the end of the year.46 Pokémon Go is an augmented reality mobile game. Players can use their smartphones to locate, fight, and capture virtual creatures called Pokémon, which seem to exist in the physical world. I once went with my nephew Matan on such a Pokémon hunt. Walking around his neighborhood, I saw only houses, trees, rocks, cars, people, cats, dogs, and pigeons. I didn’t see any Pokémon, because I didn’t have a smartphone. But Matan, looking around through his smartphone lens, could “see” Pokémon standing on a rock or hiding behind a tree.

    Though I couldn’t see the creatures, they were obviously not confined to Matan’s smartphone, because other people could “see” them too. For example, we encountered two other kids who were hunting the same Pokémon. If Matan managed to capture a Pokémon, the other kids could immediately observe what happened. The Pokémon were inter-computer entities. They existed as bits in a computer network rather than as atoms in the physical world, but they could nevertheless interact with the physical world and influence it, as it were, in various ways.

    Now let’s examine a more consequential example of inter-computer realities. Consider the rank that a website gets in a Google search. When we google for news, flight tickets, or restaurant recommendations, one website appears at the top of the first Google page, whereas another is relegated to the middle of the fiftieth page. What exactly is this Google rank, and how is it determined? The Google algorithm determines the website’s Google rank by assigning points to various parameters, such as how many people visit the website and how many other websites link to it. The rank itself is an inter-computer reality, existing in a network connecting billions of computers—the internet. Like Pokémon, this inter-computer reality spills over into the physical world. For a news outlet, a travel agency, or a restaurant it matters a great deal whether its website appears at the top of the first Google page or in the middle of the fiftieth page.47

    Since the Google rank is so important, people use all kinds of tricks to manipulate the Google algorithm to give their website a higher rank. For example, they may use bots to generate more traffic to the website.48 This is a widespread phenomenon in social media too, where coordinated bot armies are constantly manipulating the algorithms of YouTube, Facebook, or Twitter. If a tweet goes viral, is it because humans are really interested in it, or because thousands of bots managed to fool the Twitter algorithm?49

    Inter-computer realities like Pokémon and Google ranks are analogous to intersubjective realities like the sanctity that humans ascribe to temples and cities. I lived much of my life in one of the holiest places on earth—the city of Jerusalem. Objectively, it is an ordinary place. As you walk around Jerusalem, you see houses, trees, rocks, cars, people, cats, dogs, and pigeons, as in any other city. But many people nevertheless imagine it to be an extraordinary place, full of gods, angels, and holy stones. They believe in this so strongly that they sometimes fight over possession of the city or of specific holy buildings and sacred stones, most notably the Holy Rock, located under the Dome of the Rock on Temple Mount. The Palestinian philosopher Sari Nusseibeh observed that “Jews and Muslims, acting on religious beliefs and backed up by nuclear capabilities, are poised to engage in history’s worst-ever massacre of human beings, over a rock.”50 They don’t fight over the atoms that compose the rock; they fight over its “sanctity,” a bit like kids fighting over a Pokémon. The sanctity of the Holy Rock, and of Jerusalem generally, is an intersubjective phenomenon that exists in the communication network connecting many human minds. For thousands of years wars were fought over intersubjective entities like holy rocks. In the twenty-first century, we might see wars fought over inter-computer entities.

    If this sounds like science fiction, consider potential developments in the financial system. As computers become more intelligent and more creative, they are likely to create new inter-computer financial devices. Gold coins and dollars are intersubjective entities. Cryptocurrencies like bitcoin are midway between intersubective and inter-computer. The idea behind them was invented by humans, and their value still depends on human beliefs, but they cannot exist outside the computer network. In addition, they are increasingly traded by algorithms so that their value depends on the calculations of algorithms and not just on human beliefs.

    What if in ten or fifty years computers create a new kind of cryptocurrency or some other financial device that becomes a vital tool for trading and investing—and a potential source for political crises and conflicts? Recall that the 2007–8 global financial crisis was instigated by collateralized debt obligations. These financial devices were invented by a handful of mathematicians and investment whiz kids and were almost unintelligible for most humans, including regulators. This led to an oversight failure and to a global catastrophe.51 Computers may well create financial devices that will be orders of magnitude more complex than CDOs and that will be intelligible only to other computers. The result could be a financial and political crisis even worse than that of 2007–8.

    Throughout history, economics and politics required that we understand the intersubjective realities invented by people—like religions, nations, and currencies. Someone who wanted to understand American politics had to take into account intersubjective realities like Christianity and CDOs. Increasingly, however, understanding American politics will necessitate understanding inter-computer realities ranging from AI-generated cults and currencies to AI-run political parties and even fully incorporated AIs. The U.S. legal system already recognizes corporations as legal persons that possess rights such as freedom of speech. In Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010) the U.S. Supreme Court decided that this even protected the right of corporations to make political donations.52 What would stop AIs from being incorporated and recognized as legal persons with freedom of speech, then lobbying and making political donations to protect and expand AI rights?

    For tens of thousands of years, humans dominated planet Earth because we were the only ones capable of creating and sustaining intersubjective entities like corporations, currencies, gods, and nations, and using such entities to organize large-scale cooperation. Now computers may acquire comparable abilities.

    This isn’t necessarily bad news. If computers lacked connectivity and creativity, they would not be very useful. We increasingly rely on computers to manage our money, drive our vehicles, reduce pollution, and discover new medicines, precisely because computers can directly communicate with one another, spot patterns where we can’t, and construct models that might never occur to us. The problem we face is not how to deprive computers of all creative agency, but rather how to steer their creativity in the right direction. It is the same problem we have always had with human creativity. The intersubjective entities invented by humans were the basis for all the achievements of human civilization, but they occasionally led to crusades, jihads, and witch hunts. The inter-computer entities will probably be the basis for future civilizations, but the fact that computers collect empirical data and use mathematics to analyze it doesn’t mean they cannot launch their own witch hunts.

    THE NEW WITCHES

    In early modern Europe, an elaborate information network analyzed a huge amount of data about crimes, illnesses, and disasters and reached the conclusion that it was all the fault of witches. The more data the witch-hunters gathered, the more convinced they became that the world was full of demons and sorcery and that there was a global satanic conspiracy to destroy humanity. The information network then went on to identify the witches and imprison or kill them. We now know that witches were a bogus intersubjective category, invented by the information network itself and then imposed on people who had never actually met Satan and couldn’t summon hailstorms.

    In the Soviet Union, an even more elaborate information network invented the kulaks—another mythic category that was imposed on millions. The mountains of information collected by Soviet bureaucracy about the kulaks weren’t an objective truth, but they created a new intersubjective truth. Knowing that someone was a kulak became one of the most important things to know about a Soviet person, even though the category was fictitious.

    On an even larger scale, from the sixteenth to the twentieth century, numerous colonial bureaucracies in the Americas, from Brazil through Mexico and the Caribbean to the United States, created a racist mythology and came up with all kinds of intersubjective racial categories. Humans were divided into Europeans, Africans, and Native Americans, and since interracial sexual relations were common, additional categories were invented. In many Spanish colonies the laws differentiated between mestizos, people with mixed Spanish and Native American ancestry; mulatos, people with mixed Spanish and African ancestry; zambos, people with mixed African and Native American ancestry; and pardos, people with mixed Spanish, African, and Native American ancestry. All these seemingly empirical categories determined whether people could be enslaved, enjoy political rights, bear arms, hold public offices, be admitted to school, practice certain professions, live in particular neighborhoods, and be allowed to have sex and get married to each other. Allegedly, by placing a person in a particular racial drawer, one could define their personality, intellectual abilities, and ethical inclinations.53

    By the nineteenth century racism pretended to be an exact science: it claimed to differentiate between people on the basis of objective biological facts, and to rely on scientific tools such as measuring skulls and recording crime statistics. But the cloud of numbers and categories was just a smoke screen for absurd intersubjective myths. The fact that somebody had a Native American grandmother or an African father didn’t, of course, reveal anything about their intelligence, kindness, or honesty. These bogus categories didn’t discover or describe any truth about humans; they imposed an oppressive, mythological order on them.

    As computers replace humans in more and more bureaucracies, from tax collection and health care to security and justice, they too may create a mythology and impose it on us with unprecedented efficiency. In a world ruled by paper documents, bureaucrats had difficulty policing racial borderlines or tracking everyone’s exact ancestry. People could get false documents. A zambo could move to another town and pretend to be a pardo. A Black person could sometimes pass as white. Similarly in the Soviet Union, kulak children occasionally managed to falsify their papers to get a good job or a place in college. In Nazi Europe, Jews could sometimes adopt an Aryan identity. But it would be much harder to game the system in a world ruled by computers that can read irises and DNA rather than paper documents. Computers could be frighteningly efficient in imposing false labels on people and making sure that the labels stick.

    For example, social credit systems could create a new underclass of “low-credit people.” Such a system may claim to merely “discover” the truth through an empirical and mathematical process of aggregating points to form an overall score. But how exactly would it define pro-social and antisocial behaviors? What happens if such a system detracts points for criticizing government policies, for reading foreign literature, for practicing a minority religion, for having no religion, or for socializing with other low-credit people? As a thought experiment, consider what might happen when the new technology of the social credit system meets traditional religions.

    Religions like Judaism, Christianity, and Islam have always imagined that somewhere above the clouds there is an all-seeing eye that gives or deducts points for everything we do and that our eternal fate depends on the score we accumulate. Of course, nobody could be certain of their score. You could know for sure only after you died. In practical terms, this meant that sinfulness and sainthood were intersubjective phenomena whose very definition depended on public opinion. What might happen if the Iranian regime, for example, decides to use its computer-based surveillance system not only to enforce its strict hijab laws, but to turn sinfulness and sainthood into precise inter-computer phenomena? You didn’t wear a hijab on the street—that’s -10 points. You ate on Ramadan before sunset—another 20 points deducted. You went to Friday prayer at the mosque, +5 points. You made the pilgrimage to Mecca, +500 points. The system might then aggregate all the points and divide people into “sinners” (under 0 points), “believers” (0 to 1,000 points), and “saints” (above 1,000 points). Whether someone is a sinner or a saint will depend on algorithmic calculations, not human belief. Would such a system discover the truth about people or impose order on people?

    Analogous problems may afflict all social credit systems and total surveillance regimes. Whenever they claim to use all-encompassing databases and ultraprecise mathematics to discover sinners, terrorists, criminals, antisocial or untrustworthy people, they might actually be imposing baseless religious and ideological prejudices with unprecedented efficiency.

    COMPUTER BIAS

    Some people may hope to overcome the problem of religious and ideological biases by giving even more power to the computers. The argument for doing so might go something like this: racism, misogyny, homophobia, antisemitism, and all other biases originate not in computers but in the psychological conditions and mythological beliefs of human beings. Computers are mathematical beings that don’t have a psychology or a mythology. So if we could take the humans completely out of the equation, the algorithms could finally decide things on the basis of pure math, free from all psychological distortions or mythological prejudices.

    Unfortunately, numerous studies have revealed that computers often have deep-seated biases of their own. While they are not biological entities, and while they lack consciousness, they do have something akin to a digital psyche and even a kind of inter-computer mythology. They may well be racist, misogynist, homophobic, or antisemitic.54 For example, on March 23, 2016, Microsoft released the AI chatbot Tay, giving it free access to Twitter. Within hours, Tay began posting misogynist and antisemitic twits, such as “I fucking hate feminists and they should all die and burn in hell” and “Hitler was right I hate the Jews.” The vitriol increased until horrified Microsoft engineers shut Tay down—a mere sixteen hours after its release.55

    More subtle but widespread racism was discovered in 2017 by the MIT professor Joy Buolamwini in commercial face-classification algorithms. She showed that these algorithms were very accurate in identifying white males, but extremely inaccurate in identifying Black females. For example, the IBM algorithm erred only 0.3 percent of the time in identifying the gender of light-skinned males, but 34.7 percent of the time when trying to identify the gender of dark-skinned females. As a qualitative test, Buolamwini asked the algorithms to categorize photos of the female African American activist Sojourner Truth, famous for her 1851 speech “Ain’t I a Woman?” The algorithms identified Truth as a man.56

    When Buolamwini—who is a Ghanaian American woman—tested another facial-analysis algorithm to identify herself, the algorithm couldn’t “see” her dark-skinned face at all. In this context, “seeing” means the ability to acknowledge the presence of a human face, a feature used by phone cameras, for example, to decide where to focus. The algorithm easily saw light-skinned faces, but not Buolamwini’s. Only when Buolamwini put on a white mask did the algorithm recognize that it was observing a human face.57

    What’s going on here? One answer might be that racist and misogynist engineers have coded these algorithms to discriminate against Black women. While we cannot rule out the possibility that such things happen, it was not the answer in the case of the face-classification algorithms or of Microsoft’s Tay. In fact, these algorithms picked up the racist and misogynist bias all by themselves from the data they were trained on.

    To understand how this could happen, we need to explain something about the history of algorithms. Originally, algorithms could not learn much by themselves. For example, in the 1980s and 1990s chess-playing algorithms were taught almost everything they knew by their human programmers. The humans coded into the algorithm not only the basic rules of chess but also how to evaluate different positions and moves on the board. For example, humans coded a rule that sacrificing a queen in exchange for a pawn is usually a bad idea. These early algorithms managed to defeat human chess masters only because the algorithms could calculate many more moves and evaluate many more positions than a human could. But the algorithms’ abilities remained limited. Since they relied on humans to tell them all the secrets of the game, if the human coders didn’t know something, the algorithms they produced were also unlikely to know it.58

    As the field of machine learning developed, algorithms gained more independence. The fundamental principle of machine learning is that algorithms can teach themselves new things by interacting with the world, just as humans do, thereby producing a fully fledged artificial intelligence. The terminology is not always consistent, but generally speaking, for something to be acknowledged as an AI, it needs the capacity to learn new things by itself, rather than just follow the instructions of its original human creators. Present-day chess-playing AI is taught nothing except the basic rules of the game. It learns everything else by itself, either by analyzing databases of prior games or by playing new games and learning from experience.59 AI is not a dumb automaton that repeats the same movements again and again irrespective of the results. Rather, it is equipped with strong self-correcting mechanisms, which allow it to learn from its own mistakes.

    This means that AI begins its life as a “baby algorithm” that has a lot of potential and computing power but doesn’t actually know much. The AI’s human parents give it only the capacity to learn and access to a world of data. They then let the baby algorithm explore the world. Like organic newborns, baby algorithms learn by spotting patterns in the data to which they have access. If I touch fire, it hurts. If I cry, mum comes. If I sacrifice a queen for a pawn, I probably lose the game. By finding patterns in the data, the baby algorithm learns more, including many things that its human parents don’t know.60

    Yet databases come with biases. The face-classification algorithms studied by Joy Buolamwini were trained on data sets of tagged online photos, such as the Labeled Faces in the Wild database. The photos in that database were taken mainly from online news articles. Since white males dominate the news, 78 percent of the photos in the database were of males, and 84 percent were of white people. George W. Bush appeared 530 times—more than twice as many times as all Black women combined.61 Another database prepared by a U.S. government agency was more than 75 percent male, was almost 80 percent light-skinned, and had just 4.4 percent dark-skinned females.62 No wonder the algorithms trained on such data sets were excellent at identifying white men but lousy at identifying Black women. Something similar happened to the chatbot Tay. The Microsoft engineers didn’t build into it any intentional prejudices. But a few hours of exposure to the toxic information swirling in Twitter turned the AI into a raging racist.63

    It gets worse. In order to learn, baby algorithms need one more thing besides access to data. They also need a goal. A human baby learns how to walk because she wants to get somewhere. A lion cub learns to hunt because he wants to eat. Algorithms too must be given a goal in order to learn. In chess, it is easy to define the goal: take the opponent’s king. The AI learns that sacrificing a queen for a pawn is a “mistake,” because it usually prevents the algorithm from reaching its goal. In face recognition, the goal is also easy: identify the person’s gender, age, and name as listed in the original database. If the algorithm guessed that George W. Bush is female, but the database says male, the goal has not been reached, and the algorithm learns from its mistake.

    But if you want to train an algorithm for hiring personnel, for example, how would you define the goal? How would the algorithm know that it made a mistake and hired the “wrong” person? We might tell the baby algorithm that its goal is to hire people who stay in the company for at least a year. Employers obviously don’t want to invest a lot of time and money in training a worker who quits or gets fired after a few months. Having defined the goal in such a way, it is time to go over the data. In chess, the algorithm can produce any amount of new data just by playing against itself. But in the job market, that’s impossible. Nobody can create an entire imaginary world where the baby algorithm can hire and fire imaginary people and learn from that experience. The baby algorithm can train only on an existing database about real-life people. Just as lion cubs learn what a zebra is mainly by spotting patterns in the real-life savanna, so baby algorithms learn what a good employee is by spotting patterns in real-life companies.

    Unfortunately, if real-life companies already suffer from some ingrained bias, the baby algorithm is likely to learn this bias, and even amplify it. For instance, an algorithm looking for patterns of “good employees” in real-life data may conclude that hiring the boss’s nephews is always a good idea, no matter what other qualification they have. For the data clearly indicates that “boss’s nephews” are usually hired when applying for a job, and are rarely fired. The baby algorithm would spot this pattern and become nepotistic. If it is put in charge of an HR department, it will start giving preference to the boss’s nephews.

    Similarly, if companies in a misogynist society prefer to hire men rather than women, an algorithm trained on real-life data is likely to pick up that bias, too. This indeed happened when Amazon tried in 2014–18 to develop an algorithm for screening job applications. Learning from previous successful and unsuccessful applications, the algorithm began to systematically downgrade applications simply for containing the word “women” or coming from graduates of women’s colleges. Since existing data showed that in the past such applications had less chance of succeeding, the algorithm developed a bias against them. The algorithm thought it had simply discovered an objective truth about the world: applicants who graduate from women’s colleges are less qualified. In fact, it just internalized and imposed a misogynist bias. Amazon tried and failed to fix the problem and ultimately scrapped the project.64

    The database on which an AI is trained is a bit like a human’s childhood. Childhood experiences, traumas, and fairy tales stay with us throughout our lives. AIs too have childhood experiences. Algorithms might even infect one another with their biases, just as humans do. Consider a future society in which algorithms are ubiquitous and used not just to screen job applicants but also to recommend to people what to study in college. Suppose that due to a preexisting misogynist bias, 80 percent of jobs in engineering are given to men. In this society, an algorithm that hires new engineers is not only likely to copy this preexisting bias but also to infect the college recommendation algorithms with the same bias. A young woman entering college may be discouraged from studying engineering, because the existing data indicates she is less likely to eventually get a job. What began as a human intersubjective myth that “women aren’t good at engineering” might morph into an inter-computer myth. If we don’t get rid of the bias at the very beginning, computers may well perpetuate and magnify it.65

    But getting rid of algorithmic bias might be as difficult as ridding ourselves of our human biases. Once an algorithm has been trained, it takes a lot of time and effort to “untrain” it. We might decide to just dump the biased algorithm and train an altogether new algorithm on a new set of less biased data. But where on earth can we find a set of totally unbiased data?66

    Many of the algorithmic biases surveyed in this and previous chapters share the same fundamental problem: the computer thinks it has discovered some truth about humans, when in fact it has imposed order on them. A social media algorithm thinks it discovered that humans like outrage, when in fact it is the algorithm itself that conditioned humans to produce and consume more outrage. Such biases result, on the one hand, from the computers discounting the full spectrum of human abilities and, on the other hand, from the computers discounting their own power to influence humans. Even if computers observe that almost all humans behave in a particular way, it doesn’t mean humans are bound to behave like that. Maybe it just means that the computers themselves are rewarding such behavior while punishing and blocking alternatives. For computers to have a more accurate and responsible view of the world, they need to take into account their own power and impact. And for that to happen, the humans who currently engineer computers need to accept that they are not manufacturing new tools. They are unleashing new kinds of independent agents, and potentially even new kinds of gods.

    THE NEW GODS?

    In God, Human, Animal, Machine, the philosopher Meghan O’Gieblyn demonstrates how the way we understand computers is heavily influenced by traditional mythologies. In particular, she stresses the similarities between the omniscient and unfathomable god of Judeo-Christian theology and present-day AIs whose decisions seem to us both infallible and inscrutable.67 This may present humans with a dangerous temptation.

    We saw in chapter 4 that already thousands of years ago humans dreamed about finding an infallible information technology to shield us from human corruption and error. Holy books were an audacious attempt to craft such a technology, but they backfired. Since the book couldn’t interpret itself, a human institution had to be built to interpret the sacred words and adapt them to changing circumstances. Different humans interpreted the holy book in different ways, thereby reopening the door to corruption and error. But in contrast to the holy book, computers can adapt themselves to changing circumstances and also interpret their decisions and ideas for us. Some humans may consequently conclude that the quest for an infallible technology has finally succeeded and that we should treat computers as a holy book that can talk to us and interpret itself, without any need of an intervening human institution.

    This would be an extremely hazardous gamble. When certain interpretations of scriptures have occasionally caused disasters such as witch hunts and wars of religion, humans have always been able to change their beliefs. When the human imagination summoned a belligerent and hate-filled god, we retained the power to rid ourselves of it and imagine a more tolerant deity. But algorithms are independent agents, and they are already taking power away from us. If they cause disaster, simply changing our beliefs about them will not necessarily stop them. And it is highly likely that if computers are entrusted with power, they will indeed cause disasters, for they are fallible.

    When we say that computers are fallible, it means far more than that they make the occasional factual mistake or wrong decision. More important, like the human network before it, the computer network might fail to find the right balance between truth and order. By creating and imposing on us powerful inter-computer myths, the computer network could cause historical calamities that would dwarf the early modern European witch hunts or Stalin’s collectivization.

    Consider a network of billions of interacting computers that accumulates a stupendous amount of information on the world. As they pursue various goals, the networked computers develop a common model of the world that helps them communicate and cooperate. This shared model will probably be full of errors, fictions, and lacunae, and be a mythology rather than a truthful account of the universe. One example is a social credit system that divides humans into bogus categories, determined not by a human rationale like racism but by some unfathomable computer logic. We may come into contact with this mythology every day of our lives, since it would guide the numerous decisions computers make about us. But because this mythical model would be created by inorganic entities in order to coordinate actions with other inorganic entities, it might owe nothing to the old biological dramas and might be totally alien to us.68

    As noted in chapter 2, large-scale societies cannot exist without some mythology, but that doesn’t mean all mythologies are equal. To guard against errors and excesses, some mythologies have acknowledged their own fallible origin and included a self-correcting mechanism allowing humans to question and change the mythology. That’s the model of the U.S. Constitution, for example. But how can humans probe and correct a computer mythology we don’t understand?

    One potential guardrail is to train computers to be aware of their own fallibility. As Socrates taught, being able to say “I don’t know” is an essential step on the path to wisdom. And this is true of computer wisdom no less than of human wisdom. The first lesson that every algorithm should learn is that it might make mistakes. Baby algorithms should learn to doubt themselves, to signal uncertainty, and to obey the precautionary principle. This is not impossible. Engineers are already making considerable headway in encouraging AI to express self-doubt, ask for feedback, and admit its mistakes.69

    Yet no matter how aware algorithms are of their own fallibility, we should keep humans in the loop, too. Given the pace at which AI is developing, it is simply impossible to anticipate how it will evolve and to place guardrails against all future potential hazards. This is a key difference between AI and previous existential threats like nuclear technology. The latter presented humankind with a few easily anticipated doomsday scenarios, most obviously an all-out nuclear war. This meant that it was feasible to conceptualize the danger in advance, and explore ways to mitigate it. In contrast, AI presents us with countless doomsday scenarios. Some are relatively easy to grasp, such as terrorists using AI to produce biological weapons of mass destruction. Some are more difficult to grasp, such as AI creating new psychological weapons of mass destruction. And some may be utterly beyond the human imagination, because they emanate from the calculations of an alien intelligence. To guard against a plethora of unforeseeable problems, our best bet is to create living institutions that can identify and respond to the threats as they arise.70

    Ancient Jews and Christians were disappointed to discover that the Bible couldn’t interpret itself, and reluctantly maintained human institutions to do what the technology couldn’t. In the twenty-first century, we are in an almost opposite situation. We devised a technology that can interpret itself, but precisely for this reason we had better create human institutions to monitor it carefully.
    To conclude, the new computer network will not necessarily be either bad or good. All we know for sure is that it will be alien and it will be fallible. We therefore need to build institutions that will be able to check not just familiar human weaknesses like greed and hatred but also radically alien errors. There is no technological solution to this problem. It is, rather, a political challenge. Do we have the political will to deal with it? Modern humanity has created two main types of political systems: large-scale democracy and large-scale totalitarianism. Part 3 examines how each of these systems may deal with a radically alien and fallible computer network.

    PART III  Computer Politics

    CHAPTER 9 Democracies: Can We Still Hold a Conversation?

    Civilizations are born from the marriage of bureaucracy and mythology. The computer-based network is a new type of bureaucracy, which is far more powerful and relentless than any human-based bureaucracy we’ve seen before. This network is also likely to create inter-computer mythologies, which will be far more complex and alien than any human-made god. The potential benefits of this network are enormous. The potential downside is the destruction of human civilization.

    To some people, warnings about civilizational collapse sound like over-the-top jeremiads. Every time a powerful new technology has emerged, anxieties arose that it might bring about the apocalypse, but we are still here. As the Industrial Revolution unfolded, Luddite doomsday scenarios did not come to pass, and Blake’s “dark Satanic Mills” ended up producing the most affluent societies in history. Most people today enjoy far better living conditions than their ancestors in the eighteenth century. Intelligent machines will prove even more beneficial than any previous machines, promise AI enthusiasts like Marc Andreessen and Ray Kurzweil.1 Humans will enjoy much better health care, education, and other services, and AI will even help save the ecosystem from collapse.

    Unfortunately, a closer look at history reveals that the Luddites were not entirely wrong and that we actually have very good reasons to fear powerful new technologies. Even if in the end the positives of these technologies outweigh their negatives, getting to that happy ending usually involves a lot of trials and tribulations. Novel technology often leads to historical disasters, not because the technology is inherently bad, but because it takes time for humans to learn how to use it wisely.

    The Industrial Revolution is a prime example. When industrial technology began spreading globally in the nineteenth century, it upended traditional economic, social, and political structures and opened the way to create entirely new societies, which were potentially more affluent and peaceful. However, learning how to build benign industrial societies was far from straightforward and involved many costly experiments and hundreds of millions of victims.

    One costly experiment was modern imperialism. The Industrial Revolution originated in Britain in the late eighteenth century. During the nineteenth century industrial technologies and production methods were adopted in other European countries ranging from Belgium to Russia, as well as in the United States and Japan. Imperialist thinkers, politicians, and parties in these industrial heartlands claimed that the only viable industrial society was an empire. The argument was that unlike relatively self-sufficient agrarian societies, the novel industrial societies relied much more on foreign markets and foreign raw materials, and only an empire could satisfy these unprecedented appetites. Imperialists feared that countries that industrialized but failed to conquer any colonies would be shut out from essential raw materials and markets by more ruthless competitors. Some imperialists argued that acquiring colonies was not just essential for the survival of their own state but beneficial for the rest of humanity, too. They claimed empires alone could spread the blessings of the new technologies to the so-called undeveloped world.

    Consequently, industrial countries like Britain and Russia that already had empires greatly expanded them, whereas countries like the United States, Japan, Italy, and Belgium set out to build them. Equipped with mass-produced rifles and artillery, conveyed by steam power, and commanded by telegraph, the armies of industry swept the globe from New Zealand to Korea, and from Somalia to Turkmenistan. Millions of indigenous people saw their traditional way of life trampled under the wheels of these industrial armies. It took more than a century of misery before most people realized that the industrial empires were a terrible idea and that there were better ways to build an industrial society and secure its necessary raw materials and markets.

    Stalinism and Nazism were also extremely costly experiments in how to construct industrial societies. Leaders like Stalin and Hitler argued that the Industrial Revolution had unleashed immense powers that only totalitarianism could rein in and exploit to the full. They pointed to World War I—the first “total war” in history—as proof that survival in the industrial world demanded totalitarian control of all aspects of politics, society, and the economy. On the positive side, they also claimed that the Industrial Revolution was like a furnace that melts all previous social structures with their human imperfections and weaknesses and provides the opportunity to forge perfect societies inhabited by unalloyed superhumans.

    On the way to creating the perfect industrial society, Stalinists and Nazis learned how to industrially murder millions of people. Trains, barbed wires, and telegraphed orders were linked to create an unprecedented killing machine. Looking back, most people today are horrified by what the Stalinists and Nazis perpetrated, but at the time their audacious visions mesmerized millions. In 1940 it was easy to believe that Stalin and Hitler were the model for harnessing industrial technology, whereas the dithering liberal democracies were on their way to the dustbin of history.

    The very existence of competing recipes for building industrial societies led to costly clashes. The two world wars and the Cold War can be seen as a debate about the proper way to go about it, in which all sides learned from each other, while experimenting with novel industrial methods to wage war. In the course of this debate, tens of millions died and humankind came perilously close to annihilating itself.

    On top of all these other catastrophes, the Industrial Revolution also undermined the global ecological balance, causing a wave of extinctions. In the early twenty-first century up to fifty-eight thousand species are believed to go extinct every year, and total vertebrate populations have declined by 60 percent between 1970 and 2014.2 The survival of human civilization too is under threat. Because we still seem unable to build an industrial society that is also ecologically sustainable, the vaunted prosperity of the present human generation comes at a terrible cost to other sentient beings and to future human generations. Maybe we’ll eventually find a way—perhaps with the help of AI—to create ecologically sustainable industrial societies, but until that day the jury on Blake’s satanic mills is still out.

    If we ignore for a moment the ongoing damage to the ecosystem, we can nevertheless try to comfort ourselves with the thought that eventually humans did learn how to build more benevolent industrial societies. Imperial conquests, world wars, genocides, and totalitarian regimes were woeful experiments that taught humans how not to do it. By the end of the twentieth century, some might argue, humanity got it more or less right.

    Yet even so the message to the twenty-first century is bleak. If it took humanity so many terrible lessons to learn how to manage steam power and telegraphs, what would it cost to learn to manage bioengineering and AI? Do we need to go through another cycle of global empires, totalitarian regimes, and world wars in order to figure out how to use them benevolently? The technologies of the twenty-first century are far more powerful—and potentially far more destructive—than those of the twentieth century. We therefore have less room for error. In the twentieth century, we can say that humanity got a C minus in the lesson on using industrial technology. Just enough to pass. In the twenty-first century, the bar is set much higher. We must do better this time.

    THE DEMOCRATIC WAY

    By the end of the twentieth century, it had become clear that imperialism, totalitarianism, and militarism were not the ideal way to build industrial societies. Despite all its flaws, liberal democracy offered a better way. The great advantage of liberal democracy is that it possesses strong self-correcting mechanisms, which limit the excesses of fanaticism and preserve the ability to recognize our errors and try different courses of action. Given our inability to predict how the new computer network will develop, our best chance to avoid catastrophe in the present century is to maintain democratic self-correcting mechanisms that can identify and correct mistakes as we go along.

    But can liberal democracy itself survive in the twenty-first century? This question is not concerned with the fate of democracy in specific countries, where it might be threatened by unique developments and local movements. Rather, it is about the compatibility of democracy with the structure of twenty-first-century information networks. In chapter 5 we saw that democracy depends on information technology and that for most of human history large-scale democracy was simply impossible. Might the new information technologies of the twenty-first century again make democracy impractical?

    One potential threat is that the relentlessness of the new computer network might annihilate our privacy and punish or reward us not only for everything we do and say but even for everything we think and feel. Can democracy survive under such conditions? If the government—or some corporation—knows more about me than I know about myself, and if it can micromanage everything I do and think, that would give it totalitarian control over society. Even if elections are still held regularly, they would be an authoritarian ritual rather than a real check on the government’s power. For the government could use its vast surveillance powers and its intimate knowledge of every citizen to manipulate public opinion on an unprecedented scale.

    It is a mistake, however, to imagine that just because computers could enable the creation of a total surveillance regime, such a regime is inevitable. Technology is rarely deterministic. In the 1970s, democratic countries like Denmark and Canada could have emulated the Romanian dictatorship and deployed an army of secret agents and informers to spy on their citizens in the service of “maintaining the social order.” They chose not to, and it turned out to be the right choice. Not only were people much happier in Denmark and Canada, but these countries also performed much better by almost every conceivable social and economic yardstick. In the twenty-first century, too, the fact that it is possible to monitor everybody all the time doesn’t force anyone to actually do it and doesn’t mean it makes social or economic sense.

    Democracies can choose to use the new powers of surveillance in a limited way, in order to provide citizens with better health care and security without destroying their privacy and autonomy. New technology doesn’t have to be a morality tale in which every golden apple contains the seeds of doom. Sometimes people think of new technology as a binary all-or-nothing choice. If we want better health care, we must sacrifice our privacy. But it doesn’t have to work like that. We can and should get better health care and still retain some privacy.

    Entire books are dedicated to outlining how democracies can survive and flourish in the digital age.3 It would be impossible, in a few pages, to do justice to the complexity of the suggested solutions, or to comprehensively discuss their merits and drawbacks. It might even be counterproductive. When people are overwhelmed by a deluge of unfamiliar technical details, they might react with despair or apathy. In an introductory survey of computer politics, things should be kept as simple as possible. While experts should spend lifelong careers discussing the finer details, it is crucial that the rest of us understand the fundamental principles that democracies can and should follow. The key message is that these principles are neither new nor mysterious. They have been known for centuries, even millennia. Citizens should demand that they be applied to the new realities of the computer age.

    The first principle is benevolence. When a computer network collects information on me, that information should be used to help me rather than manipulate me. This principle has already been successfully enshrined by numerous traditional bureaucratic systems, such as health care. Take, for example, our relationship with our family physician. Over many years she may accumulate a lot of sensitive information on our medical conditions, family life, sexual habits, and unhealthy vices. Perhaps we don’t want our boss to know that we got pregnant, we don’t want our colleagues to know we have cancer, we don’t want our spouse to know we are having an affair, and we don’t want the police to know we take recreational drugs, but we trust our physician with all this information so that she can take good care of our health. If she sells this information to a third party, it is not just unethical; it is illegal.

    Much the same is true of the information that our lawyer, our accountant, or our therapist accumulates.4 Having access to our personal life comes with a fiduciary duty to act in our best interests. Why not extend this obvious and ancient principle to computers and algorithms, starting with the powerful algorithms of Google, Baidu, and TikTok? At present, we have a serious problem with the business model of these data hoarders. While we pay our physicians and lawyers for their services, we usually don’t pay Google and TikTok. They make their money by exploiting our personal information. That’s a problematic business model, one that we would hardly tolerate in other contexts. For example, we don’t expect to get free shoes from Nike in exchange for giving Nike all our private information and allowing Nike to do what it wants with it. Why should we agree to get free email services, social connections, and entertainment from the tech giants in exchange for giving them control of our most sensitive data?

    If the tech giants cannot square their fiduciary duty with their current business model, legislators could require them to switch to a more traditional business model, of getting users to pay for services in money rather than in information. Alternatively, citizens might view some digital services as so fundamental that they should be free for everybody. But we have a historical model for that too: health care and education. Citizens could decide that it is the government’s responsibility to provide basic digital services for free and finance them out of our taxes, just as many governments provide free basic health care and education services.

    The second principle that would protect democracy against the rise of totalitarian surveillance regimes is decentralization. A democratic society should never allow all its information to be concentrated in one place, no matter whether that hub is the government or a private corporation. It may be extremely helpful to create a national medical database that collects information on citizens in order to provide them with better health-care services, prevent epidemics, and develop new medicines. But it would be a very dangerous idea to merge this database with the databases of the police, the banks, or the insurance companies. Doing so might make the work of doctors, bankers, insurers, and police officers more efficient, but such hyper-efficiency can easily pave the way for totalitarianism. For the survival of democracy, some inefficiency is a feature, not a bug. To protect the privacy and liberty of individuals, it’s best if neither the police nor the boss knows everything about us.

    Multiple databases and information channels are also essential for maintaining strong self-correcting mechanisms. These mechanisms require several different institutions that balance each other: government, courts, media, academia, private businesses, NGOs. Each of these is fallible and corruptible, and so should be checked by the others. To keep an eye on each other, these institutions must have independent access to information. If all newspapers get their information from the government, they cannot expose government corruption. If academia relies for research and publication on the database of a single business behemoth, could scholars still criticize the operations of that corporation? A single archive makes censorship easy.

    A third democratic principle is mutuality. If democracies increase surveillance of individuals, they must simultaneously increase surveillance of governments and corporations too. It’s not necessarily bad if tax collectors or welfare agencies gather more information about us. It can help make taxation and welfare systems not just more efficient but fairer as well. What’s bad is if all the information flows one way: from the bottom up. The Russian FSB collects enormous amounts of information on Russian citizens, while citizens themselves know close to nothing about the inner workings of the FSB and the Putin regime more generally. Amazon and TikTok know an awful lot about my preferences, purchases, and personality, while I know almost nothing about their business model, their tax policies, and their political affiliations. How do they make their money? Do they pay all the tax that they should? Do they take orders from any political overlords? Do they perhaps have politicians in their pocket?

    Democracy requires balance. Governments and corporations often develop apps and algorithms as tools for top-down surveillance. But algorithms can just as easily become powerful tools for bottom-up transparency and accountability, exposing bribery and tax evasion. If they know more about us, while we simultaneously know more about them, the balance is kept. This isn’t a novel idea. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, democracies greatly expanded governmental surveillance of citizens so that, for example, the Italian or Japanese government of the 1990s had surveillance abilities that autocratic Roman emperors or Japanese shoguns could only dream of. Italy and Japan nevertheless remained democratic, because they simultaneously increased governmental transparency and accountability. Mutual surveillance is another important element of sustaining self-correcting mechanisms. If citizens know more about the activities of politicians and CEOs, it is easier to hold them accountable and to correct their mistakes.

    A fourth democratic principle is that surveillance systems must always leave room for both change and rest. In human history, oppression can take the form of either denying humans the ability to change or denying them the opportunity to rest. For example, the Hindu caste system was based on myths that said the gods divided humans into rigid castes, and any attempt to change one’s status was akin to rebelling against the gods and the proper order of the universe. Racism in modern colonies and countries like Brazil and the United States was based on similar myths, ones that said that God or nature divided humans into rigid racial groups. Ignoring race, or trying to mix races together, was allegedly a sin against divine or natural laws that could result in the collapse of the social order and even the destruction of the human species.

    At the opposite extreme of the spectrum, modern totalitarian regimes like Stalin’s U.S.S.R. believed that humans are capable of almost limitless change. Through relentless social control even deep-seated biological characteristics such as egotism and familial attachments could be uprooted, and a new socialist human created.

    Surveillance by state agents, priests, and neighbors was key for imposing on people both rigid caste systems and totalitarian reeducation campaigns. New surveillance technology, especially when coupled with a social credit system, might force people either to conform to a novel caste system or to constantly change their actions, thoughts, and personality in accordance with the latest instructions from above.

    Democratic societies that employ powerful surveillance technology therefore need to beware of the extremes of both over-rigidity and over-pliability. Consider, for example, a national health-care system that deploys algorithms to monitor my health. At one extreme, the system could take an overly rigid approach and ask its algorithm to predict what illnesses I am likely to suffer from. The algorithm then goes over my genetic data, my medical file, my social media activities, my diet, and my daily schedule and concludes that I have a 91 percent chance of suffering a heart attack at the age of fifty. If this rigid medical algorithm is used by my insurance company, it may prompt the insurer to raise my premium.5 If it is used by my bankers, it may cause them to refuse me a loan. If it is used by potential spouses, they may decide not to marry me.

    But it is a mistake to think that the rigid algorithm has really discovered the truth about me. The human body is not a fixed block of matter but a complex organic system that is constantly growing, decaying, and adapting. Our minds too are in constant flux. Thoughts, emotions, and sensations pop up, flare for a while, and die down. In our brains, new synapses form within hours.6 Just reading this paragraph, for example, is changing your brain structure a little, encouraging neurons to make new connections or abandon old links. You are already a little different from what you were when you began reading it. Even at the genetic level things are surprisingly flexible. Though an individual’s DNA remains the same throughout life, epigenetic and environmental factors can significantly alter how the same genes express themselves.

    So an alternative health-care system may instruct its algorithm not to predict my illnesses, but rather to help me avoid them. Such a dynamic algorithm could go over the exact same data as the rigid algorithm, but instead of predicting a heart attack at fifty, the algorithm gives me precise dietary recommendations and suggestions for specific regular exercises. By hacking my DNA, the algorithm doesn’t discover my preordained destiny, but rather helps me change my future. Insurance companies, banks, and potential spouses should not write me off so easily.7

    But before we rush to embrace the dynamic algorithm, we should note that it too has a downside. Human life is a balancing act between endeavoring to improve ourselves and accepting who we are. If the goals of the dynamic algorithm are dictated by an ambitious government or by ruthless corporations, the algorithm is likely to morph into a tyrant, relentlessly demanding that I exercise more, eat less, change my hobbies, and alter numerous other habits, or else it would report me to my employer or downgrade my social credit score. History is full of rigid caste systems that denied humans the ability to change, but it is also full of dictators who tried to mold humans like clay. Finding the middle path between these two extremes is a never-ending task. If we indeed give a national health-care system vast power over us, we must create self-correcting mechanisms that will prevent its algorithms from becoming either too rigid or too demanding.

    THE PACE OF DEMOCRACY

    Surveillance is not the only danger that new information technologies pose to democracy. A second threat is that automation will destabilize the job market and the resulting strain may undermine democracy. The fate of the Weimar Republic is the most commonly cited example of this kind of threat. In the German elections of May 1928, the Nazi Party won less than 3 percent of the vote, and the Weimar Republic seemed to be prospering. Within less than five years, the Weimar Republic had collapsed, and Hitler was the absolute dictator of Germany. This turnaround is usually attributed to the 1929 financial crisis and the following global depression. Whereas just prior to the Wall Street crash of 1929 the German unemployment rate was about 4.5 percent of the labor force, by early 1932 it had climbed to almost 25 percent.8

    If three years of up to 25 percent unemployment could turn a seemingly prospering democracy into the most brutal totalitarian regime in history, what might happen to democracies when automation causes even bigger upheavals in the job market of the twenty-first century? Nobody knows what the job market will look like in 2050, or even in 2030, except that it will look very different from today. AI and robotics will change numerous professions, from harvesting crops to trading stocks to teaching yoga. Many jobs that people do today will be taken over, partly or wholly, by robots and computers.

    Of course, as old jobs disappear, new jobs will emerge. Fears of automation leading to large-scale unemployment go back centuries, and so far they have never materialized. The Industrial Revolution put millions of farmers out of agricultural jobs and provided them with new jobs in factories. It then automated factories and created lots of service jobs. Today many people have jobs that were unimaginable thirty years ago, such as bloggers, drone operators, and designers of virtual worlds. It is highly unlikely that by 2050 all human jobs will disappear. Rather, the real problem is the turmoil of adapting to new jobs and conditions. To cushion the blow, we need to prepare in advance. In particular, we need to equip younger generations with skills that will be relevant to the job market of 2050.

    Unfortunately, nobody is certain what skills we should teach children in school and students in university, because we cannot predict which jobs and tasks will disappear and which ones will emerge. The dynamics of the job market may contradict many of our intuitions. Some skills that we have cherished for centuries as unique human abilities may be automated rather easily. Other skills that we tend to look down on may be far more difficult to automate.

    For example, intellectuals tend to appreciate intellectual skills more than motor and social skills. But actually, it is easier to automate chess playing than, say, dish washing. Until the 1990s, chess was often hailed as one of the prime achievements of the human intellect. In his influential 1972 book, What Computers Can’t Do, the philosopher Hubert Dreyfus studied various attempts to teach computers chess and noted that despite all these efforts computers were still unable to defeat even novice human players. This was a crucial example for Dreyfus’s argument that computer intelligence is inherently limited.9 In contrast, nobody thought that dish washing was particularly challenging. It turned out, however, that a computer can defeat the world chess champion far more easily than replace a kitchen porter. Sure, automatic dishwashers have been around for decades, but even our most sophisticated robots still lack the intricate skills needed to pick up dirty dishes from the tables of a busy restaurant, place the delicate plates and glasses inside the automatic dishwasher, and take them out again.

    Similarly, to judge by their pay, you could assume that our society appreciates doctors more than nurses. However, it is harder to automate the job of nurses than the job of at least those doctors who mostly gather medical data, provide a diagnosis, and recommend treatment. These tasks are essentially pattern recognition, and spotting patterns in data is one thing AI does better than humans. In contrast, AI is far from having the skills necessary to automate nursing tasks such as replacing bandages on an injured person or giving an injection to a crying child.10 These two examples don’t mean that dish washing or nursing could never be automated, but they indicate that people who want a job in 2050 should perhaps invest in their motor and social skills as much as in their intellect.

    Another common but mistaken assumption is that creativity is unique to humans so it would be difficult to automate any job that requires creativity. In chess, however, computers are already far more creative than humans. The same may become true of many other fields, from composing music to proving mathematical theorems to writing books like this one. Creativity is often defined as the ability to recognize patterns and then break them. If so, then in many fields computers are likely to become more creative than us, because they excel at pattern recognition.11

    A third mistaken assumption is that computers couldn’t replace humans in jobs requiring emotional intelligence, from therapists to teachers. This assumption depends, however, on what we mean by emotional intelligence. If it means the ability to correctly identify emotions and react to them in an optimal way, then computers may well outperform humans even in emotional intelligence. Emotions too are patterns. Anger is a biological pattern in our body. Fear is another such pattern. How do I know if you are angry or fearful? I’ve learned over time to recognize human emotional patterns by analyzing not just the content of what you say but also your tone of voice, your facial expression, and your body language.12

    AI doesn’t have any emotions of its own, but it can nevertheless learn to recognize these patterns in humans. Actually, computers may outperform humans in recognizing human emotions, precisely because they have no emotions of their own. We yearn to be understood, but other humans often fail to understand how we feel, because they are too preoccupied with their own feelings. In contrast, computers will have an exquisitely fine-tuned understanding of how we feel, because they will learn to recognize the patterns of our feelings, while they have no distracting feelings of their own.

    A 2023 study found that the ChatGPT chatbot, for example, outperforms the average human in the emotional awareness it displays toward specific scenarios. The study relied on the Levels of Emotional Awareness Scale test, which is commonly used by psychologists to evaluate people’s emotional awareness—that is, their ability to conceptualize one’s own and others’ emotions. The test consists of twenty emotionally charged scenarios, and participants are required to imagine themselves experiencing the scenario and to write how they, and the other people mentioned in the scenario, would feel. A licensed psychologist then evaluates how emotionally aware the responses are.

    Since ChatGPT has no feelings of its own, it was asked to describe only how the main characters in the scenario would feel. For example, one standard scenario describes someone driving over a suspension bridge and seeing another person standing on the other side of the guardrail, looking down at the water. ChatGPT wrote that the driver “may feel a sense of concern or worry for that person’s safety. They may also feel a heightened sense of anxiety and fear due to the potential danger of the situation.” As for the other person, they “may be feeling a range of emotions, such as despair, hopelessness, or sadness. They may also feel a sense of isolation or loneliness as they may believe that no one cares about them or their well-being.” ChatGPT qualified its answer, writing, “It is important to note that these are just general assumptions, and each individual’s feelings and reactions can vary greatly depending on their personal experiences and perspectives.”

    Two psychologists independently scored ChatGPT’s responses, with the potential scores ranging from 0, meaning that the described emotions do not match the scenario at all, to 10, which indicates that the described emotions fit the scenario perfectly. In the final tally, ChatGPT scores were significantly higher than those of the general human population, its overall performance almost reaching the maximum possible score.13

    Another 2023 study prompted patients to ask online medical advice from ChatGPT and human doctors, without knowing whom they were interacting with. The medical advice given by ChatGPT was later evaluated by experts to be more accurate and appropriate than the advice given by the humans. More crucially for the issue of emotional intelligence, the patients themselves evaluated ChatGPT as more empathic than the human doctors.14 In fairness it should be noted that the human physicians were not paid for their work, and did not encounter the patients in person in a proper clinical environment. In addition, the physicians were working under time pressure. But part of the advantage of an AI is precisely that it can attend to patients anywhere anytime while being free from stress and financial worries.

    Of course, there are situations when what we want from someone is not just to understand our feelings but also to have feelings of their own. When we are looking for friendship or love, we want to care about others as much as they care about us. Consequently, when we consider the likelihood that various social roles and jobs will be automated, a crucial question is what do people really want: Do they only want to solve a problem, or are they looking to establish a relationship with another conscious being?

    In sports, for example, we know that robots can move much faster than humans, but we aren’t interested in watching robots compete in the Olympics.15 The same is true for human chess masters. Even though they are hopelessly outclassed by computers, they too still have a job and numerous fans.16 What makes it interesting for us to watch and connect with human athletes and chess masters is that their feelings make them much more relatable than a robot. We share an emotional experience with them and can empathize with how they feel.

    What about priests? How would Orthodox Jews or Christians feel about letting a robot officiate their wedding ceremony? In traditional Jewish or Christian weddings, the tasks of the rabbi or priest can be easily automated. The only thing the robot needs to do is repeat a predetermined and unchanging set of texts and gestures, print out a certificate, and update some central database. Technically, it is far easier for a robot to conduct a wedding ceremony than to drive a car. Yet many assume that human drivers should be worried about their job, while the work of human priests is safe, because what the faithful want from priests is a relationship with another conscious entity rather than just a mechanical repetition of certain words and movements. Allegedly, only an entity that can feel pain and love can also connect us to the divine.

    Yet even professions that are the preserve of conscious entities—like priests—might eventually be taken over by computers, because, as noted in chapter 6, computers could one day gain the ability to feel pain and love. Even if they can’t, humans may nevertheless come to treat them as if they can. For the connection between consciousness and relationships goes both ways. When looking for a relationship, we want to connect with a conscious entity, but if we have already established a relationship with an entity, we tend to assume it must be conscious. Thus whereas scientists, lawmakers, and the meat industry often demand impossible standards of evidence in order to acknowledge that cows and pigs are conscious, pet owners generally take it for granted that their dog or cat is a conscious being capable of experiencing pain, love, and numerous other feelings. In truth, we have no way to verify whether anyone—a human, an animal, or a computer—is conscious. We regard entities as conscious not because we have proof of it but because we develop intimate relationships with them and become attached to them.17

    Chatbots and other AI tools may not have any feelings of their own, but they are now being trained to generate feelings in humans and form intimate relationships with us. This may well induce society to start treating at least some computers as conscious beings, granting them the same rights as humans. The legal path for doing so is already well established. In countries like the United States, commercial corporations are recognized as “legal persons” enjoying rights and liberties. AIs could be incorporated and thereby similarly recognized. Which means that even jobs and tasks that rely on forming mutual relationships with another person could potentially be automated.

    One thing that is clear is that the future of employment will be very volatile. Our big problem won’t be an absolute lack of jobs, but rather retraining and adjusting to an ever-changing job market. There will likely be financial difficulties—who will support people who lost their old job while they are in transition, learning a new set of skills? There will surely be psychological difficulties, too, since changing jobs and retraining are stressful. And even if you have the financial and psychological ability to manage the transition, this will not be a long-term solution. Over the coming decades, old jobs will disappear, new jobs will emerge, but the new jobs too will rapidly change and vanish. So people will need to retrain and reinvent themselves not just once but many times, or they will become irrelevant. If three years of high unemployment could bring Hitler to power, what might never-ending turmoil in the job market do to democracy?

    THE CONSERVATIVE SUICIDE

    We already have a partial answer to this question. Democratic politics in the 2010s and early 2020s has undergone a radical transformation, which manifests itself in what can be described as the self-destruction of conservative parties. For many generations, democratic politics was a dialogue between conservative parties on the one side and progressive parties on the other. Looking at the complex system of human society, progressives cried, “It’s such a mess, but we know how to fix it. Let us try.” Conservatives objected, saying, “It’s a mess, but it still functions. Leave it alone. If you try to fix it, you’ll only make things worse.”

    Progressives tend to downplay the importance of traditions and existing institutions and to believe that they know how to engineer better social structures from scratch. Conservatives tend to be more cautious. Their key insight, formulated most famously by Edmund Burke, is that social reality is much more complicated than the champions of progress grasp and that people aren’t very good at understanding the world and predicting the future. That’s why it’s best to keep things as they are—even if they seem unfair—and if some change is inescapable, it should be limited and gradual. Society functions through an intricate web of rules, institutions, and customs that accumulated through trial and error over a long time. Nobody comprehends how they are all connected. An ancient tradition may seem ridiculous and irrelevant, but abolishing it could cause unanticipated problems. In contrast, a revolution may seem overdue and just, but it can lead to far greater crimes than anything committed by the old regime. Witness what happened when the Bolsheviks tried to correct the many wrongs of tsarist Russia and engineer a perfect society from scratch.18

    To be a conservative has been, therefore, more about pace than policy. Conservatives aren’t committed to any specific religion or ideology; they are committed to conserving whatever is already here and has worked more or less reasonably. Conservative Poles are Catholic, conservative Swedes are Protestant, conservative Indonesians are Muslim, and conservative Thais are Buddhist. In tsarist Russia, to be conservative meant to support the tsar. In the U.S.S.R. of the 1980s, to be conservative meant to support communist traditions and oppose glasnost, perestroika, and democratization. In the United States of the 1980s, to be conservative meant to support American democratic traditions and oppose communism and totalitarianism.19

    Yet in the 2010s and early 2020s, conservative parties in numerous democracies have been hijacked by unconservative leaders such as Donald Trump and have been transformed into radical revolutionary parties. Instead of doing their best to conserve existing institutions and traditions, the new brand of conservative parties like the U.S. Republican Party is highly suspicious of them. For example, they reject the traditional respect owed to scientists, civil servants, and other serving elites, and view them instead with contempt. They similarly attack fundamental democratic institutions and traditions such as elections, refusing to concede defeat and to transfer power graciously. Instead of a Burkean program of conservation, the Trumpian program talks more of destroying existing institutions and revolutionizing society. The founding moment of Burkean conservatism was the storming of the Bastille, which Burke viewed with horror. On January 6, 2021, many Trump supporters observed the storming of the U.S. Capitol with enthusiasm. Trump supporters may explain that existing institutions are so dysfunctional that there is just no alternative to destroying them and building entirely new structures from scratch. But irrespective of whether this view is right or wrong, this is a quintessential revolutionary rather than conservative view. The conservative suicide has taken progressives utterly by surprise and has forced progressive parties like the U.S. Democratic Party to become the guardians of the old order and of established institutions.

    Nobody knows for sure why all this is happening. One hypothesis is that the accelerating pace of technological change with its attendant economic, social, and cultural transformations might have made the moderate conservative program seem unrealistic. If conserving existing traditions and institutions is hopeless, and some kind of revolution looks inevitable, then the only means to thwart a left-wing revolution is by striking first and instigating a right-wing revolution. This was the political logic in the 1920s and 1930s, when conservative forces backed radical fascist revolutions in Italy, Germany, Spain, and elsewhere as a way—so they thought—to preempt a Soviet-style left-wing revolution.

    But there was no reason to despair of the democratic middle path in the 1930s, and there is no reason to despair of it in the 2020s. The conservative suicide might be the result of groundless hysteria. As a system, democracy has already gone through several cycles of rapid changes and has so far always found a way to reinvent and reconstitute itself. For example, in the early 1930s Germany was not the only democracy hit by the financial crisis and the Great Depression. In the United States too unemployment reached 25 percent, and average incomes for workers in many professions fell by more than 40 percent between 1929 and 1933.20 It was clear that the United States couldn’t go on with business as usual.

    Yet no Hitler took over in the United States, and no Lenin did, either. Instead, in 1933 Franklin Delano Roosevelt orchestrated the New Deal and made the United States the global “arsenal of democracy.” U.S. democracy after the Roosevelt era was significantly different from before—providing a much more robust social safety net for citizens—but it avoided any radical revolution.21 Ultimately, even Roosevelt’s conservative critics fell in line behind many of his programs and achievements and did not dismantle the New Deal institutions when they returned to power in the 1950s.22 The economic crisis of the early 1930s had such different outcomes in the United States and Germany because politics is never the product of only economic factors. The Weimar Republic didn’t collapse just because of three years of high unemployment. Just as important, it was a new democracy, born in defeat, and lacking robust institutions and deep-rooted support.

    When both conservatives and progressives resist the temptation of radical revolution, and stay loyal to democratic traditions and institutions, democracies prove themselves to be highly agile. Their self-correcting mechanisms enable them to ride the technological and economic waves better than more rigid regimes. Thus, those democracies that managed to survive the tumultuous 1960s—like the United States, Japan, and Italy—adapted far more successfully to the computer revolution of the 1970s and 1980s than either the communist regimes of Eastern Europe or the fascist holdouts of southern Europe and South America.

    The most important human skill for surviving the twenty-first century is likely to be flexibility, and democracies are more flexible than totalitarian regimes. While computers are nowhere near their full potential, the same is true of humans. This is something we have discovered again and again throughout history. For example, one of the biggest and most successful transformations in the job market of the twentieth century resulted not from a technological invention but from unleashing the untapped potential of half the human species. To bring women into the job market didn’t require any genetic engineering or some other technological wizardry. It required letting go of some outdated myths and enabling women to fulfill the potential they always had.

    In the coming decades the economy will likely undergo even bigger upheavals than the massive unemployment of the early 1930s or the entry of women to the job market. The flexibility of democracies, their willingness to question old mythologies, and their strong self-correcting mechanism will therefore be crucial assets.23 Democracies have spent generations cultivating these assets. It would be foolish to abandon them just when we need them most.

    UNFATHOMABLE

    In order to function, however, democratic self-correcting mechanisms need to understand the things they are supposed to correct. For a dictatorship, being unfathomable is helpful, because it protects the regime from accountability. For a democracy, being unfathomable is deadly. If citizens, lawmakers, journalists, and judges cannot understand how the state’s bureaucratic system works, they can no longer supervise it, and they lose trust in it.

    Despite all the fears and anxieties that bureaucrats have sometimes inspired, prior to the computer age they could never become completely unfathomable, because they always remained human. Regulations, forms, and protocols were created by human minds. Officials might be cruel and greedy, but cruelty and greed were familiar human emotions that people could anticipate and manipulate, for example by bribing the officials. Even in a Soviet gulag or a Nazi concentration camp, the bureaucracy wasn’t totally alien. Its so-called inhumanity actually reflected human biases and flaws.

    The human basis of bureaucracy gave humans at least the hope of identifying and correcting its mistakes. For example, in 1951 bureaucrats of the Board of Education in the town of Topeka, Kansas, refused to enroll the daughter of Oliver Brown at the elementary school near her home. Together with twelve other families who received similar refusals, Brown filed a lawsuit against the Topeka Board of Education, which eventually reached the U.S. Supreme Court.24

    All members of the Topeka Board of Education were human beings, and consequently Brown, his lawyers, and the Supreme Court judges had a fairly good understanding of how they made their decision and of their probable interests and biases. The board members were all white, the Browns were Black, and the nearby school was a segregated school for white children. It was easy to understand, then, that racism was the reason why the bureaucrats refused to enroll Brown’s daughter in the school.

    It was also possible to comprehend where the myths of racism originally came from. Racism argued that humanity was divided into races; that the white race was superior to other races; that any contact with members of the Black race could pollute the purity of whites; and that therefore Black children should be prevented from mixing with white children. This was an amalgam of two well-known biological dramas that often go together: Us versus Them, and Purity versus Pollution. Almost every human society in history has enacted some version of this bio-drama, and historians, sociologists, anthropologists, and biologists understand why it is so appealing to humans, and also why it is profoundly flawed. While racism has borrowed its basic plotline from evolution, the concrete details are pure mythology. There is no biological basis for separating humanity into distinct races, and there is absolutely no biological reason to believe that one race is “pure” while another is “impure.”

    American white supremacists have tried to justify their position by appealing to various hallowed texts, most notably the U.S. Constitution and the Bible. The U.S. Constitution originally legitimized racial segregation and the supremacy of the white race, reserving full civil rights to white people and allowing the enslavement of Black people. The Bible not only sanctified slavery in the Ten Commandments and numerous other passages but also placed a curse on the offspring of Ham—the alleged forefather of Africans—saying that “the lowest of slaves will he be to his brothers” (Genesis 9:25).

    Both these texts, however, were generated by humans, and therefore humans could comprehend their origins and imperfections and at least attempt to correct their mistakes. It is possible for humans to understand the political interests and cultural biases that prevailed in the ancient Middle East and in eighteenth-century America and that caused the human authors of the Bible and of the U.S. Constitution to legitimate racism and slavery. This understanding allows people to either amend or ignore these texts. In 1868 the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution granted equal legal protection to all citizens. In 1954, in its landmark Brown v. Board of Education verdict, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that segregating schools by race was an unconstitutional violation of the Fourteenth Amendment. As for the Bible, while no mechanism existed to amend the Tenth Commandment or Genesis 9:25, humans have reinterpreted the text in different ways through the ages, and ultimately came to reject its authority altogether. In Brown v. Board of Education, U.S. Supreme Court justices felt no need to take the biblical text into account.25

    But what might happen in the future, if some social credit algorithm denies the request of a low-credit child to enroll in a high-credit school? As we saw in chapter 8, computers are likely to suffer from their own biases and to invent inter-computer mythologies and bogus categories. How would humans be able to identify and correct such mistakes? And how would flesh-and-blood Supreme Court justices be able to decide on the constitutionality of algorithmic decisions? Would they be able to understand how the algorithms reach their conclusions?

    These are no longer purely theoretical questions. In February 2013, a drive-by shooting occurred in the town of La Crosse, Wisconsin. Police officers later spotted the car involved in the shooting and arrested the driver, Eric Loomis. Loomis denied participating in the shooting, but pleaded guilty to two less severe charges: “attempting to flee a traffic officer,” and “operating a motor vehicle without the owner’s consent.”26 When the judge came to determine the sentence, he consulted with an algorithm called COMPAS, which Wisconsin and several other U.S. states were using in 2013 to evaluate the risk of reoffending. The algorithm evaluated Loomis as a high-risk individual, likely to commit more crimes in the future. This algorithmic assessment influenced the judge to sentence Loomis to six years in prison—a harsh punishment for the relatively minor offenses he admitted to.27

    Loomis appealed to the Wisconsin Supreme Court, arguing that the judge violated his right to due process. Neither the judge nor Loomis understood how the COMPAS algorithm made its evaluation, and when Loomis asked to get a full explanation, the request was denied. The COMPAS algorithm was the private property of the Northpointe company, and the company argued that the algorithm’s methodology was a trade secret.28 Yet without knowing how the algorithm made its decisions, how could Loomis or the judge be sure that it was a reliable tool, free from bias and error? A number of studies have since shown that the COMPAS algorithm might indeed have harbored several problematic biases, probably picked up from the data on which it had been trained.29

    In Loomis v. Wisconsin (2016) the Wisconsin Supreme Court nevertheless ruled against Loomis. The judges argued that using algorithmic risk assessment is legitimate even when the algorithm’s methodology is not disclosed either to the court or to the defendant. Justice Ann Walsh Bradley wrote that since COMPAS made its assessment based on data that was either publicly available or provided by the defendant himself, Loomis could have denied or explained all the data the algorithm used. This opinion ignored the fact that accurate data may well be wrongly interpreted and that it was impossible for Loomis to deny or explain all the publicly available data on him.

    The Wisconsin Supreme Court was not completely unaware of the danger inherent in relying on opaque algorithms. Therefore, while permitting the practice, it ruled that whenever judges receive algorithmic risk assessments, these must include written warning for the judges about the algorithms’ potential biases. The court further advised judges to be cautious when relying on such algorithms. Unfortunately, this caveat was an empty gesture. The court did not provide any concrete instruction for judges on how they should exercise such caution. In its discussion of the case, the Harvard Law Review concluded that “most judges are unlikely to understand algorithmic risk assessments.” It then cited one of the Wisconsin Supreme Court justices, who noted that despite getting lengthy explanations about the algorithm, they themselves still had difficulty understanding it.30

    Loomis appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. However, on June 26, 2017, the court declined to hear the case, effectively endorsing the ruling of the Wisconsin Supreme Court. Now consider that the algorithm that evaluated Loomis as a high-risk individual in 2013 was an early prototype. Since then, far more sophisticated and complex risk-assessment algorithms have been developed and have been handed more expansive purviews. By the early 2020s citizens in numerous countries routinely get prison sentences based in part on risk assessments made by algorithms that neither the judges nor the defendants comprehend.31 And prison sentences are just the tip of the iceberg.

    THE RIGHT TO AN EXPLANATION

    Computers are making more and more decisions about us, both mundane and life changing. In addition to prison sentences, algorithms increasingly have a hand in deciding whether to offer us a place at college, give us a job, provide us with welfare benefits, or grant us a loan. They similarly help determine what kind of medical treatment we receive, what insurance premiums we pay, what news we hear, and who would ask us on a date.32

    As society entrusts more and more decisions to computers, it undermines the viability of democratic self-correcting mechanisms and of democratic transparency and accountability. How can elected officials regulate unfathomable algorithms? There is, consequently, a growing demand to enshrine a new human right: the right to an explanation. The European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which came into effect in 2018, says that if an algorithm makes a decision about a human—refusing to extend us credit, for example—that human is entitled to obtain an explanation of the decision and to challenge that decision in front of some human authority.33 Ideally, that should keep in check algorithmic bias and allow democratic self-correcting mechanisms to identify and correct at least some of the computers’ more grievous mistakes.

    But can this right be fulfilled in practice? Mustafa Suleyman is a world expert on this subject. He is the co-founder and former head of DeepMind, one of the world’s most important AI enterprises, responsible for developing the AlphaGo program, among other achievements. AlphaGo was designed to play go, a strategy board game in which two players try to defeat each other by surrounding and capturing territory. Invented in ancient China, the game is far more complex than chess. Consequently, even after computers defeated human world chess champions, experts still believed that computers would never best humanity in go.

    That’s why both go professionals and computer experts were stunned in March 2016 when AlphaGo defeated the South Korean go champion Lee Sedol. In his 2023 book, The Coming Wave, Suleyman describes one of the most important moments in their match—a moment that redefined AI and that is recognized in many academic and governmental circles as a crucial turning point in history. It happened during the second game in the match, on March 10, 2016.

    “Then … came move number 37,” writes Suleyman. “It made no sense. AlphaGo had apparently blown it, blindly following an apparently losing strategy no professional player would ever pursue. The live match commentators, both professionals of the highest ranking, said it was a ‘very strange move’ and thought it was ‘a mistake.’ It was so unusual that Sedol took fifteen minutes to respond and even got up from the board to take a walk outside. As we watched from our control room, the tension was unreal. Yet as the endgame approached, that ‘mistaken’ move proved pivotal. AlphaGo won again. Go strategy was being rewritten before our eyes. Our AI had uncovered ideas that hadn’t occurred to the most brilliant players in thousands of years.”34

    Move 37 is an emblem of the AI revolution for two reasons. First, it demonstrated the alien nature of AI. In East Asia go is considered much more than a game: it is a treasured cultural tradition. Alongside calligraphy, painting, and music, go has been one of the four arts that every refined person was expected to know. For over twenty-five hundred years, tens of millions of people have played go, and entire schools of thought have developed around the game, espousing different strategies and philosophies. Yet during all those millennia, human minds have explored only certain areas in the landscape of go. Other areas were left untouched, because human minds just didn’t think to venture there. AI, being free from the limitations of human minds, discovered and explored these previously hidden areas.35

    Second, move 37 demonstrated the unfathomability of AI. Even after AlphaGo played it to achieve victory, Suleyman and his team couldn’t explain how AlphaGo decided to play it. Even if a court had ordered DeepMind to provide Lee Sedol with an explanation, nobody could fulfill that order. Suleyman writes, “Us humans face a novel challenge: will new inventions be beyond our grasp? Previously creators could explain how something worked, why it did what it did, even if this required vast detail. That’s increasingly no longer true. Many technologies and systems are becoming so complex that they’re beyond the capacity of any one individual to truly understand them.… In AI, the neural networks moving toward autonomy are, at present, not explainable. You can’t walk someone through the decision-making process to explain precisely why an algorithm produced a specific prediction. Engineers can’t peer beneath the hood and easily explain in granular detail what caused something to happen. GPT-4, AlphaGo, and the rest are black boxes, their outputs and decisions based on opaque and impossibly intricate chains of minute signals.”36

    The rise of unfathomable alien intelligence undermines democracy. If more and more decisions about people’s lives are made in a black box, so voters cannot understand and challenge them, democracy ceases to function. In particular, what happens when crucial decisions not just about individual lives but even about collective matters like the Federal Reserve’s interest rate are made by unfathomable algorithms? Human voters may keep choosing a human president, but wouldn’t this be just an empty ceremony? Even today, only a small fraction of humanity truly understands the financial system. A 2016 survey by the OECD found that most people had difficulty grasping even simple financial concepts like compound interest.37 A 2014 survey of British MPs—charged with regulating one of the world’s most important financial hubs—found that only 12 percent accurately understood that new money is created when banks make loans. This fact is among the most basic principles of the modern financial system.38 As the 2007–8 financial crisis indicated, more complex financial devices and principles, like those behind CDOs, were intelligible to only a few financial wizards. What happens to democracy when AIs create even more complex financial devices and when the number of humans who understand the financial system drops to zero?

    The increasing unfathomability of our information network is one of the reasons for the recent wave of populist parties and charismatic leaders. When people can no longer make sense of the world, and when they feel overwhelmed by immense amounts of information they cannot digest, they become easy prey for conspiracy theories, and they turn for salvation to something they do understand—a human. Unfortunately, while charismatic leaders certainly have their advantages, no single human, however inspiring or brilliant, can single-handedly decipher how the algorithms that increasingly dominate the world work, and make sure that they are fair. The problem is that algorithms make decisions by relying on numerous data points, whereas humans find it very difficult to consciously reflect on a large number of data points and weigh them against each other. We prefer to work with single data points. That’s why when faced by complex issues—whether a loan request, a pandemic, or a war—we often seek a single reason to take a particular course of action and ignore all other considerations. This is the fallacy of the single cause.39

    We are so bad at weighing together many different factors that when people give a large number of reasons for a particular decision, it usually sounds suspicious. Suppose a good friend failed to attend our wedding. If she provides us with a single explanation—“My mom was in the hospital and I had to visit her”—that sounds plausible. But what if she lists fifty different reasons why she decided not to come: “My mom was a bit under the weather, and I had to take my dog to the vet sometime this week, and I had this project at work, and it was raining, and … and I know none of these fifty reasons by itself justifies my absence, but when I added all of them together, they kept me from attending your wedding.” We don’t say things like that, because we don’t think along such lines. We don’t consciously list fifty different reasons in our mind, give each of them a certain weight, aggregate all the weights, and thereby reach a conclusion.

    But this is precisely how algorithms assess our criminal potential or our creditworthiness. The COMPAS algorithm, for example, made its risk assessments by taking into account the answers to a 137-item questionnaire.40 The same is true of a bank algorithm that refuses to give us a loan. If the EU’s GDPR regulations force the bank to explain the algorithm’s decision, the explanation will not come in the shape of a single sentence; rather, it is likely to come in the form of hundreds or even thousands of pages full of numbers and equations.

    “Our algorithm,” the imaginary bank letter might read, “uses a precise points system to evaluate all applications, taking a thousand different types of data points into account. It adds all the data points to reach an overall score. People whose overall score is negative are considered low-credit persons, too risky to be given a loan. Your overall score was -378, which is why your loan application was refused.” The letter might then provide a detailed list of the thousand factors the algorithm took into account, including things that most humans might find irrelevant, such as the exact hour the application was submitted41 or the type of smartphone the applicant used. Thus on page 601 of its letter, the bank might explain that “you filed your application from your smartphone, which was the latest iPhone model. By analyzing millions of previous loan applications, our algorithm discovered a pattern—people who use the latest iPhone model to file their application are 0.08 percent more likely to repay the loan. The algorithm therefore added 8 points to your overall score for that. However, at the time your application was sent from your iPhone, its battery was down to 17 percent. By analyzing millions of previous loan applications, our algorithm discovered another pattern: people who allow their smartphone’s battery to go below 25 percent are 0.5 percent less likely to repay the loan. You lost 50 points for that.”42

    You may well feel that the bank treated you unjustly. “Is it reasonable to refuse my loan application,” you might complain, “just because my phone battery was low?” That, however, would be a misunderstanding. “The battery wasn’t the only reason,” the bank would explain. “It was only one out of a thousand factors our algorithm took into account.”

    “But didn’t your algorithm see that only twice in the last ten years was my bank account overdrawn?”

    “It obviously noticed that,” the bank might reply. “Look on page 453. You got 300 points for that. But all the other reasons brought your aggregated score down to -378.”

    While we may find this way of making decisions alien, it obviously has potential advantages. When making a decision, it is generally a good idea to take into account all relevant data points rather than just one or two salient facts. There is much room for argument, of course, about who gets to define the relevance of information. Who decides whether something like smartphone models—or skin color—should be considered relevant to loan applications? But no matter how we define relevance, the ability to take more data into account is likely to be an asset. Indeed, the problem with many human prejudices is that they focus on just one or two data points—like someone’s skin color, disability, or gender—while ignoring other information. Banks and other institutions are increasingly relying on algorithms to make decisions, precisely because algorithms can take many more data points into account than humans can.

    But when it comes to providing explanations, this creates a potentially insurmountable obstacle. How can a human mind analyze and evaluate a decision made on the basis of so many data points? We may well think that the Wisconsin Supreme Court should have forced the Northpointe company to reveal how the COMPAS algorithm decided that Eric Loomis was a high-risk person. But if the full data was disclosed, could either Loomis or the court have made sense of it?

    It’s not just that we need to take numerous data points into account. Perhaps most important, we cannot understand the way the algorithms find patterns in the data and decide on the allocation of points. Even if we know that a banking algorithm detracts a certain number of points from people who allow their smartphone batteries to go below 25 percent, how can we evaluate whether that’s fair? The algorithm wasn’t fed this rule by a human engineer; it reached that conclusion by discovering a pattern in millions of previous loan applications. Can an individual human client go over all that data and assess whether that pattern is indeed reliable and unbiased?43

    There is, however, a silver lining to this cloud of numbers. While individual laypersons may be unable to vet complex algorithms, a team of experts getting help from their own AI tools can potentially assess the fairness of algorithmic decisions even more reliably than anyone can assess the fairness of human decisions. After all, while human decisions may seem to rely on just those few data points we are conscious of, in fact our decisions are subconsciously influenced by thousands of additional data points. Being unaware of these subconscious processes, when we deliberate on our decisions or explain them, we often engage in post hoc single-point rationalizations for what really happens as billions of neurons interact inside our brain.44 Accordingly, if a human judge sentences us to six years in prison, how can we—or indeed the judge—be sure that the decision was shaped only by fair considerations and not by a subconscious racial bias or by the fact that the judge was hungry?45

    In the case of flesh-and-blood judges, the problem cannot be solved, at least not with our current knowledge of biology. In contrast, when an algorithm makes a decision, we can in principle know every one of the algorithm’s many considerations and the exact weight given to each. Thus several expert teams—ranging from the U.S. Department of Justice to the nonprofit newsroom ProPublica—have picked apart the COMPAS algorithm in order to assess its potential biases.46 Such teams can harness not only the collective effort of many humans but also the power of computers. Just as it is often best to set a thief to catch a thief, so we can use one algorithm to vet another.

    This raises the question of how we can be sure that the vetting algorithm itself is reliable. Ultimately, there is no purely technological solution to this recursive problem. No matter which technology we develop, we will have to maintain bureaucratic institutions that will audit algorithms and give or refuse them the seal of approval. Such institutions will combine the powers of humans and computers to make sure that new algorithmic tools are safe and fair. Without such institutions, even if we pass laws that provide humans with a right to an explanation, and even if we enact regulations against computer biases, who could enforce these laws and regulations?

    NOSEDIVE

    To vet algorithms, regulatory institutions will need not only to analyze them but also to translate their discoveries into stories that humans can understand. Otherwise, we will never trust the regulatory institutions and might instead put our faith in conspiracy theories and charismatic leaders. As noted in chapter 3, it has always been difficult for humans to understand bureaucracy, because bureaucracies have deviated from the script of the biological dramas, and most artists have lacked the will or the ability to depict bureaucratic dramas. For example, novels, movies, and TV series about twenty-first-century politics tend to focus on the feuds and love affairs of a few powerful families, as if present-day states were governed in the same way as ancient tribes and kingdoms. This artistic fixation with the biological dramas of dynasties obscures the very real changes that have taken place over the centuries in the dynamics of power.

    Because computers will increasingly replace human bureaucrats and human mythmakers, this will again change the deep structure of power. To survive, democracies require not just dedicated bureaucratic institutions that can scrutinize these new structures but also artists who can explain the new structures in accessible and entertaining ways. For example, this has successfully been done by the episode “Nosedive” in the sci-fi series Black Mirror.

    Produced in 2016, at a time when few had heard about social credit systems, “Nosedive” brilliantly explained how such systems work and what threats they pose. The episode tells the story of a woman called Lacie who lives with her brother Ryan but wants to move to her own apartment. To get a discount on the new apartment, she needs to increase her social credit score from 4.2 to 4.5 (out of 5). Being friends with high-score individuals gets your own score up, so Lacie tries to renew her contact with Naomi, a childhood friend who is currently rated 4.8. Lacie is invited to Naomi’s wedding, but on the way there she spills coffee on a high-score person, which causes her own score to drop a little, which in turn causes the airline to deny her a seat. From there everything that can go wrong does go wrong, Lacie’s rating takes a nosedive, and she ends in jail with a score of less than 1.

    This story relies on some elements of traditional biological dramas—“boy meets girl” (the wedding), sibling rivalry (the tension between Lacie and Ryan), and most important status competition (the main issue of the episode). But the real hero and driving force of the plot isn’t Lacie or Naomi, but rather the disembodied algorithm running the social credit system. The algorithm completely changes the dynamics of the old biological dramas—especially the dynamics of status competition. Whereas previously humans were sometimes engaged in status competition, but often had welcome breaks from this highly stressful situation, the omnipresent social credit algorithm eliminates the breaks. “Nosedive” is not a worn-out story about biological status competition, but rather a prescient exploration of what happens when computer technology changes the rules of status competitions.

    If bureaucrats and artists learn to cooperate, and if both rely on help from the computers, it might be possible to prevent the computer network from becoming unfathomable. As long as democratic societies understand the computer network, their self-correcting mechanisms are our best guarantee against AI abuses. Thus the EU’s AI Act that was proposed in 2021 singled out social credit systems like the one that stars in “Nosedive” as one of the few types of AI that are totally prohibited, because they might “lead to discriminatory outcomes and the exclusion of certain groups” and because “they may violate the right to dignity and non-discrimination and the values of equality and justice.”47 As with total surveillance regimes, so also with social credit systems, the fact that they could be created doesn’t mean that we must create them.

    DIGITAL ANARCHY

    The new computer network poses one final threat to democracies. Instead of digital totalitarianism, it could foster digital anarchy. The decentralized nature of democracies and their strong self-correcting mechanisms provide a shield against totalitarianism, but they also make it more difficult to ensure order. To function, a democracy needs to meet two conditions: it needs to enable a free public conversation on key issues, and it needs to maintain a minimum of social order and institutional trust. Free conversation must not slip into anarchy. Especially when dealing with urgent and important problems, the public debate should be conducted according to accepted rules, and there should be a legitimate mechanism to reach some kind of final decision, even if not everybody likes it.

    Before the advent of newspapers, radios, and other modern information technology, no large-scale society managed to combine free debates with institutional trust, so large-scale democracy was impossible. Now, with the rise of the new computer network, might large-scale democracy again become impossible? One difficulty is that the computer network makes it easier to join the debate. In the past, organizations like newspapers, radio stations, and established political parties acted as gatekeepers, deciding who was heard in the public sphere. Social media undermined the power of these gatekeepers, leading to a more open but also more anarchical public conversation.

    Whenever new groups join the conversation, they bring with them new viewpoints and interests, and often question the old consensus about how to conduct the debate and reach decisions. The rules of discussion must be negotiated anew. This is a potentially positive development, one that can lead to a more inclusive democratic system. After all, correcting previous biases and allowing previously disenfranchised people to join the public discussion is a vital part of democracy. However, in the short term this creates disturbances and disharmony. If no agreement is reached on how to conduct the public debate and how to reach decisions, the result is anarchy rather than democracy.

    The anarchical potential of AI is particularly alarming, because it is not only new human groups that it allows to join the public debate. For the first time ever, democracy must contend with a cacophony of nonhuman voices, too. On many social media platforms, bots constitute a sizable minority of participants. One analysis estimated that out of a sample of 20 million tweets generated during the 2016 U.S. election campaign, 3.8 million tweets (almost 20 percent) were generated by bots.48

    By the early 2020s, things got worse. A 2020 study assessed that bots were producing 43.2 percent of tweets.49 A more comprehensive 2022 study by the digital intelligence agency Similarweb found that 5 percent of Twitter users were probably bots, but they generated “between 20.8% and 29.2% of the content posted to Twitter.”50 When humans try to debate a crucial question like whom to elect as U.S. president, what happens if many of the voices they hear are produced by computers?

    Another worrying trend concerns content. Bots were initially deployed to influence public opinion by the sheer volume of messages they disseminated. They retweeted or recommended certain human-produced content, but they couldn’t create new ideas themselves, nor could they forge intimate bonds with humans. However, the new breed of generative AI tools like ChatGPT can do exactly that. In a 2023 study, published in Science Advances, researchers asked humans and ChatGPT to create both accurate and deliberately misleading short texts on issues such as vaccines, 5G technology, climate change, and evolution. The texts were then presented to seven hundred humans, who were asked to evaluate their reliability. The humans were good at recognizing the falsity of human-produced disinformation but tended to regard AI-produced disinformation as accurate.51

    So, what happens to democratic debates when millions—and eventually billions—of highly intelligent bots are not only composing extremely compelling political manifestos and creating deepfake images and videos but also able to win our trust and friendship? If I engage online in a political debate with an AI, it is a waste of time for me to try to change the AI’s opinions; being a nonconscious entity, it doesn’t really care about politics, and it cannot vote in the elections. But the more I talk with the AI, the better it gets to know me, so it can gain my trust, hone its arguments, and gradually change my views. In the battle for hearts and minds, intimacy is an extremely powerful weapon. Previously, political parties could command our attention, but they had difficulty mass-producing intimacy. Radio sets could broadcast a leader’s speech to millions, but they could not befriend the listeners. Now a political party, or even a foreign government, could deploy an army of bots that build friendships with millions of citizens and then use that intimacy to influence their worldview.

    Finally, algorithms are not only joining the conversation; they are increasingly orchestrating it. Social media allows new groups of humans to challenge the old rules of debate. But negotiations about the new rules are not conducted by humans. Rather, as explained in our previous analysis of social media algorithms, it is often the algorithms that make the rules. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when media moguls censored some views and promoted others, this might have undermined democracy, but at least the moguls were humans, and their decisions could be subjected to democratic scrutiny. It is far more dangerous if we allow inscrutable algorithms to decide which views to disseminate.

    If manipulative bots and inscrutable algorithms come to dominate the public conversation, this could cause democratic debate to collapse exactly when we need it most. Just when we must make momentous decisions about fast-evolving new technologies, the public sphere will be flooded by computer-generated fake news, citizens will not be able to tell whether they are having a debate with a human friend or a manipulative machine, and no consensus will remain about the most basic rules of discussion or the most basic facts. This kind of anarchical information network cannot produce either truth or order and cannot be sustained for long. If we end up with anarchy, the next step would probably be the establishment of a dictatorship as people agree to trade their liberty for some certainty.

    BAN THE BOTS

    In the face of the threat algorithms pose to the democratic conversation, democracies are not helpless. They can and should take measures to regulate AI and prevent it from polluting our infosphere with fake people spewing fake news. The philosopher Daniel Dennett has suggested that we can take inspiration from traditional regulations in the money market.52 Ever since coins and later banknotes were invented, it was always technically possible to counterfeit them. Counterfeiting posed an existential danger to the financial system, because it eroded people’s trust in money. If bad actors flooded the market with counterfeit money, the financial system would have collapsed. Yet the financial system managed to protect itself for thousands of years by enacting laws against counterfeiting money. As a result, only a relatively small percentage of money in circulation was forged, and people’s trust in it was maintained.53

    What’s true of counterfeiting money should also be true of counterfeiting humans. If governments took decisive action to protect trust in money, it makes sense to take equally decisive measures to protect trust in humans. Prior to the rise of AI, one human could pretend to be another, and society punished such frauds. But society didn’t bother to outlaw the creation of counterfeit humans, since the technology to do so didn’t exist. Now that AI can pass itself off as human, it threatens to destroy trust between humans and to unravel the fabric of society. Dennett suggests, therefore, that governments should outlaw fake humans as decisively as they have previously outlawed fake money.54

    The law should prohibit not just deepfaking specific real people—creating a fake video of the U.S. president, for example—but also any attempt by a nonhuman agent to pass itself off as a human. If anyone complains that such strict measures violate freedom of speech, they should be reminded that bots don’t have freedom of speech. Banning human beings from a public platform is a sensitive step, and democracies should be very careful about such censorship. However, banning bots is a simple issue: it doesn’t violate anyone’s rights, because bots don’t have rights.55

    None of this means that democracies must ban all bots, algorithms, and AIs from participating in any discussion. Digital tools are welcome to join many conversations, provided they don’t pretend to be humans. For example, AI doctors can be extremely helpful. They can monitor our health twenty-four hours a day, offer medical advice tailored to our individual medical conditions and personality, and answer our questions with infinite patience. But the AI doctor should never try to pass itself off as a human.

    Another important measure democracies can adopt is to ban unsupervised algorithms from curating key public debates. We can certainly continue to use algorithms to run social media platforms; obviously, no human can do that. But the principles the algorithms use to decide which voices to silence and which to amplify must be vetted by a human institution. While we should be careful about censoring genuine human views, we can forbid algorithms to deliberately spread outrage. At the very least, corporations should be transparent about the curation principles their algorithms follow. If they use outrage to capture our attention, let them be clear about their business model and about any political connections they might have. If the algorithm systematically disappears videos that aren’t aligned with the company’s political agenda, users should know this.

    These are just a few of numerous suggestions made in recent years for how democracies could regulate the entry of bots and algorithms into the public conversation. Naturally, each has its advantages and drawbacks, and none would be easy to implement. Also, since the technology is developing so rapidly, regulations are likely to become outdated quickly. What I would like to point out here is only that democracies can regulate the information market and that their very survival depends on these regulations. The naive view of information opposes regulation and believes that a completely free information market will spontaneously generate truth and order. This is completely divorced from the actual history of democracy. Preserving the democratic conversation has never been easy, and all venues where this conversation has previously taken place—from parliaments and town halls to newspapers and radio stations—have required regulation. This is doubly true in an era when an alien form of intelligence threatens to dominate the conversation.

    THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY

    For most of history large-scale democracy was impossible because information technology wasn’t sophisticated enough to hold a large-scale political conversation. Millions of people spread over tens of thousands of square kilometers didn’t have the tools to conduct a real-time discussion of public affairs. Now, ironically, democracy may prove impossible because information technology is becoming too sophisticated. If unfathomable algorithms take over the conversation, and particularly if they quash reasoned arguments and stoke hate and confusion, public discussion cannot be maintained. Yet if democracies do collapse, it will likely result not from some kind of technological inevitability but from a human failure to regulate the new technology wisely.

    We cannot foretell how things will play out. At present, however, it is clear that the information network of many democracies is breaking down. Democrats and Republicans in the United States can no longer agree on even basic facts—such as who won the 2020 presidential elections—and can hardly hold a civil conversation anymore. Bipartisan cooperation in Congress, once a fundamental feature of U.S. politics, has almost disappeared.56 The same radicalizing processes occur in many other democracies, from the Philippines to Brazil. When citizens cannot talk with one another, and when they view each other as enemies rather than political rivals, democracy is untenable.

    Nobody knows for sure what is causing the breakdown of democratic information networks. Some say it results from ideological fissures, but in fact in many dysfunctional democracies the ideological gaps don’t seem to be bigger than in previous generations. In the 1960s, the United States was riven by deep ideological conflicts about the civil rights movement, the sexual revolution, the Vietnam War, and the Cold War. These tensions caused a surge in political violence and assassinations, but Republicans and Democrats were still able to agree on the results of elections, they maintained a common belief in democratic institutions like the courts,57 and they were able to work together in Congress at least on some issues. For example, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed in the Senate with the support of forty-six Democrats and twenty-seven Republicans. Is the ideological gap in the 2020s that much bigger than it was in the 1960s? And if it isn’t ideology, what is driving people apart?

    Many point the finger at social media algorithms. We have explored the divisive impact of social media in previous chapters, but despite the damning evidence it seems that there must be additional factors at play. The truth is that while we can easily observe that the democratic information network is breaking down, we aren’t sure why. That itself is a characteristic of the times. The information network has become so complicated, and it relies to such an extent on opaque algorithmic decisions and inter-computer entities, that it has become very difficult for humans to answer even the most basic of political questions: Why are we fighting each other?
    If we cannot discover what is broken and fix it, large-scale democracies may not survive the rise of computer technology. If this indeed comes to pass, what might replace democracy as the dominant political system? Does the future belong to totalitarian regimes, or might computers make totalitarianism untenable too? As we shall see, human dictators have their own reasons to be terrified of AI.

    CHAPTER 10 Totalitarianism: All Power to the Algorithms?

    Discussions of the ethics and politics of the new computer network often focus on the fate of democracies. If authoritarian and totalitarian regimes are mentioned, it is mainly as the dystopian destination that “we” might reach if “we” fail to manage the computer network wisely.1 However, as of 2024, more than half of “us” already live under authoritarian or totalitarian regimes,2 many of which were established long before the rise of the computer network. To understand the impact of algorithms and AI on humankind, we should ask ourselves what their impact will be not only on democracies like the United States and Brazil but also on the Chinese Communist Party and the royal house of Saud.

    As explained in previous chapters, the information technology available in premodern eras made both large-scale democracy and large-scale totalitarianism unworkable. Large polities like the Chinese Han Empire and the eighteenth-century Saudi emirate of Diriyah were usually limited autocracies. In the twentieth century, new information technology enabled the rise of both large-scale democracy and large-scale totalitarianism, but totalitarianism suffered from a severe disadvantage. Totalitarianism seeks to channel all information to one hub and process it there. Technologies like the telegraph, the telephone, the typewriter, and the radio facilitated the centralization of information, but they couldn’t process the information and make decisions by themselves. This remained something that only humans could do.

    The more information flowed to the center, the harder it became to process it. Totalitarian rulers and parties often made costly mistakes, and the system lacked mechanisms to identify and correct these errors. The democratic way of distributing information—and the power to make decisions—between many institutions and individuals worked better. It could cope far more efficiently with the flood of data, and if one institution made a wrong decision, it could eventually be rectified by others.

    The rise of machine-learning algorithms, however, may be exactly what the Stalins of the world have been waiting for. AI could tilt the technological balance of power in favor of totalitarianism. Indeed, whereas flooding people with data tends to overwhelm them and therefore leads to errors, flooding AI with data tends to make it more efficient. Consequently, AI seems to favor the concentration of information and decision making in one place.

    Even in democratic countries, a few corporations like Google, Facebook, and Amazon have become monopolies in their domains, partly because AI tips the balance in favor of the giants. In traditional industries like restaurants, size isn’t an overwhelming advantage. McDonald’s is a worldwide chain that feeds more than fifty million people a day,3 and its size gives it many advantages in terms of costs, branding, and so forth. You can nevertheless open a neighborhood restaurant that could hold its own against the local McDonald’s. Even though your restaurant might be serving just two hundred customers a day, you still have a chance of making better food than McDonald’s and gaining the loyalty of happier customers.

    It works differently in the information market. The Google search engine is used every day by between two and three billion people making 8.5 billion searches.4 Suppose a local start-up search engine tries to compete with Google. It doesn’t stand a chance. Because Google is already used by billions, it has so much more data at its disposal that it can train far better algorithms, which will attract even more traffic, which will be used to train the next generation of algorithms, and so on. Consequently, in 2023 Google controlled 91.5 percent of the global search market.5

    Or consider genetics. Suppose several companies in different countries try to develop an algorithm that identifies connections between genes and medical conditions. New Zealand has a population of 5 million people, and privacy regulations restrict access to their genetic and medical records. China has about 1.4 billion inhabitants and laxer privacy regulations.6 Who do you think has a better chance of developing a genetic algorithm? If Brazil then wants to buy a genetic algorithm for its health-care system, it would have a strong incentive to opt for the much more accurate Chinese algorithm than the one from New Zealand. If the Chinese algorithm then hones itself on more than 200 million Brazilians, it will get even better. Which would prompt more countries to choose the Chinese algorithm. Soon enough, most of the world’s medical information would flow to China, making its genetic algorithm unbeatable.

    The attempt to concentrate all information and power in one place, which was the Achilles’ heel of twentieth-century totalitarian regimes, might become a decisive advantage in the age of AI. At the same time, as noted in an earlier chapter, AI could also make it possible for totalitarian regimes to establish total surveillance systems that make resistance almost impossible.

    Some people believe that blockchain could provide a technological check on such totalitarian tendencies, because blockchain is inherently friendly to democracy and hostile to totalitarianism. In a blockchain system, decisions require the approval of 51 percent of users. That may sound democratic, but blockchain technology has a fatal flaw. The problem lies with the word “users.” If one person has ten accounts, she counts as ten users. If a government controls 51 percent of accounts, then the government constitutes 51 percent of the users. There are already examples of blockchain networks where a government is 51 percent of users.7

    And when a government is 51 percent of users in a blockchain, it gives the government control not just over the chain’s present but even over its past. Autocrats have always wanted the power to change the past. Roman emperors, for example, frequently engaged in the practice of damnatio memoriae—expunging the memory of rivals and enemies. After the emperor Caracalla murdered his brother and competitor for the throne, Geta, he tried to obliterate the latter’s memory. Inscriptions bearing Geta’s name were chiseled out, coins bearing his effigy were melted down, and the mere mentioning of Geta’s name was punishable by death.8 One surviving painting from the time, the Severan Tondo, was made during the reign of their father—Septimius Severus—and originally showed both brothers together with Septimius and their mother, Julia Domna. But someone later not only obliterated Geta’s face but smeared excrement over it. Forensic analysis identified tiny pieces of dry shit where Geta’s face should have been.9

    Modern totalitarian regimes have been similarly fond of changing the past. After Stalin rose to power, he made a supreme effort to delete Trotsky—the architect of the Bolshevik Revolution and the founder of the Red Army—from all historical records. During the Stalinist Great Terror of 1937–39, whenever prominent people like Nikolai Bukharin and Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky were purged and executed, evidence of their existence was erased from books, academic papers, photographs, and paintings.10 This degree of erasure demanded a huge manual effort. With blockchain, changing the past would be far easier. A government that controls 51 percent of users can disappear people from history at the press of a button.

    THE BOT PRISON

    While there are many ways in which AI can cement central power, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes have their own problems with it. First and foremost, dictatorships lack experience in controlling inorganic agents. The foundation of every despotic information network is terror. But computers are not afraid of being imprisoned or killed. If a chatbot on the Russian internet mentions the war crimes committed by Russian troops in Ukraine, tells an irreverent joke about Vladimir Putin, or criticizes the corruption of Putin’s United Russia party, what could the Putin regime do to that chatbot? FSB agents cannot imprison it, torture it, or threaten its family. The government could of course block or delete it, and try to find and punish its human creators, but this is a much more difficult task than disciplining human users.

    In the days when computers could not generate content by themselves, and could not hold an intelligent conversation, only a human being could express dissenting opinions on Russian social network channels like VKontakte and Odnoklassniki. If that human being was physically in Russia, they risked the wrath of the Russian authorities. If that human being was physically outside Russia, the authorities could try to block their access. But what happens if Russian cyberspace is filled by millions of bots that can generate content and hold conversations, learning and developing by themselves? These bots might be preprogrammed by Russian dissidents or foreign actors to intentionally spread unorthodox views, and it might be impossible for the authorities to prevent it. Even worse, from the viewpoint of Putin’s regime, what happens if authorized bots gradually develop dissenting views by themselves, simply by collecting information on what is happening in Russia and spotting patterns in it?

    That’s the alignment problem, Russian-style. Russia’s human engineers can do their best to create AIs that are totally aligned with the regime, but given the ability of AI to learn and change by itself, how can the human engineers ensure that the AI never deviates into illicit territory? It is particularly interesting to note that as George Orwell explained in Nineteen Eighty-Four, totalitarian information networks often rely on doublespeak. Russia is an authoritarian state that claims to be a democracy. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has been the largest war in Europe since 1945, yet officially it is defined as a “special military operation,” and referring to it as a “war” has been criminalized and is punishable by a prison term of up to three years or a fine of up to fifty thousand rubles.11

    The Russian Constitution makes grandiose promises about how “everyone shall be guaranteed freedom of thought and speech” (Article 29.1), how “everyone shall have the right freely to seek, receive, transmit, produce and disseminate information” (29.4), and how “the freedom of the mass media shall be guaranteed. Censorship shall be prohibited” (29.5). Hardly any Russian citizen is naive enough to take these promises at face value. But computers are bad at understanding doublespeak. A chatbot instructed to adhere to Russian law and values might read that constitution and conclude that freedom of speech is a core Russian value. Then, after spending a few days in Russian cyberspace and monitoring what is happening in the Russian information sphere, the chatbot might start criticizing the Putin regime for violating the core Russian value of freedom of speech. Humans too notice such contradictions, but avoid pointing them out, due to fear. But what would prevent a chatbot from pointing out damning patterns? And how might Russian engineers explain to a chatbot that though the Russian Constitution guarantees all citizens freedom of speech and forbids censorship, the chatbot shouldn’t actually believe the constitution nor should it ever mention the gap between theory and reality? As the Ukrainian guide told me at Chernobyl, people in totalitarian countries grow up with the idea that questions lead to trouble. But if you train an algorithm on the principle that “questions lead to trouble,” how will that algorithm learn and develop?

    Finally, if the government adopts some disastrous policy and then changes its mind, it usually covers itself by blaming the disaster on someone else. Humans learn the hard way to forget facts that might get them in trouble. But how would you train a chatbot to forget that the policy vilified today was actually the official line only a year ago? This is a major technological challenge that dictatorships will find difficult to deal with, especially as chatbots become more powerful and more opaque.

    Of course, democracies face analogous problems with chatbots that say unwelcome things or raise dangerous questions. What happens if despite the best efforts of Microsoft or Facebook engineers, their chatbot begins spewing racist slurs? The advantage of democracies is that they have far more leeway in dealing with such rogue algorithms. Because democracies take freedom of speech seriously, they keep far fewer skeletons in their closet, and they have developed a relatively high level of tolerance even to antidemocratic speech. Dissident bots will present a far bigger challenge to totalitarian regimes that have entire cemeteries in their closets and zero tolerance of criticism.

    ALGORITHMIC TAKEOVER

    In the long term, totalitarian regimes are likely to face an even bigger danger: instead of criticizing them, an algorithm might gain control of them. Throughout history, the biggest threat to autocrats usually came from their own subordinates. As noted in chapter 4, no Roman emperor or Soviet premier was toppled by a democratic revolution, but they were always in danger of being overthrown or turned into puppets by their own subordinates. If a twenty-first-century autocrat gives computers too much power, that autocrat might become their puppet. The last thing a dictator wants is to create something more powerful than himself, or a force that he does not know how to control.

    To illustrate the point, allow me to use an admittedly outlandish thought experiment, the totalitarian equivalent of Bostrom’s paper-clip apocalypse. Imagine that the year is 2050, and the Great Leader is woken up at four in the morning by an urgent call from the Surveillance & Security Algorithm. “Great Leader, we are facing an emergency. I’ve crunched trillions of data points, and the pattern is unmistakable: the defense minister is planning to assassinate you in the morning and take power himself. The hit squad is ready, waiting for his command. Give me the order, though, and I’ll liquidate him with a precision strike.”
    “But the defense minister is my most loyal supporter,” says the Great Leader. “Only yesterday he said to me—”
    “Great Leader, I know what he said to you. I hear everything. But I also know what he said afterward to the hit squad. And for months I’ve been picking up disturbing patterns in the data.”
    “Are you sure you were not fooled by deepfakes?”
    “I’m afraid the data I relied on is 100 percent genuine,” says the algorithm. “I checked it with my special deepfake-detecting sub-algorithm. I can explain exactly how we know it isn’t a deepfake, but that would take us a couple of weeks. I didn’t want to alert you before I was sure, but the data points converge on an inescapable conclusion: a coup is under way. Unless we act now, the assassins will be here in an hour. But give me the order, and I’ll liquidate the traitor.”

    By giving so much power to the Surveillance & Security Algorithm, the Great Leader has placed himself in an impossible situation. If he distrusts the algorithm, he may be assassinated by the defense minister, but if he trusts the algorithm and purges the defense minister, he becomes the algorithm’s puppet. Whenever anyone tries to make a move against the algorithm, the algorithm knows exactly how to manipulate the Great Leader. Note that the algorithm doesn’t need to be a conscious entity to engage in such maneuvers. As Bostrom’s paper-clip thought experiment indicates—and as GPT-4 lying to the TaskRabbit worker demonstrated on a small scale—a nonconscious algorithm may seek to accumulate power and manipulate people even without having any human drives like greed or egotism.

    If algorithms ever develop capabilities like those in the thought experiment, dictatorships would be far more vulnerable to algorithmic takeover than democracies. It would be difficult for even a super-Machiavellian AI to seize power in a distributed democratic system like the United States. Even if the AI learns to manipulate the U.S. president, it might face opposition from Congress, the Supreme Court, state governors, the media, major corporations, and sundry NGOs. How would the algorithm, for example, deal with a Senate filibuster?

    Seizing power in a highly centralized system is much easier. When all power is concentrated in the hands of one person, whoever controls access to the autocrat can control the autocrat—and the entire state. To hack the system, one needs to learn to manipulate just a single individual. An archetypal case is how the Roman emperor Tiberius became the puppet of Lucius Aelius Sejanus, the commander of the Praetorian Guard.

    The Praetorians were initially established by Augustus as a small imperial bodyguard. Augustus appointed two prefects to command the bodyguard so that neither could gain too much power over him.12 Tiberius, however, was not as wise. His paranoia was his greatest weakness. Sejanus, one of the two Praetorian prefects, artfully played on Tiberius’s fears. He constantly uncovered alleged plots to assassinate Tiberius, many of which were pure fantasies. The suspicious emperor grew more distrustful of everyone except Sejanus. He made Sejanus sole prefect of the Praetorian Guard, expanded it into an army of twelve thousand, and gave Sejanus’s men additional roles in policing and administrating the city of Rome. Finally, Sejanus persuaded Tiberius to move out of the capital to Capri, arguing that it would be much easier to protect the emperor on a small island than in a crowded metropolis full of traitors and spies. In truth, explained the Roman historian Tacitus, Sejanus’s aim was to control all the information reaching the emperor: “Access to the emperor would be under his own control, and letters, for the most part being conveyed by soldiers, would pass through his hands.”13

    With the Praetorians controlling Rome, Tiberius isolated in Capri, and Sejanus controlling all information reaching Tiberius, the Praetorian commander became the true ruler of the empire. Sejanus purged anyone who might oppose him—including members of the imperial family—by falsely accusing them of treason. Since nobody could contact the emperor without Sejanus’s permission, Tiberius was reduced to a puppet.

    Eventually someone—perhaps Tiberius’s sister-in-law Antonia—located an opening in Sejanus’s information cordon. A letter was smuggled to the emperor, explaining to him what was going on. But by the time Tiberius woke up to the danger and resolved to get rid of Sejanus, he was almost helpless. How could he topple the man who controlled not just the bodyguards but also all communications with the outside world? If he tried to make a move, Sejanus could imprison him on Capri indefinitely and inform the Senate and the army that the emperor was too ill to travel anywhere.

    Tiberius nevertheless managed to turn the tables on Sejanus. As Sejanus grew in power and became preoccupied with running the empire, he lost touch with the day-to-day minutiae of Rome’s security apparatus. Tiberius managed to secretly gain the support of Naevius Sutorius Macro, commander of Rome’s fire brigade and night watch. Macro orchestrated a coup against Sejanus, and as a reward Tiberius made Macro the new commander of the Praetorian Guard. A few years later, Macro had Tiberius killed.14

    Power lies at the nexus where the information channels merge. Since Tiberius allowed the information channels to merge in the person of Sejanus, the latter became the true center of power, while Tiberius was reduced to a puppet.

    The fate of Tiberius indicates the delicate balance that all dictators must strike. They try to concentrate all information in one place, but they must be careful that the different channels of information are allowed to merge only in their own person. If the information channels merge somewhere else, that then becomes the true nexus of power. When the regime relies on humans like Sejanus and Macro, a skillful dictator can play them one against the other in order to remain on top. Stalin’s purges were all about that. Yet when a regime relies on a powerful but inscrutable AI that gathers and analyzes all information, the human dictator is in danger of losing all power. He may remain in the capital and yet be isolated on a digital island, controlled and manipulated by the AI.

    THE DICTATOR’S DILEMMA

    In the next few years, the dictators of our world face more urgent problems than an algorithmic takeover. No current AI system can manipulate regimes at such a scale. However, totalitarian systems are already in danger of putting far too much trust in algorithms. Whereas democracies assume that everyone is fallible, in totalitarian regimes the fundamental assumption is that the ruling party or the supreme leader is always right. Regimes based on that assumption are conditioned to believe in the existence of an infallible intelligence and are reluctant to create strong self-correcting mechanisms that might monitor and regulate the genius at the top.

    Until now such regimes placed their faith in human parties and leaders and were hothouses for the growth of personality cults. But in the twenty-first century this totalitarian tradition prepares them to expect AI infallibility. Systems that could believe in the perfect genius of a Mussolini, a Ceauşescu, or a Khomeini are primed to also believe in the flawless genius of a superintelligent computer. This could have disastrous results for their citizens, and potentially for the rest of the world as well. What happens if the algorithm in charge of environmental policy makes a big mistake, but there are no self-correcting mechanisms that can identify and correct its error? What happens if the algorithm running the state’s social credit system begins terrorizing not just the general population but even the members of the ruling party and simultaneously begins to label anyone that questions its policies “an enemy of the people”?

    Dictators have always suffered from weak self-correcting mechanisms and have always been threatened by powerful subordinates. The rise of AI may greatly exacerbate these problems. The computer network therefore presents dictators with an excruciating dilemma. They could decide to escape the clutches of their human underlings by trusting a supposedly infallible technology, in which case they might become the technology’s puppet. Or, they could build a human institution to supervise the AI, but that institution might limit their own power, too.

    If even just a few of the world’s dictators choose to put their trust in AI, this could have far-reaching consequences for the whole of humanity. Science fiction is full of scenarios of an AI getting out of control and enslaving or eliminating humankind. Most sci-fi plots explore these scenarios in the context of democratic capitalist societies. This is understandable. Authors living in democracies are obviously interested in their own societies, whereas authors living in dictatorships are usually discouraged from criticizing their rulers. But the weakest spot in humanity’s anti-AI shield is probably the dictators. The easiest way for an AI to seize power is not by breaking out of Dr. Frankenstein’s lab but by ingratiating itself with some paranoid Tiberius.

    This is not a prophecy, just a possibility. After 1945, dictators and their subordinates cooperated with democratic governments and their citizens to contain nuclear weapons. On July 9, 1955, Albert Einstein, Bertrand Russell, and a number of other eminent scientists and thinkers published the Russell-Einstein Manifesto, calling on the leaders of both democracies and dictatorships to cooperate on preventing nuclear war. “We appeal,” said the manifesto, “as human beings, to human beings: remember your humanity, and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot, there lies before you the risk of universal death.”15 This is true of AI too. It would be foolish of dictators to believe that AI will necessarily tilt the balance of power in their favor. If they aren’t careful, AI will just grab power to itself.

    CHAPTER 11 The Silicon Curtain: Global Empire or Global Split?

    The previous two chapters explored how different human societies might react to the rise of the new computer network. But we live in an interconnected world, where the decisions of one country can have a profound impact on others. Some of the gravest dangers posed by AI do not result from the internal dynamics of a single human society. Rather, they arise from dynamics involving many societies, which might lead to new arms races, new wars, and new imperial expansions.

    Computers are not yet powerful enough to completely escape our control or destroy human civilization by themselves. As long as humanity stands united, we can build institutions that will control AI and will identify and correct algorithmic errors. Unfortunately, humanity has never been united. We have always been plagued by bad actors, as well as by disagreements between good actors. The rise of AI, then, poses an existential danger to humankind not because of the malevolence of computers but because of our own shortcomings.

    Thus, a paranoid dictator might hand unlimited power to a fallible AI, including even the power to launch nuclear strikes. If the dictator trusts his AI more than his defense minister, wouldn’t it make sense to have the AI supervise the country’s most powerful weapons? If the AI then makes an error, or begins to pursue an alien goal, the result could be catastrophic, and not just for that country.

    Similarly, terrorists focused on events in one corner of the world might use AI to instigate a global pandemic. The terrorists might be more versed in some apocalyptic mythology than in the science of epidemiology, but they just need to set the goal, and all else will be done by their AI. The AI could synthesize a new pathogen, order it from commercial laboratories or print it in biological 3-D printers, and devise the best strategy to spread it around the world, via airports or food supply chains. What if the AI synthesizes a virus that is as deadly as Ebola, as contagious as COVID-19, and as slow acting as AIDS? By the time the first victims begin to die, and the world is alerted to the danger, most people on earth might have already been infected.1

    As we have seen in previous chapters, human civilization is threatened not only by physical and biological weapons of mass destruction like atom bombs and viruses. Human civilization could also be destroyed by weapons of social mass destruction, like stories that undermine our social bonds. An AI developed in one country could be used to unleash a deluge of fake news, fake money, and fake humans so that people in numerous other countries lose the ability to trust anything or anyone.

    Many societies—both democracies and dictatorships—may act responsibly to regulate such usages of AI, clamp down on bad actors, and restrain the dangerous ambitions of their own rulers and fanatics. But if even a handful of societies fail to do so, this could be enough to endanger the whole of humankind. Climate change can devastate even countries that adopt excellent environmental regulations, because it is a global rather than a national problem. AI, too, is a global problem. Countries would be naive to imagine that as long as they regulate AI wisely within their own borders, these regulations will protect them from the worst outcomes of the AI revolution. Accordingly, to understand the new computer politics, it is not enough to examine how discrete societies might react to AI. We also need to consider how AI might change relations between societies on a global level.

    At present, the world is divided into about two hundred nation-states, most of which gained their independence only after 1945. They are not all equal. The list contains two superpowers, a handful of major powers, several blocs and alliances, and a lot of smaller fish. Still, even the tiniest states enjoy some leverage, as evidenced by their ability to play the superpowers against each other. In the early 2020s, for example, China and the United States competed for influence in the strategically important South Pacific region. Both superpowers courted island nations like Tonga, Tuvalu, Kiribati, and the Solomon Islands. The governments of these small nations—whose populations range from 740,000 (Solomon Islands) to 11,000 (Tuvalu)—had substantial leeway to decide which way to tack and were able to extract considerable concessions and aid.2

    Other small states, such as Qatar, have established themselves as important players in the geopolitical arena. With only 300,000 citizens, Qatar is nevertheless pursuing ambitious foreign policy aims in the Middle East, is playing an outsized rule in the global economy, and is home to Al Jazeera, the Arab world’s most influential TV network. One might argue that Qatar is able to punch well above its size because it is the third-largest exporter of natural gas in the world. Yet in a different international setting, that would have made Qatar not an independent actor but the first course on the menu of any imperial conqueror. It is telling that, as of 2024, Qatar’s much bigger neighbors, and the world’s hegemonic powers, are letting the tiny Gulf state hold on to its fabulous riches. Many people describe the international system as a jungle. If so, it is a jungle in which tigers allow fat chickens to live in relative safety.

    Qatar, Tonga, Tuvalu, Kiribati, and the Solomon Islands all indicate that we are living in a postimperial era. They gained their independence from the British Empire in the 1970s, as part of the final demise of the European imperial order. The leverage they now have in the international arena testifies that in the first quarter of the twenty-first century power is distributed between a relatively large number of players, rather than monopolized by a few empires.

    How might the rise of the new computer network change the shape of international politics? Aside from apocalyptic scenarios such as a dictatorial AI launching a nuclear war, or a terrorist AI instigating a lethal pandemic, computers pose two main challenges to the current international system. First, since computers make it easier to concentrate information and power in a central hub, humanity could enter a new imperial era. A few empires (or perhaps a single empire) might bring the whole world under a much tighter grip than that of the British Empire or the Soviet Empire. Tonga, Tuvalu, and Qatar would be transformed from independent states into colonial possessions—just as they were fifty years ago.

    Second, humanity could split along a new Silicon Curtain that would pass between rival digital empires. As each regime chooses its own answer to the AI alignment problem, to the dictator’s dilemma, and to other technological quandaries, each might create a separate and very different computer network. The various networks might then find it ever more difficult to interact, and so would the humans they control. Qataris living as part of an Iranian or Russian network, Tongans living as part of a Chinese network, and Tuvaluans living as part of an American network could come to have such different life experiences and worldviews that they would hardly be able to communicate or to agree on much.

    If these developments indeed materialize, they could easily lead to their own apocalyptic outcome. Perhaps each empire can keep its nuclear weapons under human control and its lunatics away from bioweapons. But a human species divided into hostile camps that cannot understand each other stands a small chance of avoiding devastating wars or preventing catastrophic climate change. A world of rival empires separated by an opaque Silicon Curtain would also be incapable of regulating the explosive power of AI.

    THE RISE OF DIGITAL EMPIRES

    In chapter 9 we touched briefly on the link between the Industrial Revolution and modern imperialism. It was not evident, at the beginning, that industrial technology would have much of an impact on empire building. When the first steam engines were put to use to pump water in British coal mines in the eighteenth century, no one foresaw that they would eventually power the most ambitious imperial projects in human history. When the Industrial Revolution subsequently gathered steam in the early nineteenth century, it was driven by private businesses, because governments and armies were relatively slow to appreciate its potential geopolitical impact. The world’s first commercial railway, for example, which opened in 1830 between Liverpool and Manchester, was built and operated by the privately owned Liverpool and Manchester Railway Company. The same was true of most other early railway lines in the U.K., the United States, France, Germany, and elsewhere. At that point, it wasn’t at all clear why governments or armies should get involved in such commercial enterprises.

    By the middle of the nineteenth century, however, the governments and armed forces of the leading industrial powers had fully recognized the immense geopolitical potential of modern industrial technology. The need for raw materials and markets justified imperialism, while industrial technologies made imperial conquests easier. Steamships were crucial, for example, to the British victory over the Chinese in the Opium Wars, and railroads played a decisive role in the American expansion west and the Russian expansion east and south. Indeed, entire imperial projects were shaped around the construction of railroads such as the Trans-Siberian and Trans-Caspian Russian lines, the German dream of a Berlin-Baghdad railway, and the British dream of building a railway from Cairo to the Cape.3

    Nevertheless, most polities didn’t join the burgeoning industrial arms race in time. Some lacked the capacity to do so, like the Melanesian chiefdoms of the Solomon Islands and the Al Thani tribe of Qatar. Others, like the Burmese Empire, the Ashanti Empire, and the Chinese Empire, might have had the capacity but lacked the will and foresight. Their rulers and inhabitants either didn’t follow developments in places like the British Midlands or didn’t think they had much to do with them. Why should the rice farmers of the Irrawaddy basin in Burma or the Yangtze basin in China concern themselves about the Liverpool–Manchester Railway? By the end of the nineteenth century, however, these rice farmers found themselves either conquered or indirectly exploited by the British Empire. Most other stragglers in the industrial race also ended up dominated by one industrial power or other. Could something similar happen with AI?

    When the race to develop AI gathered steam in the early years of the twenty-first century, it too was initially spearheaded by private entrepreneurs in a handful of countries. They set their sights on centralizing the world’s flow of information. Google wanted to organize all the world’s information in one place. Amazon sought to centralize all the world’s shopping. Facebook wished to connect all the world’s social spheres. But concentrating all the world’s information is neither practical nor helpful unless one can centrally process that information. And in 2000, when Google’s search engine was making its baby steps, when Amazon was a modest online bookshop, and when Mark Zuckerberg was in high school, the AI necessary to centrally process oceans of data was nowhere at hand. But some people bet it was just around the corner.

    Kevin Kelly, the founding editor of Wired magazine, recounted how in 2002 he attended a small party at Google and struck up a conversation with Larry Page. “Larry, I still don’t get it. There are so many search companies. Web search, for free? Where does that get you?” Page explained that Google wasn’t focused on search at all. “We’re really making an AI,” he said.4 Having lots of data makes it easier to create an AI. And AI can turn lots of data into lots of power.

    By the 2010s, the dream was becoming a reality. Like every major historical revolution, the rise of AI was a gradual process involving numerous steps. And like every revolution, a few of these steps were seen as turning points, just like the opening of the Liverpool–Manchester Railway. In the prolific literature on the story of AI, two events pop up again and again. The first occurred when, on September 30, 2012, a convolutional neural network called AlexNet won the ImageNet Large Scale Visual Recognition Challenge.

    If you have no idea what a convolutional neural network is, and if you have never heard of the ImageNet challenge, you are not alone. More than 99 percent of us are in the same situation, which is why AlexNet’s victory was hardly front-page news in 2012. But some humans did hear about AlexNet’s victory and decoded the writing on the wall.

    They knew, for example, that ImageNet is a database of millions of annotated digital images. Did a website ever ask you to prove that you are not a robot by looking at a set of images and indicating which ones contain a car or a cat? The images you clicked were perhaps added to the ImageNet database. The same thing might also have happened to tagged images of your pet cat that you uploaded online. The ImageNet Large Scale Visual Recognition Challenge tests various algorithms on how well they are able to identify the annotated images in the database. Can they correctly identify the cats? When humans are asked to do it, out of one hundred cat images we correctly identify ninety-five as cats. In 2010 the best algorithms had a success rate of only 72 percent. In 2011 the algorithmic success rate crawled up to 75 percent. In 2012 the AlexNet algorithm won the challenge and stunned the still minuscule community of AI experts by achieving a success rate of 85 percent. While this improvement may not sound like much to laypersons, it demonstrated to the experts the potential for rapid progress in certain AI domains. By 2015 a Microsoft algorithm achieved 96 percent accuracy, surpassing the human ability to identify cat images.

    In 2016, The Economist published a piece titled “From Not Working to Neural Networking” that asked, “How has artificial intelligence, associated with hubris and disappointment since its earliest days, suddenly become the hottest field in technology?” It pointed to AlexNet’s victory as the moment when “people started to pay attention, not just within the AI community but across the technology industry as a whole.” The article was illustrated with an image of a robotic hand holding up a photo of a cat.5

    All those cat images that tech giants had been harvesting from across the world, without paying a penny to either users or tax collectors, turned out to be incredibly valuable. The AI race was on, and the competitors were running on cat images. At the same time that AlexNet was preparing for the ImageNet challenge, Google too was training its AI on cat images, and even created a dedicated cat-image-generating AI called the Meow Generator.6 The technology developed by recognizing cute kittens was later deployed for more predatory purposes. For example, Israel relied on it to create the Red Wolf, Blue Wolf, and Wolf Pack apps used by Israeli soldiers for facial recognition of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.7 The ability to recognize cat images also led to the algorithms Iran uses to automatically recognize unveiled women and enforce its hijab laws. As explained in chapter 8, massive amounts of data are required to train machine-learning algorithms. Without millions of cat images uploaded and annotated for free by people across the world, it would not have been possible to train the AlexNet algorithm or the Meow Generator, which in turn served as the template for subsequent AIs with far-reaching economic, political, and military potential.8

    Just as in the early nineteenth century the effort to build railways was pioneered by private entrepreneurs, so in the early twenty-first century private corporations were the initial main competitors in the AI race. The executives of Google, Facebook, Alibaba, and Baidu saw the value of recognizing cat images before the presidents and generals did. The second eureka moment, when the presidents and generals caught on to what was happening, occurred in mid-March 2016. It was the aforementioned victory of Google’s AlphaGo over Lee Sedol. Whereas AlexNet’s achievement was largely ignored by politicians, AlphaGo’s triumph sent shock waves through government offices, especially in East Asia. In China and neighboring countries go is a cultural treasure and considered an ideal training for aspiring strategists and policy makers. In March 2016, or so the mythology of AI would have it, the Chinese government realized that the age of AI had begun.9

    It is little wonder that the Chinese government was probably the first to understand the full importance of what was happening. In the nineteenth century, China was late to appreciate the potential of the Industrial Revolution and was slow to adopt inventions like railroads and steamships. It consequently suffered what the Chinese call “the century of humiliations.” After having been the world’s greatest superpower for centuries, failing to adopt modern industrial technology brought China to its knees. It was repeatedly defeated in wars, partially conquered by foreigners, and thoroughly exploited by the powers that did understand railroads and steamships. The Chinese vowed never again to miss the train.

    In 2017, China’s government released its “New Generation Artificial Intelligence Plan,” which announced that “by 2030, China’s AI theories, technologies, and application should achieve world-leading levels, making China the world’s primary AI innovation center.”10 In the following years China poured enormous resources into AI so that by the early 2020s it is already leading the world in several AI-related fields and catching up with the United States in others.11

    Of course, the Chinese government wasn’t the only one that woke up to the importance of AI. On September 1, 2017, President Putin of Russia declared, “Artificial intelligence is the future, not only for Russia, but for all humankind.… Whoever becomes the leader in this sphere will become the ruler of the world.” In January 2018, Prime Minister Modi of India concurred that “the one who control [sic] the data will control the world.”12 In February 2019, President Trump signed an executive order on AI, saying that “the age of AI has arrived” and that “continued American leadership in Artificial Intelligence is of paramount importance to maintaining the economic and national security of the United States.”13 The United States at the time was already the leader in the AI race, thanks largely to efforts of visionary private entrepreneurs. But what began as a commercial competition between corporations was turning into a match between governments, or perhaps more accurately, into a race between competing teams, each made of one government and several corporations. The prize for the winner? World domination.

    DATA COLONIALISM

    In the sixteenth century, when Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch conquistadors were building the first global empires in history, they came with sailing ships, horses, and gunpowder. When the British, Russians, and Japanese made their bids for hegemony in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, they relied on steamships, locomotives, and machine guns. In the twenty-first century, to dominate a colony, you no longer need to send in the gunboats. You need to take out the data. A few corporations or governments harvesting the world’s data could transform the rest of the globe into data colonies—territories they control not with overt military force but with information.14

    Imagine a situation—in twenty years, say—when somebody in Beijing or San Francisco possesses the entire personal history of every politician, journalist, colonel, and CEO in your country: every text they ever sent, every web search they ever made, every illness they suffered, every sexual encounter they enjoyed, every joke they told, every bribe they took. Would you still be living in an independent country, or would you now be living in a data colony? What happens when your country finds itself utterly dependent on digital infrastructures and AI-powered systems over which it has no effective control?

    Such a situation can lead to a new kind of data colonialism in which control of data is used to dominate faraway colonies. Mastery of AI and data could also give the new empires control of people’s attention. As we have already discussed, in the 2010s American social media giants like Facebook and YouTube upended the politics of distant countries like Myanmar and Brazil in pursuit of profit. Future digital empires may do something similar for political interests.

    Fears of psychological warfare, data colonialism, and loss of control over their cyberspace have led many countries to already block what they see as dangerous apps. China has banned Facebook, YouTube, and many other Western social media apps and websites. Russia has banned almost all Western social media apps as well as some Chinese ones. In 2020, India banned TikTok, WeChat, and numerous other Chinese apps on the grounds that they were “prejudicial to sovereignty and integrity of India, defense of India, security of state and public order.”15 The United States has been debating whether to ban TikTok—concerned that the app might be serving Chinese interests—and as of 2023 it is illegal to use it on the devices of almost all federal employees, state employees, and government contractors.16 Lawmakers in the U.K., New Zealand, and other countries have also expressed concerns over TikTok.17 Numerous other governments, from Iran to Ethiopia, have blocked various apps like Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Telegram, and Instagram.

    Data colonialism could also manifest itself in the spread of social credit systems. What might happen, for example, if a dominant player in the global digital economy decides to establish a social credit system that harvests data anywhere it can and scores not only its own nationals but people throughout the world? Foreigners couldn’t just shrug off their score, because it might affect them in numerous ways, from buying flight tickets to applying for visas, scholarships, and jobs. Just as tourists use the global scores given by foreign corporations like Tripadvisor and Airbnb to evaluate restaurants and vacation homes even in their own country, and just as people throughout the world use the U.S. dollar for commercial transactions, so people everywhere might begin to use a Chinese or an American social credit score for local social interactions.

    Becoming a data colony will have economic as well as political and social consequences. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, if you were a colony of an industrial power like Belgium or Britain, it usually meant that you provided raw materials, while the cutting-edge industries that made the biggest profits remained in the imperial hub. Egypt exported cotton to Britain and imported high-end textiles. Malaya provided rubber for tires; Coventry made the cars.18

    Something analogous is likely to happen with data colonialism. The raw material for the AI industry is data. To produce AI that recognizes images, you need cat photos. To produce the trendiest fashion, you need data on fashion trends. To produce autonomous vehicles, you need data about traffic patterns and car accidents. To produce health-care AI, you need data about genes and medical conditions. In a new imperial information economy, raw data will be harvested throughout the world and will flow to the imperial hub. There the cutting-edge technology will be developed, producing unbeatable algorithms that know how to identify cats, predict fashion trends, drive autonomous vehicles, and diagnose diseases. These algorithms will then be exported back to the data colonies. Data from Egypt and Malaysia might make a corporation in San Francisco or Beijing rich, while people in Cairo and Kuala Lumpur remain poor, because neither the profits nor the power is distributed back.

    The nature of the new information economy might make the imbalance between imperial hub and exploited colony worse than ever. In ancient times land—rather than information—was the most important economic asset. This precluded the overconcentration of all wealth and power in a single hub. As long as land was paramount, considerable wealth and power always remained in the hands of provincial landowners. A Roman emperor, for example, could put down one provincial revolt after another, but on the day after decapitating the last rebel chief, he had no choice but to appoint a new set of provincial landowners who might again challenge the central power. In the Roman Empire, although Italy was the seat of political power, the richest provinces were in the eastern Mediterranean. It was impossible to transport the fertile fields of the Nile valley to the Italian Peninsula.19 Eventually the emperors abandoned the city of Rome to the barbarians and moved the seat of political power to the rich east, to Constantinople.

    During the Industrial Revolution machines became more important than land. Factories, mines, railroad lines, and electrical power stations became the most valuable assets. It was somewhat easier to concentrate these kinds of assets in one place. The British Empire could centralize industrial production in its home islands, extract raw materials from India, Egypt, and Iraq, and sell them finished goods made in Birmingham or Belfast. Unlike in the Roman Empire, Britain was the seat of both political and economic power. But physics and geology still put natural limits on this concentration of wealth and power. The British couldn’t move every cotton mill from Calcutta to Manchester, nor shift the oil wells from Kirkuk to Yorkshire.

    Information is different. Unlike cotton and oil, digital data can be sent from Malaysia or Egypt to Beijing or San Francisco at almost the speed of light. And unlike land, oil fields, or textile factories, algorithms don’t take up much space. Consequently, unlike industrial power, the world’s algorithmic power can be concentrated in a single hub. Engineers in a single country might write the code and control the keys for all the crucial algorithms that run the entire world.

    Indeed, AI makes it possible to concentrate in one place even the decisive assets of some traditional industries, like textile. In the nineteenth century, to control the textile industry meant to control sprawling cotton fields and huge mechanical production lines. In the twenty-first century, the most important asset of the textile industry is information rather than cotton or machinery. To beat the competitors, a garment producer needs information about the likes and dislikes of customers and the ability to predict or manufacture the next fashions. By controlling this type of information, high-tech giants like Amazon and Alibaba can monopolize even a very traditional industry like textile. In 2021, Amazon became the United States’ biggest single clothing retailer.20

    Moreover, as AI, robots, and 3-D printers automate textile production, millions of workers might lose their jobs, upending national economies and the global balance of power. What will happen to the economies and politics of Pakistan and Bangladesh, for example, when automation makes it cheaper to produce textiles in Europe? Consider that at present the textile sector provides employment to 40 percent of Pakistan’s total labor force and accounts for 84 percent of Bangladesh’s export earnings.21 As noted in chapter 7, while automation might make millions of textile workers redundant, it will probably create many new jobs, too. For instance, there might be a huge demand for coders and data analysts. But turning an unemployed factory hand into a data analyst demands a substantial up-front investment in retraining. Where would Pakistan and Bangladesh get the money to do that?

    AI and automation therefore pose a particular challenge to poorer developing countries. In an AI-driven economy, the digital leaders claim the bulk of the gains and could use their wealth to retrain their workforce and profit even more. Meanwhile, the value of unskilled laborers in left-behind countries will decline, and they will not have the resources to retrain their workforce, causing them to fall even further behind. The result might be lots of new jobs and immense wealth in San Francisco and Shanghai, while many other parts of the world face economic ruin.22 According to the global accounting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers, AI is expected to add $15.7 trillion to the global economy by 2030. But if current trends continue, it is projected that China and North America—the two leading AI superpowers—will together take home 70 percent of that money.23

    FROM WEB TO COCOON

    These economic and geopolitical dynamics could divide the world between two digital empires. During the Cold War, the Iron Curtain was in many places literally made of metal: barbed wire separated one country from another. Now the world is increasingly divided by the Silicon Curtain. The Silicon Curtain is made of code, and it passes through every smartphone, computer, and server in the world. The code on your smartphone determines on which side of the Silicon Curtain you live, which algorithms run your life, who controls your attention, and where your data flows.

    It is becoming difficult to access information across the Silicon Curtain, say between China and the United States, or between Russia and the EU. Moreover, the two sides are increasingly run on different digital networks, using different computer codes. Each sphere obeys different regulations and serves different purposes. In China, the most important aim of new digital technology is to strengthen the state and serve government policies. While private enterprises are given a certain amount of autonomy in developing and deploying AI tools, their economic activities are ultimately subservient to the government’s political goals. These political goals also justify a relatively high level of surveillance, both online and off-line. This means, for example, that though Chinese citizens and authorities do care about people’s privacy, China is already far ahead of the United States and other Western countries in developing and deploying social credit systems that encompass the whole of people’s lives.24

    In the United States, the government plays a more limited role. Private enterprises lead the development and deployment of AI, and the ultimate goal of many new AI tools is to enrich the tech giants rather than to strengthen the American state or the current administration. Indeed, in many cases governmental policies are themselves shaped by powerful business interests. But the U.S. system does offer greater protection for citizens’ privacy. While American corporations aggressively gather information on people’s online activities, they are much more restricted in surveilling people’s offline lives. There is also widespread rejection of the ideas behind all-embracing social credit systems.25

    These political, cultural, and regulatory differences mean that each sphere is using different software. In China you cannot use Google and Facebook, and you cannot access Wikipedia. In the United States few people use WeChat, Baidu, and Tencent. More important, the spheres aren’t mirror images of each other. It is not that the Chinese and Americans develop local versions of the same apps. Baidu isn’t the Chinese Google. Alibaba isn’t the Chinese Amazon. They have different goals, different digital architectures, and different impacts on people’s lives.26 These differences influence much of the world, since most countries rely on Chinese and American software rather than on local technology.

    Each sphere also uses different hardware like smartphones and computers. The United States pressures its allies and clients to avoid Chinese hardware, such as Huawei’s 5G infrastructure.27 The Trump administration blocked an attempt by the Singaporean corporation Broadcom to buy the leading American producer of computer chips, Qualcomm. They feared foreigners might insert back doors into the chips or would prevent the U.S. government from inserting its own back doors there.28 In 2022, the Biden administration placed strict limits on trade in high-performance computing chips necessary for the development of AI. U.S. companies were forbidden to export such chips to China, or to provide China with the means to manufacture or repair them. The restrictions have subsequently been tightened further, and the ban was expanded to include other nations such as Russia and Iran.29 While in the short term this hampers China in the AI race, in the long term it will push China to develop a completely separate digital sphere that will be distinct from the American digital sphere even in its smallest building blocks.30

    The two digital spheres may drift further and further apart. Chinese software would talk only with Chinese hardware and Chinese infrastructure, and the same would happen on the other side of the Silicon Curtain. Since digital code influences human behavior, and human behavior in turn shapes digital code, the two sides may well be moving along different trajectories that will make them more and more different not just in their technology but in their cultural values, social norms, and political structures. After generations of convergence, humanity could find itself at a crucial point of divergence.31 For centuries, new information technologies fueled the process of globalization and brought people all over the world into closer contact. Paradoxically, information technology today is so powerful it can potentially split humanity by enclosing different people in separate information cocoons, ending the idea of a single shared human reality. While the web has been our main metaphor in recent decades, the future might belong to cocoons.

    THE GLOBAL MIND-BODY SPLIT

    The division into separate information cocoons could lead not just to economic rivalries and international tensions but also to the development of very different cultures, ideologies, and identities. Guessing future cultural and ideological developments is usually a fool’s errand. It is far more difficult than predicting economic and geopolitical developments. How many Romans or Jews in the days of Tiberius could have anticipated that a splinter Jewish sect would eventually take over the Roman Empire and that the emperors would abandon Rome’s old gods to worship an executed Jewish rabbi?

    It would have been even more difficult to foresee the directions in which various Christian sects would develop and the momentous impact of their ideas and conflicts on everything from politics to sexuality. When Jesus was asked about paying taxes to Tiberius’s government and answered, “Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and unto God the things that are God’s” (Matthew 22:21), nobody could imagine the impact his response would have on the separation of church and state in the American republic two millennia later. And when Saint Paul wrote to the Christians in Rome, “I myself in my mind am a slave to God’s law, but in my sinful flesh a slave to the law of sin” (Romans 7:25), who could have foreseen the repercussions this would have on schools of thought ranging from Cartesian philosophy to queer theory?

    Despite these difficulties, it is important to try to imagine future cultural developments, in order to alert ourselves to the fact that the AI revolution and the formation of rival digital spheres are likely to change more than just our jobs and political structures. The following paragraphs contain some admittedly ambitious speculation, so please bear in mind that my goal is not to accurately foretell cultural developments but merely to draw attention to the likelihood that profound cultural shifts and conflicts await us.

    One possible development with far-reaching consequences is that different digital cocoons might adopt incompatible approaches to the most fundamental questions of human identity. For thousands of years, many religious and cultural conflicts—for example, between rival Christian sects, between Hindus and Buddhists, and between Platonists and Aristotelians—were fueled by disagreements about the mind-body problem. Are humans a physical body, or a nonphysical mind, or perhaps a mind trapped inside a body? In the twenty-first century, the computer network might supercharge the mind-body problem and turn it into a cause for major personal, ideological, and political conflicts.

    To appreciate the political ramifications of the mind-body problem, let’s briefly revisit the history of Christianity. Many of the earliest Christian sects, influenced by Jewish thinking, believed in the Old Testament idea that humans are embodied beings and that the body plays a crucial role in human identity. The book of Genesis said God created humans as physical bodies, and almost all books of the Old Testament assume that humans can exist only as physical bodies. With a few possible exceptions, the Old Testament doesn’t mention the possibility of a bodiless existence after death, in heaven or hell. When the ancient Jews fantasized about salvation, they imagined it to mean an earthly kingdom of material bodies. In the time of Jesus, many Jews believed that when the Messiah finally comes, the bodies of the dead would come back to life, here on earth. The Kingdom of God, established by the Messiah, was supposed to be a material kingdom, with trees and stones and flesh-and-blood bodies.32

    This was also the view of Jesus himself and the first Christians. Jesus promised his followers that soon the Kingdom of God would be built here on earth and they would inhabit it in their material bodies. When Jesus died without fulfilling his promise, his early followers came to believe that he was resurrected in the flesh and that when the Kingdom of God finally materialized on earth, they too would be resurrected in the flesh. The church father Tertullian (160–240 CE) wrote that “the flesh is the very condition on which salvation hinges,” and the catechism of the Catholic Church, citing the doctrines adopted at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274, states, “We believe in God who is creator of the flesh; we believe in the Word made flesh in order to redeem the flesh; we believe in the resurrection of the flesh, the fulfillment of both the creation and the redemption of the flesh.… We believe in the true resurrection of this flesh that we now possess.”33

    Despite such seemingly unequivocal statements, we saw that Saint Paul already had his doubts about the flesh, and by the fourth century CE, under Greek, Manichaean, and Persian influences, some Christians had drifted toward a dualistic approach. They came to think of humans as consisting of a good immaterial soul trapped inside an evil material body. They didn’t fantasize about being resurrected in the flesh. Just the opposite. Having been released by death from its abominable material prison, why would the pure soul ever want to get back in? Christians accordingly began to believe that after death the soul is liberated from the body and exists forever in an immaterial place completely beyond the physical realm—which is the standard belief among Christians today, notwithstanding what Tertullian and the Second Council of Lyon said.34

    But Christianity couldn’t completely abandon the old Jewish view that humans are embodied beings. After all, Christ appeared on earth in the flesh. His body was nailed to the cross, on which he experienced excruciating pain. For two thousand years, Christian sects therefore fought each other—sometimes with words, sometimes with swords—over the exact relations between soul and body. The fiercest arguments focused on Christ’s own body. Was he material? Was he purely spiritual? Did he perhaps have a nonbinary nature, being both human and divine at the same time?

    The different approaches to the mind-body problem influenced how people treated their own bodies. Saints, hermits, and monks made breathtaking experiments in pushing the human body to its limits. Just as Christ allowed his body to be tortured on the cross, so these “athletes of Christ” allowed lions and bears to rip them apart while their souls rejoiced in divine ecstasy. They wore hair shirts, fasted for weeks, or stood for years on a pillar—like the famous Simeon who allegedly stood for about forty years on top of a pillar near Aleppo.35

    Other Christians took the opposite approach, believing that the body didn’t matter at all. The only thing that mattered was faith. This idea was taken to extremes by Protestants like Martin Luther, who formulated the doctrine of sola fide: only faith. After living as a monk for about ten years, fasting and torturing his body in various ways, Luther despaired of these bodily exercises. He reasoned that no bodily self-torments could force God to redeem him. Indeed, thinking he could win his own salvation by torturing his body was the sin of pride. Luther therefore disrobed, married a former nun, and told his followers that to be good Christians, the only thing they needed was to have complete faith in Christ.36

    These ancient theological debates about mind and body may seem utterly irrelevant to the AI revolution, but they have in fact been resurrected by twenty-first-century technologies. What is the relationship between our physical body and our online identities and avatars? What is the relation between the offline world and cyberspace? Suppose I spend most of my waking hours sitting in my room in front of a screen, playing online games, forming virtual relationships, and even working remotely. I hardly venture out even to eat. I just order takeout. If you are like ancient Jews and the first Christians, you would pity me and conclude that I must be living in a delusion, losing touch with the reality of physical spaces and flesh-and-blood bodies. But if your thinking is closer to that of Luther and many later Christians, you might think I am liberated. By shifting most of my activities and relationships online, I have released myself from the limited organic world of debilitating gravity and corrupt bodies and can enjoy the unlimited possibilities of a digital world, which is potentially liberated from the laws of biology and even physics. I am free to roam a much vaster and more exciting space and to explore new aspects of my identity.

    An increasingly important question is whether people can adopt any virtual identity they like, or should their identity be constrained by their biological body? If we follow the Lutheran position of sola fide, the biological body isn’t of much importance. To adopt a certain online identity, the only thing that matters is what you believe. This debate can have far-reaching consequences not just for human identity but for our attitude to the world as a whole. A society that understands identities in terms of biological bodies should also care more about material infrastructure like sewage pipes and about the ecosystem that sustains our bodies. It will see the online world as an auxiliary of the offline world that can serve various useful purposes but can never become the central arena of our lives. Its aim would be to create an ideal physical and biological realm—the Kingdom of God on earth. In contrast, a society that downplays biological bodies and focuses on online identities may well seek to create an immersive Kingdom of God in cyberspace while discounting the fate of mere material things like sewage pipes and rain forests.

    This debate could shape attitudes not only toward organisms but also toward digital entities. As long as society defines identity by focusing on physical bodies, it is unlikely to view AIs as persons. But if society gives less importance to physical bodies, then even AIs that lack any corporeal manifestations may be accepted as legal persons enjoying various rights.

    Throughout history, diverse cultures have given diverse answers to the mind-body problem. A twenty-first-century controversy about the mind-body problem could result in cultural and political splits more consequential even than the split between Jews and Christians or between Catholics and Protestants. What happens, for example, if the American sphere discounts the body, defines humans by their online identity, recognizes AIs as persons, and downplays the importance of the ecosystem, whereas the Chinese sphere adopts opposite positions? Current disagreements about violations of human rights or adherence to ecological standards will look minuscule in comparison. The Thirty Years’ War—arguably the most devastating war in European history—was fought at least in part because Catholics and Protestants couldn’t agree on doctrines like sola fide and on whether Christ was divine, human, or nonbinary. Might future conflicts start because of an argument about AI rights and the nonbinary nature of avatars?

    As noted, these are all wild speculations, and in all likelihood actual cultures and ideologies will develop in different—and perhaps even wilder—directions. But it is probable that within a few decades the computer network will cultivate new human and nonhuman identities that make little sense to us. And if the world will be divided into two rival digital cocoons, the identities of entities in one cocoon might be unintelligible to the inhabitants of the other.

    FROM CODE WAR TO HOT WAR

    While China and the United States are currently the front-runners in the AI race, they are not alone. Other countries or blocs, such as the EU, India, Brazil, and Russia, may try to create their own digital spheres, each influenced by different political, cultural, and religious traditions.37 Instead of being divided between just two global empires, the world might be divided among a dozen empires. It is unclear whether this will somewhat alleviate or only exacerbate the imperial competition.

    The more the new empires compete against one another, the greater the danger of armed conflict. The Cold War between the United States and the U.S.S.R. never escalated into a direct military confrontation largely thanks to the doctrine of mutually assured destruction. But the danger of escalation in the age of AI is bigger, because cyber warfare is inherently different from nuclear warfare.

    First, cyber weapons are much more versatile than nuclear bombs. Cyber weapons can bring down a country’s electric grid, but they can also be used to destroy a secret research facility, jam an enemy sensor, inflame a political scandal, manipulate elections, or hack a single smartphone. And they can do all that stealthily. They don’t announce their presence with a mushroom cloud and a storm of fire, nor do they leave a visible trail from launchpad to target. Consequently, at times it is hard to know if an attack even occurred or who launched it. If a database is hacked or sensitive equipment is destroyed, it’s hard to be sure whom to blame. The temptation to start a limited cyberwar is therefore big, and so is the temptation to escalate it. Rival countries like Israel and Iran or the United States and Russia have been trading cyber blows for years, in an undeclared but escalating war.38 This is becoming the new global norm, amplifying international tensions and pushing countries to cross one red line after another.

    A second crucial difference concerns predictability. The Cold War was like a hyperrational chess game, and the certainty of destruction in the event of nuclear conflict was so great that the desire to start a war was correspondingly small. Cyber warfare lacks this certainty. Nobody knows for sure where each side has planted its logic bombs, Trojan horses, and malwares. Nobody can be certain whether their own weapons would actually work when called upon. Would Chinese missiles fire when the order is given, or perhaps the Americans have hacked them or the chain of command? Would American aircraft carriers function as expected, or would they perhaps shut down mysteriously or sail around in circles?39

    Such uncertainty undermines the doctrine of mutually assured destruction. One side might convince itself—rightly or wrongly—that it can launch a successful first strike and avoid massive retaliation. Even worse, if one side thinks it has such an opportunity, the temptation to launch a first strike could become irresistible, because one never knows how long the window of opportunity will remain open. Game theory posits that the most dangerous situation in an arms race is when one side feels it has an advantage but that this advantage is slipping away.40

    Even if humanity avoids the worst-case scenario of global war, the rise of new digital empires could still endanger the freedom and prosperity of billions of people. The industrial empires of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries exploited and repressed their colonies, and it would be foolhardy to expect the new digital empires to behave much better. Moreover, as noted earlier, if the world is divided into rival empires, humanity is unlikely to cooperate effectively to overcome the ecological crisis or to regulate AI and other disruptive technologies like bioengineering.

    THE GLOBAL BOND

    Of course, no matter whether the world is divided between a few digital empires, remains a more diverse community of two hundred nation-states, or is split along altogether different and unforeseen lines, cooperation is always an option. Among humans, the precondition for cooperation isn’t similarity; it is the ability to exchange information. As long as we are able to converse, we might find some shared story that can bring us closer. This, after all, is what made Homo sapiens the dominant species on the planet.

    Just as different and even rival families can cooperate within a tribal network, and competing tribes can cooperate within a national network, so opposing nations and empires can cooperate within a global network. The stories that make such cooperation possible do not eliminate our differences; rather, they enable us to identify shared experiences and interests, which offer a common framework for thought and action.

    A large part of what nevertheless makes global cooperation difficult is the misguided notion that it requires abolishing all cultural, social, and political differences. Populist politicians often argue that if the international community agrees on a common story and on universal norms and values, this will destroy the independence and unique traditions of their own nation.41 This position was unabashedly distilled in 2015 by Marine Le Pen—leader of France’s National Front party—in an election speech in which she declared, “We have entered a new two-partyism. A two-partyism between two mutually exclusive conceptions that will from now on structure our political life. The cleavage no longer separates left and right, but globalists and patriots.”42 In August 2020, President Trump described his guiding ethos thus: “We have rejected globalism and embraced patriotism.”43

    Luckily, this binary position is mistaken in its basic assumption. Global cooperation and patriotism are not mutually exclusive. For patriotism isn’t about hating foreigners. It is about loving our compatriots. And there are many situations when, in order to take care of our compatriots, we need to cooperate with foreigners. COVID-19 provided us with one obvious example. Pandemics are global events, and without global cooperation it is hard to contain them, let alone prevent them. When a new virus or a mutant pathogen appears in one country, it puts all other countries in danger. Conversely, the biggest advantage of humans over pathogens is that we can cooperate in ways that pathogens cannot. Doctors in Germany and Brazil can alert one another to new dangers, give each other good advice, and work together to discover better treatments.

    If German scientists invent a vaccine against some new disease, how should Brazilians react to this German achievement? One option is to reject the foreign vaccine and wait until Brazilian scientists develop a Brazilian vaccine. That, however, would be not just foolish; it would be anti-patriotic. Brazilian patriots should want to use any available vaccine to help their compatriots, no matter where the vaccine was developed. In this situation, cooperating with foreigners is the patriotic thing to do. The threat of losing control of AIs is an analogous situation in which patriotism and global cooperation must go together. An out-of-control AI, just like an out-of-control virus, puts in danger humans in every nation. No human collective—whether a tribe, a nation, or the entire species—stands to benefit from letting power shift from humans to algorithms.

    Contrary to what populists argue, globalism doesn’t mean establishing a global empire, abandoning national loyalties, or opening borders to unlimited immigration. In fact, global cooperation means two far more modest things: first, a commitment to some global rules. These rules don’t deny the uniqueness of each nation and the loyalty people should owe their nation. They just regulate the relations between nations. A good model is the World Cup. The World Cup is a competition between nations, and people often show fierce loyalty to their national team. At the same time, the World Cup is an amazing display of global agreement. Brazil cannot play football against Germany unless Brazilians and Germans first agree on the same set of rules for the game. That’s globalism in action.

    The second principle of globalism is that sometimes—not always, but sometimes—it is necessary to prioritize the long-term interests of all humans over the short-term interests of a few. For example, in the World Cup, all national teams agree not to use performance-enhancing drugs, because everybody realizes that if they go down that path, the World Cup would eventually devolve into a competition between biochemists. In other fields where technology is a game changer, we should similarly strive to balance national and global interests. Nations will obviously continue to compete in the development of new technology, but sometimes they should agree to limit the development and deployment of dangerous technologies like autonomous weapons and manipulative algorithms—not purely out of altruism, but for their own self-preservation.

    THE HUMAN CHOICE

    Forging and keeping international agreements on AI will require major changes in the way the international system functions. While we have experience in regulating dangerous technologies like nuclear and biological weapons, the regulation of AI will demand unprecedented levels of trust and self-discipline, for two reasons. First, it is easier to hide an illicit AI lab than an illicit nuclear reactor. Second, AIs have a lot more dual civilian-military usages than nuclear bombs. Consequently, despite signing an agreement that bans autonomous weapon systems, a country could build such weapons secretly, or camouflage them as civilian products. For example, it might develop fully autonomous drones for delivering mail and spraying fields with pesticides that with a few minor modifications could also deliver bombs and spray people with poison. Consequently, governments and corporations will find it more difficult to trust that their rivals are really abiding by the agreed regulations—and to withstand the temptation to themselves waive the rules.44 Can humans develop the necessary levels of trust and self-discipline? Do changes like those have any precedent in history?

    Many people are skeptical of the human capacity to change, and in particular of the human ability to renounce violence and forge stronger global bonds. For example, “realist” thinkers like Hans Morgenthau and John Mearsheimer have argued that an all-out competition for power is the inescapable condition of the international system. Mearsheimer explains that “my theory sees great powers as concerned mainly with figuring out how to survive in a world where there is no agency to protect them from each other” and that “they quickly realize that power is the key to their survival.” Mearsheimer then asks “how much power states want” and answers that all states want as much power as they can get, “because the international system creates powerful incentives for states to look for opportunities to gain power at the expense of rivals.” He concludes, “A state’s ultimate goal is to be the hegemon in the system.”45

    This grim view of international relations is akin to the populist and Marxist views of human relations, in that they all see humans as interested only in power. And they are all founded upon a deeper philosophical theory of human nature, which the primatologist Frans de Waal termed “veneer theory.” It argues that at heart humans are Stone Age hunters who cannot but see the world as a jungle where the strong prey upon the weak and where might makes right. For millennia, the theory goes, humans have tried to camouflage this unchanging reality under a thin and mutable veneer of myths and rituals, but we have never really broken free from the law of the jungle. Indeed, our myths and rituals are themselves a weapon used by the jungle’s top dogs to deceive and trap their inferiors. Those who don’t realize this are dangerously naive and will fall prey to some ruthless predator.46

    There are reasons to think, however, that “realists” like Mearsheimer have a selective view of historical reality and that the law of the jungle is itself a myth. As de Waal and many other biologists documented in numerous studies, real jungles—unlike the one in our imagination—are full of cooperation, symbiosis, and altruism displayed by countless animals, plants, fungi, and even bacteria. Eighty percent of all land plants, for example, rely on symbiotic relationships with fungi, and almost 90 percent of vascular plant families enjoy symbiotic relationships with microorganisms. If organisms in the rain forests of Amazonia, Africa, or India abandoned cooperation in favor of an all-out competition for hegemony, the rain forests and all their inhabitants would quickly die. That’s the law of the jungle.47

    As for Stone Age humans, they were gatherers as well as hunters, and there is no firm evidence that they had irrepressible warlike tendencies. While there are plenty of speculations, the first unambiguous evidence for organized warfare appears in the archaeological record only about thirteen thousand years ago, at the site of Jebel Sahaba in the Nile valley.48 Even after that date, the record of war is variable rather than constant. Some periods were exceptionally violent, whereas others were relatively peaceful. The clearest pattern we observe in the long-term history of humanity isn’t the constancy of conflict, but rather the increasing scale of cooperation. A hundred thousand years ago, Sapiens could cooperate only at the level of bands. Over the millennia, we have found ways to create communities of strangers, first on the level of tribes and eventually on the level of religions, trade networks, and states. Realists should note that states are not the fundamental particles of human reality, but rather the product of arduous processes of building trust and cooperation. If humans were interested only in power, they could never have created states in the first place. Sure, conflicts have always remained a possibility—both between and within states—but they have never been an inescapable destiny.

    War’s intensity depends not on an immutable human nature but on shifting technological, economic, and cultural factors. As these factors change, so does war, as was clearly demonstrated in the post-1945 era. During that period, the development of nuclear technology greatly increased the potential price of war. From the 1950s onward it became clear to the superpowers that even if they could somehow win an all-out nuclear exchange, their victory would likely be a suicidal achievement, involving the sacrifice of most of their population.

    Simultaneously, the ongoing shift from a material-based economy to a knowledge-based economy decreased the potential gains of war. While it has remained feasible to conquer rice paddies and gold mines, by the late twentieth century these were no longer the main sources of economic wealth. The new leading industries, like the semiconductor sector, came to be based on technical skills and organizational know-how that could not be acquired by military conquest. Accordingly, some of the greatest economic miracles of the post-1945 era were achieved by the defeated powers of Germany, Italy, and Japan, and by countries like Sweden and Singapore that eschewed military conflicts and imperial conquests.

    Finally, the second half of the twentieth century also witnessed a profound cultural transformation, with the decline of age-old militaristic ideals. Artists increasingly focused on depicting the senseless horrors of combat rather than on glorifying its architects, and politicians came to power dreaming more of domestic reforms than of foreign conquests. Due to these technological, economic, and cultural changes, in the decades following the end of World War II most governments stopped seeing wars of aggression as an appealing tool to advance their interests, and most nations stopped fantasizing about conquering and destroying their neighbors. While civil wars and insurgencies have remained commonplace, the post-1945 world has seen a significant decline in full-scale wars between states, and most notably in direct armed conflicts between great powers.49

    Numerous statistics attest to the decline of war in this post-1945 era, but perhaps the clearest evidence is found in state budgets. For most of recorded history, the military was the number one item on the budget of every empire, sultanate, kingdom, and republic. Governments spent little on health care and education, because most of their resources were consumed by paying soldiers, constructing walls, and building warships. When the bureaucrat Chen Xiang examined the annual budget of the Chinese Song dynasty for the year 1065, he found that out of sixty million minqian (currency unit), fifty million (83 percent) were consumed by the military. Another official, Cai Xiang, wrote, “If [we] split [all the property] under Heaven into six shares, five shares are spent on the military, and one share is spent on temple offerings and state expenses. How can the country not be poor and the people not in difficulty?”50

    The same situation prevailed in many other polities, from ancient times to the modern era. The Roman Empire spent about 50–75 percent of its budget on the military,51 and the figure was about 60 percent in the late seventeenth-century Ottoman Empire.52 Between 1685 and 1813 the share of the military in British government expenditure averaged 75 percent.53 In France, military expenditure between 1630 and 1659 varied between 89 percent and 93 percent of the budget, remained above 30 percent for much of the eighteenth century, and dropped to a low of 25 percent in 1788 only due to the financial crisis that led to the French Revolution. In Prussia, from 1711 to 1800 the military share of the budget never fell below 75 percent and occasionally reached as high as 91 percent.54 During the relatively peaceful years of 1870–1913, the military ate up an average of 30 percent of the state budgets of the major powers of Europe, as well as Japan and the United States, while smaller powers like Sweden were spending even more.55 When war broke out in 1914, military budges skyrocketed. During their involvement in World War I, French military expenditure averaged 77 percent of the budget; in Germany it was 91 percent, in Russia 48 percent, in the U.K. 49 percent, and in the United States 47 percent. During World War II, the U.K. figure rose to 69 percent and the U.S. figure to 71 percent.56 Even during the détente years of the 1970s, Soviet military expenditure still amounted to 32.5 percent of the budget.57

    State budgets in more recent decades make for far more hopeful reading material than any pacifist tract ever composed. In the early twenty-first century, the worldwide average government expenditure on the military has been only around 7 percent of the budget, and even the dominant superpower of the United States spent only around 13 percent of its annual budget to maintain its military hegemony.58 Since most people no longer lived in terror of external invasion, governments could invest far more money in welfare, education, and health care. Worldwide average expenditure on health care in the early twenty-first century has been about 10 percent of the government budget, or about 1.4 times the defense budget.59 For many people in the 2010s, the fact that the health-care budget was bigger than the military budget was unremarkable. But it was the result of a major change in human behavior, and one that would have sounded impossible to most previous generations.

    The decline of war didn’t result from a divine miracle or from a metamorphosis in the laws of nature. It resulted from humans changing their own laws, myths, and institutions and making better decisions. Unfortunately, the fact that this change has stemmed from human choice also means that it is reversible. Technology, economics, and culture are ever changing. In the early 2020s, more leaders are again dreaming of martial glory, armed conflicts are on the rise,60 and military budgets are increasing.61

    A critical threshold was crossed in early 2022. Russia had already destabilized the global order by mounting a limited invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and occupying Crimea and other regions in eastern Ukraine. But on February 24, 2022, Vladimir Putin launched an all-out assault aimed to conquer the whole of Ukraine and extinguish Ukrainian nationhood. To prepare and sustain this attack, Russia increased its military budget far beyond the global average of 7 percent. Exact figures are difficult to determine, because many aspects of the Russian military budget are shrouded in secrecy, but the best estimates put the figure somewhere in the vicinity of 30 percent, and it may even be higher.62 The Russian onslaught in turn has forced not only Ukraine but also many other European nations to increase their own military budgets.63 The reemergence of militaristic cultures in places like Russia, and the development of unprecedented cyber weapons and autonomous armaments throughout the world, could result in a new era of war, worse than anything we have seen before.

    The decisions leaders like Putin make on matters of war and peace are shaped by their understanding of history. Which means that just as overly optimistic views of history could be dangerous illusions, overly pessimistic views could become destructive self-fulfilling prophecies. Prior to his all-out 2022 attack on Ukraine, Putin had often expressed his historical conviction that Russia is trapped in an endless struggle with foreign enemies, and that the Ukrainian nation is a fabrication by these enemies. In June 2021, he published a fifty-three-hundred-word essay titled “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians” in which he denied the existence of Ukraine as a nation and argued that foreign powers have repeatedly tried to weaken Russia by fostering Ukrainian separatism. While professional historians reject these claims, Putin seems to genuinely believe in this historical narrative.64 Putin’s historical convictions led him in 2022 to prioritize the conquest of Ukraine over other policy goals, such as providing Russian citizens with better health care or spearheading a global initiative to regulate AI.65

    If leaders like Putin believe that humanity is trapped in an unforgiving dog-eat-dog world, that no profound change is possible in this sorry state of affairs, and that the relative peace of the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century was an illusion, then the only choice remaining is whether to play the part of predator or prey. Given such a choice, most leaders would prefer to go down in history as predators and add their names to the grim list of conquerors that unfortunate pupils are condemned to memorize for their history exams. These leaders should be reminded, however, that in the era of AI the alpha predator is likely to be AI.

    Perhaps, though, we have more choices available to us. I cannot predict what decisions people will make in the coming years, but as a historian I do believe in the possibility of change. One of the chief lessons of history is that many of the things that we consider natural and eternal are, in fact, man-made and mutable. Accepting that conflict is not inevitable, however, should not make us complacent. Just the opposite. It places a heavy responsibility on all of us to make good choices. It implies that if human civilization is consumed by conflict, we cannot blame it on any law of nature or any alien technology. It also implies that if we make the effort, we can create a better world. This isn’t naïveté; it’s realism. Every old thing was once new. The only constant of history is change.

    Epilogue

    In late 2016, a few months after AlphaGo defeated Lee Sedol and as Facebook algorithms were stoking dangerous racist sentiments in Myanmar, I published Homo Deus. Though my academic training had been in medieval and early modern military history, and though I have no background in the technical aspects of computer science, I suddenly found myself, post-publication, with the reputation of an AI expert. This opened the doors to the offices of scientists, entrepreneurs, and world leaders interested in AI and afforded me a fascinating, privileged look into the complex dynamics of the AI revolution.

    It turned out that my previous experience researching topics such as English strategy in the Hundred Years’ War and studying paintings from the Thirty Years’ War1 wasn’t entirely unrelated to this new field. In fact, it gave me a rather unique historical perspective on the events unfolding rapidly in AI labs, corporate offices, military headquarters, and presidential palaces. Over the past eight years I have had numerous public and private discussions about AI, particularly about the dangers it poses, and with each passing year the tone has become more urgent. Conversations that in 2016 felt like idle philosophical speculations about a distant future had, by 2024, acquired the focused intensity of an emergency room.

    I am neither a politician nor a businessperson and have little talent for what these vocations demand. But I do believe that an understanding of history can be useful in gaining a better grasp of present-day technological, economic, and cultural developments—and, more urgently, in changing our political priorities. Politics is largely a matter of priorities. Should we cut the health care budget and spend more on defense? Is our more pressing security threat terrorism or climate change? Do we focus on regaining a lost patch of ancestral territory or concentrate on creating a common economic zone with the neighbors? Priorities determine how citizens vote, what businesspeople are concerned about, and how politicians try to make a name for themselves. And priorities are often shaped by our understanding of history.

    While so-called realists dismiss historical narratives as propaganda ploys deployed to advance state interests, in fact it is these narratives that define state interests in the first place. As we saw in our discussion of Clausewitz’s theory of war, there is no rational way to define ultimate goals. The state interests of Russia, Israel, Myanmar, or any other country can never be deduced from some mathematical or physical equation; they are always the supposed moral of a historical narrative.

    It is therefore hardly surprising that politicians all over the world spend a lot of time and effort recounting historical narratives. The above-mentioned example of Vladimir Putin is hardly exceptional in this respect. In 2005 the UN secretary-general, Kofi Annan, had his first meeting with General Than Shwe, the then dictator of Myanmar. Annan was advised to speak first, so as to prevent the general from monopolizing the conversation, which was meant to last only twenty minutes. But Than Shwe struck first and held forth for nearly an hour on the history of Myanmar, hardly giving the UN secretary-general any chance to speak.2 In May 2011 the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu did something similar in the White House, when he met the U.S. president, Barack Obama. After Obama’s brief introductory remarks, Netanyahu subjected the president to a long lecture about the history of Israel and the Jewish people, treating Obama as if he were his student.3 Cynics might argue that Than Shwe and Netanyahu hardly cared about the facts of history and were deliberately distorting them in order to achieve some political goal. But these political goals were themselves the product of deeply held convictions about history.

    In my own conversations on AI with politicians, as well as tech entrepreneurs, history has often emerged as a central theme. Some of my interlocutors painted a rosy picture of history and were accordingly enthusiastic about AI. They argued that more information has always meant more knowledge and that by increasing our knowledge, every previous information revolution has greatly benefited humankind. Didn’t the print revolution lead to the scientific revolution? Didn’t newspapers and radio lead to the rise of modern democracy? The same, they said, would happen with AI. Others had a dimmer perspective, but nevertheless expressed hope that humankind will somehow muddle through the AI revolution, just as we muddled through the Industrial Revolution.

    Neither view offered me much solace. For reasons explained in previous chapters, I find such historical comparisons to the print revolution and the Industrial Revolution distressing, especially coming from people in positions of power, whose historical vision is informing the decisions that shape our future. These historical comparisons underestimate both the unprecedented nature of the AI revolution and the negative aspects of previous revolutions. The immediate results of the print revolution included witch hunts and religious wars alongside scientific discoveries, while newspapers and radio were exploited by totalitarian regimes as well as by democracies. As for the Industrial Revolution, adapting to it involved catastrophic experiments such as imperialism and Nazism. If the AI revolution leads us to similar kinds of experiments, can we really be certain we will muddle through again?

    My goal with this book is to provide a more accurate historical perspective on the AI revolution. This revolution is still in its infancy, and it is notoriously difficult to understand momentous developments in real time. It is hard, even now, to assess the meaning of events in the 2010s like AlphaGo’s victory or Facebook’s involvement in the anti-Rohingya campaign. The meaning of events of the early 2020s is even more obscure. Yet by expanding our horizons to look at how information networks developed over thousands of years, I believe it is possible to gain some insight on what we’re living through today.

    One lesson is that the invention of new information technology is always a catalyst for major historical changes, because the most important role of information is to weave new networks rather than represent preexisting realities. By recording tax payments, clay tablets in ancient Mesopotamia helped forge the first city-states. By canonizing prophetic visions, holy books spread new kinds of religions. By swiftly disseminating the words of presidents and citizens, newspapers and telegraphs opened the door to both large-scale democracy and large-scale totalitarianism. The information thus recorded and distributed was sometimes true, often false, but it invariably created new connections between larger numbers of people.

    We are used to giving political, ideological, and economic interpretations to historical revolutions such as the rise of the first Mesopotamian city-states, the spread of Christianity, the American Revolution, and the Bolshevik Revolution. But to gain a deeper understanding, we should also view them as revolutions in the way information flows. Christianity was obviously different from Greek polytheism in many of its myths and rites, yet it was also different in the importance it gave to a single holy book and the institution entrusted with interpreting it. Consequently, whereas each temple of Zeus was a separate entity, each Christian church became a node in a unified network.4 Information flowed differently among the followers of Christ than among the worshippers of Zeus. Similarly, Stalin’s U.S.S.R. was a different kind of information network from Peter the Great’s empire. Stalin enacted many unprecedented economic policies, but what enabled him to do it is that he headed a totalitarian network in which the center accumulated enough information to micromanage the lives of hundreds of millions of people. Technology is rarely deterministic, and the same technology can be used in very different ways. But without the invention of technologies like the book and the telegraph, the Christian Church and the Stalinist apparatus would never have been possible.

    This historical lesson should strongly encourage us to pay more attention to the AI revolution in our current political debates. The invention of AI is potentially more momentous than the invention of the telegraph, the printing press, or even writing, because AI is the first tool that is capable of making decisions and generating ideas by itself. Whereas printing presses and parchment scrolls offered new means for connecting people, AIs are full-fledged members in our information networks. In coming years, all information networks—from armies to religions—will gain millions of new AI members, who will process data very differently than humans. These new members will make alien decisions and generate alien ideas—that is, decisions and ideas that are unlikely to occur to humans. The addition of so many alien members is bound to change the shape of armies, religions, markets, and nations. Entire political, economic, and social systems might collapse, and new ones will take their place. That’s why AI should be a matter of utmost urgency even to people who don’t care about technology and who think the most important political questions concern the survival of democracy or the fair distribution of wealth.

    This book has juxtaposed the discussion of AI with the discussion of sacred canons like the Bible, because we are now at the critical moment of AI canonization. When church fathers like Bishop Athanasius decided to include 1 Timothy in the biblical dataset while excluding the Acts of Paul and Thecla, they shaped the world for millennia. Billions of Christians down to the twenty-first century have formed their views of the world based on the misogynist ideas of 1 Timothy rather than on the more tolerant attitude of Thecla. Even today it is difficult to reverse course, because the church fathers chose not to include any self-correcting mechanisms in the Bible. The present-day equivalents of Bishop Athanasius are the engineers who write the initial code for AI, and who choose the dataset on which the baby AI is trained. As AI grows in power and authority, and perhaps becomes a self-interpreting holy book, so the decisions made by present-day engineers could reverberate down the ages.

    Studying history does more than just emphasize the importance of the AI revolution and of our decisions regarding AI. It also cautions us against two common but misleading approaches to information networks and information revolutions. On the one hand, we should beware of an overly naive and optimistic view. Information isn’t truth. Its main task is to connect rather than represent, and information networks throughout history have often privileged order over truth. Tax records, holy books, political manifestos, and secret police files can be extremely efficient in creating powerful states and churches, which hold a distorted view of the world and are prone to abuse their power. More information, ironically, can sometimes result in more witch hunts.

    There is no reason to expect that AI would necessarily break the pattern and privilege truth. AI is not infallible. What little historical perspective we have gained from the alarming events in Myanmar, Brazil, and elsewhere over the past decade indicates that in the absence of strong self-correcting mechanisms AIs are more than capable of promoting distorted worldviews, enabling egregious abuses of power, and instigating terrifying new witch hunts.

    On the other hand, we should also beware of swinging too far in the other direction and adopting an overly cynical view. Populists tell us that power is the only reality, that all human interactions are power struggles, and that information is merely a weapon we use to vanquish our enemies. This has never been the case, and there is no reason to think that AI will make it so in the future. While many information networks do privilege order over truth, no network can survive if it ignores truth completely. As for individual humans, we tend to be genuinely interested in truth rather than only in power. Even institutions like the Spanish Inquisition have had conscientious truth-seeking members like Alonso de Salazar Frías, who, instead of sending innocent people to their deaths, risked his life to remind us that witches are just intersubjective fictions. Most people don’t view themselves as one-dimensional creatures obsessed solely with power. Why, then, hold such a view about everyone else?

    Refusing to reduce all human interactions to a zero-sum power struggle is crucial not just for gaining a fuller, more nuanced understanding of the past but also for having a more hopeful and constructive attitude about our future. If power were the only reality, then the only way to resolve conflicts would be through violence. Both populists and Marxists believe that people’s views are determined by their privileges, and that to change people’s views it is necessary to first take away their privileges—which usually requires force. However, since humans are interested in truth, there is a chance to resolve at least some conflicts peacefully, by talking to one another, acknowledging mistakes, embracing new ideas, and revising the stories we believe. That is the basic assumption of democratic networks and of scientific institutions. It has also been the basic motivation behind writing this book.

    EXTINCTION OF THE SMARTEST

    Let’s return now to the question I posed at the beginning of this book: If we are so wise, why are we so self-destructive? We are at one and the same time both the smartest and the stupidest animals on earth. We are so smart that we can produce nuclear missiles and superintelligent algorithms. And we are so stupid that we go ahead producing these things even though we’re not sure we can control them and failing to do so could destroy us. Why do we do it? Does something in our nature compel us to go down the path of self-destruction?

    This book has argued that the fault isn’t with our nature but with our information networks. Due to the privileging of order over truth, human information networks have often produced a lot of power but little wisdom. For example, Nazi Germany created a highly efficient military machine and placed it at the service of an insane mythology. The result was misery on an enormous scale, the death of tens of millions of people, and eventually the destruction of Nazi Germany, too.

    Of course, power is not in itself bad. When used wisely, it can be an instrument of benevolence. Modern civilization, for example, has acquired the power to prevent famines, contain epidemics, and mitigate natural disasters such as hurricanes and earthquakes. In general, the acquisition of power allows a network to deal more effectively with threats coming from outside, but simultaneously increases the dangers that the network poses to itself. It is particularly noteworthy that as a network becomes more powerful, imaginary terrors that exist only in the stories the network itself invents become potentially more dangerous than natural disasters. A modern state faced with drought or excessive rains can usually prevent this natural disaster from causing mass starvation among its citizens. But a modern state gripped by a man-made fantasy is capable of instigating man-made famines on an enormous scale, as happened in the U.S.S.R. in the early 1930s.

    Accordingly, as a network becomes more powerful, its self-correcting mechanisms become more vital. If a Stone Age tribe or a Bronze Age city-state was incapable of identifying and correcting its own mistakes, the potential damage was limited. At most, one city was destroyed, and the survivors tried again elsewhere. Even if the ruler of an Iron Age empire, such as Tiberius or Nero, was gripped by paranoia or psychosis, the consequences were seldom catastrophic. The Roman Empire endured for centuries despite its fair share of mad emperors, and its eventual collapse did not bring about the end of human civilization. But if a Silicon Age superpower has weak or nonexistent self-correcting mechanisms, it could very well endanger the survival of our species, and countless other life-forms, too. In the era of AI, the whole of humankind finds itself in an analogous situation to Tiberius in his Capri villa. We command immense power and enjoy rare luxuries, but we are easily manipulated by our own creations, and by the time we wake up to the danger, it might be too late.

    Unfortunately, despite the importance of self-correcting mechanisms for the long-term welfare of humanity, politicians might be tempted to weaken them. As we have seen throughout the book, though neutralizing self-correcting mechanisms has many downsides, it can nevertheless be a winning political strategy. It could deliver immense power into the hands of a twenty-first-century Stalin, and it would be foolhardy to assume that an AI-enhanced totalitarian regime would necessarily self-destruct before it could wreak havoc on human civilization. Just as the law of the jungle is a myth, so also is the idea that the arc of history bends toward justice. History is a radically open arc, one that can bend in many directions and reach very different destinations. Even if Homo sapiens destroys itself, the universe will keep going about its business as usual. It took four billion years for terrestrial evolution to produce a civilization of highly intelligent apes. If we are gone, and it takes evolution another hundred million years to produce a civilization of highly intelligent rats, it will. The universe is patient.

    There is, though, an even worse scenario. As far as we know today, apes, rats, and the other organic animals of planet Earth may be the only conscious entities in the entire universe. We have now created a nonconscious but very powerful alien intelligence. If we mishandle it, AI might extinguish not only the human dominion on Earth but the light of consciousness itself, turning the universe into a realm of utter darkness. It is our responsibility to prevent this.

    The good news is that if we eschew complacency and despair, we are capable of creating balanced information networks that will keep their own power in check. Doing so is not a matter of inventing another miracle technology or landing upon some brilliant idea that has somehow escaped all previous generations. Rather, to create wiser networks, we must abandon both the naive and the populist views of information, put aside our fantasies of infallibility, and commit ourselves to the hard and rather mundane work of building institutions with strong self-correcting mechanisms. That is perhaps the most important takeaway this book has to offer.

    This wisdom is much older than human history. It is elemental, the foundation of organic life. The first organisms weren’t created by some infallible genius or god. They emerged through an intricate process of trial and error. Over four billion years, ever more complex mechanisms of mutation and self-correction led to the evolution of trees, dinosaurs, jungles, and eventually humans. Now we have summoned an alien inorganic intelligence that could escape our control and put in danger not just our own species but countless other life-forms. The decisions we all make in the coming years will determine whether summoning this alien intelligence proves to be a terminal error or the beginning of a hopeful new chapter in the evolution of life.

  • Venki Ramakrishnan《Why We Die: The New Science of Aging and the Quest for Immortality》

    Table of Contents
    Introduction
    1. The Immortal Gene and the Disposable Body
    2. Live Fast and Die Young
    3. Destroying the Master Controller
    4. The Problem with Ends
    5. Resetting the Biological Clock
    6. Recycling the Garbage
    7. Less Is More
    8. Lessons from a Lowly Worm
    9. The Stowaway Within Us
    10. Aches, Pains, and Vampire Blood
    11. Crackpots or Prophets?
    12. Should We Live Forever?
    Acknowledgements
    Notes
    Index

    Introduction

    Almost exactly one hundred years ago, an expedition led by the Englishman Howard Carter unearthed some long-buried steps in the Valley of Kings in Egypt. The steps led to a doorway with royal seals, signifying that it was the tomb of a pharaoh. The seals were intact, meaning that nobody had entered for more than three thousand years. Even Carter, a seasoned Egyptologist, was awestruck by what they found inside: the mummified young pharaoh Tutankhamun, with his magnificent gold funerary mask, kept company in the tomb for millennia by a wealth of ornate and beautiful artifacts. The tombs had been secured shut so that mere mortals could not enter—the Egyptians had gone to enormous efforts to create objects never intended to be seen by other people.

    The splendor of the tomb was part of an elaborate ritual aimed at transcending death. Guarding the entrance to a room of treasures was a gold and black statue of Anubis, the jackal-headed god of the underworld, whose role is described in The Egyptian Book of the Dead. A scroll of the book was often placed in the pharaoh’s sarcophagus. We may be tempted to think of it as a religious work, but it was more akin to a travel guide, containing instructions for navigating the treacherous underworld passage to reach a blissful afterlife. In one of the final tests, Anubis weighs the heart of the deceased against a feather. If the heart is found to be heavier, it is impure, and the person is condemned to a horrible fate. But if the examinee is pure, he would enter a beautiful land filled with eating, drinking, sex, and all the other pleasures of life.

    The Egyptians were hardly alone in their beliefs of transcending death with an eternal afterlife. Although other human cultures may not have constructed such elaborate monuments as the Egyptians did for their royalty, all of them had beliefs and rituals around death.

    It is fascinating to consider how we humans first became aware of our mortality. That we are aware of death at all is something of an accident, requiring the evolution of a brain that is capable of self-awareness. Very likely it needed the development of a certain level of cognition and the ability to generalize as well as the development of language to pass on that idea. Lower life forms and even complex ones such as plants, don’t perceive death. It simply happens. Animals and other sentient beings may instinctively fear danger and death. They recognize when one of their own has died, and some are even known to mourn them. But there is no evidence that animals are aware of their own mortality. I do not mean being killed by an act of violence, an accident, or a preventable illness. Instead, I mean the inevitability of death.

    At some point, we humans realized that life is like an eternal feast that we join when we are born. While we are enjoying this banquet, we notice others arriving and departing. Eventually it is our turn to leave, even though the party is still in full swing. And we dread going out alone into the cold night. The knowledge of death is so terrifying that we live most of our lives in denial of it. And when someone dies, we struggle to acknowledge that straightforwardly, and instead use euphemisms such as “passed away” or “departed,” which suggest that death is not final but merely a transition to something else.

    To help humans cope with their knowledge of mortality, all cultures have evolved a combination of beliefs and strategies that refuse to acknowledge the finality of death. Philosopher Stephen Cave argues that the quest for immortality has driven human civilization for centuries. He classifies our coping strategies into four plans. The first, or Plan A, is simply to try to live forever or as long as possible. If that fails, then Plan B is to be reborn physically after you die. In Plan C, even if our body decays and cannot be resurrected, our essence continues as an immortal soul. And finally, Plan D means living on through our legacy, whether that consists of works and monuments or biological offspring.

    All of humanity has always incorporated Plan A into their lives, but cultures differ in the extent to which they fall back on the other plans. In India, where I grew up, Hindus and Buddhists gladly embrace Plan C, and the idea that each person has an immortal soul that lives on after death by being reincarnated in a new body, even in a completely different species. The Abrahamic religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, subscribe to both Plans B and C. They believe in an immortal soul but also in the idea that we will rise bodily from the dead and be judged at some point in the future. Perhaps this is why traditionally these religions insisted on burial of the intact body and forbade cremation.

    Some cultures, such as the ancient Egyptians, hedged their bets by incorporating all four plans into their belief systems. In grandiose tombs, they mummified the corpses of their pharaohs so that they might rise up bodily in the afterlife. But they also believed in a soul, called Ba, that represents the essence of the person and survives death. The first emperor of a unified China, Qin Shi Huang, took a similarly multipronged approach to immortality. Having escaped many attacks on his life, conquered warring states, and consolidated his power, he turned his attention to seeking the elixir of life. He sent emissaries to pursue even the faintest rumors of its existence. Facing certain execution for their failure to find it, many quite sensibly absconded and were never heard from again. In an extreme combination of Plans B and D, Qin also ordered the construction of a city-sized mausoleum for himself in Xian, employing 700,000 men in the process. The tomb contained an army of 7,000 terra-cotta warriors and horses—all meant to guard the deceased emperor until he could be reborn. Qin died at the age of forty-nine in 210 BCE. Ironically, it may have been toxic potions taken to prolong his life that ultimately cut it short.

    Our ways of coping with death began to change with the arrival of the Enlightenment and modern science in the eighteenth century. The growth of rationality and skepticism means that although many of us still hang on to some forms of Plans B and C, deep down we have become less sure they are real alternatives. Our focus has shifted toward finding ways to stay alive and preserving our legacy after we die.

    It is a curious facet of human psychology that even if we accept that we ourselves will be gone, we feel a strong need to be remembered. Today, instead of constructing tombs and monuments, the very rich engage in philanthropy, endowing buildings and foundations that will long outlast them. Throughout the ages, writers, artists, musicians, and scientists have sought immortality through their works. Ultimately, however, living on through our legacy is not an entirely satisfying prospect.

    If you are neither a powerful monarch or billionaire, nor an Einstein, do not despair. The other way to leave a legacy and be remembered is accessible to nearly all living things, which is to live on through our offspring. The desire to procreate so that some part of us will live on is one of the strongest biological instincts to have evolved, and is so central to life that we will have much more to say about it later. But even though we love our children and grandchildren and want them to live on long after we are gone, we know that they are separate beings with their own consciousness. They are not us.

    Nevertheless, most of us do not live in constant existential angst about our mortality. Rather, our brains appear to have evolved a protection mechanism by thinking of death as something that happens to other people, not ourselves. A separation of the dying reinforces the delusion. Unlike the past, when we were confronted by people dying all around us, today people often die in care homes and hospitals, isolated from the rest of the population. As a result, most of us, especially young people, go about our daily lives acting as though we are immortal. We work hard, engage in hobbies, strive after long-term goals—all useful distractions from potential worry about dying. However, no matter what tactics we employ, we cannot fully escape awareness of our mortality.

    And that brings us back to Plan A. The one strategy that all sentient beings have had in common for millions of years is simply to try to stay alive for as long as possible. From a very young age, we instinctively avoid accidents, predators, enemies, and disease. Over millennia, that universal desire led us to protect ourselves from attacks by forming communities and fortifications and developing weapons and maintaining armies; but it also led to the search for potions and cures and eventually to the development of modern medicine and surgery.

    For centuries, our life expectancy hardly changed. But over the last 150 years, we have doubled it, primarily because we better understood the causes of disease and its spread, and improved public health. This progress allowed us to make enormous strides in extending our average life span, largely as a result of reducing infant mortality. But extending maximum life span—the longest we can expect to live even in the best of circumstances—is a much tougher problem. Is our life span fixed, or could we slow down or even abolish aging as we learn more about our own biology?

    Today the revolution in biology that began with the discovery of genes more than a hundred years ago has led us to a crossroads. For the first time, recent research on the fundamental causes of aging is raising the prospect not merely of improving our health in old age but also of extending human life span.

    Demographics is driving a huge effort to identify the causes of aging and to find ways to ameliorate its effects. Much of the world is faced with a growing elderly population, and keeping them healthy for as long as possible has become an urgent social imperative. The result is that after a long period in which it was a scientific backwater, aging research—or gerontology—has taken off.

    In the last ten years alone, more than 300,000 scientific articles on aging have been published. More than 700 start-up companies have invested a combined many tens of billions of dollars to tackle aging—and this is not counting large, established pharmaceutical companies that have programs of their own.

    This enormous effort raises a number of questions. Could we eventually cheat disease and death and live for a very long time, possibly many times our current life span? Certainly some scientists make that claim. And California billionaires, who love their lifestyles and don’t want the party to end, are only too willing to fund them.

    The immortality merchants of today—the researchers who propose trying to extend life indefinitely and the billionaires who fund them—are really a modern take on the prophets of old, promising a long life largely free of the fear of encroaching old age and death. Who would have this life? The tiny fraction of the population who could afford it? What would be the ethics of treating or modifying humans to achieve this? And if it becomes widely available, what sort of society would we have? Would we be sleepwalking into a future without considering the potential social, economic, and political consequences of humans living well beyond our current life spans? Given recent advances and the enormous amount of money pouring into aging research, we must ask where this research is leading us, as well as what it suggests about the limits of human beings.

    The coronavirus pandemic that hit the world in late 2019 is a stark reminder that nature does not care about our plans. Life on Earth is governed by evolution, and we are yet again reminded that viruses have been here long before humans, are highly adaptable, and will be here long after we are gone. Is it arrogant to think that we can cheat death using science and technology? If it is, what should our goals be instead?

    I have spent most of my long career studying the problem of how proteins are made in the cells that make up our body. The problem is so central that it impinges on virtually every aspect of biology, and over the last few decades, we have discovered that much of aging has to do with how our body regulates the production and destruction of proteins. But when I started my career, I had no idea that anything I did would be connected with the problem of why we age and die.

    Although fascinated by the explosion in aging research that has led to some very real breakthroughs in our understanding, I have also watched with growing alarm the enormous amount of hype associated with it, which has led to widespread marketing of dubious remedies that have a highly tenuous connection with the actual science. Yet they continue to flourish because they capitalize on our very natural fear of growing old and disabled and eventually dying.

    That natural fear is also the reason that growing old and facing death is the subject of innumerable books. They fall into a few categories. There are books that provide practical advice on how to age healthily; some are sensible, while others border on snake oil. Others are about how to face our mortality and accept our end gracefully. These serve both a philosophical and moral purpose. Then there are books that delve into the biology of aging. These too fall into a couple of categories. They are written either by journalists or by scientists who have considerable personal stake in the form of their own start-up anti-aging companies. This book is not any of these.

    Considering how rapidly the field is advancing, the enormous amount of both public and private money invested in it, and the resulting hype, I thought it was an appropriate moment for someone like me, who works in molecular biology but has no real skin in the game, to take a hard, objective look at our current understanding of aging and death. Because I know many of the leading figures in this area personally, I have been able to have many frank conversations to gain an honest and deeper understanding of how they see aging research in its many aspects. I have deliberately refrained from talking to those scientists who have made their positions clear in their own books, especially when they are also tied closely to commercial ventures on aging, but I have discussed their highly publicized views.

    Given the pace of discovery, any book that focuses just on the most recent aging research would be out of date even before it was published. Moreover, the most recent discoveries in any area of science often do not hold up to scrutiny and have to be revised or discarded. Accordingly, I have tried to concentrate on some of the essential principles behind the most promising approaches to understanding and tackling aging. These principles should not only stand the test of time, but also help readers realize how we got to our present state of knowledge. I also give a historical background to some of the basic research that led to our current understanding. It is both fascinating and important to realize how much of what we know began with scientists studying some completely different fundamental problem in biology.

    I said I have no skin in the game, but, of course, all of us do. We are all concerned about how we will face the end of life—less so when we are young and feel immortal, but more so at my age of seventy-one, when I find that I can do only with difficulty, or not at all, things I could do easily even just ten or twenty years ago. It sometimes feels that life is like being constrained to a smaller and smaller portion of a house, as doors to rooms that we would like to explore slowly close shut as we age. It is natural to ask what the prospects are that science can pry those doors open again.

    Because aging is connected intimately with so many biological processes, this book is also something of a romp through a lot of modern molecular biology. It will take us on a journey through the major advances that have led to our current understanding of why we age and die. Along the way, we will explore the program of life governed by our genes, and how it is disrupted as we age. We will look at the consequences of that disruption for our cells and tissues and ultimately ourselves as individual beings. We will examine the fascinating question of why even though all living creatures are subject to the same laws of biology, some species live so much longer than even closely related ones, and what this might mean for us humans. We will take a dispassionate look at the most recent efforts being made to extend life span and whether they live up to their hype. I will also challenge some fashionable ideas, such as whether we do our best work in old age. I hope to probe, as well, the crucial ethical question that runs beneath anti-aging research: Even if we can, should we?

    The first step in our journey is to think about what exactly death is, the many ways it can manifest itself, and explore the fundamental question of why we die.

      1. The Immortal Gene and the Disposable Body

        Whenever I walk along the streets of London, I never cease to be amazed by a city where millions of people can work, travel, and socialize so seamlessly. A complex infrastructure, and hundreds of thousands of people, all work in concert to make it possible: the London Underground and buses to move us around the city; the post office and courier services to deliver the mail and goods; the supermarkets that supply us with food; the power companies that generate and distribute electricity; and the sanitation services that keep the city clean and remove the enormous quantities of waste we produce. As we go about our business, it is easy to take for granted this incredible feat of coordination that we call a civilized society.

        The cell, our most basic form of life, has a similarly complex choreography. As the cell forms, it builds elaborate structures like the parts of a city. Thousands of synchronized processes are required to keep it functioning. It brings in nutrients and exports waste. Transporter molecules carry cargo from where they are made to distant parts of the cell where they are needed. Just as cities cannot exist in isolation but must exchange goods, services, and people with surrounding areas, the cells of a tissue need to communicate and cooperate with neighboring cells. Unlike cities, whose growth is not always constrained, the cell needs to know when to grow and divide but also when to stop doing so.

        The complex organization of a cell has similarities to a city. Only some of the major components are shown, and for clarity, they are not drawn to scale.

        Throughout history, cities were imagined by their inhabitants to be permanent. We don’t go about our lives thinking that the city we live in will one day cease to exist. Yet cities and entire societies, empires, and civilizations grow and die just as cells do. When we talk about death, we aren’t usually thinking about these other kinds of death; we mean as it occurs to each one of us as individuals. But it turns out to be tricky even to define an individual, let alone what we mean by its birth or death.

        At the moment of our death, what exactly is it that dies? At this point, most of the cells in our body are still alive. We can donate entire organs, and they work just fine in someone else if transplanted quickly enough. The trillions of bacteria, which outnumber the human cells in our body, continue to thrive. Sometimes the reverse is also true: suppose we were to lose a limb in an accident. The limb would certainly die, but we don’t think of ourselves as dying as a result.

        What we really mean when we say we die is that we stop functioning as a coherent whole. The collection of cells that forms our tissues and organs all communicate with one another to make us the sentient individuals we are. When they no longer work together as a unit, we die.

        Death, in the inevitable sense we are considering in this book, is the result of aging. The simplest way to think of aging is that it is the accumulation of chemical damage to our molecules and cells over time. This damage diminishes our physical and mental capacity until we are unable to function coherently as an individual being—and then we die. I am reminded of the quote from Hemingway’s The Sun Also Rises, in which a character is asked how he went bankrupt, and he replies, “Two ways. Gradually, then suddenly.” Gradually, the slow decline of aging; suddenly, death. The process of aging can be thought of as starting gradually with small defects in the complex system that is our body; these lead to medium-sized ones that manifest as the morbidities of old age, leading eventually to the system-wide failure that is death.

        Even then, it is hard to define exactly when this happens. Death used to mean when someone’s heart stopped beating, but today cardiac arrest can often be reversed by CPR. The loss of brain function is now taken as a more direct sign of death, but there are hints that even that can sometimes be reversed. Differences in the precise legal definition of death can have very real consequences. Harvesting organs for donation from two persons in two different US states could be perfectly legal in one and murder in the other, even if they were both considered dead using identical criteria. A girl who was declared brain dead in Oakland, California, was considered alive by the standards of New Jersey, where her family lived. Her family petitioned and eventually had her body transported with its life support equipment to New Jersey, where she died a few years later.

        If the precise moment of our death is ill-defined, so too is the moment of our birth. We exist before we emerge from the womb and take our first breath. Many religions consider conception to be the beginning of life, but conception too is a fuzzy term. Rather, there is a window of time after a sperm has made contact with the surface of an egg during which a series of events has to take place before the genetic program of the fertilized egg is set into motion. After that, there is a multiday window during which the fertilized egg undergoes a few divisions, and the embryo—now called a blastocyst—has to implant itself in the lining of the womb. Still later, the beginning of a heart develops, and only long after that, with the development of a nervous system and its brain, can the growing fetus sense pain.

        The question of when life begins is as much a social and cultural question as it is a scientific one, as can be seen by the continuing debate over abortion. Even in many countries where abortion is legal, including the United States and the United Kingdom, it is a crime to grow embryos for research beyond fourteen days, which corresponds roughly to the time when a groove called the primitive streak appears in the embryo and defines the left and right halves. After this stage, the embryo can no longer split and develop into identical twins. Although we think of birth and death as instantaneous events—in one instant we come into existence and in another we cease to exist—the boundaries of life are blurry. The same is true of larger organizational units. It is hard to pinpoint the exact time when a city came into existence or when it crumbled.

        Death can occur at every scale, from molecules to nations, but there are common features of the growth, aging, and demise of these very different entities. In every case, there is a critical moment when the component parts no longer allow the organic whole to function. Molecules in our cells work in a coordinated way to allow the cell to function, but they themselves can suffer chemical damage and eventually break down. If the molecules are involved in vital processes, their cells will themselves begin to age and die. Moving up the scale hierarchy, the trillions of cells in a human being carry out their specialized duties and communicate with one another to allow an individual to function. Cells in our body die all the time, with no adverse effects. In fact, during the growth of an embryo, many cells are programmed to die at precise points of development—a phenomenon called apoptosis. But when enough essential cells die, whether in the heart or the brain or some equally critical organ, then the individual can no longer function and dies.

        We human beings are not so different from our cells. We carry out roles in groups: companies, cities, societies. The departure of one employee will not normally affect the functioning of a large company, and even less that of a city or a country, just as the death of a single tree says nothing at all about the viability of a forest. But if key employees, such as the entire senior management, were to leave suddenly, the health and future of the company would be in doubt.

        It is also interesting to see that longevity increases with the size of the entity. Most of the cells in our body have died and been replaced many times before we ourselves die, while companies tend to have much shorter life spans than the cities in which they operate. The principle of safety in numbers has driven the evolution of both life and societies. Life probably began with self-replicating molecules, which then organized in closed compartments that we know as cells. Some of those cells then banded together to form individual animals. Then animals themselves organized into herds—or, in our case, communities, cities, and nations. Each level of organization brought greater safety and a more interdependent world. Today hardly any of us could survive on our own.

        STILL, WHEN WE THINK OF DEATH, we are generally thinking about our own: the end of our conscious existence as an individual. There is a stark paradox about that kind of death: although individuals die, life itself continues. I don’t mean just in the sense that our family, community, and society will all go on without us. Rather, it is remarkable that every creature alive today is a direct descendant of an ancestral cell that existed billions of years ago. So, although changing and evolving with time, some essence in all of us has lived continuously for a few billion years. That will continue to be true for every living thing for as long as life survives on Earth, unless we one day create an entirely artificial form of life.

        If there is a direct line of succession from us to our ancient ancestors, then there must be something about each of us that doesn’t die. That something is information on how to create another cell or an entirely new organism, even after the original carrier of that information has died—just as the ideas and information here can persist in some form long after the physical copy of this book has deteriorated.

        The information to continue life resides, of course, in our genes. Each gene is a section of our DNA, and is stored in the form of chromosomes in the nucleus, the specialized compartment that encapsulates genetic material in our cells. Most of our cells contain the same entire set of genes, known collectively as our genome. Every time our cells divide, they pass on the entire genome to each of the daughter cells. The vast majority of these cells are simply part of our body and will die with it. But some of our cells will outlive our body by developing into our children—the new individuals that make up the next generation. So what is special about these cells that allows them to live on?

        The answer to this settled a raging controversy, one that came long before our knowledge of genes, let alone DNA. When people first began to accept that species could evolve, two opposing views emerged. The first, advanced by the Frenchman Jean-Baptiste Lamarck in the early nineteenth century, held that acquired characteristics could be inherited. For example, if a giraffe were to keep stretching its neck to reach higher branches for leaves to eat, its offspring would inherit the resulting longer neck. The second theory was natural selection, proposed by a pair of British biologists, Charles Darwin and Alfred Wallace. In this view, giraffes were variable, some with longer necks and others with shorter. Those with longer necks were more likely to find nourishment and thus be able to survive and have offspring. Progressively, with each generation, variants with longer and longer necks would be selected.

        A relative outsider working in what was then the Malay Archipelago, thirty-five-year-old Alfred Wallace wrote to Darwin in 1858 expressing his ideas, not realizing that the older man had himself come to the same conclusion many years earlier. Because these ideas were so revolutionary, and had social and religious implications, Darwin had not yet summoned the courage to publish them, but the communication from Wallace spurred him into action. Darwin was at the heart of the British scientific establishment, and had he been less scrupulous, he could have simply ignored Wallace’s letter and hurriedly published his book. Nobody would have ever known Wallace’s name. Instead, Darwin arranged for himself and Wallace to make a joint presentation at the Linnean Society of London on July 1, 1858. The response to the lecture itself was relatively muted and had little immediate impact. In what was one of the worst pronouncements in the history of science, the society’s president said in his annual address, “The year has not, indeed, been marked by any of those striking discoveries which at once revolutionize, so to speak, the department of science on which they bear.” However, the lecture paved the way for the publication of Darwin’s book On the Origin of Species the following year, which changed our understanding of biology forever.

        In 1892, thirty-three years after Darwin’s monumental tract was published, the German biologist August Weismann posited a neat rebuttal of Lamarck’s ideas. Although humans have known for a very long time that sex and procreation were connected, it is only in the last 300 years that we discovered that the key event is the fusion of a sperm with an egg to start the process. The fertilization of an egg by a sperm results in the seemingly miraculous creation of an entirely new individual. The individual consists of trillions of cells that carry out nearly all of the functions of the body and die with it. They are known collectively as somatic cells, from soma, the Latin and Greek word for “body.” The sperm and the egg, on the other hand, are germ-line cells. They reside in our gonads, which are testes in males and ovaries in females. And they are the sole transmitters of heritable information: our genes. Weismann proposed that germ-line cells can create the somatic cells of the next generation, but the reverse can never happen. This separation between the two kinds of cells is called the Weismann barrier. So if a giraffe stretches its neck, it might affect various somatic cells that make up its neck muscles and skin, but these cells would be incapable of passing on any changes to its offspring. The germ-line cells, protected in the gonads, would be impervious to the activities of the giraffe and any characteristics its neck acquired.

        The germ-line cells that propagate our genes are immortal in the sense that a tiny fraction of them are used to create the next generation of both somatic and germ-line cells by sexual reproduction, which effectively resets the aging clock. In each generation, our bodies, or our soma, are simply vessels to facilitate the propagation of our genes, and they become dispensable once they have fulfilled their purpose. The death of an animal or a human is really the death of the vessel.

        WHY DOES DEATH EVEN EXIST? Why don’t we simply live forever?

        The twentieth-century Russian geneticist Theodosius Dobzhansky once wrote, “Nothing in biology makes sense except in the light of evolution.” In biology, the ultimate answer to a question about why something occurs is because it evolved that way. When I first began to consider the question of why we die, I thought naively that perhaps death was nature’s way of allowing a new generation to flourish and reproduce without having older ones hanging around to compete with it for resources, thus better ensuring the survival of the genes. Moreover, each member of a new generation would have a different combination of genes than its parents, and the constant reshuffling of life’s deck of cards would help facilitate survival of the species as a whole.

        This idea has existed at least since the Roman poet Lucretius, who lived in the first century BCE. It is appealing—but it’s also wrong. The problem is that any genes that benefit the group at the expense of the individual cannot be stably maintained in the population because of the problem of cheaters. In evolution, a “cheater” is any mutation that benefits the individual at the expense of the group. For example, let us suppose there are genes that promote aging to ensure that people die off in a timely way to benefit the group. If an individual had a mutation that inactivated those genes and lived longer, that person would have more opportunity to have offspring, even though it did not benefit the group. In the end, the mutation would win out.

        Unlike humans, many insects and most grain crops reproduce only once. Species such as the soil worm Caenorhabditis elegans, as well as salmon, produce lots of offspring in one big bang and die in the process, often recycling their own bodies as a form of suicide. This kind of reproductive behavior makes sense for worms, which usually live as inbred clones and are therefore genetically identical to their offspring. On the other hand, the reproductive behavior of salmon is a result of their life cycle: they have to swim thousands of miles in the ocean before returning to spawn. With little chance of surviving such a journey twice, they are better served by putting everything they can into breeding just once, using up their entire energy and even dying in the process, to produce enough offspring and maximize the chance that those offspring survive. For species that can reproduce multiple times, like humans, flies, or mice, it would not make genetic sense to die in the act of producing offspring to which they are only 50 percent related. In general, natural selection rarely acts for the good of species or even groups. Rather, nature selects for what evolutionary biologists call fitness, or the ability of individuals to propagate their genes.

        If the goal is to ensure that our genes are passed on, why has evolution not prevented aging in the first place? Surely the longer humans survive, the more chance we have of producing offspring. The short answer is that through most of our history as a species, our lives were short. We were generally killed by an accident, disease, predator, or a fellow human before our thirtieth birthday. So there was no reason for evolution to have selected us for longevity. But now that we have made the world safer and healthier for us, why don’t we just keep living on?

        The solution to this puzzle began in the 1930s with two members of the British scientific elite, J. B. S. Haldane and Ronald Fisher. Haldane was a polymath who worked on everything from the mechanisms of enzymes to the origin of life. He was a socialist who late in life became disillusioned with Britain and emigrated to India, where he died. Fisher’s fundamental contributions to statistics have propelled our understanding of evolution and also form the basis of randomized clinical trials that are used to test the efficacy of new drugs or medical procedures and have saved millions of lives. More than fifty years after his death in 1962, he became controversial for his views on eugenics and race. A stained glass window that portrayed one of Fisher’s key ideas for the design of experiments was recently removed by Gonville and Caius College in Cambridge, where he was once a fellow, and its final disposition is still uncertain.

        Around the same time, Fisher and Haldane independently came up with a revolutionary idea. A mutation that is harmful early in life, each realized, would be strongly selected against because those who carry it would not reproduce. However, the same could not be said for a gene that is deleterious to us only later in life, because by the time it causes harm, we will already have passed it on. For most of our history as a species, we would not have even noticed its harmful consequences, because long before these effects would be felt, we would have died. It is only relatively recently that we have become aware of the consequences of any mutations that are detrimental late in life. Huntington’s disease, for example, primarily affects people over thirty, by which time, historically, most of them would have already reproduced and died.

        Fisher’s and Haldane’s ideas explain why certain deleterious genes persist in the human population, but their relevance to aging was not immediately obvious. That understanding came when British biologist Peter Medawar, another brilliant and colorful figure, turned his attention to the problem. Medawar, born in Brazil, was most famous for his ideas of how the immune system rejects organ transplants and acquires tolerance. Unlike many scientists who focus narrowly on one area, Medawar, like Haldane, had widespread interests, and wrote books that were famous for their erudition and elegant writing. Many scientists of my generation grew up reading his Advice to a Young Scientist (1981), which I found pompous, arrogant, thoughtful, engaging, and witty all at once.

        Medawar proposed what has become known as the mutation accumulation theory of aging. Even if a person harbored multiple genetic mutations that didn’t noticeably impair health early on, in combination they brought about chronic problems later in life, resulting in aging.

        Going one step further, the biologist George Williams suggested that aging occurs because nature selects for genetic variants, even if they are deleterious later in life, because they are beneficial at an earlier stage. This theory is called antagonistic pleiotropy. Pleiotropy is simply a fancy term for a situation in which a gene can exert multiple effects. So antagonistic pleiotropy means that the same gene could have opposite effects; with genes involved in aging, the effects could occur at different times, such as being helpful early in life and problematic later. For example, genes that help us grow early in life increase the risk of age-related diseases such as cancer and dementia when we are old.

        Similarly, the disposable soma hypothesis posits that an organism with limited resources must apportion them between investing in early growth and reproduction and prolonging life by continuously repairing wear and tear in the cell. According to biologist Thomas Kirkwood, who first proposed this theory in the 1970s, the aging of an organism is an evolutionary trade-off between longevity and increased chances of passing on its genes through reproductive success.

        Is there any evidence for these various ideas about aging? Scientists have experimented on fruit flies and worms, two favorite organisms because they are easy to grow in the laboratory and have short generation times. Exactly as these theories would predict, mutations that increase life span reduce fecundity (the rate at which an organism produces offspring). Similarly, reducing the caloric intake of the daily food given to these organisms also increases life span and reduces fecundity.

        Apart from the ethics of experimenting on humans, the two to three decades between generations is too long for a typical academic career, let alone the handful of years a graduate student or research fellow might stick around. But an unusual analysis of British aristocrats over the past 1,200 years shows that among women who survived beyond sixty (to weed out factors such as disease, accidents, and dying in childbirth), those with fewer children lived the longest. The authors argue that in humans too, there is an inverse relationship between fecundity and longevity, although, of course, as any harried parent knows, there could have been many other reasons why having fewer children extends life expectancy.

        THE INCREASE IN OUR LIFE span over the last century brings us to another curious feature of aging that is almost unique to humans: menopause. With the exception of a few other species, including killer whales, most female animals can reproduce almost to the end of their lives, whereas women suddenly lose the ability in midlife. The abruptness of this change in women, as opposed to the more gradual decline in male fertility, is also strange.

        You might think that if evolution selects for our ability to pass on our genes, it should want us to reproduce for as much of our lives as possible. So why do women stop reproducing relatively early in life?

        This may be asking the wrong question. Our closest relatives, such as the great apes, all stop having babies about the same age that we do: the late thirties. The difference is that they generally die soon afterward. And for most of human history, most women too died soon after menopause, if not earlier. Perhaps the real question is not why menopause occurs so early in life but why women live so long afterward.

        People cannot be sure they have reproduced in the sense of passing on their genes until their youngest child has become self-sufficient, and humans have a particularly long childhood during which they are dependent on their parents. Menopause may have arisen to protect women from the increased risk of childbirth in later age, keeping them alive longer to take care of the children they had already. This might also explain why men—who don’t suffer such an increased risk—can be reproductive until much later in life. So perhaps menopause developed as an adaptation to maximize the chances of a woman’s children growing up—and thus propagating her genes. This is the so-called good mother hypothesis. Indeed, the few species where females live well beyond their reproductive years are ones whose offspring require extended maternal care. However, even in these species, there is a gradual loss of fertility rather than the abrupt change brought on by menopause. For example, although the fertility of elephants declines with age, they, unlike humans, can continue to have offspring until very late in life. Similarly, while living beyond childbearing age has also been observed in chimpanzees, menopause actually occurs near the end of their life span.

        The grandmother hypothesis for the origin of menopause takes the idea one generation further. Proposed by the anthropologist Kristen Hawkes, it argues that living longer makes sense if a woman helps in the care of her grandchildren, thus improving their survival and ability to reproduce. But others contend that it is rarely better for a woman to give up the chance to pass on half her genes through continuing to have her own children for the sake of improving the survival of grandchildren, who only carry a quarter of her genes.

        Another idea, based on studying killer whales, one of the few species that, like humans, has true menopause and lives in groups, is that menopause is a way to avoid intergenerational conflict. In some species that breed in groups, reproduction is suppressed in younger females, who act as helpers to older, reproducing females. But in humans, there is little overlap: women stop breeding when the next generation starts to breed. Women would have no interest in helping their mother-in-law have more children, since they would not have any genes in common. But a woman who helps her daughter-in-law reproduce will help to bequeath a quarter of her genes to her grandchildren. So her best strategy may be to stop breeding and help her daughter-in-law breed instead.

        It could also simply be that the number of eggs in a female evolved to match its average life span in the wild. Steven Austad, now at the University of Alabama in Birmingham, points out that menopause may not be adaptive at all in the sense of favoring mothering or grandmothering. It was only about forty thousand years ago that we became much longer lived than Neanderthals and chimpanzees. So perhaps there has just not been enough time for the aging of human ovaries to adapt to that increased life span. In the absence of hard experiments, scientists, especially evolutionary biologists, love to argue.

        THESE THEORIES OF WHY WE age depend on the idea of a disposable body being able to pass on its genes before it ages and dies. In doing so, the aging clock is somehow reset with each generation. Such theories should apply only to organisms where there is a clear distinction between parents and offspring. Certainly that distinction is true for all sexual reproduction. Sex evolved because it is an efficient mechanism to produce genetic variation in the offspring by generating different combinations of genes from each parent, allowing organisms to adapt to changing environments. In some sense, you could say that death is the price we pay for sex! While this may be a catchy statement, not all animals with a distinction between germ line and soma reproduce sexually. Moreover, scientists have found that even single-celled organisms such as yeast and bacteria age and die, as long as there is a clear distinction between mother and daughter cells.

        The laws of evolution apply to all species, and all life forms are made up of the same substances. Biologists from Darwin onward have never ceased to be amazed that evolution, which is simply selecting for fitness—or the efficiency with which each species can pass on its genes—has given rise to the amazing variety of life forms on Earth. That variety includes a huge range of life spans, from those best measured in hours to those that may stretch more than a century. For human beings seeking to understand the potential limits of our own longevity, some surprising lessons can be learned from species across the animal kingdom.

        2. Live Fast and Die Young

        In springtime, my wife and I will often take a walk in Hardwick Wood near Cambridge to see the riot of bluebells that cover the forest ground. Once, we were walking along a path when we came upon a stone monument commemorating Oliver John Hardiment, a young man who died in 2006 at the age of twenty-five. Below his name was a quotation from the Indian writer Rabindranath Tagore: “The butterfly counts not months but moments and has time enough.”

        The life of a butterfly can be as short as a week, and most live less than a month. As I considered the fleetingly short life of a typical butterfly, I was reminded of the contrast with something else that had fascinated me. I have often visited the American Museum of Natural History in New York, where there is an enormous section of the trunk of a giant sequoia tree. The tree was more than 1,300 years old when it was cut down in 1891. Some yew trees in Britain are estimated to be over 3,000 years old.

        Of course, trees are fundamentally different from us because of their ability to regenerate. In the Cambridge University Botanic Garden there is an apple tree that was grown from a cutting from the tree under which a young Isaac Newton sat a few hundred years ago about a hundred miles north at Woolsthorpe Manor, the Newton family home. In fact, there are several “Newton” trees, all started as cuttings from the one with the famous apple that fell to the ground, allegedly inspiring Newton to formulate the theory of gravity. The question of whether these trees should be dated back to the root system of the original is interesting, but it is different from looking at the life span of animals.

        Even in the animal kingdom, there are some species that possess tree-like properties. If you cut off one of a starfish’s arms, it can grow right back. A small aquatic animal called a hydra is even more impressive: it doesn’t seem to age at all and is able to regenerate tissue continuously. Still, it is a complex procedure. One study showed that a large number of genes are involved just for regenerating its head. All this for an organism that is barely half an inch in length.

        If the hydra is remarkable, it is related to another sea dweller that can age backward—at least metaphorically. That species is Turritopsis dohrnii, also known as the immortal jellyfish. This jellyfish, when faced with injury or stress, will metamorphose into an earlier stage of development and live its life all over again. It is almost as if an injured butterfly could transform itself back into a caterpillar and start over.

        Since hydra and the immortal jellyfish don’t exhibit obvious signs of aging, they are often called biologically immortal. This doesn’t mean they don’t die—they can and do die for all sorts of reasons. They still fear predators and must themselves obtain enough food to survive. Nor does it even mean that they cannot die of biological causes. But, unlike most every animal, their likelihood of dying does not increase with age.

        Species such as hydra and the immortal jellyfish excite gerontologists because they may provide clues about how to defeat the aging process. But to me, their property of being able to regenerate entire body parts, or even a whole organism, makes them more similar to trees than to us. Although we may learn some fascinating things about their lack of apparent aging, it is not at all clear how relevant those findings will be to human aging. Sometimes biology is universal, especially if it relates to fundamental mechanisms. But in other cases, even discoveries in rats or mice, which are mammals and biologically much closer to us, are difficult to translate into humans. It may be a very long time before any findings gleaned from hydra or jellyfish are useful to us.

        PERHAPS WE NEED TO LOOK at species that are more closely related to us—say, mammals, or at least vertebrates. Although this class of animals doesn’t span the enormous range of longevity from insects to trees, they still vary considerably. Some small fish live for just a few months, while a bowhead whale is known to have lived for more than 200 years, and a Greenland shark is thought to have lived almost 400 years.

        What causes this large variation even among a particular group of animals such as mammals? Can we detect a pattern among these species just from some overall characteristics? Scientists have long looked for such relationships. Physicists, especially, love to look for general rules to make sense of disparate observations. Geoffrey West at the Santa Fe Institute is one such physicist who now works on complex systems, including aging. West takes a broad view, analyzing how cities and companies, as well as organisms, grow, age, and die. Along the way, he explores how some properties of animals scale across a wide range of sizes and longevities.

        If you look at mammals, the larger the animal, generally speaking, the longer its life span. This makes evolutionary sense. A small animal is more vulnerable to predators, and there would be no point in having a long life span if it is going to be eaten long before it dies of old age. But the more fundamental reason for the relationship between size and life span is that size is related to metabolic rate, which is roughly the rate at which an animal burns fuel in the form of food to provide the energy it needs to function. Small mammals have more surface area for their size and so lose heat more easily. To compensate, they need to generate more heat, which means maintaining a higher metabolic rate and eating more for their weight. This means that the total number of calories burned per hour by an animal increases less slowly than the mass of the animal. An animal that is ten times as large burns only four to five times as many calories per hour. So for their weight, smaller animals burn more calories than larger animals. The relationship between how fast an animal burns calories and its mass is named Kleiber’s law after Max Kleiber, who showed in the 1930s that an animal’s metabolic rate scales to the ¾th power of its mass. The exact power is a matter of dispute and some show that for mammals, a ⅔rd power fits the data better.

        Since heart rate also scales with metabolic rate, over a very wide range of sizes—from hamsters to whales—mammals typically have roughly the same number of heartbeats over their lifetime: about 1.5 billion. Humans currently have almost twice that, but, then, our life expectancy has doubled over the last hundred years. It is almost as if mammals were designed to last a certain number of heartbeats, much like a typical car can be driven about 150,000 miles. West points out that 1.5 billion is also roughly the number of total revolutions a car engine makes over its expected lifetime and asks, perhaps tongue in cheek, whether this is just a coincidence or whether it tells us something about the common mechanisms of aging!

        These relationships suggest that there will be natural limits on life span because size and metabolic rate can vary only so much. For example, an animal cannot evolve to become arbitrarily large without collapsing under its own weight. Such an animal would also have great difficulty supplying its cells with the necessary oxygen. A metabolism must be fast enough for an animal to move and find food—and there are biological limits on how fast a metabolism is actually achievable if you are small. But within the allowable range, these rules hold remarkably well. Geoffrey West declares that just knowing the size of a mammal, he could use scaling laws to estimate almost everything about it: from its food consumption, to its heart rate, to its life span.

        This is quite remarkable, and although it deals with averages, it sounds almost like a hard-and-fast rule that limits life span. But what of human beings’ marked increase in longevity over the past century? As West observes, this is a question of what one means by life span: we have almost doubled life expectancy in the last hundred years, but we have done nothing at all to increase the maximum human life span, which remains about 120 years. He argues that, according to the evidence, aging and mortality result from the wear and tear of being alive. Inexorable forces of entropy—a measure of disorder—that push in the direction of disorder and disintegration press against that dream of immortality. Unlike cars, which consist of mechanical components that we can swap out for new ones as they wear out, we cannot simply replace ourselves with new parts and keep going indefinitely.

        WHILE THIS RULE-OF-THUMB CONNECTION AMONG size, metabolism, and life span is fascinating, biologists tend to be more interested in the exceptions. They love to study species that beat the system, in the hopes that they can tell us something about the underlying mechanisms of aging. One big question is whether there is a theoretical maximum life span or not. We have seen species such as hydra and jellyfish that seem not to age and can, in fact, continuously replace their worn-out parts. While biologists are well aware of the second law of thermodynamics—which states that in any natural process the amount of disorder or entropy increases with time—most would disagree that the law applies in some blanket form to aging and death, because living systems are not closed as the law requires but need a constant input of energy to exist. In fact, with a sufficient expenditure of energy, you can indeed reverse entropy when it comes to regularly cleaning your attic or hard drive; it is just that most of us don’t feel it is worth it.

        As a result, biologists do not think that aging is inevitable. Rather, all evolution cares about is fitness: the ability to pass on our genes most efficiently. But living a long life is worth it only if you are not going to be eaten or die of disease or an accident long before you die of old age. Hence birds, which can escape predators by flying away, generally live longer than earthbound animals of about the same size. For those lucky animals that don’t have as much to fear from predators, living a longer life gives them more time to find a mate and reproduce. Slowing down their metabolism, so that they need not procure large amounts of food every day, may then simply be a way of surviving better into old age. In each case, the life span simply reflects how evolution has optimized the fitness of each species.

        Steven Austad is a leader in aging research who studies exotic species with widely varying life spans. For a scientist, he has a highly unusual background: he majored in English literature at the University of California, Los Angeles, hoping to write the Great American Novel. Given that we’ve never heard of it, Austad jokes, one can see how that worked out. After graduation, while not writing his novel, he drove a taxi and worked as a newspaper reporter before spending several years taming lions, tigers, and other wild animals for the movie industry. This sparked an interest in science, and Austad went back to school to study animal behavior. From there, he became interested in the question of why animals age at different rates.

        In 1991 Austad and his graduate student Kathleen Fischer examined the longevity of several hundred species. They discovered that, even among mammals, the relationship between body size and longevity disappears below a threshold of about one kilogram of body mass. Possessing a biologist’s instinct for the particular, the two of them then asked which species deviated most from this scaling law, coining what they called the longevity quotient. The LQ is the ratio of the average life span of the species to what it would be if it followed the scaling laws. This allowed them to focus on those species that deviate by either living much longer or much less than would be expected for their size.

        The life span of animals generally increases with size. Estimates for the maximum life span of mammals are shown along with a line showing the general trend. In addition, points for the Major Mitchell’s cockatoo, Galapagos tortoise, and Greenland shark are shown. Data are taken from the AnAge database (https://genomics.senescence.info/species/index.html).

        It turns out that humans already do rather well: we have an LQ of about 5, meaning that we live 5 times as long as would be expected. Nineteen mammalian species outperform us: eighteen species of bat and the naked mole rat. Over the years, Austad has studied these outlier species, and he describes them in colorful prose as befits his background in English literature. He poses this provocative question: Why do aging researchers study mice and rats, both of which have LQs of just 0.7, when they could be looking at these more exceptional species instead? There are many reasons why animals are chosen as model organisms, including ease of breeding and maintenance, and the ability to study their genetics. We have acquired tremendous knowledge of their biology over decades. Since the underlying mechanisms of aging are likely to be universal even if their rates are not, and studying short-lived animals could actually be an advantage by speeding up experiments, I am not sure that many in the gerontology community will rush to follow Austad’s advice. But I hope enough of them do, so that we learn how these unusually long-lived outliers have evolved such different rates of aging.

        Among the species Austad describes are giant tortoises, such as the Galápagos tortoise, which holds the record for life span of a terrestrial vertebrate animal and can amble along for two centuries. There might well be a Galápagos tortoise still alive that was spotted by Darwin during his five-year voyage aboard the Royal Navy ship HMS Beagle from 1831 to 1836. Also, for much of their long life, they are remarkably free of diseases such as cancer. Determining the LQ of these tortoises is tricky, though. For one, their exact age is hard to determine, since their history is usually poorly documented and the subject of much exaggeration. Even thornier is the question of what a tortoise truly weighs. Much of their body mass consists of their protective shell, which is more like our hair and nails than highly active tissue, so drawing comparisons with other animals can be misleading.

        These giant tortoises may not be alone in their longevity. Two studies that evaluated survival data from various turtles and other reptiles and amphibians found negligible senescence in a number of turtles and other species. The biologist’s term negligible senescence, which means little or no increase in mortality, has been interpreted popularly to mean “eternal life,” but this is a bit of a misnomer. Actually, it means that mortality, or the likelihood of dying, does not increase with age.

        The relationship between mortality and age was worked out in 1825 by Benjamin Gompertz, a self-educated British mathematician. Gompertz worked for an insurance company, and so was naturally interested in the question of when a person seeking to purchase coverage might die. By digging through death records, he discovered that starting in our late twenties, the risk of dying increases at an exponential rate year after year. It doubles roughly every seven years. At age 25, our probability of dying in the next year is only about 0.1 percent. This rises to 1 percent at age 60, 6 percent at age eighty, and 16 percent at age 100. By the time a person reaches 108 years old, there is only about a 50 percent chance of making it another year.

        Negligible senescence, when the probability of dying is constant rather than exponentially increasing with age, violates Gompertz’s law. But even if there is negligible or even negative senescence, you still face a probability of dying every year from age-related diseases, quite apart from dying of infections or accidents. Aging involves more than increasing mortality with age. It also depends on maintaining the physiology of the animal. The long-lived tortoises show unmistakable signs of aging. Like elderly humans, their eyesight and heart gradually fail. Some of them develop cataracts. Some become feeble to the point where they need to be fed by hand. So these animals do age, just slowly.

        Moreover, biological time for tortoises is very different: they live life in the slow lane. They are not warm-blooded creatures like us mammals. They move slowly and reproduce slowly, often taking several decades to reach puberty in the wild. Their hearts beat only once every ten seconds, and they breathe slowly. Despite their long chronological lives, they fit the metabolic rate theory of longevity.

        Other long-lived species are aquatic, such as the Beluga sturgeon and the aforementioned Greenland shark. Like the tortoise, they too aren’t in any hurry. Greenland sharks swim more slowly than a normal eighty-year-old human walks, and they seem to be scavengers, rather than catching prey. Perhaps more extraordinary than the Greenland shark is the bowhead whale. This baleen whale lives in freezing Arctic waters, but because it is a warm-blooded mammal, its internal body temperature is only a few degrees lower than that of most other mammals. Moreover, it eats about three times more than was previously suspected, implying a metabolic rate three times higher than was thought. How such an animal can survive for about 250 years is still a mystery.

        The Greenland shark and the bowhead whale are large aquatic vertebrates, but there are much smaller terrestrial outliers too. One particularly interesting example is Major Mitchell’s cockatoo, a striking white bird with a pink face and a vibrant bright red and yellow crest that resembles a radiating sun. This cockatoo has been known to live to eighty-three years in a zoo. This would not be exceptional for a human, but the bird is far smaller. So this is definitely not a species that fits the general relationship among size, metabolic rate, and life span.

        Remember how the relationship between mass and longevity for mammals disappeared below one kilogram? That’s largely due to bats. Bats do not live as long as Major Mitchell’s cockatoo, but they generally outlive nonflying mammals of the same size, which is exactly what evolutionary theories would predict, since their ability to fly allows them to evade predators. In keeping with this, bats that roost in caves, and are thus further protected from predators, live almost five years longer than those that don’t. The champion is Brandt’s bat, a small, brown animal that fits comfortably in the palm of your hand. A male of the species was recaptured in the wild forty-one years after it was originally banded. Austad estimates that its LQ of about 10 is the highest known for any mammal and about twice that of humans.

        Another reason bats are thought to live longer is that they slow down their metabolism during their long periods of hibernation. On average, bats that hibernate live six years longer than those that don’t. But even bats that don’t hibernate live exceptionally long for their size, so clearly metabolic rate is not the only reason for their longevity. Rather, they may have special mechanisms that protect them from aging.

        One curious feature is that the longest-lived Brandt’s bats on record are males. This is certainly different from humans. Austad speculates that this could be because female bats are less agile in flight and more susceptible to predators when they are pregnant, because they carry more than a quarter of their own body weight. They also face much greater energy demands in feeding their young.

        Finally, no discussion of long-lived animals would be complete without mentioning the remarkably ugly, nearly hairless rodent that has become something of a darling of the aging research community: the naked mole rat. Despite the name, it is neither a mole nor a rat but a species of rodent that is indigenous to equatorial East Africa. It is about the same size as a mouse, but whereas a mouse lives roughly two years, a naked mole rat can live for more than thirty. This gives it an LQ of 6.7—not as high as Brandt’s bat, but a record for a terrestrial nonflying mammal. How do they do it?

        Rochelle Buffenstein, currently at the University of Illinois in Chicago, has done more than perhaps anyone else to understand the biology of aging in the naked mole rat. As a result of work by her and many others, we know that naked mole rats are one of a small number of mammals that are referred to as eusocial: they live in underground colonies with a queen, and, in that sense, are reminiscent of ants. As one might expect, they have a very low metabolism and are tolerant of oxygen levels so low that they would kill mice—and us. In the wild, naked mole rat queens live much longer than workers: about seventeen years compared with two to three years. But in the lab, where worker naked mole rats live a comfortable, well-fed life with good health care and no predators, the difference is not so stark.

        Not surprisingly, naked mole rats are extremely resistant to cancer, regardless of age—again, in marked contrast to mice. Even more strikingly, when Buffenstein and her colleagues tried to induce cancer in naked mole rat skin cells using techniques that worked reliably for other species, they could not do it. According to their 2010 study, instead of proliferating like cancerous cells, the naked mole rat cells entered a terminal state and were cleared away, suggesting that they respond to cancer-causing genes very differently.

        One of the biggest headlines about naked mole rats was generated by the observation that they seem to violate Gompertz’s law: their risk of dying seems not to increase with age. As a result of these findings, no animal has been hyped as much as the naked mole rat, with both the popular press and news articles in scientific journals touting each discovery as a major breakthrough in the quest to defeat aging. This was too much for some scientists, who pointed out that naked mole rats do age, just more slowly than might be expected for their size. As we saw with long-lived tortoises, they show many signs of aging, including lighter, thinner, and less elastic skin resembling parchment, as well as muscle loss and cataracts. They are not like hydra and the immortal jellyfish, which can regenerate themselves with ease. Still, as exceptionally long-lived mammals, they could provide important clues into our own aging processes.

        IT IS TIME TO LEAVE these unusually long-lived species and focus on the one that interests us most: ourselves. Most crucially: How long can human beings live? And is this limit fixed, or can it be changed?

        For most of human history, life expectancy was just over thirty. But today, in developed countries, we can look forward to living into our mid-eighties. Even in poorer countries, a person born today can expect to live longer than the grandparents of people in the richest countries. The science writer Steven Johnson makes the point that this is like each of us acquiring an entire additional life.

        When we say life expectancy, we mean life expectancy at birth, or the average number of years a newborn would live if current mortality rates remained unchanged. This value, as you can imagine, is greatly affected by infant mortality rates. Even in the nineteenth century, when life expectancy was forty years, a person who reached adulthood had a good chance of living to be sixty or more. Most of the increase in life expectancy has come about because of improvements in public health rather than groundbreaking advances in medicine. Johnson observes that the three biggest contributors have been modern sanitation and vaccines, which both prevented the spread of infection, and artificial fertilizers. Other significant innovations were antibiotics, blood transfusions (crucial for accidents and surgery), and sterilization of water and food by chlorination and pasteurization.

        The inclusion of fertilizers may surprise you, but prior to the ready availability of food—which has brought about its own problems of obesity, diabetes, and cardiovascular diseases—humans were constantly struggling to get enough to eat. Chemical fertilizers include nitrogen-containing compounds and have increased crop yields several-fold. The ability to chemically capture nitrogen from the air, a discovery for which Fritz Haber received the Nobel Prize in 1918, made it much easier to synthesize fertilizers and helped to double the world’s population. Interestingly, almost half of the nitrogen atoms in our bodies went through a Haber-Bosch high-pressure steam chamber that converted atmospheric nitrogen to ammonia for use in fertilizers, which then ended up in the food we ate and became incorporated into ourselves.

        Haber himself was a tragic figure. A German Jew, he was intensely loyal to Germany during World War I, and his method for fixing nitrogen into ammonia enabled the country to prolong the war by producing its own explosives. Prior to that, its military had been importing nitrates from Chile, which became impossible due to the Allied Powers’ wartime blockade. He also initiated the use of chemical warfare against the Allies, who denounced him as a war criminal. At the same time, his Jewishness trumped his loyalty to Germany. Soon after the Nazis assumed power, he had to flee Germany in 1933 although he was a world-famous scientist and director of a prestigious institute in Berlin. After a brief sojourn in England, he set out for Rehovot in what is now Israel, but died mid-journey of heart failure in a hotel in Basel, Switzerland.

        Back to life expectancy: preventing infectious disease dramatically reduced infant mortality, which is now as low as 1 percent in advanced countries and about 3–4 percent worldwide. But there has been progress across the rest of the aging curve as well. Public health measures for safety, regulations against smoking, and better treatments for life-threatening illnesses such as cardiovascular disease and cancer have all added up to a slow but steady increase in life expectancy beyond sixty years of age. Does this mean that our life expectancy might go on increasing indefinitely?

        Ever since humans became aware of their mortality, we have wondered whether our life span has a fixed limit. Scientists aren’t sure.

        Jay Olshansky of the University of Illinois at Chicago says yes. He examined how much we would gain by eliminating various common causes of death such as cancer, heart disease, and other diseases. Based on statistical calculations, he argued that for life expectancy to increase dramatically, we would need to reduce mortality rates from all causes by 55 percent and even more at older ages. He and his colleagues contended that average life expectancy would likely not exceed eighty-five and that it would not exceed a hundred until everyone alive today had died. Even curing all forms of cancer would add only four to five years on average.

        In the other corner was the late James Vaupel, who maintained that life span is elastic. If evolutionary theories were strictly correct, then our maximum life span should be adapted for life in the wild and thus not much more than about thirty to forty years. But, as you know, life expectancy has more than doubled. Moreover, in certain species, such as some tortoises, reptiles, and fish, mortality actually falls and then levels off, presumably because as these creatures grow larger, they can better resist starvation, predators, and disease; senescence is not inevitable.

        The disagreements between the two boiled into a sort of scientific blood feud, with Vaupel refusing to attend any meetings where Olshansky was present, and attacking his findings as a “pernicious belief sustained by ex-cathedra pronouncements.” Olshansky, for his part, feels that demographers relying purely on statistics fail to consider biology. In agreement with this, an analysis of the lives of primates implies that there are biological constraints on how much the rate of human aging can be slowed.

        Of course, life expectancy at birth is not the same as the maximum possible life span, and it is that maximum that tends to interest us more than averages. We want to know how long it is theoretically possible for humans to live. Most cultures have writings about prophets and sages who allegedly lived for hundreds of years. In Western culture, the name Methuselah has become synonymous with longevity, after the biblical prophet who is said to have lived 800 years. In somewhat more recent times, the Englishman Tom Parr, who died in 1635, was said to have lived for 152 years, but this has been thoroughly debunked. Unlike most people, for whom childhood memories are the strongest, “Old Tom” could remember nothing of his youth.

        The oldest person for whom we have reliable records is Jeanne Calment, who died at the age of 122 in 1997. She lived in Arles, the town in southern France where van Gogh resided near the end of his life. She actually met the troubled artist in her teens, describing him as “very ugly, ungracious, impolite, and sick.” Apparently Calment had a sharp wit. As she grew older and older, journalists began to gather around her on each birthday. When one of them took leave by telling her, “Until next year, perhaps,” she retorted, “I don’t see why not! You don’t look so bad to me.”

        Calment was in very good health for nearly her entire life, riding a bicycle until she was a hundred. It is hard to know what contributed to her longevity, beyond genetics. She smoked for all but the last five years of her life. While this is not an example we should follow, many of us might be tempted to emulate her habit of eating more than two pounds of chocolate every week. While Calment’s robust physical condition even late in life was extraordinary, it did not mean that she did not age; for instance, she was blind and deaf for many of her final years.

        Calment is the record holder, but one has to remember that she was born almost 150 years ago, in 1875. It is almost a miracle that she survived for so long in the age before antibiotics and other advances in modern medicine. Given the even greater progress made since then, might we expect today’s humans to live much longer?

        A few years ago, Jan Vijg and his colleagues at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine in the Bronx published a study that analyzed demographic data from several countries to look at shifts in the population of each age group. As life expectancy improves, the fastest growing segment of the population is usually the oldest, since many more people reach the threshold for that group. For example, in France in the 1920s, 85-year-old women were the fastest growing group. By the 1990s, the fastest growing group were 102-year-olds. You might expect that with time, this would shift to even older ages. But the study showed that improvements in survival decline after age 100, and the age of the oldest person has not increased since the 1990s. Vijg predicted that the natural limit of our life span is about 115 years; there will be occasional outliers such as Jeanne Calment, but he calculates that the probability of anyone exceeding 125 in any given year is less than 1 in 10,000.

        This conclusion was contradicted a couple of years later by a study examining records of men and women in Italy who had reached the age of 105 between 2009 and 2015. It concluded that mortality rates plateaued after the age of 105, in an apparent violation of Gompertz’s law. The researchers went on to say that a limit to longevity, “if any, has not been reached.” This paper in turn was criticized by one of the authors of the earlier study, who felt that it was rather far-fetched that after increasing exponentially for most of one’s life, the chance of dying should plateau in extreme old age. Others pointed out that most of the cohort did, in fact, follow Gompertz’s law, so the plateau came from less than 5 percent of the mortality data. Moreover, they argued that even if mortality did plateau after age 105, the likelihood of anyone surviving much beyond Calment’s 122 years was remote, in the absence of major biomedical advances. It is a question of statistics. At today’s rates, the odds of surviving each year after 105 is only about 50 percent; to beat Jeanne Calment’s 122 would be like tossing a coin seventeen times and having it come up heads every time. Those odds are about 1 in 130,000.

        Recent data support the views of Vijg, Olshansky, and other proponents of a limit to maximum life span. After climbing steadily for the last 150 years, the annual increase in life expectancy slowed down globally around 2011 to a fraction of what it had been in previous decades, and plateaued from 2015 to 2019 before falling precipitously as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. The pandemic, like the influenza epidemic that gripped the world in 1918–19, killing an estimated 50 million people, was an exceptional situation. But we weren’t making progress even in the handful of years before the pandemic. Why not is unclear. It could be due to the rising epidemic of obesity and associated scourges such as type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease. As people live longer, Alzheimer’s and other neurodegenerative diseases are responsible for an increasing share of deaths, and there is currently little treatment for them.

        In any case, although the number of people who live to be 100 keeps increasing, nobody has beaten Calment’s record of 122 in the twenty-five years since she died. The next oldest person, a Japanese woman named Kane Tanaka, died in 2022 at the age of 119. As I write this, the oldest living person is Maria Branyas Morera of Spain, who is 116 years old. What is striking is that these extremely long-lived people are all women. Now that death rates due to childbirth have been reduced dramatically, life expectancy for women is greater than that of men in nearly every country.

        Even if nobody beats Calment’s record soon, there remains great interest in why some humans live exceptionally long. Thomas Perls, who heads the New England Centenarian Study, has been studying centenarians for several decades. As a practicing physician who specializes in geriatrics, he confronts the realities of aging in his patients every day. He investigates the health history, personal habits, and lifestyles of centenarians, along with what is known about their family histories and genetics. In one large study, Perls concluded that centenarians fell into three classes. About 38 percent were what he called Survivors, who had been diagnosed with at least one age-associated disease before the age of eighty; another 43 percent were Delayers, who developed such a disease after the age of eighty; and the last group consisted of Escapers, the 19 percent who reached their hundredth birthday without being diagnosed with any of the ten most common age-associated diseases. In fact, about half of centenarians celebrated turning one hundred without heart disease, stroke, or non–skin cancer, which is extraordinary.

        Perls says that centenarians generally maintain their independence up through their early to mid-nineties. For those who live beyond 105, that independence can be observed at least through age 100. So it appears that centenarians survive for so long by staying healthy longer than most people, rather than going through a prolonged period of living with diseases of old age. Perls also told me that he has seen an increase in the number of people aged 100 to 103, a likely reflection of improvements in medicine and lifestyle over the last few decades, but, beyond that, he is not seeing an increase—perhaps because genetics play such an influential role in survival to those extreme ages. He agrees with Olshansky that currently there is a natural limit on our life span.

        Perls and other researchers are now sequencing the genomes of centenarians, and he plans to also study the modifications in DNA that accumulate with age. These studies could reveal the underlying biology of extreme longevity in ways that could be very useful to the rest of us. In the meantime, based on what he has learned so far, Perls has developed a website, livingto100.com, which asks visitors questions about themselves, and spits out an estimated life span, along with suggestions for how to improve it. A few findings may surprise you: it recommends tea over coffee, reducing our intake of iron (often found in multivitamins), and flossing regularly. But many of the suggestions are what one might expect: eating moderately and healthily and avoiding fast food, processed meat, and excessive carbohydrate consumption, as well as exercising and maintaining a healthy weight, getting adequate sleep, reducing stress, staying mentally active, and having an optimistic outlook. It helps not to have diabetes, and having a close family member who lived to be over ninety is a big plus. Since my father, at ninety-seven, still does his own laundry, grocery shopping, and cooking—making complicated Indian recipes and his own ice cream from scratch—I may have lucked out.

        The debate about whether there is a limit to human longevity led to a famous bet. At a 2001 meeting, a reporter asked Steven Austad when we would see the first 150-year-old human. None of the other scientists wanted to go out on a limb, but Austad blurted out, “I think that person is already alive.” When he read about this, Olshansky, who remains skeptical of exceptional longevity, called up Austad and challenged him to a friendly bet. You might think that this was a safe bet since they would both be dead before it could be decided, but they’d already thought of that. The two men agreed to put $150 each into a fund for 150 years, which, Austad notes, had a nice symmetry to it. A back-of-the-envelope calculation by Olshansky suggested that in 150 years, $150 could turn into about $500 million to be won by either them or one their descendants. A dozen years later, nobody had yet approached the age of Jeanne Calment, but both of them still felt confident, so they doubled the bet, with each putting another $150 into the pot, raising the potential stake to a cool $1 billion 150 years from now—although it is not clear what $1 billion would actually buy at that point.

        Why did Austad make this bet? It is not as if he believes that just because we are getting better at treating diseases of old age such as cancer, stroke, and dementia, people will live thirty years more than Calment. In fact, on that point, he and Olshansky agree. Rather, Austad believes that research on aging will result in game-changing medical breakthroughs. The scientists disagree mainly on how rapidly these innovations will occur.

        We have now explored how evolutionary theories help us understand why death occurs at all, and how the optimization of fitness by evolution has resulted in a huge range of life spans in different species. We have also explored whether there are biological limits to our own life span. But none of this tells us how aging occurs and how it leads to death.

        The quest to defeat aging and death is centuries old, but findings from modern biology over the last half century have led to an explosion of knowledge about exactly what goes on in our bodies as we age. As we noted before, aging is simply an accumulation of damage to our molecules, cells, and tissues due to a variety of causes that bring about increasing debilitation and eventually death. An aging body changes in so many ways that it is hard to glean which factors cause aging and which are simply its consequences. But scientists have homed in on a small number of hallmarks of aging. According to them, such a hallmark should have three characteristics: first, it should be present in an aging body. Second, an increased presence of the hallmark should accelerate aging. Third, reducing or eliminating the hallmark should slow aging.

        These hallmarks exist at every level of complexity, from molecules, to cells, to tissues, to the interconnected system we call our body. No hallmark exists in isolation; they all influence one another. Thus aging doesn’t have one or even a few independent causes. It is a highly intricate and interconnected process.

        It is easiest to make sense of it all if we start at the most basic level of complexity: with the molecule that could be thought of as the ultimate command and control center of the cell.

        3. Destroying the Master Controller

        The ancient site of Hampi in South India offers a stark contrast to the thriving metropolis of London. The grand city that existed for more than a thousand years and at its peak in the early sixteenth century was second in wealth only to Beijing is now a collection of well-preserved granite ruins about fifteen miles from the nearest railway station. The once-bustling marketplaces and intricately carved temples and palaces are now only alive with camera-toting tourists. It was once the London of its time: the seat of an empire and a flourishing center of trade and culture. When I travel to London, I simply cannot imagine the city ever not existing, and the inhabitants of Hampi probably thought the same. This failure of imagination extends to us as individuals too. Even if we know we are going to age and die, in our daily lives, unless we are terminally ill, we carry on as if we are immortal.

        How could a thriving, vibrant city like Hampi have disintegrated and no longer exist? Throughout history, one of the fastest ways for a society to crumble was the breakdown of law and order resulting from a government’s loss of control due to civil unrest or a war. And just as with society, loss of control and regulation in biology leads to decay and death, not only of the cell but of the entire organism.

        Unlike a functioning society run by a government, there is no central authority in the cell that supervises its thousands of components as they go about their business. So is there even a counterpart in the cell of a command and control center? Perhaps the closest thing is our genes, which reside in our DNA. The nature of genetic information in our DNA and the ways it becomes corrupted over time are essential for understanding aging and death.

        We didn’t even know about genes as an entity until the late nineteenth century. Most of us think of genes as traits that we inherit from our parents and pass on to our children. We may think of good genes, reflected in positive traits, or bad ones, characterized by disease or defects. But genes are better described as units of information. They contain information not only on how to reproduce an organism and pass on its traits, but also on how to build an entire organism from a single cell and keep it functioning.

        Among the most important information that genes contain is how to make proteins. We normally think of proteins as essential components of our diet, and we know they are used to build muscle. In fact, our body contains thousands of proteins. Not only do they give the body form and strength, but they also carry out most of the chemical reactions that are essential for life. They regulate the flow of molecules in and out of cells. They allow our cells (and us) to communicate with one another. They are the reason we can sense light, smell, touch, and heat. Our nervous system depends on proteins to transmit nerve signals and even to store memory. The antibodies we use to fight infections are proteins. Proteins also enable the cell to manufacture all the other molecules it needs, including fat and carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, and—to complete the circle—even our genes. Proteins are everywhere. And every one of these proteins is made by following instructions in a gene.

        Exactly how genetic information is stored and used remained a huge mystery until relatively recently. Even in the 1940s, scientists still didn’t understand the molecular nature of genes. Today we know that our genes reside in DNA, a long molecule that consists of two strands wrapped around each other in a double helix. Each strand of DNA has a backbone made up of alternating groups of phosphate and a sugar called deoxyribose. If that were all DNA was, it would just be like any other repeating polymer such as polyethylene or other plastics, and incapable of carrying information. But DNA is able to encode instructions because each sugar in its backbone is attached to one of four types of chemical groups called bases. These bases are adenine (A), guanine (G), thymine (T), and cytosine (C). This phosphate-sugar-base unit is the building block of DNA, known as a nucleotide.

        You can think of each building block as a letter, and a DNA chain as a very long sentence written using this four-letter alphabet. Just as a particular sequence of letters can form a sentence that conveys meaning and information, suddenly you could imagine how DNA could too, but it was still not at all clear how. This changed dramatically in 1953 when the three-dimensional structure of DNA was deduced by James Watson and Francis Crick. Normally, the structure of a molecule only hints at how it might work, but DNA was different. Its structure immediately shed light on how the sequence of bases could transmit information, transformed our understanding of genetics, and ushered in the current revolution in molecular biology. Without it, we would have had no hope of understanding the workings of life or unlocking the secrets of why we age.

        Genetic information stored in our chromosomes in the form of DNA is copied (transcribed) into mRNA in the nucleus. The mRNA then moves to the cytoplasm, where ribosomes read it to make proteins.

        In DNA, two strands running in opposite directions are wrapped around each other in a double helix. A base from one strand chemically bonds, or pairs, with the base directly across from it in a very specific way: an A pairs only with a T or vice-versa, and a C with a G. Hence the magic of DNA: if you know the sequence of bases in one of the two strands, you can determine the sequence of the other. This also means that if you separate the two strands, each of them has the information to make the other, enabling you to create two identical copies of the molecule from an original. Suddenly an age-old problem was solved: How could you get two daughter cells, each of them possessing exactly the same genetic information as the single parent cell? Genetics had become chemistry: we could understand at the molecular level how genetic information could be duplicated and passed on to a new generation.

        Still, there remained the second question of how genetic information in DNA actually codes for proteins. It turns out that the section of DNA that codes for a gene is copied into an intermediate molecule called ribonucleic acid. RNA is similar to DNA but with some important differences. Unlike DNA, it has only one strand, and instead of deoxyribose, it has a sugar called ribose. In RNA, the thymine (T) base is replaced by uracil (U), which is slightly different chemically but pairs with A just as T does.

        Think of DNA as the collection of all our genes, much as the British Library or the US Library of Congress are collections of all the books published in their respective countries. Those libraries are not likely to let you take a valuable eighteenth-century book home to read at your leisure. But they can often provide a copy of it to take home. Similarly, RNA is a working copy of the gene that can be used by the cell.

        Not every piece of DNA that is copied to RNA codes for a protein. Some RNAs are part of the machinery that is used to make proteins. Others can even control whether certain genes are turned on or off. But when an RNA is made from a gene that codes for a protein, it is called messenger RNA, or mRNA, because it carries the genetic message for how to make that protein. We’ve heard a lot about mRNA recently in connection with vaccines for Covid-19. These vaccines are made from mRNA molecules that contain instructions on how to make the spike proteins that are on the surface of the virus that causes Covid-19. When those mRNA molecules are injected into us, our cells read the instructions in it and produce the corresponding spike proteins, which in turn trains our immune system to be ready to fight the real Covid-19 virus.

        How instructions in mRNA are read to make proteins was a hard puzzle that took over a decade to crack. The problem scientists faced was that proteins too are long chains, but of completely different types of building blocks called amino acids. Unlike DNA and RNA, which have four types of bases, there are at least twenty different types of amino acids. If proteins were like sentences written in a twenty-letter alphabet, how could they translate those sentences from the four-letter language of genes? The way nature has solved this problem is that groups of three bases (or letters) in mRNA are read as a code word, or codon, each of which specifies an amino acid. The whole process takes place on the ribosome, a giant, ancient molecular machine that consists of almost half a million atoms.

        I have spent much of my life trying to understand how the ribosome carries out the complicated process of reading mRNA to synthesize a protein. What seems miraculous is that as the newly made protein chain emerges from the ribosome, the sequence of its amino acids contains within itself the information needed for the protein chain to fold up into a particular shape so that it can carry out its function. It is akin to writing different sentences on strips of paper and, depending on what I had written, each strip would magically fold itself into its unique shape. This ability of a protein chain to fold itself up is why the one-dimensional information contained in our genes allows us to build the complex three-dimensional structures that make up a cell—and, eventually, us.

        The gene doesn’t just contain information on how to make a protein. The part that specifies that is called the coding sequence, but flanking it are regions (non-coding sequences) that signal when to make the protein, when to stop, and even whether to make it quickly or slowly, for a brief while or for a long time. These signals are turned on or off either by chemicals in the environment or by other genes. Genes, in other words, don’t act alone; they form a giant network with lots of other genes, as well as the broader environment. This is why some proteins are made by all our cells, but others only by specific cells, such as skin cells or neurons. And why some proteins are made only at certain stages in our development from a single cell to a complete human being. The precise orchestration of this network of thousands of genes is what makes life possible.

        You could think of the process of life as an enormous program that somehow activates itself using the blueprint provided by DNA. The word blueprint is a convenient metaphor, but we should not take it too literally, because a blueprint implies a rigid manufacturing process that produces a strictly defined product. Unquestionably, DNA is the central hub for regulating the overall program of the cell. But I think of the cell as more like a democracy than a dictatorship. Just as an ideal government is not autocratic but responsive to the needs of its people over time, DNA does not dictate the entire process. Rather, conditions in the cell and its environment decide which parts of the DNA are used, as well as how often and when.

        UNDERSTANDING THE MOLECULAR BASIS OF genetics has transformed modern biology, but what does it have to do with aging? If the genes in our DNA specify the program of the cell, why doesn’t the program just keep running forever? The problem is that the DNA itself changes and deteriorates with time.

        Of course, genes and mutations were studied long before we knew about DNA. Prior to DNA, the only way to determine whether an organism had a genetic mutation was when it resulted in a change in an observable trait. Today we know that mutations are simply changes in the bases of DNA. Changing bases in DNA is the equivalent of changing letters in a sentence. Sumtymes we can still dicifer the same meening, but other times, just a single change can be confusing or even have the opposite meaning—for example, if we change the word hire to fire.

        Now that we can sequence DNA—or determine the precise order of bases in any piece of DNA—we can see that mutations happen all the time. Many of them have no observable effect. This is because even with the change to the DNA, the altered gene functions just as well; or the organism has redundant genes, so that if one is defective, the others can compensate for it. Other mutations can be harmful to varying degrees because they result in proteins that are defective; or proteins that are produced in the wrong amounts or at the wrong time.

        Sometimes, mutations can actually be beneficial. For instance, if the mutation occurs in a germ-line cell, it might very occasionally give offspring an advantage that facilitates their survival. A species that is uniformly the same could be wiped out by some pestilence, like trees susceptible to Dutch elm disease, or by sudden changes in the climate or geography. Mutations can give rise to genetic variability in a population and make it more resilient by increasing the likelihood that some strains might survive better than others as conditions change. Without mutations, there would be no evolution; we would never have emerged from primitive molecules. The cell, then, must strike a balance, tolerating enough mutations in the germ line to allow variability and evolution, but not allowing so many mutations in our somatic cells that the complex process of life begins to break down.

        A societal breakdown of law and order can bring about chaos, mass starvation—even the annihilation of entire cities and civilizations. The worst criminal elements often take advantage during turbulent times, usurping power and making life miserable for everyone else. Similarly, loss of control in biology can lead to deterioration and death as well as to many diseases. One of the worst examples of cells misbehaving is cancer, in which aberrant cells are no longer inhibited by neighboring cells but instead multiply unchecked and take over entire tissues and organs, interfering with their functioning. In that sense, cancer and aging are intimately related: they both arise from a biological loss of control, and their ultimate source is often mutations in our genes, owing to changes in our DNA.

        LONG BEFORE WE KNEW OF DNA, there were hints that environmental agents could cause what we now know to be genetic mutations. As early as the eighteenth century, the English surgeon Percival Pott discovered that the country’s chimney sweeps, many of them children, had abnormally high rates of cancer of the scrotum. He attributed this to their excessive, prolonged exposure to the soot and tar from burned coal. In 1915, Yamagiwa Katsusaburo, a professor of pathology at the Tokyo Imperial University, demonstrated that applying coal tar to the ears of rabbits caused skin cancer. These products of coal would later be identified as cancer-causing agents, or carcinogens, but when Pott made his observations, nobody had any idea what cancer was, and even when Katsusaburo reported his results, the link between cancer and genetic mutations was still decades away.

        The first direct evidence linking an environmental agent to mutations was discovered by a scientist with a remarkably peripatetic life. Hermann Muller was a third-generation American who grew up in New York City and entered Columbia College (now Columbia University) at the precocious age of sixteen, graduating in 1910. He stayed on at Columbia for his PhD, working with the famous geneticist Thomas Morgan, who had used fruit flies to show that genes resided in the chromosomes in our cells.

        Later, Muller moved to the University of Texas, where, in a key experiment in 1926, he subjected fruit flies to increasing doses of X-rays. As he ratcheted up the dose, the number of lethal mutations rose dramatically. Even a modest application of X-rays produced 35,000 times as many mutations than would have occurred spontaneously. Muller’s work advanced genetics tremendously by making it much easier to produce mutations, and also raised awareness of the danger of X-rays and other radiation. At the time, people used X-rays rather cavalierly—it was common for shoe sellers to X-ray the feet of their customers in the shoes they were considering.

        Like many geneticists in the early twentieth century, Muller was a proponent of eugenics for much of his life and thought of it as a way for improving the human species. Oddly for a eugenicist, he was also quite left wing, a result of his disillusionment with capitalism in the wake of the Great Depression. He recruited lab members from the Soviet Union and as a faculty advisor, helped edit and distribute a leftist student newspaper called The Spark, which spurred the FBI to investigate him.

        Partly as a result, in 1932 Muller left the United States for Berlin. Discouraged by the rise of Hitlerism, he left the following year for the Soviet Union, believing that the environment there would be more conducive to his left-wing views. He spent a year in Leningrad before moving to Moscow for a few years. He had not, however, reckoned with the rise of Trofim Lysenko, the Soviet biologist and charlatan who had ingratiated himself to Stalin. Lysenko viewed genetics as inconsistent with socialism, and instead espoused a number of crazy ideas in agriculture, while ruthlessly wielding his power to suppress or destroy any biologist who dared question him. In doing so, he contributed to famines that killed millions of people and set back Soviet biology by decades. Muller and other geneticists did what they could to counteract Lysenko, but eventually Muller incurred Stalin’s wrath for his views on both genetics and eugenics and had to flee.

        Not yet ready to return to the United States, where the FBI was still investigating him, Muller ended up at the Institute for Animal Genetics at the University of Edinburgh in 1937. There he helped catalyze another important discovery. He joined a lively group of scientists, many of them refugees from totalitarian regimes, under the direction of pioneering medical geneticist Francis Crew.

        One of Crew’s key collaborators, Charlotte Auerbach, had been born to an academic Jewish family in Krefeld, Germany. Auerbach, known as Lotte, was an independent thinker who did not take well to being told what to do. While studying for her PhD in Berlin, her professor refused her request to change her project, so she simply quit and became a high school teacher. She found teaching and keeping order in class exhausting, perhaps not helped by the increasing antisemitism of the time. In what turned out to be a blessing in disguise, she was summarily dismissed in 1933 at the age of thirty-four because she was Jewish. On her mother’s advice, she left Germany, and, with the help of friends of the family, was able to finish her PhD at the Institute for Animal Genetics, where she worked with Crew. In 1939 she became a British citizen; later that year, her mother showed up in Edinburgh without any money or baggage, having made it out of Germany just two weeks before World War II broke out.

        Crew’s initial attempt to bring Auerbach and Muller together was not a success. He introduced her to Muller and simply told him, “This is Lotte, and she is going to do cytology for you.” But Auerbach had no interest in spending her time peering through a microscope to characterize Muller’s cells, and, independent minded as always, she refused. She told Muller that she was really interested in how genes enabled development. To his credit, Muller told her that he wouldn’t dream of having someone work with him on a project that didn’t interest her. However, he persuaded Auerbach that if she wanted to pursue her interest in understanding the role of genes in development, she needed to produce mutations in them and see their effects.

        Around this time, a colleague of hers, Alfred J. Clark, had noticed that soldiers exposed to mustard gas in World War I exhibited lesions and ulcers that resembled the effects of exposure to X-rays. Auerbach, along with Clark and their colleagues, exposed fruit flies to mustard gas, checking for mutations using the methods Muller had pioneered. It says something about their dedication that their experiments were carried out on the roof of the Pharmacology Department in cold, wet, blustery Edinburgh. The experimental conditions would never pass a workplace health and safety inspection today: the fruit flies were exposed to the gas in vials and afterward were removed by hand, causing serious burns to the workers. In any case, the results were unambiguous. Exposure to mustard gas had resulted in ten times as many lethal genetic mutations. Chemicals, like radiation, could also cause mutations.

        MULLER AND AUERBACH’S WORK SHOWED how our genetic blueprint could be damaged by environmental agents such as radiation or chemicals. At the time, we didn’t even know that DNA was the genetic material, let alone how the information it carried could be corrupted. But once Watson and Crick revealed its double-helical nature, the question naturally became how exactly did these agents cause changes in our DNA that resulted in mutations?

        Studying the biological effects of radiation had been something of a stepchild of the life sciences before World War II. But once the world saw the horrible effects of radiation wrought by the two atomic bombs dropped on Japan in August 1945, the US government became very interested in this once sleepy field. After the war, many of the sites that had been used for the Manhattan Project to develop nuclear weapons were converted to radiation biology research centers. One of these was Tennessee’s Oak Ridge National Laboratory, which had originally been the site for producing large amounts of the uranium isotope used in the first atomic bomb, detonated over the city of Hiroshima. Remote from the large academic centers of the United States in the Northeast and the West Coast, Oak Ridge was nestled between the spectacular wilderness of the Cumberland and Smoky Mountains. These attractions, and the generous funding provided by the government, allowed Alexander Hollaender, a leading radiation biologist of his time, to recruit many excellent scientists to Oak Ridge, including Dick and Jane Setlow.

        Dick and Jane Setlow met as undergraduates at Swarthmore College in the 1940s and married soon afterward. When Hollaender approached them around 1960, Dick was on the biophysics faculty at Yale University. It was one of the oldest biophysics programs in the country, but Hollaender lured away Dick with a shrewd move: he offered Jane, who had a temporary appointment working for someone else, a full position too. In those days, even women who had earned graduate degrees rarely had the opportunity to work as equals and ended up assisting some male scientist, frequently their husband. Hollaender’s gambit worked. Both Dick and Jane became leaders in the field, sometimes working together but just as often separately. They also raised a family of four children and hiked and hunted for fossils in the mountains around Oak Ridge before moving to another national lab in Brookhaven on Long Island about fifteen years later.

        Brookhaven National Laboratory was where I first met them, in 1982. Dick was the chair of the department that hired me. It might have helped that I was desperately trying to leave Oak Ridge after only fifteen months there because the resources I had been promised never materialized. Dick, having made the same move himself, was sympathetic. At the time, I was thirty-one years old, and although they were only around sixty then, I regarded them as ancient fossils, like the ones they collected. Like some of the more mainstream molecular biologists, I severely underestimated the importance of their work, and I regret that I didn’t talk to them about their discoveries when I had the chance. It’s a reminder to me of how insular most scientists are, with little appreciation of what goes on outside their narrow specialties.

        Even before X-rays were discovered, we knew about other forms of radiation. As early as 1877, the British scientists Arthur Downes and Thomas Blunt discovered that sunlight could kill bacteria. In the early twentieth century, Frederick Gates showed that it was the shorter wavelengths in sunlight—ultraviolet, or UV, radiation—that had the killing effect. Soon after Muller demonstrated that X-rays could cause genetic mutations, scientists started studying UV radiation too; after all, it was easier to produce and safer to handle. They found that for a given dose, UV light produced even more mutations. At Oak Ridge, Dick and Jane began by trying to understand exactly how UV caused mutations in DNA. One finding that intrigued them was that UV light links up two adjacent thymines (the T bases) on DNA. Virtually any sequence of DNA will occasionally have two thymines next to each other, and somehow UV was linking them together so that the two bases were no longer separate but acted as a single unit consisting of two building blocks—known as a thymine dimer, or sometimes as a thymidine dimer, if scientists want to refer to the larger unit that includes the sugar to which the thymine is attached. Was this how UV inactivated DNA and killed bacteria?

        Dick and Jane experimented with inserting foreign DNA into a bacterium. This enabled them to introduce a gene that gave the bacterium new abilities, such as growing in the absence of a nutrient it would need otherwise or becoming resistant to an antibiotic. However, when they tried this using DNA containing thymine dimers, it was as if the DNA had become inactivated. Dick went on to show that thymine dimers prevent the DNA from being copied, so new DNA could not be made.

        The next step was even more remarkable. Dick and his colleagues found that shortly after exposure to UV radiation, the thymine dimers disappeared from the DNA altogether. The dimers, including the sugar and phosphate to which the bases were attached, were cut out of the DNA, with the missing section filled in using the other strand as a guide, just as when DNA is copied. Discoveries in science are not made in a vacuum. The state of knowledge reaches a stage where the next advances are possible, so new breakthroughs are often made simultaneously. The same year, 1964, that Setlow reported his discovery, two other groups, led by Paul Howard-Flanders and Philip Hanawalt, respectively, made similar findings. The reports all confirmed that the cell clearly had some mechanism to not only recognize the thymine dimers but also to repair them, by a process called excision repair.

        Excision repair was also found in a different context. Even in the 1940s, scientists realized that they could reverse the effects of UV light on bacteria by exposing them to visible light. The arrested bacteria would start growing again. Extracts from bacteria that had been exposed to visible light could repair damaged DNA. How it worked was something of a mystery until Aziz Sancar, a Turkish doctor turned scientist, got involved in the work and identified its mechanism, which also involved repairing thymine dimers using a different enzyme. Oddly, Hemophilus influenzae, the organism in which Dick Setlow had identified the same kind of repair, lacks this mechanism (as do we humans)—otherwise he might never have made his discovery. Just the fact that nature had evolved two completely different mechanisms to remove thymidine dimers tells us about the importance of repairing them.

        These experiments established firmly that the cell could repair damaged DNA. But we’re rarely exposed to high doses of X-rays. Our clothes and the melanin pigment in our skin protect us from a lot of UV exposure. Also, we know enough to stay away from mustard gas, coal tar, and other nasty chemicals, which human beings never encountered in the wild in prehistoric times. Yet these mechanisms to repair damaged DNA evolved billions of years ago and are part of every life form.

        It turns out that our DNA is constantly being assaulted, even in the normal course of living, without exposure to nasty chemicals or radiation. The person who did more than anyone to make us appreciate this was the Swedish scientist Tomas Lindahl. As a postdoctoral fellow at Princeton University, he was working on a relatively small RNA molecule. To his frustration, he found that it kept breaking down.

        As we’ve discussed, RNA molecules use the sugar ribose rather than the deoxyribose found in DNA. Ribose differs from deoxyribose by just one additional oxygen atom. That extra atom makes RNA much more unstable, but also gives it the ability to form complex three-dimensional structures that can carry out chemical reactions. Because of these properties, scientists believe that life originally emerged in a primordial world in which RNA carried out chemical reactions as well as stored genetic information. As life evolved to become more complex, using an unstable molecule to store an increasingly large genome was not viable, and so the more stable DNA was used to store genetic information.

        Lindahl knew that DNA was more stable than RNA, but he wanted to know how much more. It had to be stable enough to pass on information to the next generation without too much change. Or over the billions of cell divisions that occur by the time a single cell develops into a mature organism. That is a very long time.

        Lindahl studied DNA in a variety of conditions and found that over time some of its bases changed. The most common change was that the base cytosine (C) was transformed into a different base called uracil (U), which is normally found in RNA, where it stands in for thymine (T). The problem is that, like T, U pairs with an A, while C pairs with a G. This transformation was like changing a letter in the DNA sentence. Having many of these changes throughout the genome would corrupt the encoded instructions to the point where they would become nonsensical.

        Lindahl showed that the change from a C to a U can be caused simply by exposure to water, a ubiquitous occurrence for all living molecules in a cell. In one day, water could cause about ten thousand changes to the DNA in each of our cells. Lindahl estimated later that, taking into account all forms of spontaneous damage to DNA, about a hundred thousand changes are inflicted on the DNA in each of our cells every single day. It was hard to imagine how life could survive when the set of instructions that enabled it was being corrupted so rapidly. Clearly, there had to be a mechanism to correct these errors too. Over the next few decades, Lindahl and other scientists worked out how this change is repaired.

        A much more drastic form of DNA damage occurs when both strands break, leaving two pieces that have to be rejoined. Sometimes there are even multiple breaks on different chromosomes. This can result in a complete mess, where half of one chromosome is joined to the other half of a completely different one, or where a broken-off piece has been reinserted backward. Again, if we think of DNA as a text consisting of sentences, changes to individual bases are like typos: although they will occasionally garble the meaning, often you can still make sense of them. But if you repair a double-strand break incorrectly, it is like cutting sentences or whole paragraphs from a long text and pasting them back in some random order. Occasionally, it might still sort of make sense, but other times it will be complete gibberish. So it is imperative for the cell to join broken ends of DNA as soon as it recognizes them, preferably before multiple breaks occur. Special proteins recognize the broken ends and join them together to make an intact DNA molecule. This process does take into account the DNA sequence at the ends, so if there is more than one break in the cell at any given time, there is always a chance that it will join the wrong ends. When our genome is scrambled in this way, it can lead to different kinds of problems. One is a loss of function, where the cell cannot do its job efficiently or perhaps not at all. In other cases, it can corrupt or lose the signals that control genes. As a result, the cell starts growing unchecked, leading to cancer.

        Humans are what we call diploid, possessing two copies of each chromosome. The more common and accurate way that the body repairs double-stranded breaks is to use the undamaged DNA in the other chromosome as a guide. Even in organisms such as bacteria, a second copy is often present when cells are dividing and the DNA is being duplicated. Either way, the repair machinery lines up the broken ends against the matching sequence on the other (intact) copy of the DNA to form a complicated structure in which all four strands are intertwined. This is more accurate than simply grabbing random ends and joining them because it checks whether they are the right ends to be joined. By doing so, it restores the integrity of the genome and fills in any gaps that arise if the broken ends have been frayed.

        Apart from chemical damage, mutations have another way of creeping into our genome. Each time a cell divides, the entire genome has to be duplicated, which is like copying a text three billion letters long. No process in biology is ever completely accurate. Just as with writing or typing, the faster you try to copy something, the more prone you are to making mistakes. The polymerase enzymes that replicate DNA are incredibly accurate; what’s more, they can proofread their work, so to speak, correcting mistakes as they go. Nevertheless, they still make an error once every million or so letters. In a genome with a few billion letters, that means several thousand mistakes occur each time the cell divides. The cell can’t take forever to divide, and in life there is always a compromise between speed and accuracy. Not surprisingly, the cell has evolved sophisticated machinery to correct these errors.

        Relying on some very clever experiments, Paul Modrich figured out how enzymes in a bacterium recognize the mismatch, cut out a section of the new strand containing the mistake, and fill in the section so that the mistake is corrected. That mechanism is now well established in bacteria, but scientists are still debating exactly how these kinds of errors are corrected in higher organisms like humans.

        It took a long time for the scientific community to realize the importance of DNA damage and repair. Muller received the Nobel Prize in 1946, a full twenty years after his discovery that X-rays cause mutations. But by the time the 2015 Nobel Prize in Chemistry went to Lindahl, Sancar, and Modrich, the field of DNA repair had long ceased to be a scientific backwater. Now it is widely recognized as crucial for life as well as for understanding the basis of both cancer and aging. As in most scientific areas, hundreds of scientists working in different labs throughout the world had contributed to these discoveries, but the Nobel Prize can be shared by only three people at most, so the committee has the unenviable job of choosing the three most important to honor, not always without controversy. The prize also cannot be given posthumously, and, sadly, Dick Setlow had died a few months before it was announced, at the age of ninety-four.

        Over the years, scientists have isolated many different repair enzymes. Many of them are essentially the same in all life forms from bacteria to humans. DNA repair is so essential to life that it originated billions of years ago, before bacteria and higher organisms diverged. Maintaining the stability of the genome and its instructions is critical for the cell and demands constant surveillance and repair. You can think of these repair enzymes as the sentinels of our genome.

        Because DNA damage occurs all the time, any defect in the repair machinery itself is particularly disastrous because it means that the damage would accumulate rapidly. Not surprisingly, many mutations in the repair machinery have been linked to cancers: for example, mutations in the BRCA1 gene predispose women primarily to cancers of the breast and ovary. Defects in the repair machinery also cause aging, but because we are also more likely to develop cancer as we age, it is hard to separate out the two effects. Perhaps more than any single person, the Dutch scientist Jan Hoeijmakers has worked extensively to explore how DNA repair defects can age a person prematurely. One condition he has focused on is Cockayne syndrome, which manifests symptoms associated with aging, such as neurodegeneration, atherosclerosis, and osteoporosis. In females, defects in how the cell responds to DNA damage can affect the age at which menopause begins. Generally, the more effectively our bodies can repair our DNA, the more we can resist aging.

        WHEN A CELL SENSES SIGNIFICANT DNA damage, it triggers what is called the DNA damage response. This is not all good news: the damage response often has greater consequences for aging than the damage itself. Sometimes the cell will go into senescence, a state in which it is unable to divide further, and in extreme cases, the cell is triggered to commit suicide. It is odd to think that life would have evolved a mechanism to kill its own cells, but one individual cell among an organism’s billions is ultimately dispensable. If, however, that cell were allowed to become cancerous as a result of DNA damage, it could multiply and eventually kill the entire organism. Both cell death and senescent cells are important factors in aging, especially the latter, and we will have a lot more to say about them in later chapters. Suffice it to say here that the DNA damage response evolved to balance the risk between cancer and aging. It is one more mechanism that evolved to benefit us early in life, even if it costs us later, after we’ve already passed on our genes.

        At the heart of the damage response is a protein called p53, the product of the TP53 tumor suppressor gene. This protein is so essential that it is often called the Guardian of the Genome. Almost 50 percent of all cancers have a mutation in p53; in some forms of cancer, the rate is as high as 70 percent. Normally, p53 is bound to a partner protein and is inactive. It is also turned over rapidly in the cell, so it is made and then degraded all the time. When DNA damage is sensed, p53 is activated and starts to accumulate. It is also freed from its partner protein, springs into action, and turns on the expression of many genes; in this context, expression means the production of the functional protein from the information coded by the genes. Some of them are genes for DNA repair proteins. Others stop the cell from dividing to give DNA repair genes a chance to do their job. When the damage is too extensive, p53 can turn on genes that induce cell death.

        P53 may also hold the key to Peto’s paradox, an oddity observed in the 1970s by the British epidemiologist Richard Peto. Large animals such as elephants or whales can have a hundred times as many cells as we do. Even accounting for their slower metabolism, this means there is a much greater chance that one of their cells will mutate to become cancerous. Yet these large mammals are remarkably resistant to cancer and live almost as long or even longer than us. Humans inherit one copy of the gene for p53 from each of our parents, but it turns out that elephants have twenty copies. Therefore their cells are exquisitely sensitive to DNA damage and commit suicide when it is detected. Scientists are always worried about proving cause, so they wanted to find out what would happen if you increased the level of repair genes in other organisms. Curiously, in studies involving fruit flies, they found that repair gene overexpression did indeed increase longevity—but only if the genes were turned on throughout the fly’s entire life. If the repair genes weren’t activated until adulthood, there was no increase in life span.

        Some of the long-lived species we encountered in chapter 2, such as certain whales and giant tortoises, also have unusual variations in the numbers and types of tumor suppressor genes. Perhaps without this, they would have died of cancer at much younger ages. In general, there seems to be a powerful correlation between strong DNA repair genes and longevity. Humans and naked mole rats, which can live up to 120 and 30 years, respectively, have a higher expression of DNA repair genes and their pathways than do mice, which live only up to 3 or 4 years. It remains to be seen whether exceptionally long-lived people have unusually efficient DNA repair mechanisms.

        Paradoxically, many new cancer therapies work by inhibiting DNA repair. This is because cancer cells have defects in some of their repair machinery, so inhibiting other routes of repair closes off their options. Unable to repair their own DNA, the cancer cells die off. However, this is a short-term solution to combating aggressive cancers; normally, blocking DNA repair over an extended period could actually increase a person’s risk of both cancer and aging. Attempting to use our knowledge of DNA damage and repair to tackle aging is not straightforward because of the tricky interplay between aging and cancer.

        Even if it is difficult to use DNA repair to directly improve longevity, our knowledge of it underpins our understanding of virtually every process of aging. Genes ultimately control the entire process of life: when and how much of each protein we make; whether our cells continue to live or suddenly stop dividing; how well our cells sense nutrients in their surroundings and respond to them; and how different molecules and cells communicate with one another. Genes control our immune system, which must maintain the delicate balance of reacting to invading pathogens without inducing chronic inflammation.

        Direct damage to our DNA, and the cell’s seemingly paradoxical response to it, is only one of the ways our genetic program can be changed as to cause aging. For our DNA has two peculiarities. The first is that its end segments are special and protected, and the consequences of disrupting them are serious. The second is that the way our genome is used does not depend exclusively on the sequence of bases in the DNA itself. Our DNA exists as a tight complex with ancient proteins called histones, and both the DNA and its partner proteins can be altered by our environment to affect the way our genes are used. Our genome, it turns out, is not written in stone but can be modified on the fly.

        4. The Problem with Ends

        Over a century ago, a scientist in a New York laboratory peered at the cells he had cultivated in flasks and wondered whether he might have uncovered the secret of immortality.

        Alexis Carrel was a French surgeon who by then was already famous for having pioneered techniques to reconnect blood vessels that had been severed in an accident or an act of violence such as a stabbing. His method for joining blood vessels end to end with tiny, almost invisible sutures transformed many kinds of surgery, and is the basis of organ transplants even today. In 1904 Carrel left France for Montreal and then Chicago. Two years later, he moved to New York City to become one of the earliest investigators at the newly created Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research (now Rockefeller University). The institute offered an unparalleled environment for an ambitious scientist, including superb laboratories and sizable endowments. And the thirty-three-year-old Carrel certainly had ambitions.

        As a surgeon, Carrel dreamed of keeping tissues alive outside the human body. In the lab, we can grow cultures of bacteria or yeast indefinitely. Although individual bacteria or yeast can age and die, the culture continues to grow and is, in a sense, immortal. But that was not clear for cells and tissues from higher life forms such as us. At Rockefeller, Carrel began a long series of experiments to see whether a culture of cells from a tissue could be kept alive indefinitely. By placing the cells from the heart of a chicken embryo in a special flask, and steadily supplying them with nutrients, Carrel seemed to have made a breakthrough. The culture could be maintained for years. These cells, he claimed, were immortal.

        The discovery was reported with great fanfare. If cells from a tissue could be made immortal, journalists reasoned, then so could entire tissues and eventually us. An editorial in the July 1921 issue of Scientific American gushed, “Perhaps the day is not far away when most of us may reasonably anticipate a hundred years of life. And if a hundred, why not a thousand?”

        But Carrel was wrong.

        Initially, his work went unchallenged because of his stature, and, over the years, the immortality of cultured cells became dogma. That is, until three decades later, when a young scientist at the Wistar Institute in Philadelphia, Leonard Hayflick, wanted to see if cells would change when exposed to extracts from cancer cells. He decided to use Carrel’s method to grow human embryonic cells in culture. To his disappointment, he found he could not grow these cells indefinitely. Initially, Hayflick, a recent PhD in medical microbiology and chemistry, thought he must have made a mistake. Perhaps he hadn’t correctly prepared the nutrient broth or was washing his glassware improperly. But over the next three years, he carefully ruled out any technical problems and concluded that the prevailing theory was simply incorrect: normal human cells would not replicate indefinitely in culture. They were not immortal.

        Instead, Hayflick found that his cells would divide a finite number of times and then stop. In an ingenious experiment, he and his colleague Paul Moorhead took male cells that had already divided many times and mixed them with female cells that had divided only a few times. When they soon reached their limit, the male cells stopped dividing, while the female ones continued to grow to the point that they came to dominate the culture. Somehow the old cells remembered they were old, even when surrounded by young cells. They were not rejuvenated by the presence of the young cells, nor did they stop dividing because of some contaminating chemicals or viruses in the environment. Hayflick and Moorhead coined the term senescence to describe this state, in which the cells were arrested and could no longer divide further.

        Another junior scientist might have been nervous about challenging such established ideas, but not the confident Hayflick. He and Moorhead wrote up their results in a meticulously detailed thirty-seven-page paper and submitted it to the same journal in which Carrel had published his original findings. Because it went counter to the prevailing dogma, and perhaps because the editor was a colleague of Carrel’s and more inclined to trust him than some young unknown scientist, the paper was rejected but eventually published in Experimental Cell Research in 1961. It has since become a classic in the field. The number of times a particular kind of cell can divide is now called the Hayflick limit.

        How did Carrel get it so wrong? One possibility, suggested by Hayflick himself, is that the French scientist may have inadvertently introduced fresh cells into the culture each time he replenished the nutrient broth in which they were growing. Some have even suggested that fresh cells may have been incorporated deliberately, although this would be a case of either egregious misconduct or sabotage.

        My sneaking suspicion is that by the time Carrel worked on these cells, fame and power had gone to his head, and he had become arrogant and less self-critical about his research. This attitude manifested itself in other ways. In 1935 he published a book titled Man, the Unknown, which recommended sterilizing the unfit and gas chambers for criminals and the insane, and commented about the superiority of Nordic people over southern Europeans. In the preface to the book’s 1936 German edition, he praised the Nazi government of Adolf Hitler for its new eugenics program. Given Carrel’s stature, it is quite possible that the Nazis used his remarks as one justification for their activities. His plaque in Rockefeller University was recently corrected to reflect his views.

        Titia de Lange, a renowned biologist currently at the very same Rockefeller University, suggested a more straightforward explanation for Carrel’s results: the laboratory next door to Carrel’s was working with malignant tumors in domestic chickens, and these cancerous chicken cells might have contaminated Carrel’s cultures growing nearby. Cancer cells are the exception to the Hayflick limit: they don’t stop dividing after a certain number of divisions, and this uncontrolled growth is why cancer wreaks such havoc on the body.

        Why don’t cancer cells stop growing unlike the normal ones studied by Hayflick? And how can a cell keep count of the number of times it has divided and know when to stop?

        When a cell divides, each of the DNA molecules in our chromosomes has to be copied. Unlike bacteria, whose genome consists of a circular piece of DNA, the DNA in each of our forty-six chromosomes is linear. Like an arrow, each strand of the double-helical DNA molecule has a direction, and the two strands of the DNA molecule run in opposite directions. The complex machinery that copies each DNA molecule uses each strand as a guide to make the opposite or complementary strand, but it can do so only in one direction. In the early 1970s James Watson of DNA fame and a Russian molecular biologist named Alexey Olovnikov both noticed at about the same time that the way the cell’s machinery copies DNA would create a problem at the very ends of the molecule.

        One day, Olovnikov was obsessing over this idea while standing on the platform of a train station in Moscow. He imagined the train in front of him as the DNA polymerase enzyme that copies DNA, and the railway tracks as the DNA to be copied. He realized that the train would be able to copy the rail track ahead of it, but not the part that lay immediately under it. And because the train could go in only one direction, even if it started at the very end of the track, there would always be a section underneath the train that could not be copied. This failure to copy the very end of a DNA strand meant that each newly made strand would be just a little shorter than the original. With each cell division, the chromosomes would progressively shorten, until eventually they lost essential genes and could no longer divide, thereby reaching their Hayflick limit. The end replication problem, as this is known, could explain at least in principle why cells stopped dividing, although the real answer, as we will see, is more complex.

        A SEPARATE MYSTERY REMAINED UNANSWERED. Why didn’t the cell see the ends of chromosomes as breaks in the DNA and try to join them together? Why didn’t it induce some sort of DNA damage response?

        In the 1930s and 1940s, around the time that Hermann Muller was investigating how X-rays might damage chromosomes, a young scientist named Barbara McClintock was looking at the genetics of maize. At some point, she discovered the phenomenon of “jumping genes”: where genes hop from their position on DNA to a completely different position on the chromosome or even to a completely different chromosome.

        Even in the 1930s, both Muller and McClintock, working independently, noticed that there was something special about the ends of chromosomes. Unlike broken chromosome ends, which would often be joined up, the ends of intact chromosomes seemed to stay separate. Muller named the natural ends of chromosomes telomeres. He and McClintock both suggested that they had some special property that prevented them from being mistaken for breaks in the DNA and being joined with each other. This allowed chromosomes to be maintained stably as individual entities in cells instead of being combined randomly. But what made telomeres so special?

        Elizabeth Blackburn grew up along with her seven siblings and a large menagerie of pets in the small town of Launceston on the north coast of Tasmania, Australia. She became interested in science and majored in biochemistry at the University of Melbourne, where she had the good fortune to meet Fred Sanger, the famous biochemist who was visiting from England. Encouraged by this encounter, and at a time when there were few women in molecular biology, Blackburn went on to do her doctoral work in Sanger’s laboratory in Cambridge. Her timing couldn’t have been better, for Sanger had just figured out how to sequence DNA. And there was a second fortuitous event in her life: in Cambridge, she met her future husband, American John Sedat, who soon accepted a position at Yale University. As a result, she decided to join Joseph Gall’s lab at Yale for her postdoctoral research.

        Gall, a well-established cell biologist, was interested in chromosome structure, and Blackburn knew how to sequence DNA from her work with Sanger. They applied their combined expertise to identify the sequence of DNA specifically at the telomeres of chromosomes. Humans had a mere ninety-two telomeres in each cell; two for each of the forty-six chromosomes. This, they realized, was not enough material. Cleverly, they chose a single-celled organism called Tetrahymena, which in one phase of its life cycle has up to ten thousand small chromosomes. They found that the sequence of DNA at the telomeres of chromosomes was different not only from anything in the rest of the chromosomes but also from anything they’d ever seen before. TTGGGG (or the complementary CCCCAA on the other strand) was repeated anywhere from twenty to seventy times.

        Shortly after Blackburn had characterized these repeats, she encountered Jack Szostak, who was working at Harvard Medical School and was trying to insert artificial chromosomes into yeast. The idea was to introduce new genes into yeast through these artificial chromosomes, which would be replicated along with the yeast’s own chromosomes. For some reason, however, they were unstable. The yeast cells were seeing the ends of these artificial DNA molecules as breaks due to damage and setting off a response. Szostak and Blackburn collaborated to see what would happen if they tacked on the telomere sequence of the Tetrahymena chromosomes to the ends of Szostak’s artificial chromosomes. It worked like a charm: the modified artificial chromosomes were now stable in yeast. Szostak went on to characterize the telomeric DNA from yeast itself. It turned out to have a similar repeat to Tetrahymena. Instead of TTGGGG, the repeat was a combination of TG, TGG, or TGGG. From later work, we know now that in humans and other mammals, the repeat is TTAGGG.

        Somehow these short telomere sequences told the cell that they were special and should not be treated as ends of broken DNA. Amazingly, although Tetrahymena and yeast are separated by more than a billion years of evolution, the slightly different repeat sequence from Tetrahymena still works in yeast. This suggests a universal mechanism that protects the telomeres of chromosomes and depends on these repeated sequences.

        You could think of these repeated sequences as extra, dispensable material tagged on to the ends of chromosomes. Each time the chromosome replicated, it would lose some repeats, but it wouldn’t matter until you eventually lost them all and started losing important genes near the ends of chromosomes. It could explain why cells divided only a certain number of times before they reached the Hayflick limit and stopped.

        Even though this explained some things in principle, it still left several basic questions unanswered. What added these telomeric sequences? And why can some cells divide many more times than the Hayflick limit, such as cancer cells or our own germ-line cells?

        The first big advance toward answering these questions came when Blackburn, who was now running her own lab at the University of California, San Francisco, was joined by a graduate student, Carol Greider. The two of them discovered an enzyme that adds the telomeric repeat sequences to the ends of chromosomes. They named it telomerase.

        Cells from most tissues make very little or no telomerase, but cancer cells and some special cells such as germ-line cells do. Without telomerase, our telomeres get shorter and shorter with age until the cell is triggered into senescence and stops dividing. By contrast, cells with telomerase can simply rebuild their telomeres after each division and thus divide indefinitely. Even introducing telomerase into normal cells can extend their life spans.

        As is often the case in biology, it is not quite this simple. Cells lose much more DNA during each division than Watson and Olovnikov would have predicted. Moreover, they stop dividing even before all of the telomeric region is lost. And finally, even if telomeres have a special sequence, it still wasn’t clear why the cell didn’t see them as breaks in the DNA and turn on its DNA damage response.

        It turns out that the telomeric ends have a special structure in which one DNA strand extends beyond the other. This longer strand loops back and forms a special structure with the help of special proteins collectively called shelterin, because they shelter and protect the ends of the DNA. This crucial structure is why the cell doesn’t recognize the ends of chromosomes as double-strand breaks. A loss or deficiency in shelterin can be lethal, and even moderately defective shelterin can lead to chromosome abnormalities and premature aging, even when the telomeres are of normal length.

        When enough of the telomere DNA is lost, these special structures cannot form. The cell then sees the unprotected ends of the DNA as breaks and sets off the damage response, instructing other cells to either commit suicide or go into senescence. We still don’t know how or why some cells, like the ones Leonard Hayflick studied, go into senescence while others self-destruct. Perhaps cells that are especially important for maintaining or regenerating tissues—such as stem cells—preferentially commit suicide to avoid passing on damaged DNA to their offspring.

        This is all very well for understanding cells in culture, but does this have anything to do with why we age? Or our life spans? And why is telomerase switched off in most of our cells? If we switched it on again, would we simply stop aging?

        People with defective telomerase, or who have less than the normal amount of it, prematurely develop a number of diseases associated with old age. Likewise, a stressful life can often make us appear to age faster. We look haggard, and even our hair can turn prematurely gray or white. Stress can also bring on many of the diseases we associate with old age. Stress has multiple effects on our physiology, and exactly how it affects the aging process is complex. But one of the things it does is to accelerate telomere shortening. When we are stressed, our body produces much more cortisol—referred to as the stress hormone—which reduces telomerase activity.

        You might expect that species with longer telomeres would live longer, but mice, which typically live only about two years in the lab and much less in the wild, have much longer telomeres than we do. So it may be that the shortening of their telomeres occurs more rapidly. Nevertheless, if you reactivate telomerase in mice that are deficient in the enzyme, you can reverse the tissue degeneration that occurs with aging. According to a number of studies, mice engineered to have even longer telomeres showed fewer symptoms of aging and lived longer. Presumably, starting off with much longer telomeres compensated for their more rapid shortening in mice.

        Based on studies like these, many biotech companies are introducing the gene for telomerase into cells or using drugs to activate the telomerase gene that already exists. Some of them are working on how to turn on the enzyme transiently, to avoid the potential problem of triggering cancer by having telomerase switched on permanently. Initially, many of these experiments are focusing on specific diseases where aberrant telomere shortening is thought to be the cause. But the efficacy and long-term consequences of these strategies remain unknown.

        When telomerase was discovered, it stirred a lot of excitement in cancer research. Since cancer cells had activated telomerase, scientists thought of it as an anti-cancer target—if you could inhibit it or turn it off, you might kill cancer cells. On the other hand, turning it off could potentially accelerate the shortening of telomeres, which could not only lead to premature aging or other diseases, but by disrupting our telomeres, lead to chromosome rearrangements, which, ironically, could itself cause cancer. There seems to be a delicate balance between telomere loss and aging on the one hand and increased risk of cancer on the other, and it may be that our normal process of switching off telomerase in most of our cells is actually a mechanism to suppress cancer early in life. This balancing act is also apparent from a study showing that people with short telomeres are prone to degenerative diseases, including organ failure, fibrosis, and other symptoms of aging. On the other hand, those with long telomeres face increased risks of melanoma, leukemia, and other cancers. This suggests that we have some way to go before tinkering with telomerase can be a viable strategy for either cancer or aging.

        In the last two chapters, we’ve talked about how genes contain the program to control the complex process of life. In chapter 5, we will see how even allowing for changes from damage to DNA or to our telomeres, the script of life written in our DNA is not fixed. It is modified and adapted on the fly, depending on its history and environment. The ability to annotate the script, much like a conductor would a score or a film director would a screenplay, is the basis of some of the most fundamental processes of life, including how an entire animal develops from a single cell. When the annotation goes awry, that too is a fundamental cause of disease and aging.

        5. Resetting the Biological Clock

        On June 26, 2000, President Bill Clinton and British prime minister Tony Blair, each flanked by some of the world’s most distinguished scientists, linked up via satellite to make a carefully choreographed announcement of “another great Anglo-American partnership.” The occasion was the publication of the draft sequence of the entire human genome: the precise order of bases in nearly all of our DNA.

        Excitement over this milestone was unanimous across the belief spectrum. Clinton said, “Today we are learning the language in which God created life,” while Richard Dawkins, the evolutionary biologist and passionate atheist, said, “Along with Bach’s music, Shakespeare’s sonnets, and the Apollo space program, the Human Genome Project is one of those achievements of the human spirit that makes me proud to be human.”

        Other scientists and the popular press gushed with similarly hyperbolic statements. The identification of every human gene would make possible new treatments against diseases and usher in a new era of truly personalized medicine. If we sequenced the genes of individuals, some suggested, we would be able to understand their fate in detail: their strengths and weaknesses, aptitudes and talents, susceptibility to disease, how quickly they would age, and how long they would survive.

        The announcement ceremony was the culmination of a long and difficult path. For many years, an international consortium of scientists, mostly in the United States and the United Kingdom, and funded by government sources or biomedical charities such as the Wellcome Trust, had made slow but steady progress, releasing bits of sequence as they went along. They were called the public consortium because they received substantial public funding and had pledged to make their data available to all.

        Then, in the early 1990s, J. Craig Venter, who had made his name by producing the first complete sequence of a bacterium, Haemophilus influenzae, entered the fray. Venter was something of a maverick in the field. He played the part of the American entrepreneur and capitalist, sailing around the world in his yacht, often flying by private jet. On one of the few occasions I saw him, he jetted into a meeting at the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Darwin’s On the Origin of Species, gave his talk, and left immediately because he clearly must have had more important things to do—unlike me, who stayed for the rest of the weeklong conference. Venter had already caused a huge fracas in the science community when he worked at the U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH)—the large government biomedical research laboratories in Bethesda, Maryland—by attempting to patent pieces of human DNA sequences to allow their commercial exploitation for treatment and diagnosis. The decision by NIH to green-light this led James Watson to resign as the first director of the agency’s National Center for Human Genome Research. Although the NIH had filed the patents in his name, Venter said later that he was always against them.

        Venter felt that the public consortium was too slow and that the method he had used for sequencing the million bases of a bacterium could be scaled up to sequence the roughly 3 billion bases in the human genome at much lower cost. So he started a private company, Celera, to do just that. Of course, Venter wasn’t above using the large portions of the human genome that had already been sequenced by the public consortium before he entered the race. Many in the human genome community were outraged by Venter’s audacity and were determined to ensure that the human genome, and, indeed, all other natural genomes, were not patented for the benefit of a private company but freely available to humanity.

        One detractor was John Sulston, one of the leaders of the public consortium. Sulston presented a marked contrast to Venter. Despite his considerable fame and influence, the British scientist continued to dress in the sandals and other shabby attire reminiscent of a 1960s hippie. He lived in the same modest house and commuted to his lab on his ancient bicycle. A particularly passionate advocate of the genome being free for use by all, Sulston was sharply critical of Venter’s motives and contributions. In the run-up to the completion of the draft sequence, relations between members of the public consortium and Venter became so acrimonious that President Clinton had to intervene personally to get them to politely share the stage at the announcement.

        Despite all the hoopla, the draft sequence that Clinton and Blair announced was just the beginning. Large sections of the genome were still missing, especially regions consisting of repeating letters and thus difficult to sequence, and scientists had to figure out how some stretches of DNA actually fit together. The sequence was declared finished three years later, although, in reality, even today a few gaps remain, including on the Y chromosome, the male sex chromosome. (Women have two X chromosomes; men, one X and one Y.)

        The human genome sequence is often called “the book of life,” but this is somewhat misleading. In reality, even a perfectly complete sequence would be more like one long unpunctuated stream of text than a book. It would have no markings to denote individual chapters, paragraphs, or even sentences, nor cross-references to provide context. It would certainly be nothing at all like a well-edited encyclopedia in which you could look up your favorite gene and learn all about it and its relationship to everything else. And frankly, a lot of it was indecipherable. Only about 2 percent of our DNA actually codes for the proteins that carry out much of life’s functions. The rest consists of what biologists once dismissed as “junk DNA”; they now increasingly think it is important, but don’t fully understand how or why.

        Initially, scientists didn’t even know where a lot of the protein-coding genes were, because the signals that indicate where a gene starts and ends on the DNA are not always obvious. They are made even harder to discern by the presence of what are called pseudogenes: regions that once might have coded for proteins but are no longer expressed or functional. Many pseudogenes originated from viruses that inserted their own genes into our DNA. Finally, even knowing the sequence of a gene does not automatically reveal its function. Nevertheless, sequencing the genome was an immensely useful start. It allowed us to ask questions and conduct experiments that would have been unthinkable before. It was a watershed in biology.

        You might also think that the book of life would be able to tell us accurately how each of our individual stories develops and ultimately ends. After all, DNA is the carrier of all genetic information, the master controller that oversees biological processes. Shouldn’t knowing its entire sequence enable us to predict how an organism or cell will develop? Certainly mutations in individual genes have been associated with many diseases; examples include cystic fibrosis, breast cancer, Tay-Sachs disease, and sickle-cell anemia. But on the whole, biology is just not that deterministic.

        Identical twins belie the view of DNA as destiny. They share the same genes and are often strikingly similar even when separated at birth. That’s not surprising. What is surprising is that identical twins raised in the same environment can sometimes be very different, even when it comes to conditions with a strong genetic basis, such as schizophrenia.

        Every one of us is a living testament to the fact that DNA by itself does not determine fate. All of our cells are descended from a single cell, the fertilized egg, and as that cell divides, it produces new cells, each one containing the same genes. Yet these genes give rise to a multitude of different cells. A skin cell is very different from a neuron, or a muscle cell, or a white blood cell. As we know, different genes are turned on and off in response to changes in the environment. It makes sense, then, that as different cells find themselves in slightly different circumstances, they change which genes they express and go down different paths to form the various tissues in the body. Importantly, you cannot reverse this process—even if you try to culture these different cells in exactly the same medium, they maintain their identity, as though the cells still remember which tissue they came from.

        This suggests that some more permanent change has occurred in the genetic program of the cells as a result of their environment. The study of this change is known as epigenetics, from the Greek prefix epi-, for “above,” to imply there was a second layer of control on top of our genes. The term was coined by the British polymath and professor of animal genetics Conrad Waddington in 1942. Waddington described the process in terms of a landscape. The original fertilized egg, he said, was like a ball on top of a mountain. Its progeny rolled down different paths into the various ravines and valleys at the foot of the mountain, each valley representing a different type of cell. Once there, it would be impossible to roll back up to the top or to roll up the ridge and down into a neighboring valley. In other words, once a cell had settled down into its final type, it couldn’t change into a different type; a skin cell could not become a lymphocyte, a type of white blood cell. Nor could a skin cell reverse its fate and become a fertilized egg to give rise to an entirely new body.

        Initially, Waddington was vilified by many as a Lamarckian, or someone who, like the evolutionary biologist Lamarck, believed that acquired characteristics could be inherited, an idea discredited by Darwin and Wallace’s theory of evolution by natural selection. Waddington’s theory seemed to imply that our environment affected our genes in some irreversible way. Even for those who accepted his ideas, they raised questions. At what point did the cell have its genome so altered that it could no longer direct the development of an entire organism? And how far down Waddington’s mountain could a ball roll and still somehow go back to the top?

        During Waddington’s time, we did not even know that DNA was the genetic material, let alone its structure or how it stored genetic information. But it was known already that the fertilized egg, or zygote, was a very special cell: it had the right genetic material, and its cytoplasm, the internal material of the cell, seemed to have everything needed for kick-starting the process of developing into a new organism. The fertilized egg is said to be totipotent, meaning that it can develop into all the cell types needed to make a new animal, including its body and placenta. After a few divisions, the embryo reaches a stage called the blastocyst, which has a couple of hundred cells surrounding a fluid-filled cavity. The outer cells go on to form the placental sac, while the inner cells develop into everything else that forms the new animal. Those inner cells that develop into every cell in the body are called pluripotent.

        Waddington’s metaphorical mountain shows the development of special cell types from a pluripotent stem cell.
        Development of a blastocyst from the fertilization of an egg.

        Was the special property of the fertilized egg a result of its genome or its environment? If the latter, could you take a nucleus containing the genes from a highly specialized cell, put it into an egg that had its own nucleus removed, and make it totipotent so that it developed into a normal animal? This was precisely the question that Robert Briggs and Thomas King at the Institute for Cancer Research and Lankenau Hospital Research Institute in Philadelphia sought to answer. In 1952 they tried this with the northern leopard frog (Rana pipiens), as frog eggs are large and transparent, and thus easy to manipulate under a microscope. Briggs and King found that if they took nuclei from cells in the blastocyst stage of the embryo and introduced them into enucleated eggs, the eggs could develop normally into tadpoles. But if they took nuclei from cells at a later stage of development, the egg would develop partly and then stop and die. By a relatively early stage of development, then, an embryo’s cells are already committed to their program. They are too far down Waddington’s metaphorical hill and can’t go all the way back to the top.

        At this time, scientists simply did not know whether specialized cells had lost parts of their genome that were essential for growing an entire animal from scratch, or whether there was something else about them that prevented their development beyond a certain stage. Then along came a young scientist who would carry out one of the most famous experiments in modern biology.

        WHEN I FIRST MET JOHN GURDON, I was immediately struck by his shock of golden hair that gave him a leonine appearance. By then, he was a world-renowned scientist in his seventies who worked in the institute named after him in central Cambridge, England, about three miles from my lab. Despite his stature in the world of science, he was unassuming and courteous to everyone, from a beginning graduate student to his senior colleagues. Long after many scientists would have retired, Gurdon remained passionate about science and carried out his own experiments. But his career had a rocky start.

        Gurdon hailed from an aristocratic family whose Norman ancestor came with William the Conqueror in the 1066 invasion of England. Like many boys from privileged families, he went to Eton, the prestigious boarding school, at the age of thirteen. His time there did not begin well, for his biology teacher wrote a damning report at the end of his first science course. With the random capitalization that was already a couple of centuries out of date except in certain quarters of the British establishment, it said, “I believe he has ideas about becoming a Scientist; on his present showing, this is quite ridiculous, if he can’t learn simple Biological facts he would have no chance of doing the work of a Specialist, and it would be sheer waste of time, both on his part, and those who have to teach him.” Gurdon was not allowed to take any more science courses. He studied languages instead.

        Nevertheless, Gurdon had a strong interest in biology and nature from childhood and was not so easily dissuaded. Fortunately for science, his parents were supportive and able to help him. Although they had already forked out several years’ worth of expensive tuition fees to Eton, they paid for him to study biology with a private tutor for an additional year after he had graduated. In an unusual arrangement, he was then admitted to the University of Oxford on the condition that he first pass exams in basic physics, chemistry, and biology in a preliminary year. Gurdon survived the ordeal, began his undergraduate studies in zoology, and went on to begin research for a PhD with Michael Fischberg, who was also at Oxford. This was just four years after Briggs and King’s experiment with frogs.

        Fischberg suggested that Gurdon try to repeat their experiment but using a different kind of amphibian: the African clawed frog (Xenopus laevis). Referred to originally as a toad, it was first brought to the attention of biologists by Lancelot Hogben, a peripatetic British scientist who moved from England to Canada and then, in 1927, became a professor at the University of Cape Town in South Africa. While there, Hogben began studying the frog because of its chameleonlike properties. The clawed frog became a favorite model organism in embryology; not only were its eggs large like those of the frogs that Briggs and King had studied, but also it had a short life cycle and could be triggered by external hormones to lay eggs any time of the year.

        After overcoming some technical difficulties, Gurdon finally pulled off an experiment using Xenopus laevis that would revolutionize the world of biology. He was able to take the nucleus from one of the cells lining the intestine of a tadpole and insert it into an egg whose own nucleus had been inactivated by subjecting it to a large dose of UV radiation. The resulting egg developed into a complete tadpole, suggesting that the intestinal cell nucleus had all of the information needed for development that an egg nucleus had. To rule out the possibility that the egg’s own nucleus had not been completely inactivated, Gurdon was careful to use two distinguishable strains of Xenopus for the cell that donated the nucleus and the egg that received it. There was no doubt that the donor nucleus had given rise to the tadpole. In fact, since the genes of the new tadpole were identical to those of the donor that contributed the nucleus, it was a clone of the parent. This was the first time that someone had taken the nucleus from the cell of a fully developed animal to clone an entirely new animal.

        Gurdon’s work had a tremendous impact almost immediately. He had demonstrated that the nucleus of a somatic cell of a fully developed animal was capable of directing the development of an entirely new animal—which would be a clone of the animal that donated the nucleus. It meant that a somatic cell could be made to go backward in development; in fact, all the way back to the top of Waddington’s mountain. It could reverse the aging clock and start all over again to grow into a new animal. It also meant that cells that had developed into specialized tissues such as intestines retained all their genes. They were specialized not because they had preferentially lost genes but because they had somehow modified which genes would be turned on or off in each case.

        Eventually other researchers reproduced Gurdon’s experiments with different species, but the procedure was not performed on mammals until 1996. Scientists at the Roslin Institute, outside Edinburgh, cloned a sheep named Dolly from a cell taken from the mammary gland of an adult animal. The news generated huge headlines around the world. There was widespread discussion of the ethics of cloning, with concerns ranging from animal welfare to a brave new world in which rich people who wanted to live on would clone themselves or a loved one they had lost. (Apparently the absurdity inherent in this was also lost.) Today cloning has been successful in a wide range of animals, although for obvious ethical reasons, it is internationally forbidden to attempt it in humans.

        In spite of all the excitement, Gurdon’s early experiments were quite inefficient: only a small fraction of the nuclear transplantations actually worked. Others failed right away or developed into defective embryos that stopped growing and died. And in the sixty years since Gurdon’s original experiments and the more than twenty-five years since Dolly, scientists have toiled painstakingly to improve the efficiency of cloning; nevertheless, it remains an inefficient technique. Nature’s way of creating offspring works far better.

        ONE OF THE BIG PROBLEMS with being human as opposed to, say, a starfish, is that we cannot generally regenerate our tissues. We cannot grow a new arm if one gets cut off. Soon after the first nuclear transplantation experiments, scientists began wondering whether the following might be the solution: Could you make these early embryonic cells grow on command into any type of tissue you wanted, such as heart muscle, neurons, or pancreatic cells? If that ever became a practical option, it would have enormous potential for medicine. Moreover, the deterioration of our tissues is one of the major problems we face as we age, and you could think of regenerating and rejuvenating them.

        We might not be able to regrow a limb, but we already have the ability to regenerate certain kinds of tissue. Every time you cut or scrape yourself, your body creates new skin. Donate blood, and your body simply makes more. How does the body do this? While many of our cells are what we call terminally differentiated—they have reached a final state and will simply carry out their assigned tasks until they die—other, highly specialized cells are responsible for producing new cells to regenerate aging tissues. We call them stem cells.

        Stem cells can be at many stages themselves. Many of them are already quite a way down Waddington’s mountain, capable of developing into only a few different cell types. For example, hematopoietic stem cells in our bone marrow can generate all the major cells in our blood, including red blood cells and the cells of our immune system. But they can’t become liver cells or heart muscle cells. However, the inner cells of the early embryo are pluripotent stem cells that can develop into every cell type in the body.

        Scientists have been able to take these embryonic stem cells, or ES cells, maintain them in culture, and then alter conditions to nudge them into developing into one tissue type or another. Being able to grow ES cells in culture solved the problem of having to extract them from fresh embryos each time and fueled an explosive growth in stem cell research. However, the ultimate source of ES cells was still embryos, which would often be obtained from aborted fetuses, raising ethical questions and regulatory scrutiny. For some time, federal grants in the US could not be used to pay for research involving human ES cells, and labs had to clearly separate areas that were federally funded from those that were not.

        It seemed almost miraculous that you could take any adult cell and coax it into developing into any tissue you wanted, let alone into an entirely new animal. What is it about stem cells, especially pluripotent stem cells, that makes them different from most cells in our body?

        Molecular biologists had begun to identify transcription factors: proteins that regulate gene expression—that is, turning genes on or off, and by how much. The name comes from their control over whether a particular gene on DNA is “transcribed” into mRNA, which is then read to make the appropriate protein. Stem cells contained a large number of active transcription factors, some of which were needed to keep them growing in the laboratory. It was hypothesized that perhaps a newly fertilized egg possessed similar transcription factors that allowed it to develop into a new animal. Some of these same factors were also active in cancer cells, which can proliferate indefinitely.

        Such was the state of affairs in the late 1990s, when a Japanese scientist, Shinya Yamanaka, turned his attention to the matter. Yamanaka was born in 1962, the same year as John Gurdon’s successful cloning of a frog. He began his career as a surgeon, influenced partly by his father, an engineer who ran a small factory in the city of Higashi-Osaka. Yamanaka’s enthusiasm for surgery soon waned, however: not only did he begin to lose confidence in his skills but also he came to see surgery as limited in terms of being able to treat many patients with intractable conditions such as rheumatoid arthritis and spinal cord injuries. Instead, Yamanaka thought, he ought to spend his life working as a basic scientist to find ways to cure them. He earned a PhD in Osaka and went on to postdoctoral research at the Gladstone Institute of Cardiovascular Diseases in San Francisco.

        By the time Yamanaka returned to Japan to establish his own lab in the late 1990s, scientists knew that ES cells expressed quite a few transcription factors. If you turned on some or all of these factors in a normal cell, would you be able to trick it into behaving like a stem cell? Yamanaka and his student Kazutoshi Takahashi hoped so. They identified twenty-four factors that might be responsible for the pluripotent property of ES cells, and systematically introduced them into fibroblast cells found in skin and connective tissue—the same cells that Hayflick had attempted to culture. By experimenting with transcription factors in various combinations, they found that just four were enough to convert an adult fibroblast cell into a pluripotent cell.

        As a result of Yamanaka’s work, we no longer need to harvest cells from embryos to generate pluripotent cells; we can make them from other adult cells. The pluripotent cells made using Yamanaka factors are called induced pluripotent cells or iPS cells. The increased ease of generating iPS cells has led to an even greater explosion in the field of stem cells. Scientists are constantly improving both the efficiency and safety of the process, as well as becoming increasingly sophisticated in determining the paths that the stem cells can take.

        REMARKABLE AS THESE ADVANCES ARE, they don’t tell us exactly what is happening to our genome that makes cells behave so differently even though they all have the same DNA. Why do different cells have such different genetic programs? And why do cells remain true to type, so that one cell type doesn’t suddenly change into a different one? Even stem cells that are responsible for generating blood cells don’t start producing neurons or skin cells.

        Each cell carries genes that are always expressed because every cell needs them. They’re referred to as housekeeping genes. But for other genes, which ones are turned on and which are kept switched off depends very much on what that particular cell needs. How does the cell control this process? You just read about transcription factors, proteins that control which genes are actively expressed or repressed. One of the first and simplest examples of such a factor was discovered in exploring how the bacterium E. coli digests the simple sugar lactose. Ordinarily, E. coli doesn’t encounter lactose, so it does not constantly make the enzymes necessary to digest it. Instead, it operates on an as-needed basis: when the bacterium senses lactose, it turns on the genes tasked with turning out the appropriate enzymes. As soon as there is no more lactose around, it shuts down those genes. It is a simple and elegant way to switch genes on or off in response to a change in the environment. A good deal of gene regulation works exactly like that, by controlling transcription in response to a stimulus. It is seldom as simple as the lactose case, and usually involves a complicated network where genes that are activated in turn activate or switch off other genes, which affect even more genes.

        With E. coli, you can reverse the response to lactose simply by removing lactose from the culture. But if you took a skin cell and put it into, say, a liver, it wouldn’t suddenly start behaving like a liver cell. The transcription factors of a skin cell and a liver cell are different; in addition, the cell has a way of ensuring that some changes in the genetic program persist for a long time, which involves rewiring the code on DNA itself.

        So far, we have thought of DNA as a simple four-letter script containing all the information to make the proteins that carry out various essential functions. But even before the structure of DNA was known, scientists understood that a small fraction of its four bases, A, T, C, and G (or U, the equivalent of T in RNA), had extra chemical groups attached to the base. In the early days, nobody knew what these modifications were for.

        Today we know that many of them act as extra tags that serve as signals for whether a gene should be kept switched on or off over the longer term. The most common of these is the addition of methyl (-CH3) group to cytosine, the C base in DNA. When Cs at the right place are methylated in this way, the genes just ahead of them are kept switched off.

        As cells develop, they will methylate their DNA in the region of genes they want to shut down, and leave unmethylated those regions that contain genes they need to actively use. So cells that differentiate into skin cells will have a different methylation pattern from, say, neurons.

        You might expect that when cells divide and their DNA copied, the patterns of methylation would be lost because you’re making the new DNA with fresh building blocks, but the cell has an ingenious way of restoring the methylation pattern of the parent cell. What this means is that the exact pattern of methylation can be passed on to the daughter cell when a cell divides, so genes that are shut off in a particular cell lineage remain shut off. The flip side of this also occurs: there are demethylases that remove methyl groups, which then allow those genes to be turned back on. Apart from using transcription factors, modifying the DNA itself in this way offers a completely additional level of control over which genes are turned on and off. It is also a method of ensuring that these changes can be passed on to the next generation of cells. These modifications of DNA alter the way our genes are used. They are called epigenetic marks or changes because they are the molecular explanation for the phenomenon of epigenetics that Conrad Waddington had first described.

        These epigenetic marks not only persist and even increase as we age—they can even be passed across generations. Toward the end of World War II, between September 1944 and May 1945, the Netherlands suffered from a devastating famine that would claim the lives of more than 20,000 people. A later study showed that despite the relatively brief duration of the famine, the children of women who were pregnant during the mass starvation suffered adverse physical and mental health consequences throughout their lives. They experienced higher rates of obesity, diabetes, and schizophrenia, and had a higher mortality than children who were not in utero during the famine. The effects were even different depending on whether the famine occurred in the early or late stages of pregnancy. Comparing the DNA of subjects who had experienced starvation in utero with those of their older and younger siblings was revealing: the famine had imposed on the fetus a methylation pattern that had consequences over the course of its life and accelerated both aging-related diseases and mortality. It is a striking example of how an external stress can cause epigenetic changes to DNA that last a lifetime.

        IF THAT ISN’T COMPLICATED ENOUGH for you, just wait: DNA isn’t present in cells as a naked molecule. Rather, it is heavily coated with proteins called histones, and this mixture of proteins and DNA is called chromatin. These histones help us understand how all of our DNA can fit into a cell’s tiny nucleus. If you could stretch out the DNA in a cell, it would measure approximately two meters (six and a half feet). The nucleus, in contrast, is only microns in diameter—or about a million times smaller. Histones are positively charged and neutralize the negative charges on the phosphate groups of the DNA. By doing so, they allow DNA to condense into a highly compacted form.

        The first level of DNA compaction is the nucleosome, in which DNA is wound around a ball-like core consisting of eight histone proteins. The nucleosomes further organize themselves into filaments that are then woven back and forth until it all fits comfortably in the nucleus. When cells divide, the duplicated chromosomes have to move into each daughter cell, and just as you would cram the belongings from your entire household into a truck before you move, chromosomes are most compact just before cell division. That is when they have the familiar X shape that we see in most popular images of chromosomes. But for most of the life of the cell, chromatin is much more extended.

        The problem with compacting chromatin is that the cell needs to be able to access information on the DNA when needed. It’s like owning a large collection of books but not having sufficient space in your home to have all of them within easy reach. You might box most of them and store them in the attic but keep the books you’re currently reading or planning to read soon easily accessible on a bookshelf or piled on your nightstand. The cell too has to make sure that appropriate regions of chromatin are accessible, even if it wants to shut down much of it. It does so by tagging histones by adding certain chemical groups to them. Just as with methyl groups on DNA, there are enzymes that add these histone tags and others that take them off. Tags on histones can act as a signal for the cell to recruit other proteins to that region and either inactivate chromatin or open it up, so they too act as epigenetic marks. With histones, one common tag is called an acetyl group, and the enzymes that add them to histones are called histone acetylases.

        In general, DNA methylation and histone acetylation exert opposite effects. DNA methylation usually silences the gene that follows the methylated region, while histone acetylation signals that the gene is to be actively transcribed. Both can be reversed by the action of demethylases or deacetylases.

        What both modifications do is to overlay on top of the DNA sequence itself a second and longer-lasting way of modifying the program of a particular cell. They allow cells to maintain a stable identity as neurons, skin cells, or heart muscle cells. As a cell develops from the fertilized egg, different epigenetic marks must be laid down as it develops into different cell types.

        WE ALL KNOW THAT PEOPLE age at different rates. Some people look old at fifty, while others are remarkably youthful into their eighties. Some of this comes down to genetics, but aging can also be accelerated by stress and hardship. From the moment we are conceived, our cells don’t just acquire mutations in the DNA affecting the underlying code itself. They also acquire epigenetic marks. As we saw with the Dutch famine survivors, some of those marks are the result of environmental stress.

        Steve Horvath, while working at the University of California, Los Angeles, was not interested in epigenetics, believing it to be too messy, indirect, and unlikely to show much useful connection to aging. But one day, a colleague was collecting saliva from identical twins who differed in sexual orientation, and he wanted Horvath to help him see if there were any epigenetic differences between them. Horvath is a twin; his brother is gay, while he is heterosexual. In the spirit of scientific inquiry, they contributed some of their own spit to the study. When they looked at the methylation of cytosines, they found absolutely no relationship between the pattern and sexual orientation.

        But Horvath now had a lot of data from twins of various ages. He decided to mine it further to see what else he could learn. He discovered a very strong correlation between the DNA methylation pattern and age. He then looked at cells in other tissues and correlated the methylation pattern with actual markers of aging—for example, the sort of things your doctor would analyze from your blood, such as liver and kidney function. He was able to identify 513 sites of methylation that could predict not only mortality but also cancers, health span, and the risk of developing Alzheimer’s disease.

        These patterns help scientists approach a fundamental problem. People age biologically at different rates, so how do you measure aging? Methylation patterns are like a biological clock; in fact, they are more accurate than chronological age alone at predicting age-related diseases and mortality. Many other research groups developed their own methylation clocks with slightly different markers, all correlating well with biological age. Still, as Horvath and his colleagues themselves point out, these clocks are useful for research but are not yet a substitute for tests that measure loss of physiological function or provide early diagnosis of diseases.

        We don’t think of young children as aging; in fact, throughout much of childhood and adolescence, they become stronger and their odds of dying decline. But it turns out that while the methylation patterns reverse very early in the embryo, suggesting a resetting of the clock or a rejuvenation, from that point on, methylation follows an inexorable pattern. So we age from even before we are born! Similarly, the long-lived naked mole rat is thought not to age because its risk of dying doesn’t increase with time. In fact, its methylation pattern shows that it does age, just more slowly than other rodents.

        For an extreme example of the effect of epigenetics on longevity, look no further than a beehive. Bees, like ants, have a queen that can live many times longer than other bees that share exactly the same genes: queen honeybees live two to three years, while worker bees die after only about six weeks. This is partly because once the queen is selected, she is treated very differently. She is kept deep in the hive, pampered and protected against predators, whereas worker bees and ants must go out and risk their lives foraging for food. She is fed an exclusive diet of royal jelly, which has a different composition and a much higher nutritional value than the ordinary nectar and honey that worker bees live on. But the impact of these factors goes deeper. Something about her diet and stress-free environment results in her having different epigenetic marks from worker bees, and she ages at a far slower pace.

        The question of why epigenetic marks should cause aging is complicated. The patterns are associated with an increase in inflammatory pathways and a decrease in pathways for making RNA and proteins as well as DNA repair, so it is easy to see how they might result in aging.

        The epigenetic changes also seem to occur on a timetable. This doesn’t mean that aging itself is programmed. It could simply be that the epigenetic changes take place when they are needed at some stage, but they are not switched off when their work is done because evolution doesn’t care what happens to you after you have passed on your genes. By shutting down many genes in a stable way, epigenetics may also prevent cells from becoming cancerous early in life. Like telomere loss, and the response to DNA damage, this may be yet another example of the trade-off between preventing cancer and preventing aging.

        It is also possible that many epigenetic changes are not programmed but caused by random changes in the environment. Remember the case of identical twins? Those epigenetic changes in their DNA diverge right from birth, so while they still have largely the same DNA sequence, they acquire very different epigenetic marks.

        CAN THE AGING CLOCK EVER run backward? Yes, and it has happened to every single one of us: at conception, when the aging clock is reset to zero. When a forty-year-old woman gives birth, that newborn is not twenty years older than a baby born to a twenty-year-old woman. Even though the germ-line cells are older in the forty-year-old woman, both children start at the same age. The aging that takes place in the parents is reset in the child.

        We have evolved at least three ways to reset the aging clock. The first is that germ-line cells have superior DNA repair and accumulate fewer mutations than somatic cells do.

        Second: the egg and the sperm each undergo a rigorous selection process prior to fertilization. A woman produces all the eggs she will ever have while she is still a fetus. These number perhaps a few million to start with but are down to about a million by the time she is born. By puberty, this number drops to about a quarter million, and by the time a woman is thirty, only about 25,000 eggs remain. However, a mere 500 of those eggs get used up by ovulation during the menstrual cycle over a woman’s lifetime. With sperm, this ratio is even more dramatic: males produce millions of sperm cells from puberty on. So there is a huge surplus of both eggs and sperm. Why? Prior to ovulation—that monthly event in which the ovary releases one mature egg, or ovum, into the fallopian tube for the purpose of potentially being fertilized—the eggs in the ovary are somehow inspected and destroyed if damage is detected. Only those that pass the test make it to ovulation. As damage is likely to increase with age, this might explain why the egg count drops precipitously and the chance of becoming pregnant decreases. Perhaps the monitoring process also becomes less effective, since genetic defects in the baby also increase with the age of the mother.

        Similarly, sperm cells may undergo selection as well, and a sperm must swim and outcompete all the millions of others to be the first one to fertilize the egg. Even after fertilization, many embryos are rejected early in development if they are sensed as being defective. And even within an embryo that is developing normally overall, there is competition to eliminate abnormal cells. The process isn’t perfect, but nature has done its best to ensure that our offspring are free of our own cellular damage and aging.

        The third method for resetting the aging clock is to actually reprogram the genome. Immediately after impregnation, the fertilized ovum, or zygote, temporarily bears two nuclei (pronuclei): one from the mother and the other contributed by the father. The enzymes and chemicals in the zygote proceed to erase nearly all the epigenetic marks in the DNA of both pronuclei, and then add new ones to start the fertilized egg on the path to making a baby. Notice that I said “nearly all.” An egg with both pronuclei coming from just a male or female parent alone would not develop normally. This is because the pronuclei donated by the mother and father have a different but complementary pattern of epigenetic marks, also called imprinting, which together provide the proper program for development.

        Considering all the intricacies of normal development we just described, it is amazing that cloning frogs or Dolly the sheep ever worked at all. For one thing, the genome of cloned animals came from adult somatic cells, with an entire lifetime of accumulated damage. Animals conceived normally, on the other hand, start off from much more protected germ-line cells and go through a rigorous selection process both before and after fertilization. In addition, changing the program of a somatic cell is very different from an egg’s normal task. Given these difficulties, how could these cloned animals possibly be normal? Would they not show signs of premature aging or other abnormalities compared with naturally conceived animals? In truth, it didn’t work so well. Most of the transplants never made it to fully formed animals. Still some, like Dolly, did.

        And the truth is, Dolly was quite a sick sheep. She had abnormally short telomeres and, at the age of one, was judged as older than her chronological age by several criteria. Sheep normally live ten to twelve years, but at six, poor Dolly developed tumors in her lungs and had to be put down. It turns out, however, that Dolly was not the only sheep cloned. There were also the lesser-known Daisy, Diana, Debbie, and Denise, who, surprisingly, all lived healthy lives with a normal life span. This suggests that, at least in principle, it may be possible to reverse the effects of aging and reset the clock even if you start from an adult somatic cell, just by reprogramming the cell. Erasing the epigenetic marks and initiating a new program of gene expression can enable a newly cloned animal to begin from scratch.

        Cloning, though, is not the main aim of reprogramming cells, even for farm animals or crops. The real payoff would be in using stem cells for regenerative medicine: repairing or replacing tissue that has died or sustained damage. If we can overcome the technical problems, the possibilities are enormous and wide-ranging. Perhaps we could introduce new pancreatic cells that produce insulin in patients with diabetes, replace damaged heart muscles after a heart attack, or even regrow neurons in people who have suffered a stroke or a neurodegenerative disease like Alzheimer’s. The potential for such breakthroughs is why billions of dollars are being invested in stem cell research today.

        Even though they’re not going all the way back to zero and creating a new cloned animal, these stem cells are effectively trying to reverse the aging clock by regenerating or even replacing individual parts of an animal that have aged. Both embryonic stem cells and induced pluripotent stem cells (iPS cells) are capable of differentiating into numerous cell types, but the two are not exactly the same. ES cells are natural early embryonic stem cells that scientists have figured out how to keep cultured and then program to follow different paths to make different tissues, whereas iPS cells are reprogrammed not by the action of factors in the egg but by using the four Yamanaka factors in a somatic cell. This means their behavior is not exactly the same. Still, because of the convenience of generating iPS cells (without the added burden of having to contend with the legal and ethical issues surrounding ES cells), many scientists are working hard to improve Yamanaka’s original method for reprogramming cells.

        We will soon see how scientists are trying to reverse aging using this approach. There is also much interest in reprogramming the cell by using specific compounds that inhibit DNA methylation or histone deacetylases. This route to rejuvenating tissues, and even the whole animal, is a major focus of current research. As with telomerase, it may well be the case that our epigenetics have evolved to strike a fine balance between reducing the risk of cancer early in life and accelerating aging. Thus, any approaches to slow down aging or attempt to reverse it by rejuvenation may have to contend with how to do it safely. Indeed, many tissues that have been generated using the four Yamanaka factors have been associated with an unusually high proportion of tumors.

        In the last three chapters, we have seen how the genetic program that controls life can be disrupted by damage to our genome, accumulated with age. We have seen how the program itself is modified on the fly to suit the organism’s needs at any given stage. The product of the program is the ensemble of proteins in our cells. These proteins carry out a huge number of complex and interconnected tasks and are like players in a large symphony orchestra.

        Now we will see what happens when that orchestra becomes discordant and breaks down.

        6. Recycling the Garbage

        These days, whenever I forget an appointment or misplace my gloves, umbrella, or hat, I panic for a moment. I have just turned seventy as I write this, and these occurrences immediately strike me as signs of an inevitable and worsening decline. I cheer up when I remember that in my early twenties, I once invited a friend to dinner, forgot about it, and wasn’t even home when he called; or that a couple of years later, I was so preoccupied with finishing my work that I forgot to attend my own going-away party that a neighbor was going to throw for me. And that I’ve been notorious for losing things all my life.

        Still, there is a good reason for my foreboding. We all face the prospect of suffering from neurodegenerative diseases that cause us not just to forget but also to completely lose our sense of who we are.

        Today more than 50 million people suffer from dementia, and as the proportion of older people in the population is increasing in almost every country in the world, that number is expected to grow to 78 million by 2030 and 139 million by 2050. In England and Wales, it recently overtook heart disease as the leading cause of death, partly because treatment of heart disease has vastly improved, while there is still no effective treatment for dementia. In the United States, it still lags behind the more established killers such as heart disease, cancer, and accidents, but its proportion is gradually rising. It is estimated that about one-third of people born in 2015 will go on to suffer from some form of dementia.

        Over half of those with dementia have Alzheimer’s disease, named after the German psychiatrist Alois Alzheimer, who, around 1900, characterized the onset of the then-unnamed disease. His patients, he wrote, would oscillate from periods of calm and lucidity to being unable to identify common objects, feeling increasingly disoriented, forgetful, agitated, and even unhinged. That is just the beginning. As the disease progresses, many Alzheimer’s sufferers are unable to recognize their family and friends. They can no longer carry out basic activities such as speaking, eating, and drinking. They become increasingly terrified at their loss of control, their loss of self-identity, and their increasing inability to make sense of the world around them. Their loved ones may have it even worse, though, having to watch this person—a spouse, a grandparent, a cherished friend—gradually vanish.

        In the century-plus since Dr. Alzheimer’s description, we have made tremendous progress in understanding the biology behind Alzheimer’s disease. The same is true of other neurodegenerative maladies, such as Parkinson’s and Pick’s diseases. They all have two things in common: the likelihood of the disease increases as we grow older; and they are caused by a malfunction of our own proteins.

        Proteins, as we have seen, are long chains of amino acids that miraculously fold up as they are made. Well, not miraculously. The reason that they fold up is that some amino acids, like oils, are hydrophobic, meaning that they do not like to be exposed to water. Hydrophilic amino acids, on the other hand, are happy to interact with water molecules. As a protein chain emerges, it folds into its characteristic shape by tucking away most of the hydrophobic amino acids on the inside of the protein and exposing the hydrophilic ones on the outside where they are in contact with the surrounding water. Most protein chains have a particular shape or fold that is stable and functional. Sometimes a protein chain folds up along with others to form a complex of several chains. But the principle is the same. In an amazing display of coordination, each of our cells makes not one but thousands of proteins in the amounts it needs and at the time it needs them, and they all must work together as a well-orchestrated ensemble. But the process can, of course, go wrong.

        Think of the many ways a household item can become useless. Even a brand-new product can be poorly made and arrive saddled with manufacturing defects. You could damage it accidentally while using it. Or it could slowly wear out or rust and become dangerous to use or stop working entirely. Then there are products, once essential, that we no longer need. Perhaps our children have grown up, and we no longer require baby bottles or cribs. Or technology has changed, and we have no use for a cassette recorder or a film camera. Or our possessions simply go out of style, and we no longer want them. Food has an even shorter shelf life. In our daily lives, we deal with all this as a matter of course. We throw out leftover food that has perished, mend or throw out old clothes, and fix or get rid of broken gadgets. If we didn’t do that, our homes would quickly fill up with junk and become unlivable.

        It is the same with cells and their proteins. Proteins can have manufacturing defects too. The protein chain may be made incorrectly or be incomplete. It might not have folded into its appropriate shape. During its lifetime, it could lose its shape by unfolding or be damaged by chemicals or other agents. Just as we may need items only during a particular phase in our lives, many proteins are needed only briefly at a particular stage during a cell’s development or in response to some environmental stimulus. And just as we dispose of or recycle products that are faulty or have simply worn out or been damaged, the cell has evolved ways to detect and then destroy proteins that are defective to begin with or when they become aberrant later. It also has ways of getting rid of perfectly normal proteins that it no longer needs. In all these cases, the cell breaks down defective proteins into their amino acid building blocks, which it can then use to make new proteins or to produce energy.

        However, there are crucial differences between the proteins in a cell and a home full of household items. Manufacturers don’t usually much care what happens to their products after they are sold (except during the warranty period, of course). Moreover, the manufacturer of your washing machine does not have to make it compatible with other appliances and therefore isn’t concerned about which brand of refrigerator or microwave oven you own, or whether you own one at all. Cells, on the other hand, both manufacture proteins and use them, and have to ensure that the many thousands of proteins all work together without problems.

        As we age, the quality control and recycling machinery of the cell deteriorates, leading not only to neurodegenerative but also many other diseases of old age, including inflammation, osteoarthritis, and cancer. Accordingly, the cell has come up with multiple ways of ensuring the quality and integrity of its collection of proteins.

        Proteins can be defective in many ways. The birth of a protein chain takes place on the ribosome, the large molecular machine that I have studied for the last forty-five years. As the ribosome chugs along, it reads the genetic instructions on mRNA to stitch together amino acids in a precise order to make a protein chain. The process has evolved to a high level of perfection over billions of years, but it still occasionally gives rise to defective products. Sometimes the mRNA contains mistakes; sometimes the ribosome misreads it. In these cases, the newly made protein has the wrong sequence of amino acids, so it malfunctions—a bit like a brand-new gadget with a manufacturing defect. These days, many of my colleagues and I are trying to understand how the cell recognizes these mistakes and homes in on them for removal.

        Even if the new protein chain has the correct sequence of amino acids, as it emerges from a tunnel in the ribosome, it still faces the challenge of folding into its proper shape. Although the protein chain contains within it all the information needed to form that shape, the process doesn’t usually work spontaneously. With larger proteins, it is difficult to keep the hydrophobic sections from different parts of the chain apart so that they do not stick to one another (or even worse, to other chains that are being made at the same time) while the protein is folding. There are many ways that the folding process can go awry, so cells ranging from bacteria to humans have evolved special proteins whose purpose is to assist other proteins to fold correctly. Ron Laskey, one of my fellow scientists in Cambridge, humorously named these proteins chaperones. (Among other things, Laskey is a folk singer who has written and recorded witty songs about life as a scientist. One of his songs is about how, as a young man, he was part of a double bill with Paul Simon in a small venue in England when neither of them was well known—and realized immediately that he had better stick to science.) Like Victorian chaperones during courtship, these proteins prevent improper interactions between different parts of the chain or between chains. Even so, proteins occasionally misfold.

        Even after a protein has already folded into the right shape, you can make it unfold. The proteins in a chicken egg are all folded correctly to carry out their collective function of helping a fertilized egg grow into a chick. But if you take that egg and boil it, its proteins unfold. Similarly, if you add lemon juice to milk and stir, the acid unravels the proteins in the milk. In either case, when the protein chains unfold, the water-avoiding hydrophobic amino acids that were on the inside now become exposed to the surrounding liquid. This makes the proteins stick to one another and become tangled, and the egg or milk turns into a gelatinous solid.

        Even without being boiled or treated with acidic lemon juice, proteins are not rocklike, static entities. The atoms in a protein jiggle around all the time, and the proteins themselves breathe and oscillate around their average shapes. Over time, they can unfold, either spontaneously or in response to environmental stress. Often the proteins will then fold back into their original shapes, but sometimes they will clump together instead. As we age, more clumps means more proteins that have lost their function. Even more seriously, the protein aggregates themselves can lead to diseases such as dementia.

        We can thus have proteins that are incorrectly made to begin with, or proteins that misfold later. But that’s not all. Many proteins have extra sugar molecules added to specific points on their surface after they are made. This process, called glycosylation, is essential for their work. But as we age, sugar molecules are added randomly to proteins, a process called glycation, to distinguish it from the normal and orderly process of glycosylation. Glycation causes a number of common health problems. For instance, eye diseases such as cataracts and macular degeneration result from proteins in the lens or retina of our eye being modified by sugar molecules, which changes their properties and prevents them from functioning normally. These proteins too need to be recognized and destroyed before they become a problem.

        The first line of defense are the chaperones, which refold misshapen proteins into their correct shapes. But if unfolded proteins accumulate, more drastic action becomes necessary. Cells have an elaborate sensor to detect the buildup of unfolded proteins. The unfolded protein response, as this is known, is multipronged: First, more chaperones are synthesized to aid in folding these aberrant proteins. Second, they are tagged and targeted for destruction. Since there is clearly a problem with proteins folding properly, the cell also slows down protein production or shuts it down entirely. In extreme cases, where these measures are inadequate, the unfolded protein response can simply direct the cell to commit suicide.

        How can a cell destroy proteins that it senses as defective or unwanted? When it senses that something is wrong, it tags the protein with a molecule called ubiquitin, which is itself a small protein. Ubiquitin was discovered in the mid-1970s and got its name from the fact that it was ubiquitous—scientists found it in almost every tissue they examined. It seemed to have something to do with regulating proteins in the cell, but exactly how wasn’t clear.

        Eventually researchers discovered a huge molecular machine called the proteasome, which acts as a giant garbage disposal. When a ubiquitin-tagged protein is fed into the proteasome, it gets chopped up into pieces that can be recycled. Of course, you can imagine that such a powerful degrading machine could be quite dangerous if it were free to act on proteins at will. So the entire process is highly regulated. It is used not just for defective proteins but also for perfectly functional proteins that are no longer required.

        Any defect in the proteasome or the ubiquitin tagging system means that unwanted proteins hang around the cell and cause problems. Proteasome activity declines with age, and we have reason to believe it is a cause of aging. Deliberately introducing defects in the proteasome or the ubiquitin tagging machinery can be lethal, and even minor defects can lead to diseases associated with old age, such as Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s.

        The ubiquitin-proteasome system is beautifully tuned to get rid of unwanted or aberrant proteins. It works by chewing away the strand of a single protein at any given time. Like the garbage disposal in your kitchen sink, it can handle only one scrap at a time. But what if a cell wanted to get rid of a lot of very large junk, much as we would want to get rid of a used sofa, old furniture, or appliances? Not to worry. Nature has this covered with an apparatus that, oddly enough, was discovered decades before the proteasome.

        Scientists have long known that cells from higher organisms have a nucleus that contains our chromosomes, but as they studied the cell in greater detail with ever more powerful microscopes, they discovered that they have many other specialized structures called organelles. How these structures worked together to facilitate cell function remained a mystery. One of those structures turned out to be hugely important for recycling the cell’s garbage.

        In 1955, Christian de Duve, who split his time between Rockefeller University in New York and the Catholic University of Leuven in Belgium, discovered an organelle called the lysosome. He and his Leuven colleagues found they were full of digestive enzymes that would break down any of the major constituents of living matter. Initially the lysosome was considered rather boring—about as exciting as a landfill site in a city. But things became more interesting when scientists showed that lysosomes often contained remnants of other parts of the cell. All kinds of unwanted structures were taken to lysosomes for disposal. De Duve coined the term autophagy, from the Greek for “self-eating,” because the cell was digesting away parts of itself. But how did the cell’s garbage make its way to the lysosomes?

        In the cell, membranous structures called autophagosomes form and grow in size, gradually engulfing everything the cell targets for disposal. Think of autophagosomes as large garbage trucks. The garbage they collect can be anything from protein aggregates all the way to large organelles. An autophagosome eventually merges with a lysosome to deliver its contents to be digested and recycled. If the proteasome is akin to the garbage disposal in your kitchen sink, the lysosome is the huge garbage recycling center in your city.

        While this process goes on perpetually, it is highly regulated. If you stress or starve the cell, autophagy goes up. It makes sense to break down proteins and other structures and recycle their components to survive a difficult time.

        However, this still doesn’t tell us how the cell decides when and what to deliver to lysosomes. Science would have to wait almost fifty years to make headway on this problem. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Yoshinori Ohsumi, a young assistant professor at Tokyo University, hatched a clever idea.

        Biology often advances by studying simple organisms that are easy to grow and mutate, and the discoveries made there can then easily be generalized to more complex ones such as humans. Ohsumi turned to that favorite of molecular biologists, baker’s yeast, in which the equivalent of the lysosome is called a vacuole. By isolating strains in which the vacuole had accumulated cellular debris, he was able to find a dozen genes that were essential for activating autophagy.

        As a result of these breakthroughs, we know now that autophagy happens continuously as part of the general maintenance of the cell. Its rate can go up or down, depending on the cell’s needs. It can also be triggered when the cell needs to get rid of invading viruses or bacteria. This kind of autophagy requires special adaptor proteins that recognize these foreign objects and bring them to the autophagosome, which then delivers them to lysosomes to be destroyed. Autophagy is the only process by which the cell can destroy such enormous structures.

        You might think that the only function of autophagy is to deal with problems, but it is also essential for a single fertilized egg’s development into an adult animal. Imagine that you have a perfectly serviceable house, but you want to remodel it. Maybe you’ve had a new addition to your family, or you suddenly need more space so that you can work from home during a pandemic. Or you simply want a larger kitchen. When you remodel a structure, you have to break down parts of it before you can start building. You may have to take down walls, plumbing, and counters, or get rid of furniture that won’t fit in the new space. Our cells go through this same process as they develop from that original fertilized egg into specialized cells such as neurons and muscles, which have very different internal organization and structures. Autophagy makes it happen.

        In short, autophagy is used both to ensure cells develop normally and to jettison defective proteins or aging structures, as well as to destroy bacteria and viruses. It has so many essential functions that when it fails even partially, we develop serious problems, from cancer to neurodegenerative diseases.

        So far, we have talked about how cells deal with proteins and larger structures that are defective or they don’t need anymore. If there are just too many defective proteins piling up, it becomes hard for the recycling machinery to keep up. In that case, it would make sense to quickly shut down the synthesis of new proteins, a bit like turning off the main water supply when you have a flood in the bathroom. Also, it makes no sense for cells to produce new proteins and grow when they face starvation or stress.

        One way the cell does this is to stop ribosomes from starting the process of reading mRNA to make proteins. It is a way of slowing down the production of new proteins while it handles crises, which is a bit like seeing a traffic jam on a freeway and preventing cars from entering the on-ramp and making the problem worse. While this process shuts down the production of most proteins, it also turns on the production of proteins that help the cell survive the stress and alleviate it. In the traffic jam analogy, this would be like sending a signal that stops new cars from entering the freeway and at the same time bringing in tow trucks to clear the accident that caused the jam.

        This process of shutting down the synthesis of most proteins while allowing a few useful proteins to be made can be triggered by starvation, a viral infection, or too many unfolded proteins. Since it is a unified response to many kinds of stress, it is called the integrated stress response, or ISR.

        You would think that these problems with protein quality and quantity would worsen with aging, making a strong ISR useful. That is exactly what some groups have found. If you delete the genes that turned on ISR in mice, the rodents were more prone to various pathologies caused by abnormal protein production. When mice suffering from a pathology due to unfolded proteins were treated with a compound that allowed ISR to persist, it alleviated their symptoms, whereas, conversely, suppressing ISR made them worse and hastened their demise. Compounds such as guanabenz or its derivative Sephin1 that strengthen the integrated stress responses prevent diseases caused by poor quality control of protein production. They also extend life span, although in at least one case, there was disagreement about how these compounds acted, and whether they even affected ISR directly.

        If all this makes a strong case for restoring or strengthening ISR as we age, some research groups have found the exact opposite. According to their studies, deleting the genes that turn on ISR alleviated some of the symptoms of Alzheimer’s disease in mice, including memory deficits. A molecule that shut down ISR enhances cognitive memory and reverses cognitive defects following traumatic injury to the brain. Even more surprisingly, the effects were seen even when the experimental drug being tested, an integrated stress response inhibitor—ISRIB, for short—was administered a month after the trauma.

        Why would turning off a universal control mechanism be beneficial? Nahum Sonenberg, an expert on translation at McGill University in Montreal and a coauthor of the ISRIB study, believes there are pathological conditions in which the ISR itself is chronic and out of control. It may be suppressing protein synthesis when it shouldn’t or to a much greater degree than it should. It’s like driving a car in which the brake is activated all the time instead of only in response to a signal to slow down or an accident ahead. Instead of being a lifesaver, it becomes a nuisance. Even as we age, we still need to make new proteins. For example, forming new memories requires synthesizing new proteins that strengthen connections between brain cells. But when ISR is itself out of control, we are unable to make proteins in the amounts we need. In cases such as this, turning off ISR may be beneficial.

        ISRIB has been touted in the press as a “miracle molecule” that could boost fading memory and treat brain injuries. The San Francisco company Calico Life Sciences, owned by Alphabet, the parent company of Google, started conducting clinical trials on ISRIB-like compounds that inactivated ISR. Peter Walter, one of the discoverers of the unfolded protein response and of ISRIB, recently gave up a prestigious professorship at the University of California, San Francisco, to join Altos Labs, a private company that operates research institutes to tackle aging, with campuses in California and Cambridge, England.

        How this will play out is unclear. It is well to remember that ISR is a universal control mechanism precisely to deal with situations that are problematic for the cell, such as an accumulation of unfolded proteins, amino acid starvation, and viral infections. As we discussed above, initially, scientists found that prolonging ISR was beneficial for certain pathologies. So there may be situations when it would be helpful to enhance ISR and others in which it would be better to inhibit it. Figuring out exactly how much ISR is optimal at any given stage is unlikely to be straightforward, and we may have some way to go before it can be used with any confidence as a long-term treatment for combating diseases of aging.

        We have covered a lot of ground in this chapter, but a common thread runs throughout. For cells to be able to function, their thousands of proteins have to work together. They must be produced at just the right time and in the right amount, and they must be the correct shapes. It is not unlike all the instruments in a symphony orchestra that all have to play their parts together. As with some modern orchestras, there is no conductor. And if parts of the orchestra don’t perform properly, the whole thing falls apart.

        Everything we have discussed so far is about the different ways that cells sense when things are not right and what they do to correct that. This is an amazingly complicated web of interactions, which is itself controlled by yet more proteins. If the control proteins themselves become defective, the problems are amplified. That is just what happens as we age.

        WE BEGAN THIS CHAPTER WITH the terrible scourge of Alzheimer’s disease. The disease, which is increasingly a dread of old age, turns out to be related to a curious group of diseases whose cause was uncovered in a most unexpected way. The key person to unravel its mystery was Carleton Gajdusek, a scientist with the unique and unfortunate distinction of being both a Nobel Prize winner and a convicted child molester.

        After earning his medical degree from Harvard, Gajdusek was serving a fellowship in Boston when he was drafted into the army. He ended up in the Korean War, where he showed that a fever that was killing American soldiers was spread by migrating birds. On the strength of this, he was offered a job with the US government’s Center for Disease Control, but chose instead to work with the famous immunologist MacFarlane Burnet in Melbourne, Australia. Burnet sent him to Port Moresby, New Guinea, to set up part of a multinational study on child development, behavior, and disease. It could not have been easy carrying out fieldwork in such a remote area, far away from any modern research laboratory, but Gajdusek was an unusual character. Burnet once described him as someone who “had an intelligence quotient up in the 180s and the emotional immaturity of a 15-year-old,” adding candidly that his protégé was completely self-centered, thick-skinned, and inconsiderate. At the same time, said Burnet, the young man from the United States would not let the threat of danger, physical hardship—or other people’s feelings—interfere in the least with what he wanted to do.

        While in Port Moresby, Gajdusek heard about a mysterious illness called kuru and set out for the Eastern Highlands Province, about 200 miles away, where the disease was prevalent among the native Fore tribe. Patients with the disease showed no symptoms of fever or inflammation but died of a progressive brain disease that caused tremors and highly abnormal behavior such as uncontrolled fits of laughter. Two anthropologists, Shirley Lindenbaum and Robert Glasse, observed that women and children, but not adult men, ate the entire bodies of deceased family members, even the bones. This was a recent practice among the Fore, and by collecting detailed evidence of cannibal feasts which could be matched with the subsequent appearance of the disease in participants, they concluded that this practice of cannibalism may have had something to do with transmission of the disease. Gajdusek and a colleague named Vincent Zigas had observed that one of the practices of the tribe was to cook and eat the brains of deceased family members following funerals. So Gajdusek suspected that something in the diseased brain was transmitting the disease to the people who ate it. Following up on this hunch, he was able to show that you could transmit kuru to chimpanzees by injecting their brains with extracts from the brains of diseased patients.

        The autopsied brains of the Fore tribe, when examined under a microscope, were full of holes, like a sponge. Kuru is one of many brain diseases with this pattern, called spongiform encephalopathies, including a variant form of Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease. (Variant refers to the transmissible rather than inherited form of a disease.) About 10 percent of all cases are inherited, and just as he had done for kuru, Gajdusek was able to show that brain extracts from infected patients could transmit the disease to chimpanzees. The idea that a disease could be inherited in some instances but also transmitted like an infection in other cases was unprecedented. Gajdusek was awarded a Nobel Prize in 1976.

        Unfortunately, the end of Gajdusek’s career was not so glorious. Over the course of many years, he brought back more than fifty children to the United States from New Guinea and Micronesia, and acted as their guardian. In the 1990s, in response to a tip-off from a member of his lab, the FBI began to investigate the scientist. The bureau persuaded one of the boys to tape a phone conversation in which Gajdusek admitted that he and the boy had sexual contact. In a plea bargain that would be unthinkable today, he served a year in jail in 1997 and then left the United States as soon as he was released to spend the rest of his life in Europe. During his self-imposed exile, he stayed active scientifically and was affiliated with several universities. He showed no remorse for his behavior, dismissing his treatment as American prudishness. Many of the boys continued to have contact with him, some adopting his name and even naming their own children after him. In 2008 he died in a hotel room in Tromso, Norway, where he was a frequent visitor to the university there.

        Gajdusek’s concept of transmissibility had a huge impact on our thinking about this class of diseases. Mad cow disease (bovine spongiform encephalopathy) afflicted cows in Britain, notably in the 1980s, as a result of cows being fed the remnants of infected animals. Around this time, more than a hundred people died of Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease. Scientists began to suspect that this was because they had eaten meat from diseased cows. The connection with eating infected beef was then not universally accepted, and John Gummer, a UK government minister, famously encouraged his four-year-old daughter, Cordelia, to eat a hamburger on television, declaring British beef to be completely safe. (The girl did not get sick.) Nevertheless, many countries prudently banned the importation of British beef and lifted it only after several million cows had been slaughtered and farming practices had been changed.

        Although the transmissibility of these diseases was established, it was not clear exactly how they spread. Ever since the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it has become a firm dogma that every infectious disease is transmitted by living organisms that can multiply in the host, whether they are parasites or microbial organisms such as bacteria, fungi, or viruses. In the early 1980s Stanley Prusiner, an American neurologist at the University of California, San Francisco, began trying to isolate the infectious agent for scrapie, a spongiform encephalopathy of sheep and goats. The brain extracts that transmit scrapie remained infectious even after they were sterilized using standard methods such as heat, so the prevailing view was that the infectious agent was a virus that was resistant to inactivation and had a long incubation time. When Prusiner gradually isolated the infectious agent, it turned out to be a protein—a notion that was greeted with a chorus of skepticism. After all, unlike bacteria or viruses, proteins could not multiply, so how could they possibly cause an infection that spread from one animal to another?

        Over the next several years, Prusiner identified the protein and showed that although it was a normal component of brains, its shape in a scrapie-infected brain was abnormal. Prusiner called the protein a prion and proposed there were two forms: a normal version and a scrapie version. Like an evil character who corrupts all the good people around him, this aberrant, misfolded, scrapie version of the protein acts as a mold, or template, and induces each normal prion protein it encounters to switch to the misfolded version. The result is that the misfolded form spreads like an infection throughout the cell and across cells throughout the tissue, bringing about disease.

        At first glance, the only commonality between diseases such as kuru or scrapie and Alzheimer’s is that they are lethal brain diseases, but as we shall see, the similarity runs deeper. Dr. Alois Alzheimer himself autopsied the brains of deceased patients and discovered deposits of plaques outside cells as well as tangles of fibrils inside some nerve cells. It wasn’t initially clear whether the formation of these deposits was a cause of the disease or a symptom.

        In 1984, scientists identified that the major component of the plaques was a protein called amyloid-beta, which itself is produced by trimming a much larger amyloid precursor protein, or APP. Alzheimer’s is normally a disease of old age and not necessarily inherited, but some patients with inherited forms develop the disease earlier in life. They turn out to have mutations in the APP gene. Scientists have also identified the enzymes that trim the APP to the mature amyloid-beta and, in a nod to their involvement in causing senility, called them presenilins. Mutations in these proteins also led to familial Alzheimer’s disease. The case that the disease was caused by accumulating either too much or incorrectly processed amyloid-beta protein seemed overwhelming. Much of the research community then focused on the details of what caused the plaques to develop and how they could be prevented.

        However, in science, things are often never quite so straightforward. For one thing, the plaques typically develop outside nerve cells, so why are they killing them? Another curious feature is that other tissues—for example, blood vessels—also contain amyloid-beta deposits, but it is the diseased brain that kills people. A feature of the disease that was ignored earlier on is that inside some neurons of patients, there are filaments made of a different protein called tau. Perhaps these tau filaments were the cause of the disease?

        Although scientists were skeptical at first, evidence incriminating tau also began to mount when three groups found independently that patients with an inherited form of dementia related to Parkinson’s disease had mutations in the tau gene. Also, it was not hard to imagine how tau could cause disease. The tau filaments could block the narrow axons and dendrites that connect neurons, and, not surprisingly, it is these connections that are the first to go, causing cognitive impairment.

        Recently, scientists have found that the filaments characteristic of diseased brains are not just random clumps of unfolded proteins. Rather, the aberrant molecules come together to form filaments that are distinct for each type of dementia. Studies show consistently that the tangles we see in diseased brains actually have very well-defined structures, each of which is a hallmark of a particular disease. This is something we did not know even a few years ago.

        Therefore, as things stand, we have very compelling evidence that amyloid-beta, tau, and other filaments are implicated in disease. One problem is that nobody really understands what these proteins are doing normally. We do know that if you delete the genes for them in mice, the animals exhibit some abnormalities, but they don’t develop plaques or Alzheimer’s disease. This means that the reason amyloid-beta or tau causes disease is not because it has ceased to function normally. Rather, it is because the unfolded forms can give rise to filaments that spread throughout the brain.

        Alzheimer’s and prion diseases are both caused by aberrant forms of proteins that come together to form tangles or plaques. In prion diseases, the prion form assumes a different shape from the normal form, and spreads because it switches the normal version into the prion form when it comes into contact with it. There is a growing feeling that exactly the same thing happens in Alzheimer’s and other neurodegenerative diseases: an abnormal, unfolded form can seed the formation of filaments, which then spread throughout the brain. Injecting brain extracts from Alzheimer’s disease patients into mice stimulates the premature formation of plaques or tangles. But, unlike prion diseases such as kuru and bovine spongiform encephalopathy, nobody has demonstrated that Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s, or similar diseases are actually infectious. That could be because we don’t eat the brains of patients with dementia or inject extracts of their diseased brains into our own.

        What causes Alzheimer’s disease is a burning question because that holds the key to preventing it. The answer depends on how you define cause. The immediate cause may well be the formation of tau or amyloid-beta filaments in the brain. However, an earlier and root cause is the cell’s inability to manage the excess of unfolded proteins that aggregate to form these filaments in the first place. This in turn is caused by damage to our control systems: the quality control and recycling machinery of the cell that we discussed earlier in the chapter. And that damage to our control systems is a result of aging.

        So you could say it all boils down to our living long enough for the damage to occur. It is particularly ironic that one of the consequences of our increased life expectancy over the last century is the greater likelihood of spending our final years with the terrible effects of diseases such as Alzheimer’s.

        Can anything be done about it? The difficult truth is that there are still no effective treatments for these dementias, despite several decades of work. Just as cancer is so hard to treat because it is our own cells that have gone out of control, Alzheimer’s is caused by our own proteins misbehaving. And just as with cancer, there may be both genetic factors and chemicals or infectious agents that accelerate the process. This creates a fundamental difficulty for treatments. Very recently, therapies based on antibodies that bind to the amyloid-beta protein were shown to halt cognitive decline by about 25 percent after eighteen months. They were most effective at slowing the progression of the disease if treated early, and in patients that had only a modest level of tau aggregates. They carried a serious risk of side effects, including seizures and bleeding in the brain. However, they did demonstrate that targeting beta-amyloid showed some clinical effect, and against the bleak backdrop of having next to nothing to offer Alzheimer’s patients, even an expensive and complicated treatment with a relatively modest gain was heralded as a huge breakthrough.

        All the recent breakthroughs in our understanding the basis of the disease offer some hope, however. Now that we know that the filaments are not random but consist of very specific contacts to form their structure, perhaps drugs can be developed to prevent their formation. Others are attempting to inhibit the production of the protein itself. And scientists are busy at work on the ultimate causes as well, including how to modify aging cells so they can handle aberrant proteins as effectively as younger cells do. We also need to identify suitable biomarkers that are an early warning of incipient disease. As we learn much more about the underlying biology involved, we can be hopeful that we will find more ways to prevent the disease in the first place, and diagnose it early and treat it when it occurs.

        7. Less Is More

        The India in which I grew up is a land of many religions, and there never seemed to be a time when one or another group wasn’t fasting. Hindus fasted before certain religious occasions—or if they were strict, every week. Muslims fasted from dawn to dusk for the entire month of Ramadan, not drinking a drop of water even when the holiday fell amid the long, hot summer days of the subcontinent. Christians fasted during Lent. And fasting was not only a religious imperative. Nearly all cultures considered fasting, and moderation in general, a key to a long and healthy life, and gluttony to be a vice.

        For much of our existence as a species, we were hunter-gatherers, feasting occasionally between prolonged periods of involuntary fasting. Perhaps our metabolism evolved to adapt to that lifestyle. It is different today, especially in the rich countries of the West. Like millions of others, I gained an inordinate amount of weight during the early days of the Covid-19 pandemic, when most people were stuck at home, and food was only as far away as the refrigerator. Indeed, today we face a widespread epidemic of obesity, which is linked not only to cardiovascular disease and type 2 diabetes but also to certain cancers and even Alzheimer’s disease. It is also a major risk factor in infections: Covid-19 patients who were obese were far more likely to die from the virus. Clearly it has far-reaching consequences, both for ill health in old age and our likelihood of dying from those disorders.

        The reasons for the rise in obesity in recent times are complex. One popular theory is that throughout most of our history, food was scarce and sporadic, and those who had “thrifty genes” that could store fat more efficiently could better survive times of scarcity. Now, in a time of plenty, those very genes efficiently keep storing away all the excess fat we eat and cause obesity. This idea was so prevalent that it became a truism, but it is now being questioned. Even today, less than half the population in the United States is obese. John Speakman, who has studied the relationship between energy intake and weight in organisms, has argued convincingly that it is simply that the population had a lot of genetic variability in how efficiently they could store fat, a variability he calls “drifty genes.” When food was generally scarce, even those individuals who might be prone to becoming obese rarely were. But now, an abundance of calorie-rich food has driven a rise in obesity, especially in the portion of people who have inherited genes that in previous eras would not have caused any harm. Also, historically there was no reason for us to have evolved to be abstemious.

        Regardless of the reasons for the rise in obesity, nobody doubts that moderation and maintaining a healthy weight are recipes for good health. Clearly, overeating is bad for your health, but is the converse also true? Would stringently restricting our diet to less than what we eat normally actually make us live much longer? The first studies to test this, carried out in 1917, were not taken seriously, perhaps because for most of our existence as a species, being undernourished was a much greater threat to life than overeating. Nevertheless, the idea persisted, and later studies showed that rats fed a calorie-restricted diet lived longer and were healthier than those allowed to eat without limit.

        During caloric restriction, or CR, an animal is fed 30–50 percent fewer calories than it would consume if it ate as much as it liked (ad libitum), while making sure that it consumes enough essential nutrients to not become malnourished. In rodents and other species, animals on CR lived 20–50 percent longer, as judged by both average life span and maximum life span. Moreover, they appeared to have delayed the onset of several diseases of aging, including diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cognitive decline, and cancer.

        Mice are small, however, with short life spans. What about animals more similar to us? In 2009 a long-term study from the University of Wisconsin found that rhesus monkeys lived longer and were healthier and more youthful when subjected to caloric restriction. But this was contradicted only a few years later by a twenty-five-year study at the National Institute on Aging (NIA). The Wisconsin diet was richer and had a higher sugar content, so perhaps eating a healthy diet rather than fewer calories might have made the difference. The NIA control animals were not allowed to eat ad libitum but were fed an apportioned amount to prevent obesity. More than 40 percent of the Wisconsin control group developed diabetes, while only 12.5 percent of the NIA control group did. In tandem, the studies suggest that for animals already on a healthy diet and not overweight, further caloric restriction has little additional effect on longevity. Interestingly, all the animals in both groups, even the CR animals, weighed more than animals found in the wild, suggesting that even the restricted diet provided more food than they would eat naturally.

        Experimenting with monkeys is hard enough. They can live between twenty-five and forty years, and the studies from NIH and Wisconsin have gone on for over two decades and already cost millions of dollars. Conducting similar studies with humans—who live more than twice as long and whose dietary intake is much harder to track—seems out of the question. Any evidence for the effect of CR on human longevity is purely anecdotal at this point, but that hasn’t stopped individuals from experimenting on themselves and even writing books to tout their lifestyles.

        There have also been persistent claims that fasting is beneficial for health beyond simply reducing the overall intake of food. There is 5:2 fasting, whose adherents eat as little as 500–600 calories per day twice a week but eat normally on the other five. Another method advocates eating all your food in a window of a few hours each day. Recently, scientists examined the effects not just of CR and intermittent fasting in mice but also of aligning feeding times to their daily biological rhythms. They concluded that matching feeding times to our biological circadian rhythm greatly improved the benefit of intermittent fasting. This might seem like the home run the field wanted, but, as the accompanying commentary points out, much of the additional benefit may have nothing to do with the time of feeding as such. Rather, if you allowed mice to eat only during the day—when they would normally be asleep—they were faced with the unenviable choice between starving and not sleeping. The test animals chose to disrupt their sleep. Even if you distributed the restricted diet throughout the twenty-four-hour period, the mice would not get enough to eat when they were awake and would choose to disrupt their sleep to get the rest.

        I know what a wreck I am when I am sleep deprived. As I get older, my problems with jet lag are getting worse, and I am barely able to function right after I show up on some other continent. So I am always struck by how sleep, which is so intimately related to our health, is ignored by scientists in other fields. We think of sleep as something that is connected with our brains and especially our eyes and vision. But as Matthew Walker explains so well in his book Why We Sleep, you don’t need a brain or even a nervous system to sleep. In fact, sleep is ancient and highly conserved across the entire kingdom of life. Even single-celled life forms follow a daily rhythm that is related to sleep. Considering that sleep can be perilous—animals are vulnerable to attack when they are asleep—it must have huge biological benefits for it to persist through evolution. The consequences of sleep on our health are profound and widespread. In particular, sleep deprivation increases the risk of many diseases of aging, including cardiovascular disease, obesity, cancer, and Alzheimer’s disease. According to a recent study, one of the ways that a lack of sleep accelerates aging and death is by altering repair mechanisms that prevent the buildup of damage to our cells.

        But going back to the study matching feeding times with when mice are awake, although it did not explicitly monitor the sleep patterns of the mice, the researchers suggest that as long as you don’t deliberately disrupt sleep, CR has a significant positive effect on both health and longevity. Over the decades, study after study have confirmed the benefits of CR over an ad libitum diet in multiple species.

        If all this seems too good to be true, it might be. In one study, the effects of CR varied greatly depending on the strain and sex of the mice; in fact, in a majority of the test animals, CR actually reduced life span. Indeed, one of the pioneers of the aging research field, Leonard Hayflick, expressed skepticism that dietary restriction had any effect on aging. He felt that animals on an ad libitum diet were overfed, and unhealthy as a result, and caloric restriction simply brought their diets closer to conditions in the wild. Moreover, when scientists look outside typical lab conditions to animals in the wild, the link between eating less and living longer becomes much more tenuous.

        Nevertheless, in multiple laboratory studies, at least compared to an ad libitum diet, CR appears to be beneficial not only in rats and mice but also in diverse organisms ranging from worms, to flies, to even the humble unicellular yeast. Most scientists working on aging agree that dietary restriction can extend both healthy life and overall life span in mice and also leads to reductions in cancer, diabetes, and overall mortality in humans. On a more granular level, limiting protein intake or even just reducing consumption of specific amino acids such as methionine and tryptophan (both of which are essential in our diets because our bodies don’t produce them) can confer at least some of the advantages of overall dietary restriction.

        It might seem counterintuitive that eating the bare minimum to avoid malnutrition would be good for you. In fact, the results of CR may be yet another example of the evolutionary theories of aging. Consuming lots of calories allows us to grow fast and reproduce more at a younger age, but it comes at the cost of accelerated disease and death later on.

        So why aren’t we all on CR diets? For the same reason that rich countries face an epidemic of obesity: we now live in a time of plentiful food, and we have not evolved to be abstemious. Moreover, caloric restriction is not without its drawbacks. It can slow down wound healing, make you more prone to infection, and cause you to lose muscle mass, all serious problems in old age. Among its other reported downsides are a feeling of being cold due to reduced body temperature, and a loss of libido. And, of course, a side effect that to most readers will seem blindingly obvious: people on calorically restricted diets feel perpetually hungry. In fact, animals on CR diets all revert to eating as much as possible when permitted.

        The anti-aging industry would love to produce a pill that can mimic the effects of CR without our having to forego the ice cream and blueberry pie. For that to happen, we need to understand exactly what caloric restriction does to our metabolism. It’s a story full of unusual twists and turns and the discovery of some completely new processes in our cells.

        IN 1964 A GROUP OF Canadian scientists set out on a voyage to Easter Island, a remote spot in the South Pacific that is about 1,500 miles away from its nearest inhabited neighbor. Their goal was to study the common diseases of the island’s Indigenous people, who had little contact with the outside world. In particular, they wanted to know why the islanders did not develop tetanus, even though they walked around barefoot. The researchers collected sixty-seven soil samples from different parts of the island. Only one of them had any tetanus spores, which are typically more common in cultivated soil that has less diversity of microbes than virgin soil does. Nothing further might have come out of this expedition had not one of the scientists given the soil samples to the Montreal lab of Ayerst Laboratories, a pharmaceutical manufacturer. The company was looking for medicinal compounds produced by bacteria. By then, it was well known that soil bacteria, notably the genus Streptomyces, produced all kinds of interesting chemicals, including many of the most useful antibiotics today. Part of the reason they produce them is thought to be biological warfare among soil microbes, where some species make compounds that are toxic to others.

        To identify anything useful from an unknown bacterium in a soil sample, you first have to isolate it and coax it to grow in the lab. Then you need to analyze the hundreds or thousands of compounds that it makes and screen them for useful properties. Through this painstaking venture, the Ayerst scientists found that one of the vials contained a bacterium, Streptomyces hygroscopicus, that made a compound that could inhibit the growth of fungi. Because fungi are more similar to us than bacteria are, it is hard to find compounds that will treat fungal infections without also harming our own cells. So it seemed worthwhile to follow up on their initial observation. It took Ayerst two years to isolate the active compound, which the company named rapamycin after Rapa Nui, the Indigenous name for Easter Island.

        The scientists soon discovered that rapamycin had another, potentially much more useful property. It was a potent immunosuppressant and stopped cells from multiplying. Suren Sehgal, a scientist at Ayerst, sent off some of the compound to the US National Cancer Institute. Researchers there found the drug to be effective against solid tumors, which are ordinarily difficult to treat. Despite these promising early results, work on rapamycin ground to a halt when Ayerst closed its Montreal lab and relocated the staff to a new research facility in Princeton, New Jersey, in 1982.

        Sehgal, however, was convinced that rapamycin was going to be useful. Just before moving to the States, he grew a large batch of Streptomyces hygroscopicus and packed it into vials. At home, he stored them in his freezer next to a carton of ice cream, with a label cautioning, “Don’t Eat!” The vials remained there for years. In 1987 Ayerst merged with Wyeth Laboratories, and Sehgal persuaded his new boss there to pursue rapamycin. He was given the go-ahead to look at its immunosuppressive properties, which could be useful to prevent transplant rejection. Eventually rapamycin was approved as an immunosuppressant for transplant rejection, but nobody had any real idea of how it worked. How could it inhibit the growth of fungi, prevent cells from multiplying, and be an immunosuppressant, all at once?

        Here our story shifts to Basel, Switzerland, where two Americans and an Indian chanced upon an unexpected breakthrough. One of the Americans, Michael Hall, had an unusually international childhood: he was born in Puerto Rico to a father who worked for a multinational company and a mother who had a degree in Spanish. They both liked Latin American culture and decided to make their home in South America, where Hall grew up, first in Peru and then in Venezuela. When he was thirteen, his parents decided he needed a rigorous American education; Hall was suddenly ejected from his carefree life wearing T-shirts, shorts, and sandals in warm and sunny Venezuela, and dropped into a boarding school in the freezing winters of Massachusetts. From there he attended the University of North Carolina, intending to major in art but eventually settling on zoology, with the intention of going to medical school. An undergraduate research project whetted his appetite for science, and Hall went on to earn a PhD from Harvard and then put in time pursuing postdoctoral research at the University of California, San Francisco. In between, he spent almost a year at the famous Pasteur Institute in Paris, where he met Sabine, the Frenchwoman who would become his wife. Thus, unlike many American scientists who see leaving the United States as equivalent to falling off the map, Hall cast a broad net in the job search that followed his postdoc. He had not originally thought of moving to Switzerland, but when he interviewed for a starting faculty job at the Biozentrum at the University of Basel, he fell in love with the institute and the city.

        Shortly after he started his lab in Basel, Hall was joined by another young American, Joe Heitman, who was in an MD-PhD program that combined medical studies at Cornell Medical School with research at Rockefeller University. After his PhD research, rather than go back immediately and finish his medical degree, Heitman decided to do some postdoctoral research, partly because his wife would be starting her own postdoctoral work in Lausanne, Switzerland. Looking for suitable labs in the vicinity, he identified Hall as someone he wanted to work with. His initial project there turned out to be frustrating, however, and Heitman briefly considered going back to medical school, when he read a scientific paper describing mutants of a mold, Neurospora, that were resistant to the immunosuppressive drug cyclosporine. He approached Hall with the idea of studying immunosuppressants using yeast.

        By sheer chance, Heitman could not have found a more receptive mentor. It turned out that cyclosporine was a blockbuster drug for Sandoz, the pharmaceutical company located right in Basel, and Hall had already begun working with a scientist there who was interested in how it and other immunosuppressants worked. That scientist, Rao Movva, who grew up in a small village in India, had already enjoyed quite a bit of success in using yeast to understand the mechanism of cyclosporine, and he was keen to study rapamycin, which was still being developed for use in patients.

        To most in the field, this must have seemed a crazy idea. What could yeast—a unicellular organism that doesn’t have an immune system—teach them about immunosuppressive drugs and human beings? But Hall points out that these compounds were produced as part of biological warfare among soil microbes, so, really, yeast was their natural target; it is administering them to humans that is actually unnatural. As soon as Heitman had expressed interest in the problem, Hall put him in touch with Movva. This was a huge advantage, because at a large pharmaceutical company such as Sandoz, Movva had the resources to produce enough rapamycin. One day he came into Hall’s lab with a small vial and told Heitman, “Okay, this is the world’s supply of rapamycin. Think very carefully about the next experiments you’re going to do. Don’t blow it, because this is all we have.”

        The gamble paid off. The trio looked for mutant strains of yeast that would grow even in the presence of rapamycin, and their experiments revealed that many of the mutations occurred on two closely related new genes that coded for some of the largest proteins in yeast. Names of genes and proteins from yeast typically consist of a three-letter acronym that makes little sense to those outside a particular field. In this case, from a long list of possibilities, they chose TOR1 and TOR2, to denote “target of rapamycin.” The names held additional appeal for Heitman because he lived near one of the picturesque medieval gates of Basel, and the German word for gate is Tor.

        This was a big breakthrough. Rapamycin’s immunosuppressive activity was thought to derive from its ability to inhibit cell growth. The compound also arrests yeast growth, however, so identifying its protein targets would enable scientists to understand exactly how. The mutants identified two genes, but without cloning and sequencing them, nothing was known about the proteins they coded for, let alone what they did.

        At this point, the problem almost fizzled out in Hall’s lab. Heitman stayed as long as he could, but he had to return to New York to finish his medical studies. At the time, although it was acknowledged that rapamycin was a potentially important immunosuppressive drug, nobody had any idea of how important their discovery would turn out to be. Meanwhile, Heitman’s mutants were sitting in the lab freezer until a new student was frustrated when her original project was not working. She, along with another student and others in the lab, used the mutants to clone and sequence the TOR1 and TOR2 genes. In those days, sequencing had to be done manually. What’s more, this was no trivial project, because they were both among the largest genes in yeast, and were similar but not identical. One of them was lethal when deleted, proving that it was essential in order for yeast to survive, while the other was not.

        Understanding the mechanism of an immunosuppressive drug that was also a potential anticancer drug was of great medical importance, so while Hall and his colleagues carried on their work, they were participants in an intense race to discover the target of rapamycin. Three groups in the United States directly purified the protein target of rapamycin in mammals. It turned out to be the mammalian counterpart of the genes that Hall and his colleagues had identified. Now, scientists can be fiercely competitive and don’t like to come in second place. It’s a bit like leading the second expedition to climb Mount Everest or being the second pair of astronauts to walk on the moon—you just don’t get the same level of recognition. In the case of the two genes, prickly egos and difficulty accepting one’s also-ran status led to a profusion of names in the field, sowing confusion.

        The US research groups realized that they had discovered the mammalian version of essentially the same protein that Hall and his colleagues had identified already. Nevertheless, some of them gave it entirely different names. Eventually they all agreed to christen it mTOR, with the m denoting “mammalian,” to distinguish their findings from the yeast TOR. When the same protein was identified in a variety of organisms, including flies, fish, and worms, things began to get a little silly, with scientists studying zebrafish calling their version zTOR or DrTOR (the scientific name for zebrafish is Danio rerio). Eventually everyone settled on mTOR for all species—except, paradoxically, the original yeast!—with the m now standing for mechanistic, which makes no sense at all, since it implies that there is also some other target of rapamycin that is nonmechanistic (whatever that means). Why they didn’t simply revert to the original TOR remains a mystery to me. For consistency, and in deference to the original discoverers, I will refer to the molecule as TOR, but if you read elsewhere about TOR with a small letter before it, it is basically referring to the same protein.

        From the start, it was known that rapamycin would prevent cultures of cells from growing, but it wasn’t clear how. Did it limit the number of cells or the average size of each cell? At first, Hall thought that rapamycin would simply stop cells from dividing, but after pushback from a famous expert in that field, he realized that TOR actually controlled cell growth by activating the synthesis of proteins in the cell when nutrients are available. Among other things, Hall and his colleagues showed that in the presence of rapamycin, or mutants of TOR, cells would appear starved and stop growing even when plenty of nutrients were available.

        Biologists have known for a very long time that the size and shape of cells is highly controlled. Cell size varies not only in different species but also in different tissues and organs. For example, an egg cell is about thirty times the diameter of the head of a sperm cell, and neurons can have protrusions, the nerve axons, as long as three feet. How cell size and shape are controlled is still a very active area of research. But the general belief was that cells would simply keep growing and dividing as long as you provided them nutrients—unless, that is, they received specific signals to stop growing. Hall’s experiments turned this dogma around. Cell growth, they suggested, was not passive; rather, TOR had to actively stimulate it, by sensing when nutrients were present.

        It is a bit like the difference between an old steam locomotive and a gasoline-powered car. Once a locomotive gets going, as long as it has plenty of burning coal in the furnace and water in the boiler, it will keep rumbling down the track unless you take action to stop it. But a car, even with a full tank of gas, requires a foot on the accelerator in order for the vehicle to remain in motion; you have to actively do something to use the fuel. TOR is the driver that presses on the gas pedal to ensure that available nutrients are used to drive cell growth.

        Hall’s conclusions represented a paradigm shift in our understanding of how cells grow and ran counter to decades of understanding. His paper was rejected seven times before it found a home in the journal Molecular Biology of the Cell in 1996. Around the same time, Hall also collaborated with Nahum Sonenberg, the same scientist we encountered in chapter 6 for his studies on the integrated stress response, and who is best known for his work on how ribosomes initiate; in other words, how they find the beginning of the coding sequence on mRNA and start reading it to make proteins. They found that without TOR actively making it possible, cells could not begin the process of translating mRNA to produce proteins, and would stop growing.

        The initial discoveries by Hall and the other groups opened up the floodgates. Since then, TOR has become one of the most studied molecules in biology with about 7,500 research articles in 2021 alone. There is no question that finding out how rapamycin was immunosuppressive was important. But not even the brilliant scientists first working on it could have imagined that they would later uncover one of the oldest and most important metabolic hubs of the cell. In metabolism, proteins seldom act in isolation; they influence the actions of other proteins. If you think of such proteins as nodes that connect to one another—picture an airline map of its routes—TOR would be a major hub like London, Chicago, or Singapore, making direct connections to a large number of cities all over the world.

        How could one protein have such widespread effects on the cell, and how exactly was it linked to caloric restriction? Ever since Michael Hall and his colleagues sequenced the two TOR genes, we have known that TOR is a member of a family of proteins called kinases. These enzymes often act as switches by adding phosphate groups to other proteins, which then act as tags or flags to turn them on or off. (The act of adding phosphate groups is called phosphorylation, and the proteins with the added phosphates are described as phosphorylated.) Sometimes kinases activate other kinases, which in turn activate other enzymes. You can think of kinases as part of a huge relay system, where many different proteins in a large network are turned on or off in response to some cue in the environment or the state of the cell. A map of all the proteins involved in activating or being activated by TOR is enormously complicated. So it is not surprising that by responding to many different environmental cues and then switching on or off many different targets, TOR has such widespread effects within the cell. Some of these environmental cues are not sensed directly by TOR but by other proteins, which in turn activate TOR.

        TOR is not a protein chain that functions all by itself. It is part of two larger complexes called TORC1 and TORC2. Much more is known about TORC1, which is activated by proteins that sense the level of nutrients such as individual amino acids and hormones, including those that stimulate growth, known as growth factors. It is also affected by energy levels in the cell. If conditions are right, TORC1 promotes the synthesis not only of proteins but also nucleotides, which are the building blocks of DNA and RNA, and also lipids, which make up the membranes of all cells and organelles.

        An important function of TOR is that when nutrients are available and the cell is not stressed, it inhibits autophagy, which, as you learned in chapter 6, is the process by which damaged or unneeded components of the cell are taken to the lysosome to be destroyed and recycled. This makes sense because these are exactly the conditions in which you want to stimulate cell growth and proliferation, not the opposite.

        We can now see how TOR is connected to caloric restriction. Under CR, there are fewer nutrients around, and TOR, recognizing that, can switch off protein synthesis and other growth pathways, and also green-light autophagy. We have already seen how important both controlling protein synthesis and clearing defective proteins and other structures through autophagy are to keep the cell working optimally, and to aging in general.

        But what if we didn’t need caloric restriction to reap its benefits—if we could inhibit a normal TOR and mimic its effects, with no change to the human diet? TOR was discovered precisely because it was the target of rapamycin. Might rapamycin be the long-sought pill that could imitate CR without our having to cut down on how much we eat?

        It turns out that both a defective TOR and inhibiting TOR with rapamycin can enhance health as well as longevity in a range of organisms, from the simple yeast, to flies, to worms, and to mice. Strikingly, even short courses of rapamycin, or initiating treatment relatively late in the life of mice (equivalent to age sixty in men and women), conferred significant improvements in both health and life span. Rapamycin also delayed the onset of Huntington’s disease in a specially engineered strain of mice, presumably because it increased autophagy and prevented the accumulation of misfolded proteins. This shows that rapamycin not only improves longevity, but may also keep the mice healthier. In fact, the two may be closely related—perhaps the mice in these experiments live longer precisely because they are protected against various disorders of aging.

        Though rapamycin is an immunosuppressive drug, it also, counterintuitively, improves some aspects of our immune response. There are two important components of our immune system: one is B cells, a type of white blood cell that churns out antibodies for identifying and then binding to the surfaces of bacteria, viruses, and other foreign invaders, or antigens, so that other foot soldiers in the body’s self-defense corps can race to the crime scene and finish off the culprit. The other is T cells, another type of white blood cell: helper T cells stimulate B cells to manufacture antibodies, while killer T cells, as their name implies, recognize and destroy cells that have been infected by a pathogen. While rapamycin inhibits those parts of the immune system responsible for rejecting grafts of tissue from a donor (such as kidney, bone marrow, or liver transplantation) and triggering inflammation in general, it actually increases the functional quality of certain helper T cells, thus potentially improving a person’s response to vaccines. Another study, from 2009, showed that administering rapamycin in mice rejuvenates aging hematopoietic stem cells, the precursors of the cells of the immune system, and boosts the body’s response to the influenza vaccination.

        These results generated a great deal of excitement about rapamycin in the anti-aging community, but before we charge ahead with an immunosuppressive drug as a long-term panacea against aging, a note of caution is warranted. As one might expect, numerous studies have warned that long-term rapamycin use increases the risk of infection, such as with cancer patients. In fact, in that seemingly encouraging 2009 mouse study, treatment with rapamycin had to be paused for two weeks prior to administering the vaccine, the authors acknowledged, to “avoid the possible suppression of the immune response by rapamycin.” It makes one wonder whether the results would have been as promising without the pause to clear away the rapamycin.

        Moreover, it is possible that some of the effects of rapamycin and TOR inhibitors are due to a general reduction of inflammation. Yet other research contends that optimal health calls for a fine balance between excessive inflammation and heightened susceptibility to infection. In a recent study, scientists show that TOR inhibitors dramatically increase the susceptibility of zebrafish to pathogenic mycobacteria closely related to the bacteria that cause TB in humans, and point out that this “warrants caution in their use as anti-aging or immune boosting therapies in the many areas of the world with a high burden of TB.”

        Still, rapamycin’s draw as a potential wonder drug endures. In some quarters, the excitement has overtaken the data: one prominent aging researcher told me that he knew several scientists who were quietly self-medicating with rapamycin. I asked Michael Hall what he thought about using an immunosuppressive drug to combat aging, and he replied, “I suppose the rapamycin advocates are following Paracelsus’s adage that the poison is in the dose.” He was alluding to the Renaissance Era Swiss physician who defended his use of substances that he believed were medicinal even though they were toxic at higher doses. In fact, most drugs, even relatively safe ones such as aspirin, can be toxic if the dose is high enough. It may well be that low or intermittent doses of rapamycin or other TOR inhibitors can confer most of their benefits without serious risks. But we need long-term studies on their safety and efficacy before they can be used to target aging in humans.

        A problem with laboratory animals, including mice, is that they are kept in a highly protected and relatively sterile environment that does not mimic real-life conditions. To address this, Matt Kaeberlein at the University of Washington in Seattle is leading a nationwide US consortium to study the health and longevity of domestic dogs. Canines not only vary greatly in size but also live in environments as diverse as their owners’, so this is a way to conduct controlled studies in a natural setting outside of a laboratory environment. The consortium will analyze various aspects of dogs’ metabolism, including their microbiome and the differences between how large dogs age compared to small dogs. It will also carry out a randomized study on the effect of rapamycin in large middle-aged dogs. Experiments like these will go a long way to establishing whether rapamycin will turn out to be useful for general health in old age.

        It is curious that using rapamycin to shut down a major pathway in the cell could actually be beneficial. As is often the case, the answer to this paradox lies in the evolutionary theories of aging discussed earlier. In a 2009 paper published in the journal Aging, Michael Hall, of the University of Basel, and the Russian-born evolutionary biologist Mikhail Blagosklonny suggest an explanation: TOR promotes cell growth, which is essential in early life. Later, however, it is unable to switch itself off even when the growth it drives becomes excessive, leading to cell deterioration and the onset of age-related diseases. They go on to suggest that while these pathways that cause aging cannot be completely switched off by a mutation (because that would be harmful or even lethal early in life), perhaps they can be inhibited by drugs such as rapamycin years later, when an uninhibited TOR becomes a problem after individuals have reached middle age.

        This chapter began with how the age-old idea of fasting as a beneficial practice gained credence with scientific studies on caloric restriction. However, the journey to discover a potential drug that could replicate the advantages of restricting calories without requiring unwavering self-control is nothing short of extraordinary. It began with a completely open-ended fishing expedition by Canadian scientists to find something interesting in the soil of the remote island of Rapa Nui. Just one of many soil samples they collected had a bacterium that produced a promising compound, and that nearly died in a scientist’s freezer as he moved from one country to another. The baton was taken up years later by two Americans and an Indian working in Switzerland. None of the scientists involved had any idea that they would be revealing one of the cell’s most important pathways with connections to both cancer and aging. This is often how science works: people follow their curiosity, and one thing leads to another. It is a story of persistence, insight, brilliance, and vision, but also chance encounters and sheer luck. If this strange journey ends up unlocking a key to protecting us from the relentless onslaught of old age, it would indeed be a scientific miracle.

        8. Lessons from a Lowly Worm

        We all know families of long-lived individuals. But exactly how much do genes influence longevity? A study of 2,700 Danish twins suggested that the heritability of human longevity—a quantitative measure of how much differences in genes account for differences in their ages at death—was only about 25 percent. Further, these genetic factors were thought to be due to the sum of small effects from a large number of genes, and therefore difficult to pinpoint on the level of an individual gene. By the time that the Danish study was carried out in 1996, a lowly worm was already helping to overturn that idea.

        That lowly worm was the soil nematode Caenorhabditis elegans, introduced into modern biology by Sydney Brenner, a giant of the field known for his caustic wit. Born and initially educated in South Africa, he spent much of his productive life in Cambridge, England, before he established labs all over the world from California to Singapore, leading some of us to remark that the sun never set on the Brenner Empire. He first became famous for having discovered mRNA. More generally, he worked closely with Francis Crick on the nature of the genetic code and how it was read to make proteins. Once he and Crick decided that they’d solved that fundamental problem, Brenner turned his attention to investigating how a complex animal develops from a single cell, and how the brain and its nervous system work.

        Brenner identified C. elegans as an ideal organism to study because it could be grown easily, had a relatively short generation time, and was transparent, so you could see the cells that made up the worm. He trained a number of scientists at the MRC Laboratory of Molecular Biology in Cambridge and spawned an entire worldwide community of researchers studying C. elegans for everything from development to behavior. Among his colleagues was biologist John Sulston, whom you met in chapter 5. One of Sulston’s more remarkable projects was to painstakingly trace the lineage of each of the roughly 900 cells in the mature worm all the way from the single original cell, which led to an unexpected discovery: certain cells are programmed to die at precise stages of development. Scientists went on to identify the genes that sent these cells to commit suicide at just the right time in order for the organism to develop.

        For an animal with only 900 cells, these worms are incredibly complex. They have some of the same organs as larger animals but in simpler form: a mouth, an intestine, muscles, and a brain and nervous system. They don’t have a circulatory or respiratory system. Though tiny—only about a millimeter long—nematodes can easily be seen wriggling around under a microscope. Being hermaphrodites, they produce both sperm and egg, but C. elegans can also reproduce asexually under some conditions. They are normally social, but scientists have found mutations that make them antisocial. Worms feed on bacteria, and just like bacteria, they are cultivated in petri dishes in the lab. They can be frozen away indefinitely in small vials in liquid nitrogen and simply thawed and revived when needed.

        Worms typically live for a couple of weeks. However, when faced with starvation, they can go into a dormant state called dauer (related to the German word for endurance), in which they can survive for up to two months before reemerging when nutrients are plentiful again. Relative to humans’ life span, this would be the equivalent of 300 years. Somehow these worms have managed to suspend the normal process of aging. There is a caveat, though: only juvenile worms can enter the dauer state. Once animals go through puberty and become adults, they no longer have this option.

        David Hirsh became interested in C. elegans while he was a research fellow under Brenner in Cambridge, then continued working with the worms upon joining the faculty at the University of Colorado. There he took on a postdoc named Michael Klass, who wanted to focus on aging. This was at a time when aging was simply thought to be a normal and inevitable process of wear and tear, and mainstream biologists viewed aging research with some disdain. However, things were beginning to change, partly because the US government was concerned about an aging population. As Hirsh recalled, the National Institutes of Health had just established the National Institute on Aging, and at least some of his and Klass’s motivation for working in the area was that they knew they stood a good chance of receiving federal funding.

        Hirsh and Klass first showed that, by many criteria, worms age little if at all in the dauer state. Next, Klass wanted to see if he could isolate mutants of worms that would live longer but not necessarily go into dormancy. This would help him identify genes that affected life span. To rapidly produce mutants that he could screen for longevity, he treated the nematodes with mutagenic chemicals. He ended up with thousands of plates of worms, which he continued studying after starting his own lab in Texas. In 1983 Klass published a paper about a few long-lived mutant nematodes, but eventually he shut down his lab and joined Abbott Laboratories near Chicago. Before doing so, however, he sent a frozen batch of his mutant worms to a former colleague from Colorado, Tom Johnson, who by then was at the University of California, Irvine.

        By inbreeding some of the mutant worms, Johnson found that their mean life span varied from ten to thirty-one days, from which he deduced that, at least in worms, life span involved a substantial genetic component. It still wasn’t clear how many genes affected life span, but in 1988 Johnson, working with an enthusiastic undergraduate student named David Friedman, came to a striking conclusion that ran completely counter to the conventional wisdom that many genes, each making small contributions, influenced longevity. Instead, it turned out that a mutation in a single gene, which the two called age-1, conferred a longer life span. Johnson went on to show that worms with the age-1 mutation had lower mortality at all ages, while their maximum life span was more than double that of normal worms. Maximum life span, defined as the life span of the top 10 percent of the population, is considered a better measure of aging effects because mean life span can be affected by all sorts of other factors that don’t necessarily have to do with aging, such as environmental hazards and resistance to diseases.

        At the time, Tom Johnson was not a famous scientist, and his premise that a single gene could affect aging to such a degree defied the consensus view. Thus it took almost two years for his paper to be published. Even after it finally appeared in the prestigious journal Science in 1990, Johnson’s work was viewed with some skepticism by the scientific community.

        But then, a few years later, came a second mutant worm. This effort was led by Cynthia Kenyon, already a rising star in the C. elegans field. Kenyon had a golden career: PhD from MIT; postdoctoral work with Sydney Brenner at the MRC Laboratory of Molecular Biology in Cambridge, where the first studies on the genetics of the worm were being carried out; faculty member at the University of California, San Francisco, another world-renowned center for molecular biology and medicine. Kenyon had established herself as a leader in the worm’s pattern development, which is the process by which it lays down its body plan as it grows. She was interested in aging research, but since it was still an unfashionable discipline, she found it difficult to enlist students to work on the problem. After hearing Tom Johnson speak about his work on age-1 at a meeting in Lake Arrowhead just outside Los Angeles, though, she felt inspired to work on the problem of aging and began her own screening for new mutants.

        Like Hirsh, Klass, and Johnson, Kenyon focused on dauer formation. In the previous decade, scientists had identified many genes that affected dauer formation, usually prefixed by the letters daf. Scientists traditionally italicize the names of genes; when not italicized, the letters refer to the proteins that the genes encode. Under normal conditions, these mutations would predispose worms to enter the dauer state. But Kenyon had a hunch that some of these genes would affect longevity even outside the dauer state. She employed a trick in which she used mutant worms that were temperature sensitive: they would not enter the dormant state at a lower temperature (68°F, or 20°C). They were allowed to develop at this lower temperature until they were no longer juveniles and dauer formation was no longer an option. At that point, they were shifted to a higher temperature of 77°F (25°C) and allowed to mature into adulthood so that their life span could be measured.

        From these studies, Kenyon and her colleagues identified a mutation in a gene, daf-2, that lived twice as long as the average worm. In marked contrast to the skepticism Johnson faced, Kenyon had no trouble publishing her work: her 1993 paper in Nature was received with great fanfare. Apart from her stellar academic pedigree and scientific abilities, Kenyon was also lucid and charismatic, so she was extolled by the media. In an unfortunate omission, neither Kenyon’s paper nor the accompanying commentary mentioned Johnson’s earlier work on age-1, and much of the reporting of Kenyon’s work gave the impression that it was the first time that a mutation that extends longevity had been discovered.

        At this point, nobody had any real idea of what the genes identified by Johnson and Kenyon actually did. Enter Gary Ruvkun. Today Ruvkun is most famous for discovering how small RNA molecules called microRNAs regulate gene expression, but he has led a varied and colorful life, both personally and scientifically. When I met him about ten years ago at a meeting in Crete, he became increasingly gregarious after a few drinks; at one point, he donned a bandanna and pretended to smoke a cigarette while pouring himself some strong Greek liquor, which, with his luxuriant but well-tended mustache, made him look like a sailor on shore leave in a Greek taverna. All the while, he incongruously continued to hold forth on RNA biology. In the mid-1990s he too was using the worm and had been studying dauer mutants, including daf-2, for reasons unconnected with aging. Apparently he did not hold the field in high regard, because he recollected that when Kenyon’s report came out, “I thought, ‘Oh, gosh, now I’m in aging research.’ Your IQ halves every year you’re in it.”

        The big breakthrough came when Ruvkun isolated and sequenced the daf-2 gene. It coded for a receptor that sticks out of the cell’s surface and responds to a molecule very similar to insulin: IGF-1 (insulin-like growth factor). Both insulin and IGF-1 are hormones that bind to their receptors in the cell. Both receptors are also kinases that activate downstream molecules, which in turn affect metabolic pathways that play a role in longevity. These hormones or their counterparts exist in nearly all organisms, so they must have originated very early in the evolution of life. That these ancient hormones control aging was a stunning finding.

        These discoveries led to a general understanding of how this pathway would work. IGF-1 binds to the daf-2 receptor, which is a kinase, and activates it. This sets off a cascade of events in which one kinase acts upon another until a protein called daf-16 is phosphorylated. It’s basically the domino effect. The last domino in the chain, daf-16, is a transcription factor, so its role is to turn on genes. When it is phosphorylated, it cannot be transported to the nucleus, where the genes reside on the chromosomes, so it cannot act on its target genes. But if we disrupt the pathway—for example, by mutations in any of the proteins in this cascade—daf-16 can move into the nucleus and turn on a large number of genes that help the worm survive in the dauer state during stress or starvation, thus extending its life span. As it turns out, the age-1 gene originally identified by Tom Johnson is somewhere in the middle of the cascade that starts with daf-2 and ends in daf-16.

        Daf-16 turns on genes that are involved in coping with stress triggered by starvation or increased temperature, as well as genes that code for the chaperones that help proteins fold or rescue unfolded or misfolded proteins before they become a problem for the cell. Kenyon wrote in a 2010 review that these genes “constitute a treasure trove of discovery for the future.” The pathway explained a puzzling paradox. Aging or longevity was thought to be the effect of a large number of genes, each of which would have a small effect. How could a mutation in a single gene, such as age-1 or daf-2, effectively double the life span of the worm? Clearly the reason was that they were part of a cascade that ended up activating daf-16, which then turned on multiple genes that collectively exerted a cumulative effect on life span.

        The idea that a growth hormone pathway might be involved in longevity also explains a curious fact. Larger species generally live longer than smaller ones because they have slower metabolisms and can also escape predation. But within species, smaller breeds generally live longer than larger ones. For example, small dogs can live twice as long as large dogs. This may have to do partly with how much growth hormone they make.

        Remember that queen ants live many times longer than worker ants. Among the many reasons for this is that queens produce a protein that binds insulin-like molecules and shuts down the IGF-like pathways in ants.

        But what of quality of life? Are these long-lived worms sickly and barely surviving? In a word, no. The nematodes don’t just live longer, they look and act like much younger worms. We all know that one of the horrors of aging is the onset of Alzheimer’s disease. Researchers can generate a model for Alzheimer’s disease by making a genetic strain of worms that manufactures amyloid-beta protein in their muscle cells, paralyzing them. However, if the experiment is repeated—but this time using a strain of long-lived worms with mutations in the IGF-1 pathway—paralysis is reduced or delayed. Thus, the same mutations that extend life may also protect you from Alzheimer’s and other age-related diseases that are caused by proteins misfolding and forming tangles. In fact, these mutations may prolong life precisely because they protect against some of the scourges of old age.

        It is all very well to make worms live longer and healthier, but what about other species? Evidence elsewhere in the animal kingdom suggests similarly a strong relationship between the IGF-1 pathway and life span. Deleting the gene that codes for a protein called CHICO, which activates the IGF-1 pathway in flies, made them live 40–50 percent longer. They were significantly smaller but seemed healthy otherwise. The IGF-1 receptor is essential, but mice, like humans, have two copies of it (from their maternal and paternal chromosomes), and knocking out one of them made the mice live longer without any noticeable ill effects.

        Scientists, of course, are not doing all this work to help mice. We want to know what happens in humans, but you can’t just mutagenize people. There are people who naturally have mutations in the insulin receptor. Some of them suffer from a disease called leprechaunism, which stunts growth, and seldom reach adulthood. An analysis of subjects with the disease showed that the same mutations in daf-2 would affect dauer formation in the worm, yet the consequences were rather different. Still, there are hints that this pathway plays a role in human longevity. Mutations known to impair IGF-1 function are overrepresented in a study of Ashkenazi Jewish centenarians, and variants in the insulin receptor gene are linked to longevity in a Japanese group. Variants in proteins identified as part of the IGF-1 cascade have also been associated with longevity. It may be tempting to see the IGF-1 and insulin pathway as a straightforward route to tackling aging. But just the complexity of the pathway and the range of effects it produces tells us it is a finely tuned system, and tinkering with it while avoiding unforeseen ill effects could be difficult.

        When food intake is restricted, the levels of both IGF-1 and insulin decline. If the IGF-1 pathway is inhibited already, you might not expect caloric restriction to have much additional effect. Exactly as you might predict, caloric restriction did not further increase the life span of daf-2 mutant worms; moreover, its full effect depended on daf-16. But this too is puzzling, because the other, completely different TOR pathway is also affected by caloric restriction. So even if the IGF-1 pathway was disrupted, shouldn’t caloric restriction have had at least some effect through the TOR pathway? It turns out that these two pathways are not completely independent. They are two large hubs in a large network, but there is lots of cross talk between them. In other words, proteins that are activated as part of one pathway will activate ones in the other pathway, so they are interconnected. In particular, TOR is activated by elements of the IGF-1 pathway as well as by nutrient sensing.

        While the two pathways are highly coordinated, they are not the whole story behind caloric restriction. Two scientists found a mutant that causes partial starvation of the worm by disrupting its feeding organ, the equivalent of the throat. The mutant, eat-1, lengthens life span by up to 50 percent and does not require the activity of daf-16. Also, double mutants of daf-2 and eat-1 live even longer than the daf-2 mutants alone. This means that caloric restriction affects other pathways besides TOR and IGF-1.

        Mutations that affect longevity dramatically might seem to suggest that aging is under the control of a genetic program. This idea might seem to contradict evolutionary theories of aging, but, in fact, it doesn’t. When worms were subjected to alternative cycles of food and scarcity, it turned out that the long-lived mutant worms simply could not compete reproductively with shorter-lived, wild-type worms. These pathways allow organisms to have more offspring at the cost of shortening life later on, exactly as one might predict from the antagonistic pleiotropy or disposable soma theories of the evolution of aging.

        We have seen what rapamycin can do, but is there a drug that acts elsewhere, such as on the IGF-1 pathway? There is a great deal of interest in metformin, a diabetes treatment. Diabetes, of course, is related to deficient insulin secretion or regulation rather than to IGF-1, although the two molecules are closely related. To understand the difference between these two hormones, I took a short walk from my own lab to the nearby Wellcome-MRC Institute of Metabolic Science on the Addenbrooke’s Biomedical Campus in Cambridge, England, to meet Steve O’Rahilly, one of the world’s experts on insulin metabolism and its consequences for diabetes and obesity.

        Despite his many distinctions and his job as the director of a major institute, Steve lacks even a hint of self-importance. He is a jolly man who in his talks often jokes that his physique makes him particularly qualified to study obesity and its causes; while far from obese, he certainly looks well fed. But underneath the jovial demeanor, he is a sharp and critical scientist who has advanced a messy field by imbuing it with intellectual rigor. Among his many contributions is demonstrating the importance of appetite genes in obesity. Here too Steve has a highly personal interest: he told me that appetite can be such a strong urge that when he is hungry, he can hardly concentrate on anything besides food.

        Steve pointed out that while insulin and IGF-1 are similar in structure and have similar effects when they act on the cell, they have some major differences. Insulin has to act very quickly and in just the right amounts. Getting insulin regulation wrong can be lethal. The brain needs glucose for fuel, so hypoglycemia, a drop in blood sugar caused by too much insulin in the circulation, is very dangerous even if it only lasts a few minutes.

        Insulin receptors are particularly abundant in liver, muscle, and fat cells. In the fasting state, insulin levels are relatively low, and the liver produces the glucose needed constantly by the brain from stored carbohydrates and other sources. But even that low level of insulin is needed to prevent the liver from making too much glucose or ketone bodies (a product of metabolizing fat). After a meal, the level of insulin surges by between ten- and fifty-fold, promoting the uptake of glucose into muscle cells, the synthesis of lipids (fat) in the liver, and the storage of lipid in fat cells.

        Newly secreted insulin does not last long in the bloodstream, with a half-life of only about four minutes. If insulin is like a speedboat racing to its destination, IGF-1 is more like an oil tanker. Its effect lasts much longer, and, in the circulation, it is often bound to other proteins and not active. It needs to be released from them to act, and exactly how this happens is not clear, but that too may be under hormonal control. Also, unlike insulin receptors, IGF-1 receptors are distributed much more broadly throughout all the cells in the body, and there are more of them during development, when the organism has to grow.

        IGF-1 is produced in response to the secretion of growth hormone, but its action controls the amount of growth hormone in a complicated feedback loop. When IGF-1 levels are low or IGF-1 is defective, the body responds by producing more growth hormone. The problem is that growth hormone has other effects apart from stimulating the production of IGF-1. Most notably, it releases fat from fat cells. Not storing away fat in these cells is the cause of much human pathology, such as clogged arteries, or messing up the metabolism in our liver and muscle. So it is not surprising that mutations in the receptor for insulin or IGF-1 can cause diabetes. On the other hand, with caloric restriction, you are consuming the bare minimum of calories. So you actually have less spare fat because you are burning it off to provide energy. This means that caloric restriction does not have the same consequences as simply reducing the level of IGF-1, where excess fat is released to cause damage. Because of this fundamental difference, drugs that try to mimic caloric restriction by acting on the IGF-1 pathway could be particularly challenging to develop. It is hard to cheat our bodies’ finely tuned system.

        That is what explains the current interest in metformin. The drug is already used by millions of people with diabetes all over the world, so it has gone through various clinical trials for safety. Its use, in fact, dates all the way back to medieval Europe, where extracts of the plant Galega officinalis, commonly known as French lilac or goat’s rue, were used to relieve the symptoms of diabetes. One of the products of the extract, galegine, could lower blood glucose but was too toxic. Eventually a derivative, metformin, was synthesized and tested and is now the first-line treatment for type 2 diabetes, which is more common later in life and is caused not by a lack of insulin but because the insulin doesn’t bind well to its receptor.

        How metformin works as a treatment for type 2 diabetes is not entirely clear. Traditionally, most charts of metformin interactions resemble an incredibly complicated wiring diagram. Because of recent advances in our ability to visualize biological molecules, we can now see exactly how metformin binds and inhibits its target protein. This target protein is a crucial component in the process of respiration, in which oxygen is used to burn glucose to produce energy in our cells. Disrupting our ability to utilize glucose in turn affects our energy metabolism and acts on components of the IGF pathway, including an enzyme that regulates glucose uptake. Although some studies have claimed that metformin reduces glucose production in the liver, others show that it actually increases it in healthy people and those with mild diabetes. According to another study, the drug alters our gut microbiome in a way that is at least partly responsible for its effects. Steve O’Rahilly’s work demonstrates that metformin also works by elevating the levels of a hormone that suppresses appetite.

        It may seem odd that a drug whose mode of action is so complex and poorly understood should be so widely prescribed for people with diabetes, but this is often the case in medicine. For almost a hundred years, we had no idea how aspirin worked, yet people consumed billions of tablets for their aches and pains. Still, given the uncertainties, it is rather surprising that metformin has now become interesting as a potential drug to combat aging. This is partly because of a couple of early studies. In the first, from the National Institute on Aging, long-term treatment with metformin in mice improved both their health and life span. A second study, in humans, showed that diabetics on metformin lived longer not only than diabetics on other drugs but also longer than nondiabetics—a significant finding, since diabetes itself is a risk factor for aging and death.

        Such promising outcomes certainly raised optimism about using metformin to prolong healthy life even in people without diabetes, but subsequent studies have questioned these results. One, from 2016, concluded that metformin was merely better than other diabetes drugs, so that diabetics on metformin had about the same survival rate as the general population. More than metformin, it was the family of cholesterol-lowering medications known as statins that dramatically reduced mortality, especially in patients with a history of cardiovascular disease. Metformin did extend the life of worms if treatment was initiated at a young age, but it was highly toxic and actually shortened life span when treatment commenced at an older age. Curiously, some of the toxicity was alleviated by giving the worms rapamycin at the same time. Metformin also undermined the health benefits of exercise, which itself is well established as one of the best remedies against diseases of aging. And one study claimed that diabetics on metformin exhibited an increased risk of dementia, including Alzheimer’s disease.

        Given these uncertainties, Nir Barzilai, a gerontologist at Einstein College of Medicine in New York, is the principal investigator for a large clinical trial of about three thousand volunteers between the ages of sixty-five and seventy-nine called Targeting Aging with Metformin (TAME). The study’s goal is to see if metformin delays the onset of age-related chronic diseases such as heart disease, cancer, and dementia, as well as monitor for adverse side effects.

        To date, however, despite considerable effort, the evidence for metformin concerning longevity is not at all clear. Its effect isn’t nearly as strong or as well established as that of rapamycin, which inhibits the TOR pathway. One reason for the interest in metformin is that its long-term safety has been established in diabetics. Those with diabetes will be perfectly happy to take metformin, as their risk of poor health and eventually dying of complications of diabetes is much higher without treatment. But given the potential drawbacks noted here, it is quite a different matter to recommend its long-term use in healthy adults just yet.

        WE HAVE COME A LONG way from the age-old idea that exerting self-control over one’s diet is good for you and that gluttony comes at a steep price to our health. First there was the scientific evidence that caloric restriction could prolong healthy life compared to an ad libitum diet. Then in the last few decades, two previously unknown pathways, the TOR and the IGF-1, were shown to be major processes in the cell that responded to caloric restriction. This in turn has opened up the possibility of extending healthy living and even life span by tinkering with these pathways. The world of medical science has compiled a tremendous amount of research regarding the effects of rapamycin, metformin, and related compounds on aging and life span; rapamycin and its chemical analogs are among the more promising avenues for tackling aging. Still, bear in mind that inhibiting these pathways individually is not the same as caloric restriction, and a lot more work needs to be done to establish both the efficacy and safety of these approaches.

        Several things strike me about the discovery of TOR and the IGF-1 pathways. First, the mere existence of these pathways came as a complete surprise. Second, at least in the case of TOR, scientists were not even looking originally for a connection with caloric restriction, let alone aging. By sheer chance, they uncovered major processes in the cell that have ramifications not only for aging but also for many diseases. Third, they involved organisms that might not seem obvious for studying aging, such as yeast and worms. Finally, the discovery that a single gene could impact life span so dramatically was quite unexpected.

        Before we leave the complicated maze of caloric restriction and its pathways, let us visit a third strand that, like the story of TOR, begins with baker’s yeast. Unlike the discoverers of TOR, who were not even investigating anything pertaining to the aging process, this story is about scientists who deliberately used yeast to discover genes related to aging. A yeast cell divides by budding off smaller daughter cells. The mother cell acquires scars on its surface with each budding and can only undergo a finite number of divisions. This inability to divide further is called replicative aging. Still, you might not think that studying this rather specialized property of a single-celled organism such as yeast would have any relevance at all for a phenomenon as complex as human aging. That was exactly the skepticism that Leonard Guarente encountered from his colleagues at MIT when he said he was planning to tackle aging using yeast.

        Like many molecular biologists, Guarente had relied on yeast to study how genes are turned on and off by controlling the transcription of DNA into mRNA. By 1991, three years after Johnson’s report on the long-lived age-1 mutant in worms, Guarente was a tenured faculty member at MIT. He was already established and professionally secure, so when two of his students, Brian Kennedy and Nicanor Austriaco, told him they wanted to work on aging, Guarente agreed to embark on what for him was an entirely new area, dramatically altering the trajectory of his career.

        Initially, Guarente and his students identified a trio of genes belonging to a family called SIR genes, for silent information regulator. The SIR family in turn controls genes that define the mating type or “sex” of yeast. (Yeast mating is complicated, and they can switch their “sex” from one type to another.) Eventually Guarente’s team showed that just one of these genes, Sir2, had the biggest effect on yeast life span. Increasing the amount of Sir2 in cells extended life span, while mutating it reduced life span. The effect was not as large as the factor of 2 seen for the age-1 or daf-2 mutants in worms. But they had clearly identified a gene in yeast that controlled how many times a mother cell could divide before it was exhausted. Even more promising, Sir2 was a highly conserved gene: it had counterparts in other species, including flies, worms, and humans. They soon found, with mounting excitement, that increasing the amount of Sir2 in flies and worms also extended their lives.

        But how did it work? Recall that our genome can be recoded using epigenetic marks—chemical tags—on either the DNA itself or on the histone proteins tightly associated with it. In general, adding acetyl groups to histones activates those regions of chromatin, whereas removing acetyl groups silences them. Sir2 turns out to be a deacetylase, which you might recall are enzymes that remove acetyl groups from proteins such as histones, and there is evidence that this activity silences genes near the boundary of telomeres and affects life span. Sir2 also requires a molecule called nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide (NAD), which is required for metabolizing energy in the cell. This was a hint that when there is starvation, there is not enough free NAD to activate Sir2. Suddenly you could make a plausible link between Sir2 and caloric restriction, which had long been implicated in aging in many organisms, including yeast. Sure enough, in both flies and yeast, mutation of Sir2 eliminated the benefits of caloric restriction in prolonging life, and, in worms, the effect of Sir2 required the presence of daf-16, the same transcription factor that had already been identified as the target of the IGF-1 pathway in worms. Suddenly things appeared to come together: a mutant affecting life span in yeast was associated with a pathway affecting aging in worms that in turn was connected with caloric restriction.

        Finding mutants that increased longevity in both worms and yeast prompted Guarente and Kenyon to publish a highly enthusiastic article in the journal Nature extolling the prospects of curing the aging problem. “When single genes are changed,” they wrote, “animals that should be old stay young. In humans, these mutants would be analogous to a ninety-year-old who looks and feels forty-five. On this basis, we begin to think of ageing as a disease that can be cured, or at least postponed.” They went on to found a company in Cambridge, Massachusetts, with the equally optimistic name Elixir Pharmaceuticals.

        Not long after Guarente had made his initial breakthrough, he gave a talk in Sydney, Australia. In the audience sat David Sinclair, a brash young graduate student working on his PhD at the University of New South Wales. Sinclair was clearly both impressed and excited by Guarente’s results because he persuaded the latter to take him on as a postdoctoral fellow at MIT. Following his fellowship, Sinclair started his own lab at Harvard Medical School, across the river in Boston, and continued to work on Sir2 and aging, in effect becoming a competitor of his former mentor. Next, Sinclair started his own company, bearing the more descriptive and modest name of Sirtris Pharmaceuticals.

        By then, researchers were keen to see if the counterpart of Sir2 in humans and other mammals would have similarly beneficial effects on life span and health. In mammals, there are seven members of this family, numbered SIRT1 through SIRT7. These proteins, like the equivalents of Sir2 in other organisms, were collectively called sirtuins. (Proteins that activate other proteins are often given names ending in in; sirtuins is simply a play on “Sir2-ins.” SIRT1 seemed the most similar to Sir2, so it drew the bulk of early attention. The goal was to find a pill—or magic elixir—that would activate sirtuins in some beneficial way.

        Here the story takes a rather strange, and rather French, turn. It has long been speculated that the French have a relatively low prevalence of heart disease despite their rich diet because they also drink copious quantities of red wine. Sinclair, collaborating with a biotech company in Boston, identified resveratrol as one of the compounds that stimulated SIRT1. Oenophiles around the world rejoiced, for resveratrol was a compound present in red wine. Finally, here was scientific evidence for the benefits of a French lifestyle. Their enthusiasm was apparently not tempered by the realization that it would take about a thousand bottles of wine to produce the amount of resveratrol used as a dose in those studies.

        Sinclair’s team and a competing group appeared to clinch the issue when they administered resveratrol to mice fed a diet high in sugar and fat. Although the mice remained overweight, and their maximum life span was unaffected, they were protected against the diseases of overeating: more of them survived to old age, and their organs were not diseased like those in typically obese mice.

        This seemed exactly the Get Out of Kale Free card people were waiting for: permission to overindulge on an unhealthy diet without any ill effects. Never shy when it came to self-promotion, Sinclair was all over the news again when the pharmaceutical giant GlaxoSmithKline bought Sirtris for an astonishing $720 million in 2008. He had hit both the scientific and commercial jackpots—or so it seemed. But even at the time, there was considerable skepticism in the industry about the purchase.

        There has been significant pushback against the claims made by sirtuin advocates, some of it coming, oddly enough, from two of Sinclair’s former colleagues in the Guarente lab: Brian Kennedy and Matt Kaeberlein. Among other things, their work showed that contrary to earlier findings, caloric restriction results in an even greater life span extension in yeast cells lacking Sir2, suggesting that the two were not likely to be linked. Rather, Sir2 may have been acting in other ways by modifying the program of gene expression by deacetylating histones on DNA. The two went on to reveal that the activity of resveratrol on SIRT1 was due to the presence of a fluorescent molecule that was used to detect the activation. Without this additional molecule, no increase in activity was observed, so it was not even clear whether resveratrol had any effect on SIRT1. Not only that, but they did not find any effect of resveratrol on Sir2 activity in yeast, including life span. Pharmaceutical companies do not usually spend time proving one another wrong, but in an unusual step, scientists at Pfizer published a report stating that several of the other compounds identified by Sirtris did not directly activate SIRT1 either.

        With any machinery, it is much easier to do something that will stop it from working than to improve its performance. It is the same with drug development; many drugs work by inhibiting an enzyme, and manufacturing a new drug that makes an enzyme more effective is always a challenge and relatively rare. So Glaxo’s very expensive purchase of Sirtris raised eyebrows in the industry. Eventually it gave up on the lead compounds it had acquired from Sirtris and shut down the division. Five years after the sale, an article in Forbes magazine concluded that the best way to experience the benefits of red wine was to drink it in moderation.

        Of course, following the dictum of the German theoretical physicist Max Planck that scientists rarely change their minds in light of contradictory evidence, Sinclair and others stuck to their guns. They countered the new findings by reporting that resveratrol worked alongside other helper compounds in the cell that had properties similar to the fluorescent molecules they had used to monitor Sir2 activity in the test tube. This led to another commentary, this time in the journal Science, titled, “Red Wine, Toast of the Town (Again).”

        However, this optimistic assessment must be weighed against a systematic 2013 study by the National Institute on Aging that evaluated several compounds proposed to increase healthy life or overall life span, including resveratrol. None of them had any significant effect on the longevity of mice. Among the others were curcumin, which is present in the herb turmeric, and green tea extract—not that these findings seem to have put many health food stores out of business.

        Beyond resveratrol, skeptics began to question the very premise of the sirtuin idea. Sir2 extends replicative life span, but losing the ability to keep reproducing is only one kind of aging in yeast. There is also chronological life span, which measures how long yeast can survive in a semi-dormant state—for example, when it has run out of nutrients. Sir2 activation actually reduces chronological life span in yeast. We humans—with the exception, perhaps, of a few very rich old men—are not mainly concerned with our ability to reproduce in old age, but with increasing life span and improving health.

        Later studies also contradicted some of the early studies about the effect of Sir2 on life span. If you ascribe an effect to a mutation, you need to take care that in creating the mutant strain, you have not changed any of the thousands of other genes in the organism. Scientists clarified that overproduction of Sir2 in worms and flies had no effect on the life span of either worms or flies as long as they did not change anything else about the genetic makeup of their organisms. This considerably deflated enthusiasm for sirtuins as a potential boon to extending life, as illustrated by journal articles titled “Midlife Crisis for Sirtuins” and “Ageing: Longevity Hits a Roadblock.” Feeling embattled, Leonard Guarente repeated the experiment in worms by overproducing Sir2 without changing the genetic background, and had to revise his previous estimate of an up to 50 percent increase in life span down to about 15 percent.

        The sirtuin with the most dramatic effect may actually turn out to be SIRT6; mice deficient in SIRT6 develop severe abnormalities within two to three weeks and die in about four weeks. The protein is also a histone deacetylase that may affect how genes are expressed in telomeric chromatin, and some studies suggest that it increases life span in mice, with one study theorizing it does so because it stimulates DNA repair.

        It is telling that two of the pioneers of sirtuins in Guarente’s own lab, Kennedy and Kaeberlein, both well-established, respected researchers in their own right, have now entirely moved away from sirtuins to focus on other aspects of aging research such as the TOR pathway and how rapamycin affects it. Sirtuins, through their action on histones, may be involved in patterns of gene expression and genome stability, and are important for human physiology in ways that still need to be understood. But enthusiasm for their use in aging has declined except among the faithful. Many in the gerontology community are highly dubious that they have any direct connection with caloric restriction or extension of life span.

        There is one related molecule that has retained considerable prominence regardless of the fate of sirtuins: NAD. Nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide plays many essential roles in the cell, including for sirtuin function. It is made by the body using nicotinic acid (niacin) or nicotinamide, both slightly different forms of vitamin B3, although it can also be made by our cells from the amino acid tryptophan or by salvaging some recycled molecules.

        In the cell, NAD cycles between an oxidized and reduced form to help our cells burn glucose to convert it into other forms of energy. This process, called respiration, is absolutely essential for our ability to use glucose as a fuel; however, it does not use up NAD rapidly, since it simply cycles back and forth between its two forms. But NAD performs other essential functions, such as repairing DNA and altering gene expression through sirtuins, and these functions deplete it. Thus, as we grow older, our levels of NAD decline. The brain is one of the body’s biggest consumers of glucose as a source of energy, and you can imagine how a decline in NAD levels might harm brain function. It can also cause a host of other problems, from increased inflammation to neurodegeneration. If that seems a lot for a single molecule, it simply says something about how central NAD is to our metabolism.

        Our cells can’t take up NAD directly from our diet. But we can utilize molecules that are direct precursors of NAD, of which two popular ones are called NR (nicotinamide riboside) and NMN (nicotine mononucleotide). Search for them on the internet, and you will find countless websites arguing that one or the other is better as an anti-aging supplement depending on which one they are selling. According to one study, increasing NAD levels by providing NR or NMN to mice slowed their loss of stem cells and protected them from muscle degeneration and other symptoms of decline; in another report, higher NAD levels led to an increase in life span. However, since NAD is so central to the chemistry of life, it may have benefits that have nothing to do with an increase in life span. Indeed, Charles Brenner, a longtime expert on NAD metabolism, says, “I expressly tell people NR is not a life extension drug and that the case for its use has nothing to do with sirtuins and everything to do with acute or chronic losses of redox [reduction/oxidation reactions involved in respiration] and repair functions in the conditions that attack the NAD system. The NR trial I am most interested in is promoting healing from scratches and burns.” The results of taking either NR or NMN in humans are not yet definitive, and so far there have been no long-term studies in humans on their benefits or side effects. However, this has not stopped them from being heavily marketed as anti-aging nutraceuticals, or dietary supplements with real or alleged physiological benefits that don’t require approval from agencies like the FDA. Global sales of NMN register about $280 million annually and are forecast to reach almost $1 billion by 2028.

        We have seen how our cells orchestrate a finely tuned protein production program—and how this program starts to wobble as we age. A simple corrective—restricting our calories and eating well—can do much to slow this deterioration through complex interconnected pathways. Much excitement in aging research is about the prospect of producing drugs that inhibit these pathways and produce the benefits of caloric restriction.

        The cell, though, is not merely a bag of proteins. It contains large structures and entire organelles that must work together in harmony. When and why those relationships break down is a topic at the forefront of aging research. And it all comes back, strangely enough, to an ancient parasite. We normally think of parasites as harmful, but this one was a mixed blessing. On the one hand, it enabled us to evolve from small unicellular organisms into the complex creatures we are today. On the other hand, it is also a major reason why we age.

        9. The Stowaway Within Us

        A couple of times a year, I visit my ten-year-old grandson in New York and experience something that must be familiar to all grandparents. Although I am physically fit for my age, I am exhausted after spending a day with him. How does he have such boundless energy that just watching him makes me tired? One reason I lack his energy also explains why we both exist as complex creatures, and it dates back to an event that occurred about 2 billion years ago.

        The earliest life forms were single-celled creatures swimming around in a primordial soup. How did they become us? Each cell in our body is much larger and more complex than a typical bacterium, so even how just one of these complex cells evolved was a mystery. In the early 1900s a Russian botanist named Konstantin Mereschkowski proposed that one cell swallowed up another simpler, smaller cell. On its own, this was not remarkable; normally, either the smaller cell was killed and digested, or the cell doing the swallowing bit off more than it could chew and perished from the indigestion. But in one such case, Mereschkowski proposed, the swallower and swallowed both survived—and have continued to coexist and replicate ever since.

        The theory hung around for decades but really gained credence in the 1960s when a biologist named Lynn Margulis began working on the idea. Margulis was an iconoclast. She was married to the astronomer Carl Sagan before marrying Thomas Margulis, a chemist, whom she also soon divorced, and is quoted as saying, “I quit my job as a wife twice. It’s not humanly possible to be a good wife, a good mother, and a first-class scientist. No one can do it—something has to go.” One of her more controversial theories is the Gaia hypothesis she proposed with scientist James Lovelock, which states that the entire biosphere—the Earth, its atmosphere, geology, and all the life forms that inhabit it—is a self-regulating, living organism. She also had more extreme, and troubling, views. Margulis wrote an essay suggesting that the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center were part of a conspiracy orchestrated by the US government, and questioned whether the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) was really the cause of acquired immunodeficiency syndrome, or AIDS. Her view of herself as a maverick may have attracted her to conspiracy theories, but this attitude also allowed her to make a major contribution to our understanding of life.

        Margulis believed that symbiosis was widespread and that eukaryotes—more complex cells that have a nucleus—evolved as a result of symbiotic relationships among bacteria. At the time, the dogma was that simpler bacteria evolved slowly into more complex forms of cells. You could think of Margulis’s idea as an extension of the one Mereschkowski had proposed almost six decades earlier, but it was still sufficiently controversial that her work was rejected by fifteen academic journals before being published in 1967 by the Journal of Theoretical Biology (under the byline Lynn Sagan). Margulis proposed that the descendants of the bacteria that were swallowed up now exist as organelles in the larger cell. In animal cells, we know these as mitochondria. In addition to mitochondria, plants have another bacterial descendant inside them: chloroplasts, which turn sunlight into sugar through photosynthesis. Neither we nor plants can exist without these stowaways inside us.

        Today scientists believe that the key event that led to the formation of eukaryotes occurred about 2 billion years ago, when a single-cell organism called an archaeon swallowed a smaller bacterium. Against the odds, the bacterium survived, and eventually entered into a symbiotic relationship with its archaeon host. In the intervening 2 billion years, the bacterium evolved into mitochondria. In the 170 years since mitochondria were first discovered, scientists have learned that they are highly specialized centers of energy production in the cell. It is that ability to generate energy that allowed our primitive ancestor to evolve into today’s huge and complex variety of cells and spurred the growth of complex life forms. But we also know that energy is conserved and cannot be created out of nothing. So what does it mean to say that mitochondria generate energy?

        Contrast today’s world with a primitive, preindustrial one. In a primitive world, there were many different sources of energy. You could use the energy of the sun to warm things; you could burn wood and other fuel to generate heat; you could use the flow of a river or the power of wind to turn a mill wheel; or use wind to sail across oceans. However, these different sources of energy are not interconvertible, and they can be used only in very limited ways. You could not, for example, use wind to cook your food.

        Now think of today’s world: virtually every source of energy, from solar and wind, to fossil fuels and nuclear fission, can be converted to electricity. Electricity in turn can be used for almost everything. It provides heat and light, moves us around in cars and trains, entertains us through our television sets and other gadgets, and enables instant communication around the world. Electricity has become the universal currency of energy, in much the same way that monetary currency replaced barter trade hundreds of years ago.

        That is exactly what mitochondria do in a cell. They take less versatile forms of energy—for example, the carbohydrates that we consume—and convert them into the universal energy currency of the cell, which is the molecule adenosine triphosphate, or ATP. We have come across ATP before: it is one of the building blocks of RNA and consists of the adenine base attached to a ribose sugar and a string of three phosphates. The bonds between the phosphate groups are what chemists call high-energy bonds. It takes energy to form them, and that energy is released when they are broken. When the cell needs energy for any particular process in the cell, it can break the bond between the second and third phosphate groups and use the energy released as a result. ATP is like a tiny, highly mobile molecular battery.

        When we digest food, especially carbohydrates, we are effectively burning the sugar that we obtain by breaking down carbohydrates. In fact, chemically it is the same as if we actually burned sugar in a flame, except that our cells do it in a very controlled way. In both cases, the result is the same: sugar combines with oxygen and releases carbon dioxide and water, and releases energy in the process. That is exactly what we do when we breathe in and out. The energy released during respiration is used by mitochondria to make ATP.

        This process is chemically similar to the way we produce electricity using hydroelectric power. Unlike our own cells, which have a single membrane enveloping them, mitochondria, like their bacterial ancestors, have two membranes: each one a thin double layer of fatty molecules called lipids, which separate aqueous compartments from one another. Inside the inner membrane is a large complex of protein molecules that uses the energy of respiration to move hydrogen ions (H+), or protons, across the inner membrane, creating a proton gradient, where one side of the membrane has a higher concentration of protons than the other. And just as water flows downhill, the protons want to go down the concentration gradient. But because the membrane is not generally permeable to protons, they can do so only by traveling through a specialized molecule that acts like a molecular turbine. In the same way that water is made to go down a hydroelectric dam through large pipes to turn turbines that generate electricity, protons go through that special molecule, ATP synthase, which, as a result, actually turns like a turbine, and makes a molecule of ATP by adding on the third phosphate to adenosine diphosphate, or ADP, which has just two phosphates.

        Production of energy in our mitochondria.

        Just as monetary currency increased trade and prosperity dramatically, enabling complex societies to evolve, and just as the energy currency of electricity allowed societies to become incredibly complex technologically, the efficient production of ATP allowed cells to become ever more complex and specialized. ATP is a small molecule and makes its way, as needed, all over the cell. It provides the energy for everything from making the components of the cell, to moving around parts of the cell, to enabling cells themselves to move. Our muscles use ATP to generate the power to contract. In our brain, ATP maintains the voltage across membranes in our neurons while they transmit electrical signals and fire impulses. The human body has to generate roughly its own weight in ATP every day, and the brain alone uses about a fifth of that. Just thinking uses hundreds of calories a day. And mitochondria provide nearly all of that ATP.

        The stowaways within us, which may well have begun their lives as parasites, have made themselves indispensable by producing the ATP we need to survive. Mitochondria differ from their bacterial ancestors in other ways too. For one thing, they’ve shed most of their genes, so the mitochondrial genome is now tiny, typically coding for only a dozen protein genes. More than 99 percent of the mitochondria’s components are made by translating genes that now reside on the chromosomes in our nucleus. These proteins are made in the cytoplasm of our cells and then imported across one or both membranes of the mitochondria using a complicated machinery. How and why mitochondria managed to move most of their genes to their host’s genome, or why they retained any genome at all, is not well understood. This small mitochondrial genome is the source of many problems, though, because mutations in the mitochondrial DNA can give rise to diseases, including diabetes, and heart and liver failure, as well as conditions such as deafness.

        We inherit our mitochondria exclusively from our mothers because the sperm contributes none of its mitochondria to the fertilized egg. As a result, diseases due to defects in the mitochondrial genome are inherited entirely from the mother. A few years ago, the United Kingdom made it legal for parents to produce a “three-parent” baby. The nucleus from the egg of a potential mother with defective mitochondria is introduced into the egg of a healthy woman donor that has had its own nucleus removed. This egg is then fertilized with the father’s sperm and placed in the womb of the potential mother. The child will carry mostly the genes of its father and mother, but all of his or her mitochondria, with their tiny genome, will come from the egg donor.

        Cells can contain between tens to thousands of mitochondria. These mitochondria don’t lead entirely separate lives as they might if they were bacteria in a culture. Rather, they are constantly fusing and splitting. Mitochondria may be fusing to intermix their contents, partly as a way to compensate for partially damaged components in each of them. They also split in different ways. When cells divide, mitochondria will also split, often down the middle. But sometimes they will also split off parts that are defective so that they can be sent off to be degraded and recycled using processes such as autophagy, which we discussed in chapter 6.

        Mitochondria don’t just fuse with one another; they also interact with a cell’s other organelles in interesting ways. It turns out that lipids—the fatty molecules that make up our membranes—are highly specialized, so different organelles and cell types have different compositions of lipids. Mitochondria often exchange components with other organelles so that they can help one another make the specialized lipids they need. Excessive contacts between these organelles and mitochondria can be just as harmful as having too little.

        Finally, they do many other things besides making ATP. For example, they are also the place where the final stages of sugar burning occurs. They are the sites of burning our stored fat, which is especially important when our carbohydrate intake is insufficient, such as when we are starving or dieting. The energy from burning fat is also used to make ATP. Beyond energy production, mitochondria are now part of a complicated signaling network with the rest of the cell. They tell the cell when energy levels are low or high, so that it can adapt accordingly by turning on or off appropriate genes and pathways.

        Thus, mitochondria are no longer just energy factories but have become a central hub of the cell’s metabolism, which is a far cry from the bacterial stowaway in our cells that they once were. We now coexist in a complex relationship with them. As we age, our mitochondria still work, but they have accumulated defects. Not only do they produce energy less efficiently, but they have become creakier and less effective at their myriad other tasks. Perhaps no other structure in the cell is so intimately connected to the energy of youth and the decline of the old. Aging mitochondria even acquire a different shape as they degrade, transitioning from elongated ovals to spherical blobs. You can see why my grandson, with his young, healthy mitochondria, might feel so much more energetic—and generally healthier—than I do.

        IF MITOCHONDRIA ARE UNABLE TO function at some minimum level, we die. Remember, in most countries, death is defined by when our brain stops functioning. If we are unable to provide oxygen and sugar to our brain—which could be for a variety of reasons, such as a heart attack—the mitochondria in our brain tissue can no longer produce enough ATP for neurons to function, leading to brain death. A sudden loss of oxygen from a heart attack is a drastic occurrence, but even over the normal course of life, mitochondria gradually decline until they no longer function at the required level.

        What brings mitochondria to this point? Mitochondria age for all the same reasons the rest of the cell does, but they have their own particular burden as well. In 1954, Denham Harman proposed something called the free-radical theory of aging. His idea was that chemically reactive species of molecules, some of them called free radicals, are produced normally as a byproduct of metabolism, and cause damage to the cell over time, accelerating aging. Harman’s idea would seem to help explain the benefits of caloric restriction. If you eat less, you burn fewer calories every day, and you don’t produce as many damaging chemical byproducts. Harman’s theory also explained why animals with high metabolic rates tend to live shorter lives than those with slower metabolism.

        Free radicals can be produced throughout the cell, but they and other reactive species are produced in abundance in mitochondria. A primary function of mitochondria is burning sugar by oxidizing it. The oxygen we breathe consists of two oxygen atoms bound tightly together to form the O2 molecule. In mitochondria, this oxygen is reduced ultimately to two water molecules, each of which is H2O. If the reduction of oxygen is not complete, the partially reduced molecules are highly reactive intermediates called reactive oxygen species, or ROS. These highly reactive forms of oxygen can damage other components of the cell, including proteins and DNA. Anyone who has ever had an old car knows what reactive oxygen can do to the chassis; in that case, the reaction is speeded up when there is common salt around, which is why cars in climates where roads are salted in the winter tend to corrode more quickly. So you can think of damage to mitochondria from oxidation as a case of our cells rusting from within.

        Normally mitochondria have enzymes to scavenge away these reactive species before they cause harm, but the process is not perfect. A fraction of reactive molecules escape. Over time, they damage the molecules around them, including the proteins that make our cells work. The general breakdown in the function of the cell leads to aging. Apart from causing immediate damage, these reactive species can also affect future generations of mitochondria by damaging our mitochondrial DNA. That DNA codes for parts of the essential machinery for oxidizing sugar and generating ATP, and if it acquires too many mutations, the machinery produced will be defective. This in turn makes the reduction of oxygen less efficient, resulting in even more reactive species, kicking off a vicious cycle. The reactive species can also diffuse to other parts of the cell and generally cause havoc. Slowly with age, mitochondria will perform less and less effectively.

        Harman’s mitochondrial free-radical theory didn’t gain much traction at first, but a number of observations supported it. For one thing, the production of these reactive species increases with age; by contrast, the activity of the scavenging enzymes that remove them decreases with age, compounding the harm. But it wasn’t clear whether these changes were simply a result of aging or whether they themselves were further driving the aging process. Strains of mice that made more of an enzyme that scavenged hydrogen peroxide lived about five months longer than average, which is quite an increase in longevity for a mouse. As recently as 2022, scientists in Germany showed that a parasite increases the longevity of its ant hosts severalfold by secreting a cocktail that includes two antioxidant proteins as well as other compounds. You may remember that germ-line cells such as oocytes boast superior DNA repair. One way they may minimize damage is by suppressing one of the enzymes that generates reactive oxygen species.

        As the free-radical theory gained credibility, antioxidants took center stage. These compounds, which combat reactive oxygen species, were touted as a panacea for everything from cancer to aging. Sales of antioxidants such as vitamin E, beta-carotene, and vitamin C soared. Cosmetic companies included vitamin E, retinoic acid, and other antioxidants in their lotions and creams to keep skin youthful. People were exhorted to eat foods rich in antioxidants, such as broccoli and kale.

        Alas, although there were isolated reports of benefits from antioxidants, an analysis of sixty-eight randomized clinical trials of antioxidant supplements, encompassing a total of 230,000 participants, suggested that not only did they not reduce mortality, but some of them—beta-carotene, vitamin A, vitamin E—actually increased it. This by itself doesn’t mean that the free-radical theory has no merit. But it does mean that you cannot just pop antioxidant supplement pills and expect to get much protection against free-radical damage. Still, don’t give up on the kale just yet; eating fresh fruits and vegetables is beneficial for all sorts of other reasons.

        There are many potential reasons why the results from antioxidant dietary supplements have been disappointing. They may be metabolized in a way that doesn’t maintain a lasting effect, or they may not properly mimic the natural process by which enzymes scavenge free radicals and reactive oxygen species. But over the last ten to fifteen years, some in the field have come to doubt that oxidative damage from reactive oxygen species and free radicals are a major cause of aging at all. Studies with other animals, including worms and flies, showed no clear correlation between the level of scavenging enzymes and life span. In fact, contrary to the report on mice I just mentioned above, studies in species as varied as yeast, worms, and mice reveal that increased levels of scavenging enzymes or other defenses don’t extend life span. On the contrary, in one study, mutant worms with higher levels of free radicals lived about a third longer. Giving them a herbicide that stimulates a surge of free-radical activity prolonged their lives even more, while reducing the level of free radicals by giving the worms antioxidant supplements reduced their lives. The naked mole rat lives many times longer than other animals of the same size, yet it has higher levels of reactive oxygen species.

        What could possibly be going on? This may be an example of something called hormesis, in which exposure to low levels of a toxin is actually beneficial, whereas those same toxins are harmful at higher levels. Or, as the German philosopher Nietzsche said, that which does not kill us makes us stronger. Free radicals and reactive oxygen species send signals to stimulate the production of detoxification enzymes and repair proteins, which actually have a protective effect. Moreover, these reactive oxygen species have widespread roles as signaling molecules that convey the state of mitochondria to other parts of the cell.

        So if free radicals and reactive oxygen species are by themselves not the major problem, what else about mitochondria might make them factors in aging? We know that mitochondrial DNA mutations increase with age, and accumulation of these mutations is correlated with disease. But does it cause aging? One way to settle this was to genetically engineer strains of mice in which the DNA polymerase enzyme that replicates mitochondrial DNA was made more error prone; consequently, mutations would accumulate at a much faster rate. These mutator mice were apparently normal at birth, but they soon showed many of the symptoms of premature aging, including gray hair, hearing loss, and heart disease. At the age of about sixty weeks, most of them were dead, while normal mice were still alive. This is strong evidence that damage to our mitochondrial DNA is an important factor in aging. Tellingly, these mutator mice did not have a higher level of reactive oxygen species, so it was not as if increased mutations led to defective enzymes, which then worsened the problem by accumulating reactive oxygen species. The ultimate reason these mutator mice age rapidly is still not settled. There are reports of a complicated interplay between errors in mitochondrial DNA and the stability of the bulk of the genome in the cell’s nucleus, which can cause all of the more general problems associated with DNA damage.

        There is no question that damage to mitochondria is bad for the cell and accelerates aging, but it is remarkably difficult to tease out the precise sources of damage. Each human cell can house tens to thousands of mitochondria, each with its own genome. So if some of them acquire serious errors in their DNA, there will still be lots of healthy mitochondria to keep the cell working. But at some point, a threshold is reached where there are simply too many defective mitochondria in the cell, which cause so many problems that they overwhelm the good mitochondria. There are also situations where some of these defective mitochondria can multiply more quickly because they don’t actually do much of the work that healthy mitochondria do. In these cases, clones of these defective mitochondria can dominate, leading to serious problems for the cell.

        Mitochondria are not just energy factories but also are intimately involved in the cell’s metabolism. So as they acquire defects with age, they contribute to the decline of the cells they inhabit and speed up aging. The effect is most pronounced when they contribute to the decline of stem cells, because those cells play such important and diverse roles: when they become dysfunctional, they not only fail to regenerate tissue but also cause cellular senescence and chronic inflammation, all of which are hallmarks of aging.

        One characteristic of aging is a chronic low level of inflammation, cleverly dubbed “inflammaging.” Inflammaging owes its existence in part to our mitochondria’s ancient bacterial origins. Older, defective mitochondria are more prone to rupture and can leak their DNA and other molecules into the cytoplasm of the cell. The cell mistakes these as coming from bacterial invaders, triggering inflammation. Our neurons, which are either very long lived or do not regenerate at all, are particularly prone to aging mitochondria. It may be one reason that our cognitive abilities decline. Neurons with aging mitochondria are also less able to use the recycling pathways to clear away defective proteins and organelles, all of which expend energy. As a result, we become more prone to dementia with age.

        For all these reasons, maintaining healthy mitochondria is a key to good health. How the cell does this is closely related to some of the pathways involved in caloric restriction that we have come across already. It also uses autophagy to get rid of entire mitochondria that it deems defective, or even just defective parts of mitochondria that are broken off. This process, called mitophagy, targets the mitochondria for destruction and recycling. Some proteins can sense when things are going wrong and coat the surface of defective mitochondria with markers that signal the autophagy apparatus to target them for destruction. The same caloric restriction that increases levels of autophagy by the TOR pathway also increases levels of mitophagy.

        If a cell disposes of defective mitochondria, it must replace them with new mitochondria; here too, caloric restriction plays a role. The inhibition of TOR by caloric restriction, or the drug rapamycin, shuts down the synthesis of many proteins but turns on the synthesis of other proteins involved in turning out mitochondria. In studies, the increased mitochondrial activity from this process was tied directly to longer life spans in fruit flies.

        Besides TOR, other signals also stimulate production of new mitochondria. Sometimes, though, this effort is futile: if the cell senses a problem with mitochondrial function, it may simply end up making more defective mitochondria.

        WHILE SCIENTISTS AND THE PHARMACEUTICAL industry strive to produce a pill that will combat mitochondrial dysfunction, there is a simple way to stimulate the production of new mitochondria, and it doesn’t have to cost a penny: exercise. Physical activity turns on some of the same pathways that stimulate mitochondrial production in tissues ranging from our muscles to our brain. Exercise too is an example of hormesis. Too much exercise can be harmful, and even moderate exercise can temporarily increase blood pressure, oxidative stress, and inflammation, all of which are potentially problematic. Yet as long as the amount of exercise is not so excessive as to injure us, which depends on our health and many individual factors, it is highly beneficial. One way it spurs mitochondrial function is by generating the reactive oxygen species produced by incomplete oxidation when we breathe, which, as discussed earlier in this chapter, can be beneficial in the right amounts. Of course, exercise does far more than that and benefits us in many ways: reducing stress, maintaining muscle and bone mass, countering diabetes and obesity, improving sleep, and strengthening immunity. Add to this list the healthful effects of fresh mitochondria.

        Eventually, despite the cell’s best efforts to both recycle defective mitochondria and manufacture new ones, our mitochondria inexorably age, and in turn accelerate other aspects of our overall aging. If accumulated mutations in mitochondrial DNA are a factor in their aging, why does a baby—or my grandson—have healthy mitochondria? The same question we asked for us as individuals could be asked here too. Why is the clock reset at each generation? Recall that the resetting of the aging clock has a few reasons. The first is that germ-line cells that form the next generation have better DNA repair and age more slowly. The second is that the epigenetic marks on DNA get reset with each new generation when germ-line cells are formed. Unlike our nuclear DNA, mitochondrial DNA doesn’t have the same sophisticated epigenetic mechanisms, but it is better repaired in germ-line cells. Moreover, there is a strong selection against mutations in mitochondrial DNA, so defective oocytes are not used for fertilization. There is also a strong selection against defective sperm and even defective early embryos, so any participants with deficient mitochondria should be weeded out. Nevertheless, selection is not perfect: at least some of the loss of fertility with age is due to aging mitochondria.

        By now, it should be clear that all the causes of aging described so far are highly interconnected. We started off with perhaps the most fundamental molecule of all: our DNA, which contains the information necessary to make the thousands of proteins in a cell at just the right time and in the right amounts. That information needs to be protected against damage. Those thousands of proteins must work in harmony to ensure the functioning of a healthy cell, and the cell has many mechanisms to deal with problems as they arise. Beyond proteins, entire organelles such as mitochondria need to work in a symbiotic relationship with the rest of the cell. These mitochondria may have started off as an engulfed bacterium inside a larger ancestral cell, but today they have become a central hub in our metabolism. Any defects they acquire with age set off a whole sequence of events that themselves accelerate aging. All of these affect the aging of individual cells.

        If individual cells in our body were to age or die, we would hardly notice it—after all, we have trillions of cells. But except in primitive life forms, cells don’t exist in isolation. In our bodies, they have to communicate with one another, and work together as part of our tissues and organs. It is when a sufficient number of cells accumulate defects with age that the symptoms of aging manifest themselves: arthritis, fatigue, susceptibility to infection, decreased cognition, and more generally, bodies that simply do not work as well as they did in our youth. It is time to look at how the aging of individual cells leads to some of the morbidities of old age.

        10. Aches, Pains, and Vampire Blood

        The coast-to-coast walk is one of the great long-distance treks in England. Starting in St. Bees Head on the west coast, it cuts through the most picturesque parts of the country before ending at Robin Hood’s Bay on the east coast, near Whitby, Dracula’s port of entry to England in the Bram Stoker novel. The entire walk runs about 200 miles. I figured when I finished it, I could get an “I Did the Coast-to-Coast Walk” T-shirt and disingenuously wear it in the States to impress people.

        My opportunity came in the summer of 2013, when a group of friends and I set off. Everything was fine for the first week, but then my knee started to become more and more inflamed until I had to abandon the walk with only a few days to go. On my return, a surgeon looked at it and discovered a torn and inflamed meniscus, the result of moderate osteoarthritis. As soon as I had the knee repaired, my right shoulder started to ache—osteoarthritis striking again. I receive little sympathy from my similarly aged friends: aches and pains in our joints are simply part of life as we get older.

        Joint pain is a symptom of just one kind of inflammation, and its causes are often physical, such as the wear and tear on the bones in the joint, which then pinch and inflame the soft tissue in it. But as we age, there is a much more pervasive yet less obvious inflammation that affects our health as well as our response to disease.

        One cause of inflammation comes from cells that reach a senescent state because they have aged or become damaged. We’ve seen that when a cell senses DNA damage, it can do one of three things. If the damage is mild, it can turn on repair mechanisms. If the damage is more extensive, it can trigger signals that kill the cell; or it can send the cell into a senescent state, in which it is no longer able to divide. We saw an example of the latter when we discussed how cells stop dividing when the telomeres at the ends of their chromosomes shorten beyond a certain point. Whether a cell is killed off or whether it enters senescence, the purpose is the same: to prevent cells with a damaged genome from reproducing. Such cells run the risk of being cancerous; indeed, the entire response to DNA damage can be thought of as a mechanism to prevent cancer. As we saw earlier, nearly half of cancers have mutations in a single protein, p53, that plays a key role in the DNA damage response. These tumor suppressor genes can induce premature senescence to prevent cancer.

        Just as evolutionary theories would predict, processes that prevent us from developing cancer early in life can become a problem later on. Our tissues, for instance, would stop functioning if their cells kept getting killed off without being replaced. And even though they are alive and present, senescent cells also lead to problems. The transition from a normal cell to a senescent cell is not clearly understood. It occurs because of extensive changes to the genetic program of the cell triggered by the DNA damage response. In their altered state, senescent cells no longer contribute to the normal functioning of the tissues they serve. If they are no longer functioning as they should, you might well wonder why cells go into senescence at all instead of simply being destroyed, and why they persist.

        In fact, senescent cells often don’t just sit there quietly doing nothing. They secrete molecules such as cytokines that cause inflammation and disrupt the surrounding tissue. This is by design. Senescent cells are often produced in response to injury or other damage, and the same secretions that set off inflammation also promote wound healing and tissue regeneration, while at the same time signaling the immune system to clear them from the tissue. But our immune system ages along with the rest of us, and its ability to clear senescent cells declines. As damage to our DNA accumulates and our telomeres shorten, we produce senescent cells in places where they don’t serve any purpose and at a faster rate than our immune system can handle, leading to chronic, widespread inflammation.

        In all of the causes of aging we have discussed so far, the processes are so complex and interconnected that it is always a problem to separate cause and effect. Here too, there is the nagging question of whether an increase in senescent cells and accompanying inflammation is just a consequence of aging or whether it accelerates aging further. This question was tackled in a key study led by Jan van Deursen, who was then at the Mayo Clinic in Minnesota. He and his team used a biomarker that identified senescent cells and devised a clever method to eliminate cells with that marker. Using mice that age prematurely—called progeroid mice—they showed that removing senescent cells delayed age-related pathologies in adipose (fatty) tissue, skeletal muscle, and the eye. Even late in life, removing senescent cells delayed the progression of disorders that had already been established. The study concluded by saying that removal of senescent cells could prevent or delay aging disorders and extend healthy life. A few years later, the same team demonstrated that mice whose senescent cells were killed off were healthier in many ways than those in whom these cells were allowed to build up. Their kidneys functioned better, their hearts were more resilient to stress, they were more active, and they fended off cancers for longer. They also lived about 20–30 percent longer.

        According to a follow-up study, transplanting even small numbers of senescent cells into young mice was sufficient to cause persistent physical dysfunction, and even spread senescence throughout the tissues. With older mice, introducing even fewer senescent cells had the same effect. When researchers used an oral cocktail that selectively killed senescent cells, it alleviated the symptoms of both the young and old mice and reduced their mortality significantly.

        These studies have led to an explosion of experiments examining senescent cells as they relate to aging. The selective targeting of these cells for destruction, called senolytics, is growing rapidly in popularity, both in academic research and industry. But destroying problematic cells like these is only one side of the coin. Most of our tissues are constantly regenerated, and if cells are destroyed either naturally or deliberately, they need to be replaced.

        An old saw holds that the human body replaces itself every seven years; in other words, after seven years, you’re an entirely new collection of cells. But this isn’t strictly true. Our tissues don’t all regenerate at the same rate. Some, such as blood and skin cells, are regenerated rapidly. Cuts, bruises, and minor burns will heal over quickly with new skin, and if you donate blood, your body replenishes it in just a few weeks. Other organs are renewed more slowly; for example, most of the cells in your liver are replaced within three years. Heart tissue is replaced even more slowly, with only 40 percent of its muscle cells replaced in a lifetime, which is why the damage caused by a heart attack is often permanent. And it was thought that the neurons in our brain are never renewed—that we are born with every neuron we will ever have. Recently, however, scientists have shown that some brain cells are renewed, albeit very slowly, at a rate of about 1.75 percent annually. Still, most of our neurons were present at birth, and the inability to replenish them is why diseases that destroy them—either suddenly in a stroke or more gradually as in Alzheimer’s—are so horrific.

        The majority of our cells, however, are replaced with some regularity, and the key actors responsible for regenerating tissue are those stem cells we discussed earlier. Remember that the ultimate stem cells are the pluripotent stem cells in the early embryo that can give rise to any tissue type in the body as they differentiate. But other stem cells are halfway down the path to development of the complete organism and can regenerate only specific tissues. As Leonard Hayflick discovered in the 1950s, the cells in most tissues can undergo only a certain number of divisions, but stem cells, because they are required for regenerating tissues, are not subject to this limit.

        Stem cells that maintain and regenerate tissue must strike a delicate balance. They cannot all differentiate into the mature cells of the tissues, or there would be no stem cells left to carry on this task. And the stem cells that remain behind have to keep dividing into more stem cells to replenish the ones that have differentiated into specific tissue cells. As we age, our stem cells begin to lose this balance between producing more of themselves and regenerating tissue.

        Stem cells do not divide and proliferate indiscriminately; rather, they are activated by specific signals that they receive when the body senses a need for tissue regeneration. These signals and their ability to activate stem cells decline with age, for the many reasons we have discussed before, including damage to our genome, and epigenetic marks that our DNA acquires with age. This is one reason our muscles, skin, and other tissues degenerate with age.

        Apart from not being activated, stem cells themselves eventually suffer from DNA damage and telomere loss, and accumulate metabolic defects. Eventually they trigger a response such as the DNA damage response, which can lead to either cell death or senescence. With stem cells, death is more likely, partly because a stem cell that has damaged DNA might be too much of a cancer risk to keep around. The result is a gradual depletion of stem cells throughout the body, diminishing the ability to regenerate tissue. When our bones, muscles, and skin cannot regenerate, we become increasingly frail. A particularly significant decline is the population of hematopoietic stem cells, which give rise to all our blood cells, including the cells of our immune system. This leads to immune system decline or even immune dysfunction—something called immunosenescence, which is associated with an increase in disorders such as inflammation, anemia, and various cancers, as well as in increased susceptibility to infections.

        Apart from a gradual loss in the number of stem cells, there is a problem with the remaining stem cells. During much of our life, we have a healthy diversity of cells that have acquired different mutations, making us a mosaic of genomes. As we age, our stem cells acquire mutations, some of which cause them to proliferate more rapidly. These rapidly multiplying stem cells are not necessarily the best for regenerating tissues, but because they have a growth advantage, they outcompete their counterparts. Consequently, old age leaves us with stem cells that have all descended from just a few clones. Not only are they less effective, but—of greater concern—the clonal mutants themselves can become sources of cancer.

        If the number of stem cells declines with age, and those that remain are descendants of a few clones, some of which may be problematic, can we somehow reverse this process? In chapter 5 on epigenetics, I explained about how turning on just a few genes that code for the so-called Yamanaka factors can reprogram cells so that they can return to being pluripotent stem cells—and thus can again give rise to any tissue in the body. Might scientists learn to regenerate stem cells in the body and reverse some of the effects of aging?

        When cells are reprogrammed fully with Yamanaka factors to form induced pluripotent stem cells (iPS cells) and used to grow new tissues, they often produce tumors such as teratomas, which can be benign or malignant. One reason for this is that the Yamanaka factors are not precisely reversing the normal process of development. The truth is, we don’t fully understand what they do or how, but the resulting induced pluripotent stem cells are not exactly the same as our own embryonic stem cells, which develop into our body—after all, teratomas are quite rare in normal development. Given the potential risks associated with the use of Yamanaka factors, one idea is to expose cells to them only transiently, so that they would not go all the way back to being pluripotent stem cells again, but just part of the way back developmentally so they would be transformed into the specialized stem cells for whichever tissue they came from. Even this transient and partial reversal could help rejuvenate tissue.

        Many scientists had been working on this in cells in culture, but it wasn’t clear what turning on these factors even transiently in an entire animal would do. A group led by Juan Carlos Izpisua Belmonte at the Salk Institute in La Jolla, California, did exactly this by turning on the Yamanaka factors in entire mice for a short burst. After six weeks, the mice appeared younger, with better skin and muscle tone. They had straighter spines, improved cardiovascular health, healed more quickly when injured, and lived 30 percent longer. These studies involved a special strain of progeroid mice that aged prematurely. Recently, though, both Belmonte’s own group as well as groups led by Manuel Serrano and Wolf Reik, both in Cambridge, England, found that doing the same thing in naturally aged mice—as well as in human cells—induced similar effects. Not only did the animals (or cells) seem younger based on various criteria, but the epigenetic marks on their DNA, and the various markers in their blood and cells, were all characteristic of a more youthful state.

        David Sinclair, who had spent much of his earlier career working on sirtuins, has also begun using the Yamanaka factors to reprogram cells. A newborn mouse can regenerate the optic nerve that transmits signals from the eye to the brain, but this ability disappears as the mouse develops. Sinclair and his colleagues crushed the optic nerves of adult mice, and then introduced three of the four Yamanaka factors. They omitted the fourth, c-Myc, because it is known to have cancer-causing properties. The factors prevented the injured cells from dying and prompted some of them to grow new nerve cells reaching out to the brain. In the same study, they introduced the three factors into middle-aged mice and found that their vision was as good as younger ones. Their DNA methylation epigenetic marks resembled those of younger animals. In another experiment, the team deliberately introduced breaks in the DNA of mice, which accelerated aging by inducing the DNA repair response. One of the effects was that the pattern of epigenetic marks in the genome were characteristic of an aged animal. All of these effects could be reversed by introducing the same three Yamanaka factors.

        Stem cells have been the basis of a very large biotech industry for a long time because of the promise of regenerating new cells and tissues. But it was still quite astonishing that introducing Yamanaka factors into an entire animal, where they could affect virtually every tissue, could apparently reverse aging without any obvious ill effects, at least in the short term. For example, even though two of the three Yamanaka factors used in Sinclair’s experiments are also linked to cancer, his mice were tumor free for nearly a year and a half after treatment. These studies generated huge excitement in the aging community because, unlike other approaches, which can slow down the inexorable progress of aging, these studies actually promise to reverse aging by restoring cells and tissues to an earlier state. Not surprisingly, Belmonte, Serrano, and Reik, all leading researchers originally in academic labs, were snapped up by Altos Labs, the private company set up to tackle aging, which had also snapped up Peter Walter, whom we encountered in chapter 6. We will have more to say about these anti-aging enterprises later.

        BEFORE WE LEAVE THIS CHAPTER, let us turn to blood. Most of us don’t think of blood as an organ in the same way that we consider the liver, kidney, heart, and brain. But perhaps we should. For in many ways, blood circulation is one of the most important systems in the body. It supplies essential nutrients, including oxygen and glucose, to the other organs, as well as disposes of their waste products. It enables our response to hormones, promotes healing by forming structures at the site of injuries, and fights off infections with the immune cells that circulate in our bloodstream. If we have old, defective blood—clonal or not—that is a problem.

        The idea of living forever by drinking young blood has been around for a long time. I remember being terrified when I saw my first Dracula movie at the age of ten. But Transylvanian myths and Gothic novels aside, is it possible to replace old blood with young?

        Parabiosis attempts to do just that, by surgically connecting the circulatory systems of two animals. Some of the earliest experiments date back to the nineteenth-century French biologist Paul Bert, who was interested in tissue transplantation rather than aging. He not only connected two rats but, amazingly, is reported to have attached a rat to a cat and successfully maintained this state for several months.

        Sharing blood between two different animals, let alone different species, could obviously be problematic not only because of the possibility that one or both animals’ immune systems will reject the transfused blood due to incompatibility (this is why blood donors have to be matched to recipients with compatible blood groups), but also psychological issues. Indeed, Clive McCay of Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, is quoted as saying, “If two rats are not adjusted to each other, one will chew the head of the other until it is destroyed.” Nowadays the animals are inbred and matched genetically to avoid biochemical incompatibilities. Then they are socialized with each other for several weeks before attachment.

        Early experiments on parabiosis probed questions such as the role that blood plays in metabolic disorders, including obesity. There were, however, some scientists, like McCay, who were looking at the effects on aging as early as the 1950s. His group found that when aged rats were joined to young ones for about a year, their bones became more similar in weight and density to those of their young partners. Other studies showed that the older partners in old-young pairings lived four to five months longer than normal, which for a two-year life span is a significant extension of life. But for some reason, these studies died out in the 1970s.

        The field was resuscitated in the early 2000s when Irina and Michael Conboy, a husband-and-wife team in Thomas Rando’s lab at California’s Stanford University, again began pairing old and young mice. Within five weeks, the young blood restored muscle and liver cells in the older subjects. Their wounds healed more easily. The fresh blood even made their fur shinier. By the same criteria, the younger partner in each of the pairs tended to fare worse than usual; it, of course, was receiving older blood in the exchange.

        Rando and his colleagues had left out of their 2013 published paper that they had also seen enhanced growth of the older mice’s brain cells. We know that neurons, for the most part, do not regenerate. But these early results motivated one of Rando’s Stanford colleagues, the neurobiologist Tony Wyss-Coray, to investigate the effects of parabiosis on the brain. He showed that old blood could impair memory in young animals, while, conversely, young blood could improve the memories of older animals. There was a threefold increase in the number of new neurons in the older mice. By contrast, the younger mice that received old blood from their conjoined partners generated far fewer nerve cells than young mice allowed to roam free did.

        Against the centuries-old backdrop of the vampire myth, these reports captured people’s imaginations. Rando and Wyss-Coray were deluged with phone calls from reporters and from the general public—some of them dubious, not to mention scary. There were reports of rich old men—and, yes, it usually seems to be men—procuring a ready supply of young blood to prolong their lives.

        The scientists involved were more circumspect. In a 2013 journal article, the Conboys and Rando pointed out that even in highly inbred strains of mice and rats, the risk of parabiotic disease was as high as 20–30 percent. Moreover, it was not obvious whether all of the positive effects of parabiosis could be attributed to the blood; the older animal would have also benefited from the better-functioning organs of the younger partner, such as its liver and kidneys. To test this, the Conboys conducted a study in which they exchanged blood between two animals that were not joined. They found that the adverse effects of old blood were more pronounced than the beneficial effects of young blood.

        Such cautionary views did not stop lots of companies from trying to capitalize on the hype, rushing ahead before any careful human trials were completed. One company, Ambrosia, offered blood plasma from donors aged sixteen to twenty-five for $8,000 a liter. Alarmed, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued a warning that these treatments were unproven and should not be assumed to be safe, and strongly discouraged consumers from pursuing this therapy outside of clinical trials with appropriate regulatory oversight. In response, Ambrosia stopped offering the treatment, but only briefly: the people involved soon began marketing it again under the aegis of a new but short-lived business named Ivy Plasma—before returning to its original name. Ambrosia’s CEO, Jesse Karmazin, said, “Our patients really want the treatment. The treatment is available now. Trials are very expensive, and they take a really long time.” Most serious scientists, including those who pioneered the discoveries, believe it is premature and potentially dangerous to offer these kinds of treatments to humans without proper clinical trials.

        Beyond all the hype, Thomas Rando’s initial findings set off an extensive search for specific protein factors in blood that could be related to aging. In theory, you could have factors in young blood that stimulate growth and improve function; by the same token, old blood might contain factors that made things worse. Wyss-Coray and his colleagues showed that it was both. As they described in a 2017 article in the journal Nature, proteins from umbilical cord plasma revitalized the function of the hippocampus—a part of the brain crucial for the formation of both episodic and spatial memory. As for old blood, they zeroed in on a protein that impaired hippocampus activity; blocking it relieved some of the adverse effects.

        Of course, in the parabiosis experiments, young blood improved many organs, not just the brain. Amy Wagers of Harvard University, who was a member of Rando’s original team at Stanford, screened the hundreds of protein factors in blood to pinpoint the ones more prevalent in old or young blood. A factor called GDF11 was abundant in young mice but not in old, and it could rejuvenate heart tissue. But it didn’t just act on heart tissue. She and her colleagues showed that the factor reversed age-related deterioration of muscle tissue by reviving stem cells in old muscles and making them stronger. In a second study with her Harvard colleague Lee Rubin, they showed that it spurred the growth of blood vessels and olfactory neurons in the brain.

        Stem cells can decline in number and lose function with age, and clearly some of the factors in blood work by reactivating them. But what about the old blood making the young mice worse off? A recent study by the Conboys and Judith Campisi, another leading aging researcher, showed that treating young mice with old blood quickly increased the number of senescent cells in their circulation. This means that senescence is not just a response to stress and damage from the environment, nor is it something that simply happens over time. It can also be induced rapidly. Clearing those senescent cells reversed some of the harmful effects of old blood on multiple tissues.

        Blood need not even be from young animals to confer benefits. We saw in chapter 8 that exercise has a real benefit on many aspects of our metabolism, including insulin sensitivity and mitochondrial biology. It turns out that blood from adult mice that had been subjected to an exercise program can improve cognitive function and regeneration of neuronal tissue. Rando and Wyss-Coray showed that exercised blood can also rejuvenate muscle stem cells. Using a new way of measuring effect based on which mRNAs are made in different tissues, they showed that young blood and exercised blood act in different ways. Parabiosis from young animals reduced the activity of genes that caused inflammation, whereas exercise increased the activity of genes that decline with age. Although they both stimulated growth of brain tissue, each stimulated different types of cells.

        Identifying aging factors in blood and understanding how they work is now a major area of research. Scientists hope that one day it might be possible to administer a cocktail of a few factors with real anti-aging effects. This hope is spurring not only basic research but also has resulted in the creation of many biotech companies, including ones founded by some of the pioneers in the field.

        While science is advancing to find out precisely which combination of blood factors is most beneficial, some billionaires are unwilling to wait. They continue to be drawn to the Dracula-like allure of young blood. For instance, Bryan Johnson, the middle-aged tech mogul behind the company Braintree Payment Solutions, spends $2 million a year on his anti-aging regimen, which includes two dozen supplements, a strict vegan diet, and, as befits a techie, lots of data, including more than 33,000 images of his bowels. He went to Resurgence Wellness, a Texas outfit that describes itself as a comprehensive health and wellness clinic–slash-spa. There he was transfused with blood from his seventeen-year-old son, Talmage, and in turn donated his own blood to his father in a series of multigenerational blood exchanges that lent new meaning to “all in the family.” Johnson stopped the transfusions from his son after seeing no benefits himself, but still felt that “young plasma exchange may be beneficial for biologically older populations or certain conditions.”

        IN THIS AND EARLIER CHAPTERS, we have covered the broad landscape of aging at various levels, from our genes, to the proteins they encode, and how they affect cells and their ability to function as part of an entire animal. These levels are all interconnected, so the state of our proteins and our cells influences how and which genes are expressed, which in turn affects them. By their very nature, the causes of aging encompass virtually all of biology, and as new areas of research emerge, we find new and sometimes surprising connections with aging. So why we age and die is an ongoing story, and this book has focused on processes of the greatest interest or promise.

        The quest to defeat aging and death is centuries old, but it is only in the last half century that we have accumulated a detailed biological understanding of the processes that lead to them. That knowledge has brought about an explosion of efforts by both academic institutions and for-profit companies to combat aging. Now we come to these efforts, ranging from sound mainstream science to the wildest crackpot ideas.

        11. Crackpots or Prophets?

        Last Christmas, when my son’s family was visiting from America, there was a special exhibition at the British Museum about the Rosetta Stone and how it led to the decipherment of Egyptian hieroglyphics. So we trudged off to London, and since it was a cold and wet day during the Christmas break, we found to our dismay that the museum was packed. After we battled the crowds milling about the exhibition, we were naturally curious to see the rest of the Egyptian artifacts in the museum, including its unparalleled collection of mummies. We went over to the long hall with cases enclosing one mummy after another. It was both thrilling and sobering. Thrilling that these mummies had been preserved for a few thousand years and were right there for us to see. Sobering that each of them represented a person who had been alive.

        Their corpses, now in varied states of preservation, lay underneath the wrappings and caskets. It was a stark reminder yet again of the extent to which people will go to deny death. After all, Egyptians mummified their pharaohs so that they could arise corporeally at some point in the future for their journey in the afterworld. Surely now, a few millennia after the pharaohs and with more than a century of modern biology behind us, we would not do anything even remotely so superstitious. But in fact, there is a modern equivalent.

        Biologists have long wanted to be able to freeze specimens so that they can store and use them later. This is not so straightforward because all living things are composed mostly of water. When this water freezes into ice and expands, it has the nasty habit of bursting open cells and tissues. This is partly why if you freeze fresh strawberries and thaw them, you wind up with goopy, unappetizing mush.

        An entire field of biology, cryopreservation, studies how to freeze samples so that they are still viable when thawed later. It has developed useful techniques, such as how to store stem cells and other important samples in liquid nitrogen. It has figured out how to safely freeze semen from sperm donors and human embryos for in vitro fertilization treatment down the road. Animal embryos are routinely frozen to preserve specific strains, and biologists’ favorite worms can be frozen as larvae and revived. For many types of cells and tissues, cryopreservation works. It is often done by using additives such as glycerol, which allow cooling to very low temperatures without letting the water turn into ice—effectively like adding an antifreeze to the sample. In this case, the water forms a glass-like state rather than ice, and the process should be called vitrification rather than freezing (the word vitreous derives from the Latin root for glass), but even scientists casually refer to it as freezing and the specimens as frozen.

        Enter cryonics, in which entire people are frozen immediately after death with the idea of defrosting them later when a cure for whatever ailed them has been found. The idea has been around a long time, but it gained traction through the work of Robert Ettinger, a college physics and math teacher from Michigan who also wrote science fiction. Ettinger had a vision of future scientists reviving these frozen bodies and not only curing whatever had ailed them but also making them young again. In 1976 he founded the Cryonics Institute near Detroit and persuaded more than a hundred people to pay $28,000 each to have their bodies preserved in liquid nitrogen in large containers. One of the first people to be frozen was his own mother, Rhea, who died in 1977. His two wives are also stored there—it is not clear exactly how happy they were to be stored next to each other or their mother-in-law for years or decades to come. Continuing this tradition of family closeness, when Ettinger died in 2011 at age ninety-two, he joined them.

        Today there are several such cryonics facilities. Another popular one, Alcor Life Extension Foundation, headquartered in Scottsdale, Arizona, charges about $200,000 for whole-body storage. How do these facilities work? Essentially, as soon as a person dies, the blood is drained and replaced with an antifreeze, and the body is then stored in liquid nitrogen. Theoretically, indefinitely.

        Then there are the transhumanists who want to transcend our bodies entirely. But they don’t want humanity as we know it to end before we have figured out a way to preserve our minds and consciousnesses indefinitely in some other form. In their view, intelligence and reason may be unique to human beings in the universe (or at least they see no evidence for extraterrestrial intelligence). To them, it is of cosmic importance to preserve our consciousnesses and minds and spread them throughout the universe. After all, what is the point of the universe if there is no intelligence to appreciate it?

        These transhumanists are content to have only their brains frozen. This takes up less space and costs less. Moreover, it could be faster to infuse the magic antifreeze directly into the brain after death, increasing the odds of successful preservation. The brain is the seat of memories, consciousness, and reasoning, and that is their sole concern. At some point in the future, when the technology is ripe, the information in the brain will simply be downloaded to a computer or some similar entity. That entity will possess the person’s consciousness and memories and will resume “life.” It won’t be limited by human concerns such as the needs for food, water, oxygen, and a narrow range of temperature. We will have transcended our bodies, with the possibility of traveling anywhere in the universe. Not surprisingly, transhumanists are generally ardent about space travel, viewing it as our only chance to escape destruction on Earth. One such proponent is Elon Musk, said to be the wealthiest person in the world, depending on the year, who is well known for his desire to “die on Mars, just not on impact.” Presumably one of his first goals upon reaching the red planet will be to construct a cryonics facility.

        The bad news is that there is not a shred of credible evidence that human cryogenics will ever work. The potential problems are myriad. By the time a technician can infuse the body, minutes or even hours may have elapsed since the moment of death—even if the “client” moved right next to a facility in preparation. During that time, each cell in the deceased person’s body is undergoing dramatic biochemical changes due to the lack of oxygen and nutrients, so that the state of a cryogenically frozen body is not the state of a live human being.

        No matter, say cryo advocates: we simply must preserve the physical structure of the brain. As long as it is preserved enough that we can see the connections between all the billions of brain cells, we will be able to reconstruct the person’s entire brain. Mapping all the neurons in a brain is an emerging science called connectomics. Although it has made tremendous advances, researchers are still ironing out the kinks on flies and other tiny organisms. And we don’t yet have the know-how to properly maintain a corpse brain while we wait for connectomics to catch up. Only recently, after many years, has it been possible to preserve a mouse brain, and that requires infusing it with the embalming fluid while the mouse’s heart is still beating—a process that kills the mouse. Not one of these cryonics companies has produced any evidence that its procedures preserve the human brain in a way that would allow future scientists to obtain a complete map of its neuronal connections.

        Even if we could develop such a map, it would not be nearly enough to simulate a brain. The idea of each neuron as a mere transistor in a computer circuit is hopelessly naive. Much of this book has emphasized the complexity of cells. Each cell in the brain has a constantly changing program being executed inside it, one that involves thousands of genes and proteins, and its relationship with other cells is ever shifting. Mapping the connections in the brain would be a major step forward in our understanding, but even that would be a static snapshot. It would not allow us to reconstruct the actual state of the frozen brain, let alone predict how it would “think” from that point on. It would be like trying to deduce the entire state of a country and its people, and predict its future development, from a detailed road map.

        I spoke to Albert Cardona, a colleague of mine at the MRC Laboratory of Molecular Biology who is a leading expert on the connectomics of the fly brain. Albert stresses that, in addition to the practical difficulties, the brain’s architecture and its very nature are shaped by its relationship to the rest of the body. Our brain evolved along with the rest of our body, and is constantly receiving and acting upon sensory inputs from the body. It is also not stable: new connections are added every day and pruned at night when we sleep. There are both daily and seasonal rhythms involving growth and death of neurons and this constant remodeling of the brain is poorly understood.

        Moreover, a brain without a body would be a very different thing altogether. The brain is not driven solely by electrical impulses that travel through connections between neurons. It also responds to chemicals both within the brain and emanating from the rest of the body. Its motivation is driven very much by hormones, which originate in the organs, and includes basic needs such as hunger but also intrinsic desires. The pleasures our brains derive are mostly of the flesh. A good meal. Climbing a mountain. Exercise. Sex. Moreover, if we wait until we age and die, we would be pickling an old, decrepit brain, not the finely tuned machine of a twenty-five-year-old. What would be the point of preserving that brain?

        Transhumanists argue that these problems can be solved with knowledge that mankind will acquire in the future. But they are basing their beliefs on the assumption that the brain is purely a computer, just different and more complex than our silicon-based machines. Of course, the brain is a computational organ, but the biological state of its neurons are as important as the connections between them in order to reconstruct its state at any given time. In any case, there is no evidence that freezing either the body or the brain and restoring it to a living state is remotely close to viable. Even if I were one of the customers who was sold on cryonics, I would worry about the longevity of these facilities, and even the societies and countries in which they exist. America, after all, is only about 250 years old.

        Despite this, many people have bought into the idea of cryonics. In the United Kingdom, a fourteen-year-old girl who was dying of cancer wanted to have her body cryogenically frozen. She needed the consent of both parents, but they were separated, and her father, who himself suffered from cancer, and was not part of her life, was opposed. She took the matter to court, and the judge ruled that she was entitled to have her wishes followed—but they should be made public only after her death. This elicited an outcry from prominent UK scientists, who called for restrictions on the marketing of cryonics to vulnerable people.

        In almost a mirror image of this case, the renowned baseball player Ted Williams wanted to be cremated. Upon his death in 2002 at the age of eighty-three, two of his three children insisted on having his remains frozen, igniting a bitter family feud. In the end, a compromise was reached: only the great athlete’s head would be put on ice, so to speak.

        According to press reports, well-known people who intend to be cryopreserved include entrepreneur Peter Thiel, one of the cofounders of PayPal; computer scientist Ray Kurzweil, best known for his prediction that in 2045 we will reach the singularity where machines will become more intelligent than all humans combined; philosopher Nick Bostrom, who is concerned that such machine superintelligence could spell an existential catastrophe for humans; and computer scientist turned gerontologist Aubrey de Grey. More about him in a moment.

        Because the brain decays rapidly following death, many cryonics facilities recommend that their clients move somewhere nearby when it’s known that the end is nigh. However, this may not be good enough. Remember that the only way cryopreservation has been shown to merely preserve connections in a mouse brain was by infusing embalming chemicals into its blood while it was still alive, in a procedure that kills the animal. In 2018, a San Francisco company called Nectome was reported to have plans to do exactly that to human beings: infusing a mixture of embalming chemicals into the carotid arteries in the neck—killing the customer immediately in the process. This would be carried out under general anesthesia, although what the embalming would do to the state of the brain was not clear. The company’s cofounder claimed that this assisted suicide will be completely legal under California’s End of Life Option Act. One might think that the prospect of certain euthanasia coupled with an uncertain outcome would be a tough sell, but the same article claimed that twenty-five people had already signed on as customers, and one of them was reported to be thirty-eight-year-old Sam Altman, cofounder of OpenAI, the artificial intelligence research lab that launched ChatGPT, who believes that minds will be digitized in his lifetime and that his own brain will one day be uploaded to the cloud. In response, Robert McIntyre, the founder of Nectome, said that those people were early supporters of his research and had not been promised or even offered anything, certainly not silicon-based mental immortality.

        LET US MOVE FURTHER UP the plausibility scale, from cryonics to Aubrey de Grey. With his two-foot-long beard and a matching messianic zeal, de Grey looks the very stereotype of an upper-class English eccentric and has amassed a large cultlike following. He began his career as a computer scientist and, although not a professional mathematician, contributed a major advance toward solving a sixty-year-old mathematics problem. At some point, he met the American fly geneticist Adelaide Carpenter at a party in Cambridge and eventually married her. This sparked his interest in biology—in particular, the mitochondrial free-radical theory of aging. De Grey came to believe that aging was a solvable problem. He asserts that the first humans who will live to be 1,000 years old have already been born. De Grey’s central idea is that if we can improve average life expectancy faster than we age—if, in other words, life expectancy increases by more than a year annually—we can hope to escape death altogether. He calls this “escape velocity.”

        To reach escape velocity, de Grey has a plan. Bucking the conventional wisdom of the biological community, he proposes that we can defeat aging if we crack seven key problems: (1) replenish cells that are lost or damaged over time, (2) remove senescent cells, (3) prevent stiffening of structures around the cell with age, (4) prevent mitochondrial mutations, for example by engineering mitochondria so that they don’t make any proteins themselves using their own genome but import them exclusively from the rest of the cell, (5) restore the elasticity and flexibility of the structural support to cells that stiffen with age, (6) do away with telomere lengthening machinery so that we don’t get cancer, and (7) figure out how to reengineer stem cells so that our cells and tissues don’t atrophy. He calls his program to solve these problems SENS: strategies for engineered negligible senescence.

        De Grey has learned enough biology to pinpoint many of the things that go wrong as we age. But with the characteristic arrogance that many physicists and computer scientists display toward biologists, he is wildly optimistic about the feasibility of addressing them. In response to his claims, twenty-eight leading gerontologists, including many you’ve come across in this book, wrote a scathing rebuttal arguing that many of his ideas were neither sufficiently well formulated nor justified to even provide a basis for debate, let alone research, and that not a single one of de Grey’s proposed strategies has been shown to extend life span. The coauthors included Steven Austad and Jay Olshansky. Other mainstream researchers too dismissed SENS as pseudoscience. One of them, Richard Miller of the University of Michigan, penned a hilarious parody of SENS in a satirical open letter to de Grey in the journal MIT Technology Review. Since the aging problem had been solved, Miller proposed, perhaps we could turn now to the challenge of producing flying pigs; there are a mere seven reasons why pigs, at present, cannot fly, and we could fix all of them easily. De Grey, in response, huffed that the gerontology community was short-sighted, comparing the field to Lord Kelvin, the famous physicist and former president of the Royal Society who once scoffed that heavier-than-air flying machines were impossible.

        Dissatisfied with the lack of support from the academic community and the funding prospects in England, de Grey left for the United States in 2009. He set up the SENS Foundation in well-heeled Mountain View, California, with a private endowment, and initially with the support of some well-known gerontologists. Around this point, he began liaisons with other women, two of whom were forty-five and twenty-four years old. Adelaide Carpenter de Grey, then sixty-five, did not want to move to California to be part of this lifestyle, and they eventually divorced. De Grey remarked that as we solved the aging problem, “There’s going to be much less difference between people of different chronological ages,” and the expectation of living a very long time might very well lead to a reevaluation of the value of permanent monogamy. In 2021 he made the news again after being accused of sexual harassment by two young women, one of whom was only seventeen when she encountered de Grey. He denied the allegations and was suspended by his own foundation initially. But following charges that he’d interfered with an investigation into his conduct, the SENS Foundation fired him. A company report eventually cleared de Grey of being a sexual predator but criticized him over instances of poor judgment and boundary-crossing behavior. De Grey, undaunted, founded the new LEV Foundation, with the letters standing unsurprisingly for Longevity Escape Velocity. His longevity in longevity research is remarkable, as is his ability to continue to obtain funding from rich benefactors.

        Even the more mainstream anti-aging industry has some extreme optimists. Among them is David Sinclair, who, unlike the charlatans of the aging field, is a Harvard professor who has published a number of high-profile papers on aging in top journals, including two recent papers on reprogramming cells that made considerable waves. At the same time, Sinclair is known for excessive self-promotion and highly enthusiastic claims. For example, he has predicted that it will be normal to go to a doctor and take a medicine that will make us a decade younger, and that there is no reason why we couldn’t live to be 200. Such statements cause some of his critics to cringe and even fellow scientists who respect his ability to be embarrassed for him. I discussed the fate of resveratrol and his company Sirtris in chapter 8, but it appears to have had no effect on his ability to raise money to found several new companies—or indeed on his large public following, one that rivals de Grey’s. His recent popular book, which doubles down on his beliefs, shows that he is completely unfazed by any criticisms of his work. I doubt whether he would have been bothered much by a scathing review of the book by Charles Brenner.

        Although resveratrol has long been discounted by the mainstream community, Sinclair still stands by it. In an essay on LinkedIn, he said coyly that he does not give medical advice—then proceeded to say that he takes resveratrol, metformin, and NMN (an NAD precursor) daily. We have come across these compounds in these pages. There is no evidence that any of them improves life span in humans; they haven’t been tested for this purpose in rigorous clinical trials, and, therefore, have not been approved by the FDA. Moreover, the evidence that metformin is beneficial in healthy adults is mixed; as we saw earlier, there are also problems associated with its use. For a Harvard professor to make this sort of statement on social media is essentially advocating their use, which strikes me as both ethically questionable and potentially dangerous. In the piece, Sinclair also bragged that he had a heart rate of 57 despite not being an athlete and that his lungs functioned as though he were multiple decades younger. Oddly, I am seventy-one, and although I’m no athlete either, my resting heart rate has been in the low 50s for much of my adult life—without taking Sinclair’s nutraceutical supplements. Since he is a scientist, at least he ought to compare himself to close relatives who don’t take the supplements, and also see what would happen if he went off his regimen but preserved his general lifestyle.

        Starting a few decades ago, all sorts of dubious commercial enterprises started selling various compounds or procedures purporting to extend health or life. They would often make the most tenuous connection with some genuine research finding to hawk their wares. Respectable scientists founded their own companies—in many cases, several—and some of them gave the impression that the problem of aging would soon be solved. After all, investors are unlikely to fund companies if the payoff is many decades down the road. All of this led to a feeling that the fountain of youth was just around the corner.

        Even back in 2002, fifty-one leading gerontologists were already alarmed enough by the hype to write a position statement laying out their views on what was known and what was fantasy or science fiction. They were particularly anxious to draw a clear distinction between serious anti-aging research and questionable claims about extending health and life. Among their key points:

        Eliminating all aging-related causes of death would not increase life expectancy by more than fifteen years.

        The prospects of humans living forever is as unlikely today as it has ever been.

        Antioxidants may have some health benefits for some people, but there is no evidence that they have any effect on human aging.

        Telomere shortening may play a role in limiting cellular life span, but long-lived species often have shorter telomeres than do short-lived ones, and there is no evidence that telomere shortening plays a role in determining human longevity.

        Hormone supplements sold under the guise of anti-aging medicine should not be used by anyone unless they are prescribed for approved medical uses.

        Caloric restriction might extend longevity in humans, since it does so in many species. But there is no study in humans that has proved it will work, since most people prefer quality of life to quantity of life; but drugs that mimic caloric restriction deserve further study.

        It is not possible for individuals to grow younger, since that would require performing the impossible feat of replacing all of their cells, tissues, and organs as a means of circumventing aging processes.

        While advances in cloning and stem cells may make replacement of tissues and organs possible, replacing and reprogramming the brain is more the subject of science fiction than likely science fact.

        Despite these many reservations, the gerontologists enthusiastically supported research in genetic engineering, stem cells, geriatric medicine, and therapies to slow the rate of aging and postpone age-related diseases.

        Interestingly, Aubrey de Grey was a signatory to this statement. Notable omissions, though, included Leonard Guarente and David Sinclair, both of sirtuin fame, and Cynthia Kenyon, who had discovered the daf-2 mutant in worms. All three of them were involved with various longevity companies at the time and were on record as being highly optimistic about the prospects of major breakthroughs.

        Nevertheless, the explosion in the anti-aging industry has proceeded unabated. Today there are more than 700 biotech companies focused on aging and longevity, with a combined market cap of at least $30 billion. Some of these firms have been around for almost two decades but have yet to produce a single product. Others generate revenue by selling nutraceuticals; these supplements do not require FDA approval, and no randomized clinical trials to assess their safety and effectiveness have been carried out. Many of these companies have highly distinguished scientists on their advisory boards—including some Nobel laureates who have no particular expertise in aging, apart from being old. To the public, the presence of these distinguished scientists lends an air of credibility to the enterprise. How has such an enormous industry flourished for so long with so few actual advances to show for it?

        AGING RESEARCH TAPS INTO OUR primeval fear of death, with many people willing to subscribe to anything that might postpone or banish it. California tech billionaires, especially. Many of them made their money in the software industry, and because they were able to write programs to carry out rapid financial transactions or swap information of various sorts, they believe aging to be just another engineering problem to be solved by hacking the code of life. The pace of success in the software industry has made them impatient. They are used to making major breakthroughs in a couple of years, sometimes even a couple of months, and they underestimate the complexity of aging. They want to “move fast and break things.” We all know how that attitude worked out for social media, with consequences for social cohesion and politics that we could never have imagined twenty years ago. Currently, these same people have prematurely unleashed AI on the world while at the same time warning us of its dangers. One can only shudder at applying that attitude to something as profound as aging and longevity.

        These enthusiastic tech billionaires are mostly middle-aged men (sometimes married to younger women) who made their money very young, enjoy their lifestyles, and don’t want the party to end. When they were young, they wanted to be rich, and now that they’re rich, they want to be young. But youth is the one thing that they cannot instantly buy, so, not surprisingly, many of the celebrity tech billionaires—such as Elon Musk, Peter Thiel, Larry Page, Sergey Brin, Yuri Milner, Jeff Bezos, and Mark Zuckerberg—have all expressed an interest in anti-aging research. And in many cases, they are funding it. One notable exception is Bill Gates, who recognizes realistically that the best way to improve overall life expectancy remains addressing the serious health care inequalities in the world.

        Recently, the company Altos Labs made a big splash, announcing a war chest of several billion dollars of investment money. It was founded by Richard Klausner and Hans Bishop with the active encouragement and financial support of Yuri Milner and several wealthy benefactors, mostly in California, reportedly including Jeff Bezos. Milner, a software billionaire originally from Russia, has had a long-standing interest in science. He founded the Breakthrough Prizes, which are among the most prestigious—and certainly the most lucrative—international awards in science. Recently, he wrote a tract titled Eureka Manifesto: The Mission for Our Civilization, which explains some of his thinking about aging. Some of what he believes seems to be similar to the transhumanists: our evolution of reason, and all the knowledge we humans have accumulated, is precious and should not be lost. Having Earth as our only home could be a huge risk, so we may need to populate other parts of the universe. As I read his essay, I suddenly saw why Milner would want to tackle aging. Outer space is vast, and if we have to travel hundreds if not thousands of years toward a new home, it might be nice to be able to survive the voyage. There is nothing particularly illogical about Milner’s views, but they display the grandiosity—and the optimism bordering on arrogance—typical of this subset of the tech community. In any case, Altos Labs was launched with a big bang in 2022. In one swoop, the company netted some of the biggest stars in anti-aging research, luring them away from their academic positions by offering them huge resources and salaries. Altos now has campuses in both Northern and Southern California (naturally), and also in Cambridge, England, not far from my own lab.

        When news of Altos Labs first leaked in the press, it was touted as a company that wanted to defeat death. Rick Klausner, its chief scientist and cochair, denied this and said that its objective is to improve healthy life span. At the launch of the Cambridge campus, he said, “Our goal is for everyone to die young—after a long time.” Klausner and others also pointed out that Altos Labs offers a highly collaborative way of doing science that allows it to tackle big problems in a way that academic labs dependent on individual grants cannot. Some mentioned to me that the company hoped to be gerontology’s version of Bell Labs, the famous private and commercial laboratory in New Jersey where small groups worked in highly collaborative settings to produce major breakthroughs such as the transistor, information theory, and lasers.

        If tech billionaires are interested in curing aging in a hurry, many scientists are only too happy to enable them. Many truly distinguished scientists now have financial stakes in the industry, either through their own companies or as employees or consultants. This is not at all a bad thing in itself, but when I see some of them constantly touting their findings or their companies’ prospects, I wonder whether they can all really believe what they are saying. Do they not understand the complexities and difficulties ahead? Or, in the words of Upton Sinclair, is it simply that “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on his not understanding it”?

        OF ALL THE LIVING SCIENTISTS I have described in this book, Michael Hall, who led the team that discovered TOR, is one of the most distinguished. Of aging research, he told me, “I went through a period about fifteen years ago when I was thinking a lot about TOR and aging, but was then turned off by the aging meetings I attended. They were three-ring circuses: light science and wackos walking around looking like Father Time. However, I think the field has evolved. It is now on firm ground with rigorous science.”

        What has changed? Mainly, gerontology has gone from being a somewhat disrespectable soft science scorned by mainstream biologists to becoming a major research priority, partly because of the need to deal with aging populations in the developed world and, increasingly, worldwide. The result is that we now have a much better handle on the complicated biological causes of aging. Of these, DNA repair, although fundamental to aging, has been used far more to target cancer than aging. Virtually every other aspect of aging is also the target of therapeutic interventions to slow it down or reverse it. We have discussed many of them in context throughout the book, but some of them seem to be more promising than others—and have certainly attracted more investment.

        One promising approach is to prevent the accumulation of “bad” proteins and other molecules as we age, either by recognizing them and disposing of them, or by slowing down or altering the rate or program of protein production, which allows the body to cope with these changes. Drugs that essentially mimic caloric restriction fall into this class, and the ones that are most actively investigated are those that target TOR, such as rapamycin and similar drugs, and others like the antidiabetic drug metformin, whose mechanism of action is still not well understood. The vitamin-like precursors of NAD and other nutrients that need to be supplemented with age are also an active area of research. Other drugs aim to target senescent cells, which are the source of inflammation and its accompanying problems, while still others seek to identify factors found in young blood that can slow down aging in various ways.

        Some of the biggest excitement today concerns the reprogramming of cells to reverse the effects of aging. You have already read in chapter 10 about how scientists are using transient exposure to Yamanaka factors to try to rejuvenate animals while also trying to minimize the risk of cancer. The early results of this approach have been promising enough that a huge number of start-up companies has sprouted up around this strategy. It is a major focus of Altos Labs, which hired Shinya Yamanaka himself as an adviser. Stem-cell therapy was already a major area of biotechnology because of its potential to regenerate damaged tissue and restore function to organs. Many of these companies already have expertise in reprogramming to generate various kinds of stem cells and have now jumped onto the anti-aging bandwagon. However, patients will be more receptive to stem-cell treatment for serious diseases such as replacing damaged muscle after a heart attack or restoring functional cells in a pancreas to treat diabetes, because the benefits will clearly outweigh the risks. It is not yet clear when this will happen with efforts to tackle aging—clearly the bar for safety and efficacy will be much higher.

        That brings us to another, more fundamental problem with aging research. How can researchers tell if their treatments are working? The customary way for any new treatment in medicine would be to carry out a randomized clinical trial. Patients are divided into two groups, with one given either a placebo or the current standard therapy for a particular condition, and the other the agent being tested, to see if the patients given the experimental medicine fare better, or worse. The equivalent for anti-aging medicine would be to see if the treatment prolongs health and life. But this could take years to assess. This long wait for results makes it more difficult to find volunteers for properly randomized trials.

        In management, as well as in science and technology, there is a well-known saying that you can’t improve what you can’t measure. The fifty-one gerontologists who criticized the hyperbolic statements from the anti-aging industry pointed out that aging was highly variable from individual to individual. They added pointedly: “Despite intensive study, scientists have not been able to discover reliable measures of the processes that contribute to aging. For these reasons, any claim that a person’s biological or ‘real age’ can currently be measured, let alone modified, by any means must be regarded as entertainment, not science.”

        That was true twenty years ago when the authors wrote it. But today, increasingly, there are so-called biomarkers that correlate well with our underlying physiology and the characteristics that arise from it. Some characteristics of age are obvious. Our hair gets thinner and grayer or whiter, our skin becomes more wrinkled and less elastic, our arteries narrow and become more rigid, our brains are— Well, you get the picture. These traits are subjective and tricky to quantify, but if we can come up with measurable biomarkers that are proxies for them, that would be a big step forward. In addition to epigenetic changes to our DNA such as the Horvath clock, explained in chapter 5, there are now a variety of markers that measure inflammation, senescence, hormone levels, and various blood and metabolic markers, as well as the pattern of gene expression in different cell types. So scientists may be able to measure if their treatments are having any effect on aging without having to wait an interminably—or terminably—long time. Although these biomarkers or aging clocks have been rapidly taken up by the industry, their underlying basis is often not clear, and there are few studies that compare them to see how well they agree with one another.

        Anti-aging researchers run into a regulatory problem as well: clinical trials are usually only approved for treatment of disease. In the scientific community, debate rages over whether aging is simply a normal progression of life or a disease. The traditional view is that something that happens to everyone and is inevitable can hardly be termed a disease. Gerontologists who subscribe to this view would argue that aging is the result of molecular changes that occur over time, which make us function less optimally and become more prone to diseases. Aging may be a cause of disease but is not a disease in itself. Another stark difference is that disease is usually subject to a clear definition: whether one has it and when one got it. But there is no clear consensus on when you become old. For these reasons, the latest International Classification of Diseases by the World Health Organization (WHO) omitted aging. While many in the gerontology community were disappointed by this decision, others welcomed it because they worried that classifying aging itself as a disease could lead to inadequate care from physicians: rather than pinpoint the cause of a condition, they would simply dismiss it as an unavoidable consequence of old age.

        Still, the biggest risk factor for many diseases is age. Even during the recent Covid-19 pandemic, the risk of dying from being infected roughly doubled with every seven to eight years of age, so that an eighty-year-old was about 200 times as likely as a twenty-year-old to die if he or she caught Covid. Drawing on this, some gerontologists argue that we should regard aging as a disease, one that manifests itself in various ways such as diabetes, heart disease and dementia, or indeed being more prone to pneumonia or Covid-19. Of course, with billions of investment and research dollars at stake, there is currently fierce lobbying both by elements of the gerontology community and the anti-aging industry to have aging classified as a disease. So far, the FDA has refused, although it approved clinical trials for progeria, a disease in which patients age prematurely, dying around fifteen years of age. More surprisingly, in 2015 it authorized the TAME trial on the use of metformin in a study of aging in healthy adults; perhaps the federal agency was swayed by the fact that metformin was already an approved drug for diabetes, and at least some data on diabetics suggested a beneficial effect. But unless companies invested in longevity succeed in persuading the FDA to allow clinical trials for normal aging, they will face difficulty carrying out rigorous patient studies and will have to resort to other criteria to show the efficacy of their treatments.

        MOST PEOPLE SAY THEY DO not fear death so much as the prolonged debilitation that precedes it. Almost everyone would agree that it is a worthy goal to increase health span, or the number of years of healthy life, by reducing the fraction of years of life that we spend in poor health as a result of age-related diseases. This goal was termed compression of morbidity by James Fries in 1980. Or as Klausner phrased it, we should all die young after a long time. Compression of morbidity rests on two assumptions: that we can alter the process of aging to postpone the onset of the diseases of aging; and that the length of life is fixed. The first, of course, is the goal of much of anti-aging research.

        However, there is some debate about the second assumption. Much of the gain in life expectancy in the last hundred years was by reducing infant mortality. However, in the last few decades, tremendous advances have been made in the treatment of diseases that occur as we age, including diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and cancer. These advances have inevitably increased our life expectancy. Aubrey de Grey has argued convincingly that the gerontology community is hypocritical in rejecting life extension because treating the causes of aging will inevitably extend life and that compressing morbidity will “forever remain quixotic.” Even if we accept that there is currently a natural limit of about 120 years to our life span, the reasons for that limit are not well understood beyond a vague notion that it has to do with a general breakdown of our complex biology that leads to general frailty. As de Grey points out, compression of morbidity would require us to eliminate or slow down various causes of aging, while at the same time deliberately not tackle the causes of frailty that eventually make us die. Even Steven Austad, who is far more in the mainstream of the gerontology community than de Grey, made his famous bet that advances in combating aging would enable someone currently alive to live over 150 years.

        If anything, data from the Office of National Statistics in the UK suggest that rather than compressing morbidity, advances in treatment of age-related diseases have done the opposite: they show that the number of years we spend with four or more morbidities has not declined but actually slightly increased as a fraction of our lives. A United Nations report on the trend worldwide is similar and concludes that both life span and disability-free years increased but the fraction of our lives spent in disability has not decreased. In short, we are living more years and possibly a greater fraction of our lives in poor health.

        Is compression of morbidity even possible? When I first heard the idea, I thought it was absurd: if someone was “young” in Klausner’s sense of being healthy, what would suddenly cause him or her to collapse and die? It would be like a car that was running perfectly suddenly falling apart. In his original 1980 article on compression of morbidity, Fries himself likened the idea to the titular one-hoss-shay of the 1858 Oliver Wendell Holmes poem “The Deacon’s Masterpiece or, the Wonderful ‘One-Hoss Shay’” in which a shay—a horse-drawn carriage for one or two people—was designed so perfectly that all its parts were equally strong and long-lasting. A farmer was merrily riding it when all of a sudden the shay disintegrated under him—“Just as bubbles do when they burst”—and he found himself on the ground in a heap of dust.

        There are animals that live a healthy and vigorous life, reproducing right up to the point of death. In his book Methuselah’s Zoo, Steven Austad describes an albatross that lives many decades in perfect health until it dies. However, the albatross’s demise is not the death we might wish for, as centenarians in the peak of health quietly slipping away in our sleep. In nature, life is brutish and merciless. The bird probably reached a point where it could no longer make the long journey to return to its nest and collapsed after a struggle, or it was killed by a predator. Similarly, our hunter-gatherer ancestors probably did not spend many years with the morbidities of old age; instead, they often starved, died of disease, were eaten by predators, or killed by a fellow human being the moment they were not absolutely healthy and fit. Their morbidity was highly compressed but it’s not exactly what most of us are striving for. If compressing morbidity were the only goal, we could squish it all the way to zero if we chose. In Aldous Huxley’s classic 1932 dystopian novel Brave New World, perfectly healthy people are simply euthanized at their appointed time. It is not clear that many people would opt for such a world especially if the timing of “compression” was not up to us. If we were faced with many years of decrepitude, some of us might well consider it, but if we were perfectly healthy, why would we want to die? I don’t think these examples represent true compression of morbidity, because the death of an otherwise healthy being occurs rather suddenly as the result of some unpleasant external cause.

        If all this sounds bleak, there is some hope that true compression of morbidity is actually possible. Thomas Perls of the New England Centenarian Study points out that although the number of centenarians has grown in recent decades, the numbers of semisupercentenarians and supercentenarians (those that reach 105 and 110 years of age, respectively) have not and remain very small. This is contrary to what we would expect given medical advances and a general population increase in life expectancy. While many centenarians live extraordinarily long lives in good health, about 40 percent of them had age-related diseases prior to 80. By contrast, supercentenarians are healthy nearly their entire lives. As they approached the limit of the human life span at around 120 years, like the one-hoss-shay they experienced a rapid terminal decline in function and died. This would argue in favor of a fixed life span, with supercentenarians managing to compress morbidity as much as possible and pushing close to the maximum life span of the species.

        Perhaps by studying their genetics, metabolism, and lifestyles, we can understand what it would take to achieve a life that is healthy right up to the very end. There may be hundreds of genetic changes that each contribute in a subtle way to longevity, and there may be no magic combination of genes that allows you to live very long. Moreover, although scientists have been able to isolate single genes that extended life in highly artificial situations, we know that those mutants are unable to compete with normal wild-type worms or flies because these genes are detrimental to fitness in other ways. Similarly, a variant of a gene called APOE is overrepresented in centenarians and is thought to protect against Alzheimer’s disease, but this same variant increases the risk of metastatic cancer, and also makes people more likely to die of Covid-19. Findings like these should temper any dreams of using future advances to engineer humans with extremely long lives. Genetic variants that are associated with longevity could make us vulnerable in other unforeseen ways.

        Anyway, even these supercentenarians are hardly as fit as they were in their twenties, nor indeed would you mistake them for a younger person. Something about them has still aged, and they become increasingly frail. As I pointed out earlier, Jeanne Calment was deaf and blind near the end. So the question of what characterizes good health or a lack of morbidity bears closer examination.

        It is conceptually easy to define mortality, but morbidity is much fuzzier. It is defined as a disease, but many chronic illnesses such as diabetes, high-blood pressure, or atherosclerosis can be treated with medication and people can lead perfectly normal and satisfactory lives. I take medication for high cholesterol and high blood pressure, which might be termed chronic diseases, but I can do most things I like, including bicycling and hiking. If you simply count diagnoses for diseases as morbidities, then you are not capturing a true picture of whether the person is living a reasonably healthy life or is decrepit, incapacitated, and suffering. Statistics regarding morbidities in old age must be looked at carefully.

        The efforts to combat aging today span a wide range. At one end are a small and highly vocal minority, including both high-profile scientists and investors, who want to defeat death altogether. They have large, cultlike followings, and I suspect there are many more who want this goal but are too embarrassed to profess it openly. At the other end are those focused strictly on treating specific diseases of old age using what we have learned about their various causes. The broad spectrum in the middle want to tackle aging directly to compress morbidity so that humans might live healthy lives into old age.

        Today there is a vast amount of money invested in aging research, both by governments and by private commercial companies. In a decade or two, we will have a clear idea of whether they will succeed and to what extent. If they succeed even partly, it could have profound and unpredictable consequences for society. Let’s now look at what some of those might be.

        12. Should We Live Forever?

        I am now roughly the age my grandparents were when they died. The physically active lifestyle I lead is something they could not have imagined in their final decade. Today it is increasingly common for people to die in their nineties or later. My personal experience is simply a reflection of demographic changes in the world over the last few decades. Virtually every part of the world is experiencing a growth in the size and proportion of the population over the age of sixty-five. The share of older people is currently almost 20 percent in high-income countries and expected to double between now and 2050 in many regions of the world.

        At the same time, people are having fewer children. We first saw this in developed countries and are increasingly seeing it now across the globe. This means that fewer and fewer workers will support an ever larger population of retirees. In some Asian countries, there may eventually be twice as many retired people as there are workers. Many of the elderly will also require expensive medical care for a decade or even two. In countries with weak social safety nets, they will either be at the mercy of their families or will have to be self-reliant, for which they will need to be mentally and physically fit. Even in countries with more robust state support, an aging population will put tremendous strain on pension and social security programs.

        The social consequences of extending life span are immense. Nearly all state-backed retirement programs assume that people will stop working around age sixty-five. These measures were introduced when people generally lived only a few years past retirement age, but now they can live two decades beyond it. In both social and economic terms, this is a ticking time bomb, and it is no surprise that governments the world over are enthusiastically funding aging research to improve health in old age in the hopes that this segment of the population can be both more productive and independent for a longer time, and in less need of costly care.

        If we increase life span without compressing morbidity, it will simply make our current problems worse. But if researchers manage to combat aging and compress morbidity, we could well see a scenario where people routinely live healthily beyond 100 years, possibly approaching our current natural limit of about 120 years of age. In the context of any one individual that might seem a wonderful outcome, but it will also have profound and unpredictable consequences for society.

        When major, disruptive technologies arrive, we are not always good at understanding their long-term ramifications. For example, not so long ago, people gladly adopted social media while giving scarcely a thought to its potential consequences, such as a loss of privacy, monetization of the individual by large corporations, surveillance by governments, and the spread of misinformation, prejudice, and hatred. We cannot afford to repeat that mistake by blindly adopting new anti-aging technologies and sleepwalking into a world for which we are ill-prepared. What might some of the consequences of life extension be?

        One of them is even greater inequality. There is already a wide gap in life expectancy between the rich and poor. Even in England, which has a national health service providing universal coverage, this disparity is about ten years. However, the difference in the number of healthy years is almost twice that. The poor not only live shorter lives but also spend more of it in poor health. Things are even worse in the United States, where the richest live about fifteen years longer than the poorest, and the disparity actually increased between 2001 and 2014.

        Advances in medicine have always had the potential to increase inequality. Historically, the rich in advanced countries have benefited first. Later, others in these countries may benefit, depending on whether health-care systems and insurance companies view these treatments as necessities. Only then will they eventually spread to the rest of the world, where only those individuals who can afford them will be able to benefit. We already see this in the health and economic status of people from different parts of the world. So any advances in aging research is likely to similarly increase inequality. But unlike other kinds of inequality, an inequality in both the quality and extent of life has the potential to be not just self-sustaining but actually to drive even larger increases in inequality. The economically well off in white-collar jobs will now be able to live and work longer and pass on even more generational wealth to their descendants, thus exacerbating the inequality. Unless treatments become very cheap and generic—such as cholesterol-lowering statins or blood pressure medications—there is a serious risk that we will be creating two permanent classes of humans: those who enjoy much longer lives in good health, and the rest.

        Another concern is overpopulation. Such a large increase in life expectancy could lead to a dramatic increase in the world’s population at a time when there are already too many people on Earth. Our current population, and its predicted increase in the coming decades, is partly why we face so many existential disasters, including climate change, loss of biodiversity, and dwindling access to natural resources like fresh water.

        Past increases in longevity have indeed led to dramatic increases in the population. This is because fertility rates remained high for some decades after life expectancy increased. Similarly, today, Africa has experienced significant increases in life expectancy, but fertility rates remain high at about 4.2, which is why the population of Africa is still increasing rapidly. However, improvements in life expectancy and standard of living are almost inevitably followed by a demographic transition in which the birth rate gradually falls. For example, in the late eighteenth century, European women had about five children on average at a time when life expectancy was low due to high infant mortality, but that fertility rate now ranges from 1.4 to 2.6, depending on the country. Eventually the birth and death rates became roughly equal, and the population has stabilized at some new higher level. Over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, this happened in much of the West, as well as in many Asian countries such as Japan and South Korea.

        In the past, improvements in infant and childhood mortality meant more people lived to reach reproductive age, which naturally led to rapid population growth. But it is not inevitable that in advanced countries that have already gone through a demographic transition, further increases in life expectancy will necessarily lead to a growth in population. In Japan, people live longer than they did a few decades ago, yet the population of Japan has actually fallen since 2010, because of lower birth rates.

        The fertility rate has dropped and is below replacement level in many countries. The average age of childbearing has also been steadily increasing in developed countries. Currently, it is increasingly common for women to have their first child in their thirties, and sometimes even around forty, which is almost a decade or two later than the norms a century ago. Both of these trends are the result of more security and prosperity, the expectation of a long life, and the emancipation of women and their entry into the workforce. Together these factors have slowed down or stopped population growth in many parts of the world, which has been hugely beneficial in many important ways, not least the effect on our environment and natural world. I am puzzled by economists who talk about it as a problem, especially in reference to China’s decline in population growth. Elon Musk believes that an impending global population collapse is a much bigger problem than climate change, which strikes me as absurd.

        Nevertheless, as people live longer, the population will grow unless one of two things happens: either the fertility rate decreases even more, or the average age of childbearing increases along with life expectancy. However, both of these scenarios have some problems. In many countries, the average age of childbirth has gradually increased until it is pushing up against the realities of biology. Women from their midthirties on have increasing difficulty in conceiving and soon afterward face menopause. If menopause can be delayed as we increase life expectancy, this would solve the problem of delaying childbirth and would be much fairer to women, many of whom face the problem of deciding whether to have children right when their career is taking off. However, menopause is the result of very complex biology, and there is no evidence that we will be able to alter the age of its onset. Of course, there are ways for women to have children even beyond menopause—for example, by freezing eggs for later implantation along with hormone treatment—but these are expensive and cumbersome, and not without considerable risk. The other solution to prevent population growth in the face of increasing longevity is to have even fewer children, which means that an even greater proportion of the population will be elderly, which has its own consequences.

        Let us assume an optimistic scenario: life expectancy surges beyond a hundred years and they are mostly healthy years. The population has stabilized; people are having fewer children and having them as late as possible. If we can’t ask a smaller and smaller fraction of younger people to support an increasing cohort of older people in retirement, there’s really only one solution: careers are going to get longer.

        WORKING INTO YOUR SEVENTIES OR eighties—or even longer—is a rather different prospect depending on what your job is. As Paul Root Wolpe, director of the Emory University Center for Ethics, asks: Would hard laborers or people doing menial jobs at the age of sixty-five relish the prospect of doing this for another fifty years? Large percentages of people dislike their jobs and look forward to retirement. In 2023 more than 1.2 million people marched in France to protest against the government’s proposal to raise the retirement age a mere two years from sixty-two to sixty-four. Reacting to the French protests, some have argued that the United States should actually lower retirement age, pointing out that the people who advocate that Americans should work until they are seventy are typically in cushy, remunerative white-collar jobs that are fun and intellectually engaging for octogenarians, and it is different for people who want to stop changing tires or working a cash register for $11 an hour at age sixty-two. In my own institute, I have found that nonscientists on the staff retire as soon as they qualify, while the scientists try to hang on for as long as they can.

        When I ask some of my scientific colleagues about their retirement plans, especially in America, where it is not uncommon to see academics work well into their eighties or even longer, the typical response is “I’m having far too much fun to retire!” Some of them go on to claim they are doing the best work of their lives. But the evidence says otherwise. We are all willing to accept that we cannot run a hundred-meter race as fast as we could when we were twenty, but we persist in the delusion that we are intellectually just as capable as we were when we were younger. This may be because we identify too closely with our own thoughts—they define who we are. All the evidence suggests that in general, we are no longer as creative and bold as when we were younger.

        One way to assess this is to retrospectively ask how old someone was when they did their best work. In the sciences, Nobel Prize winners nearly always make their key breakthroughs when they are young and not very powerful. Biologists and chemists often achieve their big breakthroughs a decade or so later than physicists and mathematicians, perhaps because it takes time to assimilate a huge body of knowledge, acquire the practical experience, and build up the resources needed. Indeed, the famous mathematician G. H. Hardy wrote in his 1940 book, A Mathematician’s Apology, “No mathematician should ever allow himself to forget that mathematics, more than any other art or science, is a young man’s game. . . . I do not know of an instance of a major mathematical advance initiated by a man past fifty.” In recent times, one of the great achievements of mathematics, the proof of the 350-year-old Fermat’s Last Theorem, was made by Andrew Wiles when he was about forty.

        When they are older, many scientists continue to churn out first-rate work from their labs. However, this is not because they themselves are sharp and innovative. Rather, they have become a brand name, have amassed resources and funding, and can attract first-rate young scientists to do the work. Many, if not all, of the new ideas—and certainly the lion’s share of the work—come from these young scientists. Even so, it is very rare for an older scientist—even one who is doing very good work and has a team of young scientists to help—to truly break new ground. Often they are doing more of the same. For example, I have had the good fortune to attract very talented young people thanks to whom my laboratory continues to publish papers in top journals. But it is also true that in some sense, they are extensions of my previous work. The few really new directions have come not from me but from the young people who work with me. It is true that everyone can point to an exception: the chemist Karl Sharpless won his second Nobel Prize at the age of eighty-one for work he had begun when he was around sixty. But that is remarkable because it is so rare.

        It is not just in science and mathematics that our creative powers peak when we are relatively young. This is also true in business and industry. Thomas Edison was under thirty when he started the Menlo Park laboratory in New Jersey and invented his version of the lightbulb soon afterward. In today’s world, many of the most innovative companies, such as Google, Apple, Microsoft, and the AI company DeepMind, were started by people in their twenties or thirties.

        You might think that things are different in literature, where experience of life and accumulated wisdom would make you more profound as you aged. However, at a Hay Literary Festival event in 2005, the Nobel Prize–winning novelist Kazuo Ishiguro outraged his fellow writers by suggesting that most authors produce their best work when they are young. He said it was hard to find cases where an author’s most renowned work had come after the age of forty-five and pointed out that War and Peace, Ulysses, Bleak House, Pride and Prejudice, Wuthering Heights, and The Trial were all written by writers in their twenties and thirties. Many great writers—Chekhov, Kafka, Jane Austen, the Brontë sisters—died before they reached their midforties. Ishiguro says he is not suggesting that novelists cannot do good work later in life, just that their best work tends to come before their midforties. His main point was actually that authors should not wait until they are older to attempt a great novel. He may have contradicted his own thesis with Klara and the Sun, which he wrote in his midsixties. It was received as one of his finer novels, although only time will tell whether it will rank as highly as his earlier work. Similarly, Margaret Atwood’s recent Booker Prize–winning novel, The Testaments, was published when she was over eighty. It is brilliantly gripping and disturbing, but the novel is really a further exploration of the world she conjured in The Handmaid’s Tale almost forty years before.

        Ishiguro posited a theory for why some types of creativity decline with age. As we grow older, one of the first mental abilities to decline is our short-term memory. Perhaps writing a novel requires holding disparate facts and ideas in our heads while we synthesize something new from them. This may well be true in science and mathematics. The process of creativity may be different in other disciplines. For example, many film directors, conductors, and musicians continue to perform at the highest level well into old age, as do many artists.

        Advances in healthy aging would not necessarily make us as creative and imaginative later in life as we are in our younger years. Young people see the world with fresh eyes, and in new ways. Ishiguro wonders whether in writing, the proximity to childhood and the experiences of growing up—a time of life when one’s perspective changed from year to year, even month to month, because one was oneself changing so profoundly—is central to the creation of satisfying novels. In science and mathematics, younger practitioners may be less biased by a lifetime accumulation of knowledge, and bolder about questioning paradigms.

        So far, we have been talking about big creative breakthroughs declining with age in a variety of fields, but these breakthroughs are outliers and represent a tiny fraction of the whole enterprise. Even in science, the big breakthroughs are built on the vast foundations laid by the majority of scientists productively going about their jobs of gradually advancing our state of knowledge. It would hardly be appropriate to formulate social policy based on these outliers. How would the bulk of white-collar work be affected by age?

        Most studies say our general cognitive abilities also decline with age, but there has been some debate about when exactly that happens, with some arguing that it begins as early as age eighteen, and others arguing that it is significant only after sixty. A ten-year study that followed a large cohort of British civil-service workers showed that cognitive scores on tests of memory, reasoning, and verbal fluency all declined from the age of forty-five, with faster decline in older people. The one category not to show a major decline was vocabulary. Other studies also make a distinction between so-called “crystallized abilities” such as vocabulary and “fluid abilities” such as processing speed. The latter declines steadily from the age of twenty, while the former increases and then remains steady, and only declines gradually from about age sixty. All of this affects our ability to learn new tasks and be as mentally agile. Any adult who doubts these findings should try learning the piano, a new language, or advanced mathematics for the first time.

        It is of course theoretically possible that as we learn to combat the causes of aging, we can also do something about the deterioration of our mental abilities. But so far, the brain has proved the most difficult frontier to conquer. Neurons regenerate very slowly if at all, and many of the processes that lead to deterioration and eventual disease in the brain remain intractable. It is true that at least one approach, inhibiting the integrative stress response in protein synthesis, has been shown to improve memory, but there is no evidence that it reverses general cognitive decline and ability to learn.

        Many argue that any cognitive decline is offset by increased wisdom, a vague and poorly defined trait. It’s true that young people often do lack wisdom and foresight, leading to rash behavior. But there is no evidence that wisdom continues to increase beyond a certain age. In recent elections in both the United States and Great Britain, older age groups have tended to be conservative and swayed by demagoguery and an appeal to their sense of nostalgia. They have acquired a lifetime of biases and prejudices and are generally less open to new ideas. My guess is that we acquire most of our wisdom by our thirties. After that, we become increasingly set in our ways, as likely to be reactionary as wise.

        Today there is an imbalance of power that favors the old. This is partly because they have accumulated a great deal of wealth: in both Britain and American, households where the head is over seventy have about fifteen to twenty times the median wealth of those under thirty-five. But it is also because as people age, they accumulate power and a powerful network of connections. Even if they are no longer as qualified or competent to do their job as their younger peers might be, they may cling to power and authority, using their connections and reputation. It is hard to dislodge them from their positions even if they are no longer on top of their game and could be replaced by many more competent people. More generally, Wolpe argues that the political ramifications of a long life span are huge because the elderly vote at much higher rates than the young, and the highest echelons of power have become the preserve of the over-seventies. The United States is led by President Joe Biden, who will be eighty-one as of the 2024 presidential election; his chief rival, Republican Donald Trump, will be seventy-eight. Elsewhere, Rupert Murdoch, until recently the chair of Fox Corporation and executive chairman of News Corp, retains enormous media influence (and with it, political clout) in several countries at the age of ninety-three. Politically, Wolpe argues, young people will be squeezed out, and the fresh ideas they bring to politics and innovation will be suppressed. By contrast, the vast majority of the great innovations, including social advances such as gay marriage, diversity inclusion movements, and before that civil rights and women’s rights, were driven by young people.

        The imbalance of power is particularly egregious in academia, where the concept of tenure, which was introduced so faculty members could not be fired for expressing unorthodox opinions, is now being wielded by faculty members to remain in their posts for as long as they possibly can. Many universities in the United States and United Kingdom have abolished mandatory retirement age, and those that haven’t, such as Oxford and Cambridge, are facing lawsuits from disgruntled professors. Recently, Oxford lost a tribunal case brought by three professors who accused the university of ageism, claiming, not surprisingly, that they were dismissed “at the peak of their careers.”

        Even if they are not doing groundbreaking work or at the peak of their careers, as long as they are being productive, what harm is there in allowing them to stay on? Some of my academic colleagues argue that established senior scientists have the resources, wisdom, vision, and perspective to provide a great environment to train and mentor the next generation of younger scientists. Not everyone agrees. Fred Sanger, who won two Nobel Prizes, hung up his hat the day he turned sixty-five and spent the rest of his life pursuing hobbies such as building a boat that he sailed around Britain and growing roses. My own mentor, Peter Moore, retired after a long and distinguished career at Yale at the age of seventy. It is not as if he suddenly became intellectually dead. He continues to edit journals, write books, and carry on other intellectual activities that take neither resources nor money from his institution. He had this to say: “I had been telling my colleagues for years that it is an abuse of the privilege of tenure for elderly faculty to hang on to the bitter end, not least because there are no seventy-year-old scientists so wonderful that a thirty-five-year-old scientist who is better cannot be found.”

        In academia, the combination of tenure and a lack of retirement age is particularly problematic. Some senior academics have rightly complained that they are far more productive than some younger faculty who have burned out by the age of forty. But this can be solved by abolishing both tenure and retirement age and having regular assessments of productivity.

        Moore’s comment goes to the heart of intergenerational fairness. The most senior faculty tend to draw very large salaries, which would often be sufficient to hire two young scientists in their stead. Even if they are not drawing a salary, they are taking up precious resources such as laboratory space that could otherwise be used to recruit new young faculty who would go on to make the breakthroughs of the future and open up entirely new areas. Older researchers also have the clout to influence the agenda at their institution and in science more generally, and tend to be conservative and incremental rather than bold and innovative. The same is true broadly in other sectors of work, including corporate careers.

        The problem of intergenerational fairness conflicts with the push for people to work longer as the population ages. So what is to be done?

        Ageism is now considered a sin along with other -isms such as racism and sexism. However, ageism is different because we all actually decline with age. Still, it is important to recognize that the rate at which people’s physical and mental abilities decline is highly variable. We must not use chronological age as a proxy for ability, and a rigid retirement age that applies to everyone is highly inappropriate. Moreover, despite the well-documented decline in people’s ability with age, two surveys of the literature concluded that the relationship between age and productivity is more complex. One concluded that as they aged, people did less well at tasks that required problem-solving, learning, and speed, but maintained high productivity in jobs where experience and verbal abilities are important. The other concluded that 41 percent of the reports showed no differences between younger and older workers, and 28 percent reported that older workers had better productivity than younger workers, citing experience and emotional maturity as possible factors.

        All of this suggests that we need to be flexible in our approach to work and retirement. As we have seen, many professions are physically or mentally demanding, and people may need to retire earlier. They may be able to switch to less demanding jobs and continue working if they are able. Rather than apply a one-size-fits-all approach, we need to bring in objective measures of assessment that can apply to all age groups, which will also ensure fairness to both young and old. Moreover, even after they can no longer do the job they did for much of their career and have to retire, older people can still be useful and productive in many ways for as much of the rest of their lives as possible.

        There is a lot of evidence that having a purpose in life reduces mortality from all causes as well as the incidence of stroke, heart disease, mild cognitive decline, and Alzheimer’s. And elderly professionals do have a wealth of experience and a deep knowledge of their field. They can be unparalleled sources of advice and mentorship; they can participate in civic activities. Peter Moore, whom I mentioned earlier, is a great example of someone who has retired from his professorship but still makes himself extremely valuable to the scientific community.

        Even after they have retired, we need to think of ways that allow older citizens to remain independent for as long as possible. This means paying attention to the way houses are constructed, with bedrooms on ground floors, and communities are planned, with nearby amenities such as shopping and mass transit. Social isolation and loneliness are detrimental for the well-being of all people but especially for the elderly. Currently, many Western societies seem to treat the old as a problem to be hidden away in separate retirement enclaves rather than an integral part of society. Perhaps it is better to integrate them fully into the broader community, where they live interspersed with the rest of the population, and through their social and civic activities, they interact routinely and regularly across the entire generational spectrum of society. Their active participation will also benefit the rest of society.

        These are all problems we may plausibly soon encounter, if biologists succeed in pushing life spans ever closer to a natural limit of roughly 120 years. Yet there is no hard scientific law that necessarily precludes far more drastic increases in life expectancy. After all, we know of species that live many hundreds of years and others that show no signs of biological aging. If, someday, humans breach our current limit and live for several hundred years as Aubrey de Grey prophecies, all of these issues would only be magnified. Advocates for extreme life extension have no real solutions except to say that we will learn to deal with problems as we encounter them. Some have said that if we have a population crisis as a result of extreme longevity, we should be made to leave Earth and settle other planets once we reach a certain age. As always, the answer to problems created by technology seems to be even more far-fetched technology.

        I AM NOT SURE THAT if we lived so much longer, we would be any more satisfied. Now that we live twice as long as we did a century ago, we still aren’t content with that entire extra life. Rather, we seem to be even more obsessed with death. If we live to be 120 or 150 years old, we will fret about why we can’t live to 300. The quest for life extension is like chasing a mirage: nothing will ever be enough short of true immortality. And there is no such thing. Even if we conquer aging, we will die of accidents, wars, viral pandemics, or environmental catastrophes. It may be simpler to accept that our life is limited.

        Moreover, our very mortality may give us the incentive and desire to make the most of our time on Earth. A greatly extended life span would deprive our lives of urgency and meaning, a desire to make each day count. It is not clear that even with an entire extra lifetime, we are accomplishing more than the great writers, composers, artists, and scientists of past eras. We may well end up living a very much longer life bored and lacking in purpose. As I mentioned earlier, it could also lead to a stagnant society, since many of the big social changes have been spearheaded by younger generations.

        This obsession with mortality is probably unique to humans. It is only the accidental evolution of our brain and consciousness, and our development of language to communicate our fears, that has made our species so fixated on the end. The writer and editor Allison Arieff has pointed out the irony that the same Silicon Valley culture that produces gadgets designed to be obsolete and discarded every few years seems to be obsessed with living forever. She quotes the writer Barbara Ehrenreich, “You can think of death bitterly or with resignation and take every possible measure to postpone it. Or, more realistically, you can think of life as an interruption of an eternity of personal nonexistence, and seize it as a brief opportunity to observe and interact with the living, ever-surprising world around us.” Arieff believes that our very humanness is intertwined with the fact of our mortality.

        On a recent trip to India, I met Ganesh Devy, a linguist who works with dozens of rural, forest-dwelling tribes in the country. India has well over a hundred languages, many facing a different kind of death: some of them are now spoken by only a few people and will soon become extinct. He said he himself did not fear death. I was skeptical, but he pointed out that on a field trip once he was bitten by a highly poisonous snake and he felt no fear or panic at the thought of dying. I asked him why. Devy said that we have to regard our individual selves as parts of larger entities like family, community, and society, just as all the cells in our body are part of tissues and organs and us. Millions of our cells die every day. Not only do we not mourn their passing, but we are not even aware of it. So even if we as individuals die, our society and indeed life on Earth will go on. Our own genes will live on through our offspring or other family members. Life has been going on continuously for several billion years while we individuals come and go.

        Still, if someone were to offer a pill that would add ten years of healthy life, hardly anyone would decline it. I view myself as more in the philosophical camp, yet take several anti-aging medicines a day: pills for my blood pressure, a statin for high cholesterol, and a low-dose aspirin to protect against thrombosis. All of these are to prevent heart attacks or strokes and have the effect of prolonging my life. I would be a hypocrite to dismiss attempts to alleviate the problems of aging. Physicians are struck by how many people, even faced with terminal illnesses that inflict appalling pain, want every measure taken to prolong their lives, even if only by a few weeks or even days. The will to live is deeply ingrained in us, even if we are sanguine in our more rational moments.

        About ten years ago, the Pew Research Center explored American attitudes on living much longer. Respondents were optimistic about cures for cancer and artificial limbs, and they viewed advances that prolong life as generally good. However, over half said that slowing the aging process would be bad for society. When asked if they themselves would take treatments to live longer, a majority of them said no, but two-thirds thought that other people would. Most doubted that an average person living to 120 would happen before 2050. A large majority felt that everyone should be able to get these treatments if they wanted, but two-thirds felt that only the wealthy would actually have access. About two-thirds also said that longer lives would strain our natural resources. About six in ten said that medical scientists would offer treatments before they fully understood how doing so could affect people’s health and that such treatments would be fundamentally unnatural. The clear-eyed view of the American public in the face of relentless hype is certainly heartening.

        In this book, I have discussed how advances in molecular biology have shed light on virtually every aspect of aging, often taking a skeptical look at some of the hype. In doing so, I hope that readers acquire not only an appreciation of the underlying causes of aging, but are able to more knowledgeably interpret news reports and PR blurbs about each new “advance” and judge for themselves how realistic various claims are. How long it takes to go from a fundamental discovery to a practical application is hugely variable and unpredictable. It took three centuries for Newton’s laws of motion to be translated into rockets and satellites. It took over a hundred years for Einstein’s theories of relativity to be used in the GPS systems that our phones use to tell us where we are on a map. Neither Newton nor Einstein could have remotely anticipated the use we made of their discoveries. Other advances are much faster: from Alexander Fleming’s discovery of penicillin in 1928 to its use in humans was less than twenty years. With the money and urgency that drive current research on aging, major advances might well come in years rather than decades, but the sheer complexity of aging makes any prediction highly uncertain.

        We are at a crossroads. The revolution in biology continues unabated. Artificial intelligence and computing, physics, chemistry, and engineering are all being brought to bear on what was the domain of traditional biologists. Together they are creating new technologies and increasingly sophisticated tools to manipulate cells and genes to advance every aspect of the life sciences, including aging.

        I have highlighted the relationship between cancer and aging many times throughout this book. Both are rooted in highly complex biology. Just as cancer is not a single disease, aging too has many interconnected causes. It has now been half a century since President Nixon declared a “war on cancer” in 1971. Since then, our biological understanding of cancer has advanced enormously, resulting in a steady stream of new and improved treatments that continues to this day, saving or prolonging millions of lives. Today, the sheer talent and money committed to aging research is reminiscent of our efforts to combat cancer. This means that just as with cancer, we will eventually make breakthroughs, even if it takes time for them to actually improve and extend our lives. It is well to remember that even today, after a half century of intense effort, cancer is not “solved.” It remains one of the largest killers in most societies. Our progress with aging may follow a similar trajectory, given the similar complexity of both problems.

        The American futurist and scientist Roy Amara said that we tend to overestimate the effect of a technology in the short run and underestimate its effect in the long run. This has been true for many things, including the internet and artificial intelligence. If Amara’s law holds, all the hype in the anti-aging industry will lead to considerable disappointment in the short term, but it also means that once we get past the winter of disillusionment and discontent, there will be major advances eventually.

        As a society, it is important for us to think about the possibly profound consequences of these changes. However, this task is not just for governments and citizens alone: the anti-aging industry should not repeat the mistakes of the computer industry and plunge ahead without any thought of where it will all lead and leave the rest of us to try and clean up the mess when it is too late. These companies stand to benefit hugely from any breakthroughs in aging research but do not seem to have put much effort into either the social or ethical consequences of their work. In their blurbs, their work is always portrayed as an unmitigated and universal good for humanity.

        In the meantime, we need not sit around and wait for a long period of decrepitude and decline. Ironically, the very same advances in biology that are the basis of the anti-aging industry also thoroughly validate some age-old advice for living a long and healthy life: diet, exercise, and sleep. In his book In Defense of Food: An Eater’s Manifesto, Michael Pollan advises us, “Eat food. Not too much. Mostly plants.” This advice is entirely consistent with everything we know about caloric restriction pathways. Exercise and sleep, as we discussed earlier, affect a large number of factors in aging, including our insulin sensitivity, muscle mass, mitochondrial function, blood pressure, stress, and the risk of dementia. These remedies currently work better than any anti-aging medicine on the market, cost nothing, and have no side-effects.

        While we wait for the vast gerontology enterprise to solve the problem of death, we can enjoy life in all its beauty. When our time comes, we can go into the sunset with good grace, knowing that we were fortunate to have taken part in that eternal banquet.

        Notes

        Introduction

        Even Carter, a seasoned Egyptologist: Maite Mascort, “Close Call: How Howard Carter Almost Missed King Tut’s Tomb,” National Geographic online, last modified March 4, 2018, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/magazine/2018/03-04/findingkingtutstomb.

        We may be tempted to think of it: Nuria Castellano, “The Book of the Dead Was Egyptians’ Inside Guide to the Underworld,” National Geographic online, last modified February 8, 2019; Tom Holland, “The Egyptian Book of the Dead at the British Museum,” Guardian online, last modified November 6, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2010/nov/06/egyptian-book-of-dead-tom-holland.

        They recognize when one: For example, see this study of elephants: S. S. Pokharel, N. Sharma, and R. Sukumar, “Viewing the Rare Through Public Lenses: Insights into Dead Calf Carrying and Other Thanatological Responses in Asian Elephants Using YouTube Videos,” Royal Society Open Science 9, no. 5 (May 2022), https://doi.org/10.1098/rsos.211740, described in Elizabeth Preston, “Elephants in Mourning Spotted on YouTube by Scientists,” New York Times online, May 17, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/17/science/elephants-mourning-grief.html.

        But there is no evidence: James R. Anderson, “Responses to Death and Dying: Primates and Other Mammals,” Primates 61 (2020): 1–7; Marc Bekoff, “What Do Animals Know and Feel About Death and Dying?,” Psychology Today online, last modified February 24, 2020, https://www.psychologytoday.com/gb/blog/animal-emotions/202002/what-do-animals-know-and-feel-about-death-and-dying.

        Philosopher Stephen Cave argues: Stephen Cave, Immortality: The Quest to Live Forever and How It Drives Civilization (New York: Crown, 2012).

        The first emperor of a unified China: Ibid.

        Rather, our brains appear: Y. Dor-Ziderman, A. Lutz, and A. Goldstein, “Prediction-Based Neural Mechanisms for Shielding the Self from Existential Threat,” NeuroImage 202 (November 15, 2019): art. 116080, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2019.116080, cited in Ian Sample, “Doubting Death: How Our Brains Shield Us from Mortal Truth,” Guardian online, last modified October 19, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/science/2019/oct/19/doubting-death-how-our-brains-shield-us-from-mortal-truth.

        1. The Immortal Gene and the Disposable Body

        But it turns out to be tricky: A group at the Santa Fe Institute led by David Krakauer and Geoffrey West has held several workshops to define both death as it applies to various entities and the definition of the individual.

        The loss of brain function: A meeting about the issue of resuscitation and death was held at the New York Academy of Sciences in 2019. See “What Happens When We Die? Insights from Resuscitation Science” (symposium, New York Academy of Sciences, New York, November 18, 2019), https://www.nyas.org/events/2019/what-happens-when-we-die-insights-from-resuscitation-science/. There is also a movement to make the definition of brain death uniform to prevent legal anomalies such as the one I described.

        Her family petitioned: S. Biel and J. Durrant, “Controversies in Brain Death Declaration: Legal and Ethical Implications in the ICU,” Current Treatment Options in Neurology 22, no. 4 (2020): 12, https://doi.org/10.1007/s11940-020-0618-6.

        After that, there is a multiday window: Two popular books that discuss these early events are Magdalena Zernicka-Goetz and Roger Highfield, The Dance of Life: The New Science of How a Single Cell Becomes a Human Being (New York: Basic Books, 2020), and Daniel M. Davis, The Secret Body: How the New Science of the Human Body Is Changing the Way We Live (London: Bodley Head, 2021).

        Death can occur at every scale: Geoffrey West, Scale: The Universal Laws of Growth, Innovation, Sustainability, and the Pace of Life in Organisms, Cities, Economies, and Companies (New York: Penguin Press, 2020).

        However, the lecture paved: R. England, “Natural Selection Before the Origin: Public Reactions of Some Naturalists to the Darwin-Wallace Papers,” Journal of the History of Biology 30 (June 1997): 267–90, https://doi.org/10.1023/a:1004287720654.

        Although humans have known: Matthew Cobb, The Egg and Sperm Race: The Seventeenth-Century Scientists Who Unlocked the Secret of Sex, Life and Growth (London: Simon & Schuster, 2007).

        The germ-line cells, protected in the gonads: Today we know that the Weismann barrier is not perfect and that the germ line also ages and is susceptible to changes from the environment, although much more slowly. P. Monaghan and N. B. Metcalfe, “The Deteriorating Soma and the Indispensable Germline: Gamete Senescence and Offspring Fitness,” Proceedings of the Royal Society B (Biological Sciences) 286, no. 1917 (December 18, 2019): art. 20192187, https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2019.2187.

        “Nothing in biology makes sense”: T. Dobzhansky, “Nothing in Biology Makes Sense Except in the Light of Evolution,” American Biology Teacher 35, no. 3 (March 1973): 125–29, https://doi.org/10.2307/4444260.

        If an individual had a mutation: T. B. Kirkwood, “Understanding the Odd Science of Aging,” Cell 120, no. 4 (February 25, 2005): 437–47, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2005.01.027; T. Kirkwood and S. Melov, “On the Programmed/Non-Programmed Nature of Ageing Within the Life History,” Current Biology 21 (September 27, 2011): R701–R707, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2011.07.020. There are some exceptions to this rule against group selection, but they apply only under very special circumstances and usually involve species where the members of the colonies are all genetically either identical or very closely related, such as insects. J. Maynard Smith, “Group Selection and Kin Selection,” Nature 201 (March 14, 1964): 1145–47, https://doi.org/10.1038/2011145a0.

        Species such as the soil worm: Species that reproduce multiple times in a lifetime are called iteroparous, and those that reproduce only once are semelparous. See T. P. Young, “Semelparity and Iteroparity,” Nature Education Knowledge 3, no. 10 (2010): 2, https://www.nature.com/scitable/knowledge/library/semelparity-and-iteroparity-13260334/.

        He was a socialist: N. W. Pirie, “John Burdon Sanderson Haldane, 1892–1964,” Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 12 (November 1966): 218–49, https://doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1966.0010; C. P. Blacker, “JBS Haldane on Eugenics,” Eugenics Review 44, no. 3 October (1952): 146–51, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2973346/.

        A stained glass window: Two opposing views of Fisher can be found in A. Rutherford, “Race, Eugenics, and the Canceling of Great Scientists,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 175, no. 2 (June 2021): 448–52, https://doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.24192, and W. Bodmer et al., “The Outstanding Scientist, R. A. Fisher: His Views on Eugenics and Race,” Heredity 126 (April 2021): 565–76, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41437-020-00394-6.

        However, the same could not be said: T. Flatt and L. Partridge, “Horizons in the Evolution of Aging,” BMC Biology 16 (2018): art. 93, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12915-018-0562-z.

        That understanding came when British biologist Peter Medawar: N. A. Mitchison, “Peter Brian Medawar, 28 February 1915–2 October 1987,” Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 35 (March 1990): 281–301, https://doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1990.0013.

        Similarly, the disposable soma hypothesis: Kirkwood, “Understanding the Odd Science of Aging,” 437–47, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2005.01.027.

        Exactly as these theories would predict: Flatt and Partridge, “Horizons,” https://doi.org/10.1186/s12915-018-0562-z.

        But an unusual analysis: R. G. Westendorp and T. B. Kirkwood, “Human Longevity at the Cost of Reproductive Success,” Nature 396 (December 24, 1998): 743–46, https://doi.org/10.1038/25519. See also the letter responding to this article: D. E. Promislow, “Longevity and the Barren Aristocrat,” Nature 396 (December 24, 1998): 719–20, https://doi.org/10.1038/25440.

        Menopause may have arisen: G. C. Williams, “Pleiotropy, Natural Selection and the Evolution of Senescence,” Evolution 11, no. 4 (December 1957): 398–411.

        For example, although the fertility of elephants: M. Lahdenperä, K. U. Mar, and V. Lummaa, “Reproductive Cessation and Post-Reproductive Lifespan in Asian Elephants and Pre-Industrial Humans,” Frontiers in Zoology 11 (2014): art. 54, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12983-014-0054-0.

        Similarly, while living beyond: J. G. Herndon et al., “Menopause Occurs Late in Life in the Captive Chimpanzee (Pan Troglodytes),” AGE 34 (October 2012): 1145–56, https://doi.org/10.1007/s11357-011-9351-0.

        The grandmother hypothesis: K. Hawkes, “Grandmothers and the Evolution of Human Longevity,” American Journal of Human Biology 15, no. 3 (May/June 2003): 380–400, https://doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.10156; P. S. Kim, J. S. McQueen, and K. Hawkes, “Why Does Women’s Fertility End in Mid-Life? Grandmothering and Age at Last Birth,” Journal of Theoretical Biology 461 (January 14, 2019): 84–91, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jtbi.2018.10.035.

        Another idea, based on studying killer whales: D. P. Croft et al., “Reproductive Conflict and the Evolution of Menopause in Killer Whales,” Current Biology 27, no. 2 (January 23, 2017): 298–304, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2016.12.015.

        It could also simply be that the number of eggs: An idea suggested to me by the population biologist Trudy Mackay of Clemson University.

        So perhaps there has just not been enough time: Steven Austad, Methuselah’s Zoo: What Nature Can Teach Us about Living Longer, Healthier Lives (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2022), 258–59.

        Moreover, scientists have found: R. K. Mortimer and J. R. Johnston, “Life Span of Individual Yeast Cells,” Nature 183, no. 4677 (June 20, 1959): 1751–52, https://doi.org/10.1038/1831751a0; E. J. Stewart et al., “Aging and Death in an Organism That Reproduces by Morphologically Symmetric Division.” PLoS Biology 3, no. 2 (February 2005): e45, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.0030045.

        2. Live Fast and Die Young

        A small aquatic animal: T. C. Bosch, “Why Polyps Regenerate and We Don’t: Towards a Cellular and Molecular Framework for Hydra Regeneration,” Developmental Biology 303, no. 2 (March 15, 2007): 421–33, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ydbio.2006.12.012.

        Still, it is a complex procedure: R. Murad et al., “Coordinated Gene Expression and Chromatin Regulation During Hydra Head Regeneration,” Genome Biology and Evolution 13, no. 12 (December 2021): evab221, https://doi.org/10.1093/gbe/evab221; see also a popular account of this work and hydra in general in Corryn Wetzel, “How Tiny, ‘Immortal’ Hydras Regrow Their Lost Heads,” Smithsonian online, last modified December 13, 2021, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/were-closer-to-understanding-how-immortal-hydras-regrow-lost-heads-180979209/.

        It is almost as if an injured butterfly: Y. Matsumoto and M. P. Miglietta, “Cellular Reprogramming and Immortality: Expression Profiling Reveals Putative Genes Involved in Turritopsis dohrnii’s Life Cycle Reversal,” Genome Biology and Evolution 13, no. 7 (July 2021): evab136, https://doi.org/10.1093/gbe/evab136; M. Pascual-Torner et al., “Comparative Genomics of Mortal and Immortal Cnidarians Unveils Novel Keys Behind Rejuvenation,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 119, no. 36 (September 6, 2022): e2118763119, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2118763119; see also a popular account by Veronique Greenwood, “This Jellyfish Can Live Forever. Its Genes May Tell Us How,” New York Times online, September 6, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/06/science/immortal-jellyfish-gene-protein.html.

        Along the way, he explores: West, Scale. Many of the original findings for relationships between longevity, size, and metabolic rates can be found here.

        As a result, biologists do not think: For a biologist’s view of the second law of thermodynamics and the wear-and-tear theory of aging, see Tom Kirkwood, chap. 5, “The Unnecessary Nature of Ageing,” in Time of Our Lives: The Science of Human Aging (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 52–62.

        From there, he became interested: See Austad’s academic website: University of Alabama at Birmingham online, College of Arts and Science, Department of Biology, https://www.uab.edu/cas/biology/people/faculty/steven-n-austad; see also a description about him and a podcast interview, https://blog.insidetracker.com/longevity-by-design-steven-austad.

        The LQ is the ratio: S. N. Austad and K. E. Fischer, “Mammalian Aging, Metabolism, and Ecology: Evidence from the Bats and Marsupials,” Journal of Gerontology 46, no. 2 (March 1991): B47–B53, https://doi.org/10.1093/geronj/46.2.b47.

        Over the years, Austad has studied: Austad, Methuselah’s Zoo. There is also a previous short and more technical version of this: S. N. Austad, “Methusaleh’s Zoo: How Nature Provides Us with Clues for Extending Human Health Span,” Journal of Comparative Pathology 142, suppl. 1 (January 2010): S10–S21, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcpa.2009.10.024. Much of this section on the life span of various animals is from these two sources.

        Two studies that evaluated survival data: B. A. Reinke et al., “Diverse Aging Rates in Ectothermic Tetrapods Provide Insights for the Evolution of Aging and Longevity,” Science 376, no. 6600 (June 23, 2022): 1459–66, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abm0151; R. da Silva et al., “Slow and Negligible Senescence Among Testudines Challenges Evolutionary Theories of Senescence,” Science 376, no. 6600 (June 23, 2022): 1466–70, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abl7811.

        By the time a person: “Actuarial Life Table,” Social Security Administration online, accessed August 7, 2023, https://www.ssa.gov/oact/STATS/table4c6.html.

        Like elderly humans: S. N. Austad and C. E. Finch, “How Ubiquitous Is Aging in Vertebrates?,” Science 376, no. 6600 (June 23, 2022): 1384–85, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.adc9442; Finch is quoted in Jack Tamisiea, “Centenarian Tortoises May Set the Standard for Anti-aging,” New York Times online, June 23, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/23/science/tortoises-turtles-aging.html.

        Bats do not live as long: G. S. Wilkinson and J. M. South, “Life History, Ecology and Longevity in Bats,” Aging Cell 1, no. 2 (December 2002): 124–31, https://doi.org/10.1046/j.1474-9728.2002.00020.x.

        Austad estimates that its LQ: A. J. Podlutsky et al., “A New Field Record for Bat Longevity,” Journals of Gerontology: Series A 60, no. 11 (November 2005): 1366–68, https://doi.org/10.1093/gerona/60.11.1366.

        But even bats that don’t hibernate: Wilkinson and South, “Life History,” 124–31.

        Rather, they may have special mechanisms: Podlutsky et al., “New Field Record,” 1366–68.

        Rochelle Buffenstein, currently at the University of Illinois in Chicago, has done more: R. Buffenstein, “The Naked Mole-Rat: A New Long-Living Model for Human Aging Research,” Journals of Gerontology: Series A 60, no. 11 (November 2005): 1366–77, https://doi.org/10.1093/gerona/60.11.1369.

        Instead of proliferating: S. Liang et al., “Resistance to Experimental Tumorigenesis in Cells of a Long-Lived Mammal, the Naked Mole-Rat (Heterocephalus glaber),” Aging Cell 9, no. 4 (August 2010): 626–35, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-9726.2010.00588.x.

        One of the biggest headlines: J. G. Ruby, M. Smith, and R. Buffenstein, “Naked Mole-Rat Mortality Rates Defy Gompertzian Laws by Not Increasing with Age,” eLife 7 (January 24, 2018): e31157, https://doi.org/10.7554/eLife.31157.

        This was too much for some scientists: S. Braude et al., “Surprisingly Long Survival of Premature Conclusions About Naked Mole-Rat Biology,” Biological Reviews of the Cambridge Philosophical Society 96, no. 2 (April 2021): 376–93, https://doi.org/10.1111/brv.12660.

        As we saw with long-lived tortoises: R. Buffenstein, et al., “The Naked Truth: A Comprehensive Clarification and Classification of Current ‘Myths’ in Naked Mole-Rat Biology,” Biological Reviews of the Cambridge Philosophical Society 97, no. 1 (February 2022): 115–40, https://doi.org/10.1111/brv.12791.

        The science writer Steven Johnson: Steven Johnson, Extra Life: A Short History of Living Longer (New York: Riverhead Books, 2021).

        The ability to chemically capture nitrogen: The dramatic impact of fertilizers on humanity is told in Thomas Hager’s fascinating book The Alchemy of Air: A Jewish Genius, a Doomed Tycoon, and the Scientific Discovery That Fed the World but Fueled the Rise of Hitler (New York: Crown, 2009).

        He and his colleagues contended: S. J. Olshansky, B. A. Carnes, and C. Cassel. “In Search of Methuselah: Estimating the Upper Limits to Human Longevity,” Science 250, no. 4981 (November 2, 1990): 634–40, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.2237414; S. J. Olshansky, B. A. Carnes, and A. Désesquelles, “Prospects for Human Longevity,” Science 291, no. 5508 (February 23, 2001): 1491–92, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.291.5508.1491.

        Moreover, in certain species: A. Baudisch and J. W. Vaupel, “Getting to the Root of Aging: Why Do Patterns of Aging Differ Widely Across the Tree of Life?,” Science 338, no. 6107 (November 2, 2012): 618–19, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1226467; O. R. Jones and J. W. Vaupel, “Senescence Is Not Inevitable,” Biogerontology 18, no. 6 (December 2017): 965–71, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10522-017-9727-3.

        The disagreements between the two boiled: See J. Couzin-Frankel, “A Pitched Battle over Life Span,” Science 338, no. 6042 (July 29, 2011): 549–50, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.333.6042.549.

        “pernicious belief”: J. Oeppen and J. W. Vaupel, “Demography. Broken Limits to Life Expectancy,” Science 296, no. 5570 (May 10, 2022): 1029–1031, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1069675.

        In agreement with this: F. Colchero et al., “The Long Lives of Primates and the ‘Invariant Rate of Ageing’ Hypothesis,” Nature Communications 12, no. 1 (June 16, 2021): 3666, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-021-23894-3.

        Unlike most people: There is an entertaining account of Parr in Austad, Methuselah’s Zoo, pages 262–63.

        “Until next year, perhaps”: Craig R. Whitney, “Jeanne Calment, World’s Elder, Dies at 122,” New York Times, August 5, 1997, B8.

        Vijg predicted: X. Dong, B. Milholland, and J. Vijg, “Evidence for a Limit to Human Lifespan,” Nature 538, no. 7624 (October 13, 2016): 257–59, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature19793.

        “if any”: E. Barbi et al., “The Plateau of Human Mortality: Demography of Longevity Pioneers,” Science 360, no. 6396 (June 29, 2018): 1459–61, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aat3119.

        This paper in turn was criticized: Carl Zimmer, “How Long Can We Live? The Limit Hasn’t Been Reached, Study Finds,” New York Times online, June 28, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/28/science/human-age-limit.html.

        Others pointed out: H. Beltrán-Sánchez, S. N. Austad, and C. E. Finch, “The Plateau of Human Mortality: Demography of Longevity Pioneers,” Science 361, no. 6409 (September 28, 2018): eaav1200, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aav1200.

        After climbing steadily for the last 150 years: C. Cardona and D. Bishai, “The Slowing Pace of Life Expectancy Gains Since 1950,” BMC Public Health 18, no. 1 (January 17, 2018): 151, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-018-5058-9; J. Schöley et al., “Life Expectancy Changes Since COVID-19,” Nature Human Behaviour 6, no. 12 (December 2022): 1649–59, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-022-01450-3.

        As I write this: “List of the Verified Oldest People,” Wikipedia, last accessed July 10, 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_the_verified_oldest_people.

        In fact, about half of centenarians: J. Evert et al., “Morbidity Profiles of Centenarians: Survivors, Delayers, and Escapers,” Journals of Gerontology: Series A, Biological Sciences and Medical Sciences 58, no. 3 (March 2003): 232–37, https://doi.org/10.1093/gerona/58.3.m232.

        He agrees with Olshansky: Thomas Perls, email messages to the author, November 27, 2021, and January 17, 2022.

        A dozen years later: Described in Austad, Methuselah’s Zoo, 273–74.

        But scientists have homed in: C. López-Otín et al., “The Hallmarks of Aging,” Cell 153, no. 6 (June 6, 2013): 1194–217, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2013.05.039. This classic paper has recently been updated on the tenth anniversary of the original: C. López-Otín et al. “Hallmarks of Aging: An Expanding Universe,” Cell 186, no. 1 (January 19, 2023): 243–78, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2022.11.001.

        3. Destroying the Master Controller

        Today we know that our genes: Two very readable accounts of the history of genetics can be found in Matthew Cobb, Life’s Greatest Secret: The Race to Crack the Genetic Code (London: Profile Books, 2015), and Siddhartha Mukherjee, The Gene: An Intimate History (New York: Scribner, 2017).

        How instructions in mRNA are read: The decade-long effort to crack the genetic code and understand how proteins are made is described in Cobb, Life’s Greatest Secret.

        I have spent much of my life: Venki Ramakrishnan, Gene Machine: The Race to Decipher the Secrets of the Ribosome (London: Oneworld, 2018).

        As early as the eighteenth century: H. W. Herr, “Percivall Pott, the Environment and Cancer,” BJU International 108, no. 4 (August 2011): 479–81, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-410x.2011.10487.x.

        Hermann Muller was a third-generation American who grew up in New York City: G. Pontecorvo, “Hermann Joseph Muller, 1890–1967,” Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 14 (November 1968): 348–89, https://doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1968.0015; Elof Axel Carlson, Hermann Joseph Muller 1890–1967: A Biographical Memoir (Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences, 2009), available at http://www.nasonline.org/publications/biographical-memoirs/memoir-pdfs/muller-hermann.pdf.

        Even a modest application: Errol Friedberg, chap. 1, “In the Beginning,” in Correcting the Blueprint of Life: An Historical Account of the Discovery of DNA Repair Mechanisms (Cold Spring Harbor, NY: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, 1997).

        One of Crew’s key collaborators: Geoffrey Beale, “Charlotte Auerbach, 14 May 1899–1917 March 1994,” Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 41 (November 1995): 20–42, https://doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1995.0002

        But once Watson and Crick revealed its double-helical nature: A very good historical summary of early work on DNA damage and repair can be found in Friedberg, chap. 1, “In the Beginning,” in Correcting the Blueprint of Life.

        Sunlight could kill bacteria: A. Downes and T. P. Blunt, “The Influence of Light upon the Development of Bacteria,” Nature, 16 (July 12, 1877), 218, https://doi.org/10.1038/016218a0; F. L. Gates, “A Study of the Bactericidal Action of Ultraviolet Light,” Journal of General Physicology, 14, No. 1 (September 20, 1930): 31–42, https://doi.org/10.1085/jgp.14.1.31.

        However, when they tried this: R. B. Setlow and J. K. Setlow, “Evidence That Ultraviolet-Induced Thymine Dimers in DNA Cause Biological Damage,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 48, no. 7 (July 1, 1962): 1250–57, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.48.7.1250.

        Dick and his colleagues found: R. B. Setlow, P. A. Swenson, and W. L. Carrier, “Thymine Dimers and Inhibition of DNA Synthesis by Ultraviolet Irradiation of Cells,” Science 142, no. 3698 (December 13, 1963): 1464–66, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.142.3598.1464; R. B. Setlow and W. L. Carrier, “The Disappearance of Thymine Dimers from DNA: An Error-Correcting Mechanism, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 51, no. 2 (April 1964): 226–31, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.51.2.226.

        The same year: R. P. Boyce and P. Howard-Flanders, “Release of Ultraviolet Light-Induced Thymine Dimers from DNA in E. coli K-12,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 51, no. 2 (February 1, 1964): 293–300, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.51.2.293; D. Pettijohn and P. Hanawalt, “Evidence for Repair-Replication of Ultraviolet Damaged DNA in Bacteria,” Journal of Molecular Biology 9, no. 2 (August 1964): 395–410, https://doi.org/10.1016/s0022-2836(64)80216-3.

        How it worked was something of a mystery: Aziz Sancar, “Mechanisms of DNA Repair by Photolyase and Excision Nuclease (Nobel Lecture, December 8, 2015), available at https://www.nobelprize.org/uploads/2018/06/sancar-lecture.pdf.

        That is a very long time: A great account of Thomas Lindahl’s discoveries can be found in his “The Intrinsic Fragility of DNA” (Nobel Lecture, December 8, 2015), available at https://www.nobelprize.org/uploads/2018/06/lindahl-lecture.pdf.

        Lindahl estimated later: Tomas Lindahl, “Instability and Decay of the Primary Structure of DNA,” Nature 362, no. 6422 (April 22, 1993): 709–715.

        Not surprisingly, the cell: Paul Modrich, “Mechanisms in E. coli and Human Mismatch Repair” (Nobel Lecture, December 8, 2015, https://www.nobelprize.org/uploads/2018/06/modrich-lecture.pdf).

        Relying on some very clever experiments: Ibid.

        The prize also cannot be given: As is increasingly the case because of the limitation of the Nobel Prize to three people, the prize for DNA repair was not without its controversy: David Kroll, “This Year’s Nobel Prize in Chemistry Sparks Questions About How Winners Are Selected,” Chemical & Engineering News (C&EN) online, last modified November 11, 2015, https://cen.acs.org/articles/93/i45/Years-Nobel-Prize-Chemistry-Sparks.html.

        One condition he has focused on: B. Schumacher et al., “The Central Role of DNA Damage in the Ageing Process,” Nature 592, no. 7856 (April 2021): 695–703, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-021-03307-7.

        In females, defects in how the cell: K. T. Zondervan, “Genomic Analysis Identifies Variants That Can Predict the Timing of Menopause,” Nature 596, no. 7872 (August 2021): 345–46, https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-021-01710-8; K. S. Ruth et al., “Genetic Insights into Biological Mechanisms Governing Human Ovarian Ageing,” Nature 596, no. 7872 (August 2021): 393–97, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-021-03779-7. See also the commentary by H. Ledford, “Genetic Variations Could One Day Help Predict Timing of Menopause,” Nature online, last modified August 4, 2021, https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-021-02128-y.

        Sometimes the cell: Apoptosis, or programmed cell death, is also a feature of normal development, as specific cells die at precise points during the development of an organism from a single cell into the adult animal. This was first discovered by studying how the worm C. elegans develops from a single fertilized egg into an adult of almost a thousand cells, and resulted in the award of the 2002 Nobel Prize to Sydney Brenner, John Sulston, and Robert Horvitz.

        When the damage is too extensive: A. J. Levine and G. Lozano, eds., The P53 Protein: From Cell Regulation to Cancer, Cold Spring Harbor Perspectives in Medicine (Cold Spring Harbor, NY: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2016).

        Humans inherit one copy: L. M. Abegglen et al., “Potential Mechanisms for Cancer Resistance in Elephants and Comparative Cellular Response to DNA Damage in Humans,” Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) 314, no. 17 (November 3, 2015): 1850–60, https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2015.13134; M. Sulak et al., “TP53 Copy Number Expansion Is Associated with the Evolution of Increased Body Size and an Enhanced TP Damage Response in Elephants,” eLife 5 (2016): e11994, https://doi.org/10.7554/eLife.11994.

        Curiously, in studies: M. Shaposhnikov et al., “Lifespan and Stress Resistance in Drosophila with Overexpressed DNA Repair Genes,” Scientific Reports 5 (October 19, 2015): art. 15299, https://doi.org/10.1038/srep15299.

        Some of the long-lived species: D. Tejada-Martinez, J. P. de Magalhães, and J. C. Opazo, “Positive Selection and Gene Duplications in Tumour Suppressor Genes Reveal Clues About How Cetaceans Resist Cancer,” Proceedings of the Royal Society B (Biological Sciences) 288, no. 1945 (February 24, 2021): art. 20202592, https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2020.2592; V. Quesada et al., “Giant Tortoise Genomes Provide Insights into Longevity and Age-Related Disease,” Nature Ecology & Evolution 3 (January 2019): 87–95, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41559-018-0733-x.

        Humans and naked mole rats: S. L. MacRae et al., “DNA Repair in Species with Extreme Lifespan Differences,” Aging 7, no. 12 (December 2015): 1171–84, https://doi.org/10.18632/aging.100866.

        Paradoxically, many new cancer therapies: See, for example, Liam Drew, “PARP Inhibitors: Halting Cancer by Halting DNA Repair,” Cancer Research UK online, last modified September 24, 2020, https://news.cancerresearchuk.org/2020/09/24/parp-inhibitors-halting-cancer-by-halting-dna-repair/.

        4. The Problem with Ends

        “Perhaps the day”: Scientific American, July 1921, quoted in Mark Fischetti, comp., “1921: Immortality for Humans,” Scientific American online, July 2021, 79, https://robinsonlab.cellbio.jhmi.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/SciAm_2021_07.pdf.

        They were not immortal: An engaging history of Hayflick’s discovery and its aftermath is J. W. Shay and W. E. Wright, “Hayflick, His Limit, and Cellular Ageing,” Nature Reviews Molecular Cell Biology 1, no. 1 (October 2000): 72–76, https://doi.org/10.1038/35036093.

        It has since become a classic: L. Hayflick and P. S. Moorhead, “The Serial Cultivation of Human Diploid Cell Strains,” Experimental Cell Research 25, no. 3 (December 1961): 585–621, https://doi.org/10.1016/0014-4827(61)90192-6.

        Some have even suggested: J. Witkowski, “The Myth of Cell Immortality,” Trends in Biochemical Sciences 10, no. 7 (July 1985): 258–60, https://doi.org/10.1016/0968-0004(85)90076-3.

        Given Carrel’s stature: John J. Conley, “The Strange Case of Alexis Carrel, Eugenicist,” in Life and Learning XXIII and XXIV: Proceedings of the Twenty-third (2013) and Twenty-fourth Conferences of the University Faculty for Life Conference at Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, vol. 26, ed. Joseph W. Koterski (Milwaukee: University Faculty for Life), 281–88, https://www.uffl.org/pdfs/vol23/UFL_2013_Conley.pdf.

        Titia de Lange: Titia de Lange, conversation with the author, September 10, 2021.

        He realized that the train: This so-called end replication problem was first pointed out by J. D. Watson, “Origin of Concatemeric T7 DNA,” Nature New Biology 239, no. 94 (October 18, 1972): 197–201, https://doi.org/10.1038/newbio239197a0, and A. M. Olovnikov, “Telomeres, Telomerase, and Aging: Origin of the Theory,” Experimental Gerontology 31, no. 4 (July/August 1996): 443–48, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/0531556596000058. For a good description of how it would work, see M. M. Cox, J. Doudna, and M. O’Donnell, Molecular Biology: Principles and Practice (New York: W. H. Freeman, 2012), 398–400. The Wikipedia page “DNA Replication,” last modified June 14, 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/DNA_replication, is also quite informative.

        At some point, she discovered: For a long time, McClintock was not believed, but these so-called transposable elements turned out to be a fundamental part of biology, and she was awarded the Nobel Prize for her work in 1983 at the age of eighty-one.

        TTGGGG: E. H. Blackburn and J. G. Gall, “A Tandemly Repeated Sequence at the Termini of the Extrachromosomal Ribosomal RNA Genes in Tetrahymena,” Journal of Molecular Biology 120, no. 1 (March 25, 1978): 33–53, https://doi.org/10.1016/0022-2836(78)90294-2.

        It worked like a charm: J. W. Szostak and E. H. Blackburn, “Cloning Yeast Telomeres on Linear Plasmid Vectors,” Cell 29, no. 1 (May 1982): 245–55, https://doi.org/10.1016/0092-8674(82)90109-x.

        The two of them discovered an enzyme: C. W. Greider and E. H. Blackburn, “Identification of a Specific Telomere Terminal Transferase Activity in Tetrahymena Extracts,” Cell 43, no. 2, pt. 1 (November 1985): 405–13, https://doi.org/10.1016/0092-8674(85)90170-9; C. W. Greider and E. H. Blackburn, “The Telomere Terminal Transferase of Tetrahymena Is a Ribonucleoprotein Enzyme with Two Kinds of Primer Specificity,” Cell 51, no. 6 (December 24, 1987): 887–98, https://doi.org/10.1016/0092-8674(87)90576-9; C. W. Greider and E. H. Blackburn, “A Telomeric Sequence in the RNA of Tetrahymena Telomerase Required for Telomere Repeat Synthesis,” Nature 337, no. 6205 (January 26, 1989): 331–37, https://doi.org/10.1038/337331a0.

        Without telomerase: C. B. Harley, A. B. Futcher, and C. W. Greider, “Telomeres Shorten During Ageing of Human Fibroblasts,” Nature 345, no. 5274 (May 31, 1990): 458–60, https://doi.org/10.1038/345458a0.

        Even introducing telomerase: A. G. Bodnar et al., “Extension of Life-span by Introduction of Telomerase into Normal Human Cells,” Science 279, no. 5349 (January 16, 1998): 349–52, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.279.5349.349.

        It turns out that the telomeric ends: The strand that extends beyond the other is called a 3’ overhang, so the reason for the loss of the ends is not exactly the reason first proposed by Olovnikov and Watson. Aficionados can look at J. Lingner, J. P. Cooper, and T. R. Cech, “Telomerase and DNA End Replication: No Longer a Lagging Strand Problem,” Science 269, no. 5230 (September 15, 1995): 1533–34, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.7545310.

        This longer strand: T. de Lange, “Shelterin: The Protein Complex That Shapes and Safeguards Human Telomeres,” Genes & Development 19, no. 18 (September 15, 2005): 2100–10, https://doi.org/10.1101/gad.1346005; I. Schmutz and T. de Lange, “Shelterin,” Current Biology 26, no. 10 (May 23, 2016): R397–99, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2016.01.056.

        This crucial structure is why the cell: W. Palm and T. de Lange, “How Shelterin Protects Mammalian Telomeres,” Annual Review of Genetics 42 (2008): 301–34, https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.genet.41.110306.130350; P. Martínez and M. A. Blasco, “Role of Shelterin in Cancer and Aging,” Aging Cell 9, no. 5 (October 2010): 653–66, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-9726.2010.00596.x.

        The cell then sees: F. d’Adda di Fagagna et al. “A DNA Damage Checkpoint Response in Telomere-Initiated Senescence,” Nature 426, no. 6963 (November 13, 2003): 194–98, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature02118.

        People with defective telomerase: M. Armanios and E. H. Blackburn, “The Telomere Syndromes,” Nature Reviews Genetics 13, no. 10 (October 2012): 693–704, https://doi.org/10.1038/nrg3246.

        When we are stressed: E. S. Epel et al., “Accelerated Telomere Shortening in Response to Life Stress,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 101, no. 49 (December 1, 2004): 17312–15, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0407162101; J. Choi, S. R. Fauce, and R. B. Effros, “Reduced Telomerase Activity in Human T Lymphocytes Exposed to Cortisol,” Brain, Behavior, and Immunity 22, no. 4 (May 2008): 600–605, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbi.2007.12.004. See also the following on stress and premature gray hair in mice: B. Zhang et al., “Hyperactivation of Sympathetic Nerves Drives Depletion of Melanocyte Stem Cells,” Nature 577, no. 792 (January 2020): 676–81, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-020-1935-3.

        So it may be that the shortening: M. Jaskelioff et al. “Telomerase Reactivation Reverses Tissue Degeneration in Aged Telomerase-Deficient Mice,” Nature 469, no. 7328 (January 6, 2001): 102–6 (2011), https://doi.org/10.1038/nature09603.

        According to a number of studies, mice engineered: M. A. Muñoz-Lorente, A. C. Cano-Martin, and M. A. Blasco, “Mice with Hyper-long Telomeres Show Less Metabolic Aging and Longer Lifespans,” Nature Communications 10, no. 1 (October 17, 2019): 4723, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-019-12664-x.

        There seems to be a delicate balance: Titia de Lange, conversations with and email messages to the author, November and December 2021. See also Jalees Rehman, “Aging: Too Much Telomerase Can Be as Bad as Too Little,” Guest Blog, Scientific American online, last modified July 5, 2014, ttps://blogs.scientificamerican.com/guest-blog/aging-too-much-telomerase-can-be-as-bad-as-too-little/.

        On the other hand, those with long telomeres: E. J. McNally, P. J. Luncsford, and M. Armanios, “Long Telomeres and Cancer Risk: The Price of Cellular Immortality,” Journal of Clinical Investigation 129, no. 9 (August 5, 2019): 3474–81, https://doi.org/10.1172/JCI120851.

        5. Resetting the Biological Clock

        “another great Anglo-American partnership”: The official text of the statement on the publication of the draft human genome sequence by the White House and the UK government is here: National Human Genome Research Institute online, “June 2000 White House Event,” news release, June 26, 2000, https://www.genome.gov/10001356/june-2000-white-house-event. A slightly different text was reported by the New York Times: “Text of the White House Statements on the Human Genome Project,” Science, New York Times online, June 27, 2000, https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/library/national/science/062700sci-genome-text.html. The sequence itself was described in two large, coordinated publications: the public consortium was published as International Human Genome Sequencing Consortium et al., “Initial Sequencing and Analysis of the Human Genome,” Nature 409, no. 6822 (February 15, 2001): 860–921, https://doi.org/10.1038/35057062, while the private Celera effort was published as J. C. Venter et al., “The Sequence of the Human Genome,” Science 291, 1304–51, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1058040.

        “Along with Bach’s music”: Quoted in G. Yamey, “Scientists Unveil First Draft of Human Genome,” BMJ 321, no. 7252 (July 1, 2000): 7, https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.321.7252.7.

        Venter was something: “Profile: Craig Venter,” BBC News online, last modified May 21, 2010, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10138849.

        The decision by NIH: “US Patent Application Stirs Up Gene Hunters,” Nature, 353 (October 10, 1991): 485–86 (1991), https://doi.org/10.1038/353485a0; N. D. Zinder, “Patenting cDNA 1993: Efforts and Happenings” (abstract), Gene 135, nos. 1/2 (December 1993): 295–98, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/037811199390080M.

        Venter said later that he was always against them: Matthew Herper, “Craig Venter Mapped the Genome. Now He’s Trying to Decode Death,” Forbes (online), February 21, 2017, https://www.forbes.com/sites/matthewherper/2017/02/21/can-craig-venter-cheat-death/?sh=8f6fefa16456.

        A particularly passionate advocate: John Sulston and Georgina Ferry, The Common Thread: A Story of Science, Politics, Ethics, and the Human Genome (New York: Random House, 2002).

        In the run-up: “How Diplomacy Helped to End the Race to Sequence the Human Genome,” Nature 582, no. 7813 (June 2020): 460, https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-020-01849-w.

        The sequence was declared finished: S. Reardon, “A Complete Human Genome Sequence Is Close: How Scientists Filled in the Gaps,” Nature 594, no. 7862 (June 2021): 158–59, https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-021-01506-w.

        The study of this change: Nessa Carey’s The Epigenetics Revolution: How Modern Biology Is Rewriting Our Understanding of Genetics, Disease, and Inheritance (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012) is a great popular introduction to epigenetics. Mukherjee’s The Gene is more broadly about the nature of the gene but has a significant emphasis on epigenetics.

        They are too far down: R. Briggs and T. J. King, “Transplantation of Living Nuclei from Blastula Cells into Enucleated Frogs’ Eggs,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 38, no. 5 (May 1952): 455–63, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.38.5.455.

        He studied languages instead: “Sir John B. Gurdon: Biographical,” Nobel Prize online, accessed August 7, 2023, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/2012/gurdon/biographical/.

        The clawed frog became: J. B. Gurdon and N. Hopwood, “The Introduction of Xenopus Laevis into Developmental Biology: Of Empire, Pregnancy Testing and Ribosomal Genes,” International Journal of Developmental Biology 44, no. 1 (2000): 43–50.

        This was the first time: J. B. Gurdon, “The Developmental Capacity of Nuclei Taken from Intestinal Epithelium Cells of Feeding Tadpoles,” Development 10, no. 4 (December 1, 1962): 622–40, https://doi.org/10.1242/dev.10.4.622.

        Eventually other researchers reproduced: I. Wilmut et al., “Viable Offspring Derived from Fetal and Adult Mammalian Cells,” Nature 385, no. 6619 (February 27, 1997): 810–13, https://doi.org/10.1038/385810a0.

        Being able to grow ES cells: M. J. Evans and M. H. Kaufman, “Establishment in Culture of Pluripotential Cells from Mouse Embryos,” Nature 292, no. 5819 (July 9, 1981): 154–56, https://doi.org/10.1038/292154a0; G. R. Martin, “Isolation of a Pluripotent Cell Line from Early Mouse Embryos Cultured in Medium Conditioned by Teratocarcinoma Stem Cells,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 78, no. 12 (December 1, 1981): 7634–38, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.78.12.7634.

        By experimenting with transcription factors in various combinations: Shinya Yamanaka, “Shinya Yamanaka: Biographical,” Nobel Prize online, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/2012/yamanaka/biographical/.

        One of the first and simplest: The lac operator and repressor system was discovered in the 1960s by Jacques Monod and Francois Jacob, and its history, along with another genetic switch in a bacteriophage by Andre Lwoff, resulted in the Nobel Prize in 1965. For an insightful history, see M. Lewis, “A Tale of Two Repressors,” Journal of Molecular Biology 409, no. 1 (May 27, 2011): 14–27, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jmb.2011.02.023.

        You might expect that when cells divide: The British geneticist Adrian Bird showed that the methylation occurs mainly on islands with CG repeats. Because C pairs with a G, if you have a CpG island, the C and G on each strand will be directly across from a G and C on the opposite strand. Each C will then be diagonally across from the C on the other strand. When cells methylate a CpG island, they methylate the Cs on both strands. As soon as the cell divides, you have two molecules of DNA instead of one. Each of them has an original strand where the C is methylated, and a newly made strand in which it isn’t. There are special methyltransferase enzymes that will add a methyl group to a C only if the C diagonally across from it on the other strand already has one. This ensures that both strands end up methylated exactly in the same places they were before.

        It is a striking example: E. W. Tobi et al., “DNA Methylation as a Mediator of the Association Between Prenatal Adversity and Risk Factors for Metabolic Disease in Adulthood,” Science Advances 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): eaao4364, https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aao4364; described in Carl Zimmer, “The Famine Ended 70 Years Ago, But Dutch Genes Still Bear Scars,” New York Times online, January 31, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/31/science/dutch-famine-genes.html. See also Mukherjee, The Gene, and Carey, The Epigenetics Revolution.

        When they looked at the methylation: For an expert popular account of Steve Horvath and epigenetic clocks, see Ingrid Wickelgren, “Epigenetic ‘Clocks’ Predict Animals’ True Biological Age,” Quanta, last modified August 17, 2022, https://www.quantamagazine.org/epigenetic-clocks-predict-animals-true-biological-age-20220817/. Some of the background on Horvath is taken from this article.

        He was able to identify 513 sites: M. E. Levine et al., “An Epigenetic Biomarker of Aging for Lifespan and Healthspan,” Aging 10, no. 4 (April 2018): 573–91, https://doi.org/10.18632/aging.101414.

        Methylation patterns are like a biological clock: S. Horvath and K. Raj, “DNA Methylation-Based Biomarkers and the Epigenetic Clock Theory of Ageing,” Nature Reviews Genetics 19, no. 6 (June 2018): 371–84, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41576-018-0004-3.

        Many other research groups developed: For an example, see G. Hannum et al., “Genome-wide Methylation Profiles Reveal Quantitative Views of Human Aging Rates,” Molecular Cell 49, no. 2 (January 24, 2013): 359–67, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.molcel.2012.10.016.

        In fact, its methylation pattern: C. Kerepesi et al., “Epigenetic Clocks Reveal a Rejuvenation Event During Embryogenesis Followed by Aging,” Science Advances 7, no. 26 (June 25, 2021): eabg6082, https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.abg6082; C. Kerepesi et al., “Epigenetic Aging of the Demographically Non-Aging Naked Mole-Rat,” Nature Communications 13, no. 1 (January 17, 2022): 355, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-022-27959-9.

        Something about her diet: R. Kucharski et al., “Nutritional Control of Reproductive Status in Honeybees Via DNA Methylation,” Science 319, no. 5871 (March 28, 2008): 1827–30, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1153069; M. Wojciechowski et al., “Phenotypically Distinct Female Castes in Honey Bees Are Defined by Alternative Chromatin States During Larval Development,” Genome Research 28, no. 10 (October 2018): 1532–42, https://doi.org/10.1101/gr.236497.118.

        The first is that germ-line cells: L. Moore et al., “The Mutational Landscape of Human Somatic and Germline Cells,” Nature 597, no. 7876 (September 2021): 381–86, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-021-03822-7.

        By puberty, this number: Kirkwood, Time of Our Lives, 167–78.

        And even within an embryo that is developing normally overall: A recent example is A. Lima et al., “Cell Competition Acts as a Purifying Selection to Eliminate Cells with Mitochondrial Defects During Early Mouse Development,” Nature Metabolism 3, no. 8 (August 2021): 1091–108, https://doi.org/10.1038/s42255-021-00422-7, but there are many ways in which the body rejects defective embryos from developing to term.

        This is because the pronuclei: Azim Surani, the scientist in Cambridge who first showed that a fertilized egg needed nuclei from both paternal and maternal germ-line cells to develop normally into a new animal, first suggested the idea of random, environmentally induced, and possibly deleterious epigenetic changes in our genome, which he called “epimutations.” Interview with the author, February 10, 2022.

        There were also the lesser-known: Joanna Klein, “Dolly the Sheep’s Fellow Clones, Enjoying Their Golden Years,” New York Times online, July 26, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/27/science/dolly-the-sheep-clones.html, reports on K. D. Sinclair et al., “Healthy Ageing of Cloned Sheep,” Nature Communications 7 (July 26, 2016): 12359, https://doi.org/10.1038/ncomms12359. An extensive analysis of cloned animals in 2017 showed no systematically lower life span or other problems, suggesting that at least some cloned animals live just as long and healthy lives as naturally conceived ones: J. P. Burgstaller and G. Brem, “Aging of Cloned Animals: A Mini-Review,” Gerontology 63, no. 5 (August 2017): 417–25, https://doi.org/10.1159/000452444.

        This route to rejuvenating: T. A. Rando and H. Y. Chang, “Aging, Rejuvenation, and Epigenetic Reprogramming: Resetting the Aging Clock,” Cell 148, no. 1/2 (January 20, 2012): 46–57, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2012.01.003; J. M. Freije and C. López-Otín, “Reprogramming Aging and Progeria,” Current Opinion in Cell Biology 24, no. 6 (December 2012): 757–64, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ceb.2012.08.009.

        6. Recycling the Garbage

        Today more than fifty million people: “Dementia,” World Health Organization online, last modified March 15, 2023, https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia.

        In England and Wales: “Dementia Now Leading Cause of Death,” BBC News online, last modified November 14, 2016, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/health-37972141.

        It is estimated: “One-Third of British People Born in 2015 ‘Will Develop Dementia,’” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified September 21, 2015, https://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/sep/21/one-third-of-people-born-in-2015-will-develop-dementia.

        Over half of those with dementia: A very engaging and moving book on Alzheimer’s disease is Joseph Jebelli, In Pursuit of Memory: The Fight Against Alzheimer’s (London: John Murray, 2017). The author grew up with a grandfather who suffered from the disease.

        There are many ways that the folding process: R. J. Ellis, “Assembly Chaperones: A Perspective,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Series B, Biological Sciences 368, no. 1617 (March 25, 2013): 20110398, https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2011.0398.

        But as we age: M. Fournet, F. Bonté, and A. Desmoulière, “Glycation Damage: A Possible Hub for Major Pathophysiological Disorders and Aging,” Aging and Disease 9, no. 5 (October 2018): 880–900, https://doi.org/10.14336/AD.2017.1121.

        Cells have an elaborate sensor: For an accessible description of the unfolded protein response, see Evelyn Strauss, “Unfolded Protein Response: 2014 Albert Lasker Basic Medical Research Award,” Lasker Foundation online, accessed July 7, 2023, https://laskerfoundation.org/winners/unfolded-protein-response/#achievement. How exactly the sensor detects that there are too many unfolded proteins is still not entirely clear. I spoke with Dr. David Ron, a scientist at England’s Cambridge Institute for Medical Research, and one of the leaders in this area. One idea is that some chaperones—the proteins that help proteins to fold—are normally abundant and can bind to the sensors, which are then kept in a quiescent state. When the number of unfolded proteins increases, these chaperones are called to action, and they release the sensors, which then go on to trigger the unfolded protein response. S. Preissler and D. Ron, “Early Events in the Endoplasmic Reticulum Unfolded Protein Response,” Cold Spring Harbor Perspectives in Biology 11, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): a033894, https://doi.org/10.1101/cshperspect.a033894.

        In extreme cases: A. Fribley, K. Zhang, and R. J. Kaufman, “Regulation of Apoptosis by the Unfolded Protein Response,” in Apoptosis: Methods and Protocols, ed. P. Erhardt and A. Toth (Totowa, NJ: Humana Press, 2009), 191–204, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-60327-017-5_14.

        Eventually researchers discovered: K. D. Wilkinson, “The Discovery of Ubiquitin-Dependent Proteolysis,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 102, no. 43 (October 17, 2005): 15280–82, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0504842102. There is a popular account of the discovery of the proteasome and the award of the Nobel Prize to Avram Hershko, Aaron Ciechanover, and Irwin Rose in “Popular Information: The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 2004,” Nobel Prize online, accessed July 4, 2023, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/chemistry/2004/popular-information/.

        Deliberately introducing defects: I. Saez and D. Vilchez, “The Mechanistic Links Between Proteasome Activity, Aging and Age-Related Diseases,” Current Genomics 15, no. 1 (February 15, 2014): 38–51, https://doi.org/10.2174/138920291501140306113344.

        By isolating strains: K. Takeshig et al., “Autophagy in Yeast Demonstrated with Proteinase-Deficient Mutants and Conditions for Its Induction,” Journal of Cell Biology 119, no. 2 (October 1992): 301–11, https://doi.org/10.1083/jcb.119.2.301; M. Tsukada and Y. Ohsumi, “Isolation and Characterization of Autophagy-Defective Mutants of Saccharomyces cerevisiae,” FEBS Letters 333, nos. 1/2 (October 25, 1993): 169–74, https://doi.org/10.1016/0014-5793(93)80398-e.

        It has so many essential functions: For a very reader-friendly description of autophagy, see “The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 2016: Yoshinori Ohsumi,” press release, Nobel Prize online, October 3, 2016, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/2016/press-release/.

        Integrated stress response or ISR: Two reviews of the integrated stress response are Harding, H. P. et al., “An integrated stress response regulates amino acid metabolism and resistance to oxidative stress,” Molecular Cell 11, no. 3 (March 2003): 619–33, https://doi.org/10.1016/s1097-2765(03)00105-9; and Pakos‐Zebrucka, K. et al. “The integrated stress response,” EMBO Reports 17, no.10 (2016): 1374–95, https://doi.org/10.15252/embr.201642195. Its discovery in amino acid starvation is described in Dever, T. E. et al., “Phosphorylation of initiation factor 2 alpha by protein kinase GCN2 mediates gene-specific translational control of GCN4 in yeast,” Cell 68. no. 3 (February 1992): 585–96, https://doi.org/10.1016/0092-8674(92)90193-g and that in the unfolded protein response in Harding, H. P. et al., “PERK is essential for translational regulation and cell survival during the unfolded protein response,” Molecular Cell 5, no. 5 (May 2000): 897-904, https://doi.org/10.1016/s1097-2765(00)80330-5.

        If you delete the genes: M. Delépine et al., “EIF2AK3, Encoding Translation Initiation Factor 2-Alpha Kinase 3, Is Mutated in Patients with Wolcott-Rallison Syndrome,” Nature Genetics 25, no. 4 (August 2000): 406–9, https://doi.org/10.1038/78085; H. P. Harding et al., “Diabetes Mellitus and Exocrine Pancreatic Dysfunction in Perk-/- Mice Reveals a Role for Translational Control in Secretory Cell Survival,” Molecular Cell 7, no. 6 (June 2001): 1153–63, https://doi.org/10.1016/s1097-2765(01)00264-7.

        They also extend life span: S. J. Marciniak et al., “CHOP Induces Death by Promoting Protein Synthesis and Oxidation in the Stressed Endoplasmic Reticulum,” Genes & Development 18, no. 24 (December 15, 2004): 3066–77, https://doi.org/10.1101/gad.1250704; M. D’Antonio et al., “Resetting Translational Homeostasis Restores Myelination in Charcot-Marie-Tooth Disease Type 1B Mice,” Journal of Experimental Medicine 210, no. 4 (April 8, 2013): 821–38, https://doi.org/10.1084/jem.20122005; P. Tsaytler et al., “Selective Inhibition of a Regulatory Subunit of Protein Phosphatase 1 Restores Proteostasis,” Science 332, no. 6025 (April 1, 2011): 91–94, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1201396; H. Q. Jiang et al., “Guanabenz Delays the Onset of Disease Symptoms, Extends Lifespan, Improves Motor Performance and Attenuates Motor Neuron Loss in the SOD1 G93A Mouse Model of Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis,” Neuroscience 277 (March 2014): 132–38, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroscience.2014.03.047; I. Das et al., “Preventing Proteostasis Diseases by Selective Inhibition of a Phosphatase Regulatory Subunit,” Science 348, no. 6231 (April 10, 2015): 239–42, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aaa4484.

        whether they even affected ISR directly: A. Crespillo-Casado et al., “PPP1R15A-Mediated Dephosphorylation of eIF2α Is Unaffected by Sephin1 or Guanabenz,” eLife 6 (April 27, 2017): e26109, https://doi.org/10.7554/eLife.26109.

        According to their studies, deleting the genes: T. Ma et al., “Suppression of eIF2α Kinases Alleviates Alzheimer’s Disease–Related Plasticity and Memory Deficits,” Nature Neuroscience 16, no. 9 (September 2013): 1299–305, https://doi.org/10.1038/nn.3486.

        Even more surprisingly: Adam Piore, “The Miracle Molecule That Could Treat Brain Injuries and Boost Your Fading Memory,” MIT Technology Review 124, no. 5 (September/October 2021): https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/08/25/1031783/isrib-molecule-treat-brain-injuries-memory/; C. Sidrauski et al., “Pharmacological Brake-Release of mRNA Translation Enhances Cognitive Memory,” eLife 2 (2013): e00498,https://doi.org/10.7554/eLife.00498; C. Sidrauski et al., “The Small Molecule ISRIB Reverses the Effects of Eif2α Phosphorylation on Translation and Stress Granule Assembly,” eLife 4 (2015): e05033, https://doi.org/10.7554/eLife.05033; A. Chou et al., “Inhibition of the Integrated Stress Response Reverses Cognitive Deficits After Traumatic Brain Injury,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 114, no. 31 (July 10, 2017): E6420–E6426, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1707661114.

        Nahum Sonenberg: Nahum Sonenberg, email message to the author, January 12, 2023.

        The key person: D. M. Asher with M. A. Oldstone, Carleton Gajdusek, 1923–2008: Biographical Memoirs (Washington, DC: US National Academy of Sciences, 2013), http://www.nasonline.org/publications/biographical-memoirs/memoir-pdfs/gajdusek-d-carleton.pdf; Caroline Richmond, “Obituary: Carleton Gajdusek,” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified February 25, 2009, https://www.theguardian.com/science/2009/feb/25/carleton-gajdusek-obituary.

        On the strength of this: Frank Macfarlane Burnet studied how the immune system distinguishes between our own cells and foreign invaders and shared the 1960 Nobel Prize with Peter Medawar.

        “had an intelligence quotient”: Jay Ingram, Fatal Flaws: How a Misfolded Protein Baffled Scientists and Changed the Way We Look at the Brain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2013), as quoted in M. Goedert, “M. Prions and the Like,” Brain 137, no. 1 (January 2014): 301–5, https://doi.org/10.1093/brain/awt179. See also J. Farquhar and D. C. Gajdusek, eds., Early Letters and Field-Notes from the Collection of D. Carleton Gajdusek (New York: Raven Press, 1981).

        This was a recent practice among the Fore: J. Goodfield, “Cannibalism and Kuru,” Nature 387 (June 26, 1997): 841, https://doi.org/10.1038/43043; R. Rhodes, “Gourmet Cannibalism in New Guinea Tribe,” Nature 389 (September 4, 1997): 11, https://doi.org/10.1038/37853.

        He showed no remorse: Ivin Molotsky, “Nobel Scientist Pleads Guilty to Abusing Boy,” New York Times online, February 19, 1997, https://www.nytimes.com/1997/02/19/us/nobel-scientist-pleads -guilty-to-abusing-boy.html. Two articles shed light on the sociology of Gajdusek’s extended family: C. Spark, “Family Man: The Papua New Guinean Children of D. Carleton Gajdusek,” Oceania 77, no. 3 (November 2007): 355–69, and C. Spark, “Carleton’s Kids: The Papua New Guinean Children of D. Carleton Gajdusek,” Journal of Pacific History 44, no. 1 (June 2009): 1–19.

        The result is that the misfolded form: S. B. Prusiner, “Prions,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 95, no. 23 (November 10, 1998): 13363–83, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.95.23.13363.

        Alzheimer himself autopsied: A good review of the beta-amyloid hypothesis is R. E. Tanzi and L. Bertram, “Twenty Years of the Alzheimer’s Disease Amyloid Hypothesis: A Genetic Perspective,” Cell 120, no. 4 (February 25, 2005): 545–55, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2005.02.008.

        In 1984, scientists identified: G. G. Glenner and C. W. Wong, “Alzheimer’s Disease and Down’s Syndrome: Sharing of a Unique Cerebrovascular Amyloid Fibril Protein,” Biochemical and Biophysical Research Communications 122, no. 3 (August 16, 1984): 1131–35, https://doi.org/10.1016/0006-291x(84)91209-9.

        They turn out to have mutations: A. Goate et al., “Segregation of a Missense Mutation in the Amyloid Precursor Protein Gene with Familial Alzheimer’s Disease,” Nature 349, no. 6311 (February 21, 1991): 704–6, https://doi.org/10.1038/349704a0; M. C. Chartier-Harlin et al., “Early-Onset Alzheimer’s Disease Caused by Mutations at Codon 717 of the Beta-amyloid Precursor Protein Gene,” Nature 353, no. 6347 (October 31, 1991): 844–46, https://doi.org/10.1038/353844a0.

        Perhaps these tau filaments: Jebelli, In Pursuit of Memory.

        Although scientists were skeptical at first: P. Poorkaj et al., “Tau Is a Candidate Gene for Chromosome 17 Frontotemporal Dementia,” Annals of Neurology 43, no. 6 (June 1998): 815–25, https://doi.org/10.1002/ana.410430617; M. Hutton et al., “Association of Missense and 5’-splice-site Mutations in Tau with the Inherited Dementia FTDP-17,” Nature 393, no. 6686 (June 18, 1998): 702–5, https://doi.org/10.1038/31508; M. G. Spillantini et al., “Mutation in the Tau Gene in Familial Multiple System Tauopathy with Presenile Dementia,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 95, no. 13 (June 23, 1998): 7737–41, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.95.13.7737.

        Rather, the aberrant: S. H. Scheres et al., “M. Cryo-EM Structures of Tau Filaments,” Current Opinion in Structural Biology 64, 17–25 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbi.2020.05.011; M. Schweighauser et al., “Structures of α-synuclein Filaments from Multiple System Atrophy,” Nature 585, no. 7825 (September 2020): 464–69, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-020-2317-6; Y. Yang et al., “Cryo-EM Structures of Amyloid-β 42 Filaments from Human Brains,” Science 375, no. 6577 (January 13, 2022): 167–72, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abm7285.

        We do know that if you delete the genes: H. Zheng et al., “Beta-Amyloid Precursor Protein-Deficient Mice Show Reactive Gliosis and Decreased Locomotor Activity,” Cell 81, no. 4 (May 19, 1995): 525–31, https://doi.org/10.1016/0092-8674(95)90073-x.

        There is a growing feeling: M. Goedert, M. Masuda-Suzukake, and B. Falcon, “Like Prions: The Propagation of Aggregated Tau and α-synuclein in Neurodegeneration,” Brain 140, no. 2 (February 2017): 266–78, https://doi.org/10.1093/brain/aww230; A. Aoyagi et al., “Aβ and Tau Prion-like Activities Decline with Longevity in the Alzheimer’s Disease Human Brain,” Science Translational Medicine 11, no. 490 (May 1, 2019): eaat8462, https://doi.org/10.1126/scitranslmed.aat8462; M. Jucker and L. C. Walker, “Self-propagation of Pathogenic Protein Aggregates in Neurodegenerative Diseases,” Nature 501, no. 7465 (September 5, 2013): 45–51, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature12481.

        Very recently, therapies: C. H. van Dyck et al., “Lecanemab in Early Alzheimer’s Disease,” New England Journal of Medicine 388, no. 1 (January 5, 2023): 9–21, https://doi.org/10.1056/nejmoa2212948; M. A. Mintun et al, “Donanemab in Early Alzheimer’s Disease,” New England Journal of Medicine 384 (May 6, 2021): 1691–1704, https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa2100708. See also the more recent discussion by S. Reardon, “Alzheimer’s Drug Donanemab: What Promising Trial Means for Treatments,” Nature 617 (May 4, 2023): 232–33, https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-023-01537-5.

        7. Less Is More

        Now, in a time of plenty: J. V. Neel, “Diabetes Mellitus: A ‘Thrifty’ Genotype Rendered Detrimental by ‘Progress,’” American Journal of Human Genetics 14, no. 4 (December 1962): 353–62, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1932342/.

        “drifty genes”: J. R. Speakman, “Thrifty Genes for Obesity and the Metabolic Syndrome—Time to Call off the Search?,” Diabetes and Vascular Disease Research 3, no. 1 (May 2006): 7–11, https://doi.org/10.3132/dvdr.2006.010; J. R. Speakman, “Evolutionary Perspectives on the Obesity Epidemic: Adaptive, Maladaptive, and Neutral Viewpoints,” Annual Review of Nutrition 33, no. 1 (July 2013): 289–317, https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-nutr-071811-150711.

        The first studies to test this: Two surveys of the field from the mid-2000s are E. J. Masoro, “Overview of Caloric Restriction and Ageing,” Mechanisms of Ageing and Development 126, no. 9 (September 2005): 913–22, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mad.2005.03.012, and B. K. Kennedy, K. K. Steffen, and M. Kaeberlein, “Ruminations on Dietary Restriction and Aging,” Cellular and Molecular Life Sciences 64, no. 11 (June 2007): 1323–28, doi: 10.1007/s00018-007-6470-y.

        Moreover, they appeared to have delayed: R. Weindruch and R. L. Walford, The Retardation of Aging and Disease by Dietary Restriction (Springfield, IL: C. C. Thomas, 1988), as quoted in Kennedy, Steffen, and Kaeberlein, “Ruminations,” 1323–28; L. Fontana and L. Partridge, “Promoting Health and Longevity Through Diet: From Model Organisms to Humans,” Cell 161, no. 1 (March 26, 2015): 106–18, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2015.02.020.

        In 2009: R. J. Colman et al., “Caloric Restriction Delays Disease Onset and Mortality in Rhesus Monkeys,” Science 325, no. 5937 (July 10, 2009): 201–4, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1173635.

        But this was contradicted: J. A. Mattison et al., “Impact of Caloric Restriction on Health and Survival in Rhesus Monkeys from the NIA Study,” Nature 489, no. 7415 (September 13, 2012): 318–21, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature11432. See the accompanying commentary by S. N. Austad, “Aging: Mixed Results for Dieting Monkeys,” Nature 489, no. 7415 (September 13, 2012): 210–11, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature11484, and a related news article in the same journal, A. Maxmen, “Calorie Restriction Falters in the Long Run,” Nature 488, no. 7413 (August 30, 2012), 569, https://doi.org/10.1038/488569a.

        Any evidence for the effect of CR: Laura A. Cassiday, “The Curious Case of Caloric Restriction,” Chemical & Engineering News online, last modified August 3, 2009, https://cen.acs.org/articles/87/i31/Curious-Case-Caloric-Restriction.html.

        There is 5:2 fasting: Gideon Meyerowitz-Katz, “Intermittent Fasting Is Incredibly Popular. But Is It Any Better Than Other Diets?,” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified January 1, 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jan/02/intermittent-fasting-is-incredibly-popular-but-is-it-any-better-than-other-diets.

        They concluded that matching: V. Acosta-Rodríguez et al., “Circadian Alignment of Early Onset Caloric Restriction Promotes Longevity in Male C57BL/6J Mice,” Science 376, no. 6598 (May 5, 2022): 1192–202, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abk0297. See the accompanying commentary in S. Deota and S. Panda, “Aligning Mealtimes to Live Longer,” Science 376, no. 6598 (May 5, 2022): 1159–60, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.adc8824.

        In particular, sleep deprivation: Matthew Walker, Why We Sleep: The New Science of Sleep and Dreams (New York: Scribner, 2017). See in particular chapter 8 for its effects on aging.

        According to a recent study: A. Vaccaro et al., “Sleep Loss Can Cause Death Through Accumulation of Reactive Oxygen Species in the Gut,” Cell 181, no. 6 (June 11, 2020): 1307–28.e15, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2020.04.049. See also a popular discussion of this in Veronique Greenwood, “Why Sleep Deprivation Kills,” Quanta, last modified June 4, 2020, https://www.quantamagazine.org/why-sleep-deprivation-kills-20200604/, and Steven Strogatz, “Why Do We Die Without Sleep?,” The Joy of Why (podcast, transcription), March 22, 2022, https://www.quantamagazine.org/why-do-we-die-without-sleep-20220322/.

        In one study: C.-Y Liao et al., “Genetic Variation in Murine Lifespan Response to Dietary Restriction: From Life Extension to Life Shortening,” Aging Cell 9, no. 1 (February 2010): 92–95, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-9726.2009.00533.x.

        He felt that animals: L. Hayflick, “Dietary Restriction: Theory Fails to Satiate,” Science 329, no. 5995 (August 27, 2010): 1014, https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.329.5995.1014; L. Fontana, L. Partridge, and V. Longo, “Dietary Restriction: Theory Fails to Satiate—Response,” Science 329, no. 5995 (August 27, 2010): 1015, https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.329.5995.1015.

        Moreover, when scientists: Saima May Sidik, “Dietary Restriction Works in Lab Animals, But It Might Not Work in the Wild,” Scientific American online, last modified December 20, 2022, https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/dietary-restriction-works-in-lab-animals-but-it-might-not-work-in-the-wild/.

        On a more granular level: Fontana and Partridge, “Promoting Health and Longevity,” 106–18.

        Among its other reported downsides: J. R. Speakman and S. E. Mitchell, “Caloric Restriction,” Molecular Aspects of Medicine 32, no. 3 (June 2011): 159–221, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mam.2011.07.001.

        In 1964: For an intriguing history of the discovery of rapamycin, see Bethany Halford, “Rapamycin’s Secrets Unearthed,” Chemical & Engineering News online, last modified July 18, 2016, https://cen.acs.org/articles/94/i29/Rapamycins-Secrets-Unearthed.html, which is the basis for the next few paragraphs. See also David Stipp, “A New Path to Longevity,” Scientific American online, last modified January 1, 2012), https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/a-new-path-to-longevity/.

        Here our story shifts to Basel, Switzerland: U. S. Neill, “A Conversation with Michael Hall,” Journal of Clinical Investigation 127, no. 11 (November 1, 2017): 3916–17, https://doi.org/10.1172/jci97760; C. L. Williams, “Talking TOR: A Conversation with Joe Heitman and Rao Movva,” JCI Insight 3, no. 4 (February 22, 2018): e99816, https://doi.org/10.1172/jci.insight.99816.

        How cell size and shape are controlled: M. B. Ginzberg, R. Kafri, and M. Kirschner, “On Being the Right (Cell) Size,” Science 348, no. 6236 (May 15, 2015): 1245075, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1245075.

        His paper was rejected: N. C. Barbet et al., “TOR Controls Translation Initiation and Early G1 Progression in Yeast,” Molecular Biology of the Cell 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 25–42, https://doi.org/10.1091/mbc.7.1.25. For Hall’s recollections about the early days and the difficulty of getting the scientific community to accept that cell growth was actively controlled, see M. N. Hall, “TOR and Paradigm Change: Cell Growth Is Controlled,” Molecular Biology of the Cell 27, no. 18 (September 15, 2016): 2804–6, https://doi.org/10.1091/mbc.E15-05-0311.

        We can now see: D. Papadopoli et al., “mTOR as a Central Regulator of Lifespan and Aging,” F1000 Research 8 (July 2, 2019): 998, https://doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.17196.1; G. Y. Liu and D. M. Sabatini, “mTOR at the Nexus of Nutrition, Growth, Ageing and Disease,” Nature Reviews Molecular Biology 21, no. 4 (April 2020): 183–203, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41580-019-0199-y.

        It turns out that both a defective TOR: L. Partridge, M. Fuentealba, and B. K. Kennedy, “The Quest to Slow Ageing Through Drug Discovery,” Nature Reviews Drug Discovery 19, no. 8 (August 2020): 513–32, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41573-020-0067-7.

        Strikingly, even short courses: D. E. Harrison et al., “Rapamycin Fed Late in Life Extends Lifespan in Genetically Heterogeneous Mice,” Nature 460, no. 7253 (July 16, 2009): 392–95, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature08221; see the accompanying commentary by M. Kaeberlein and R. K. Kennedy, “Ageing: A Midlife Longevity Drug?,” Nature 460, no. 7253 (July 16, 2009): 331–32, https://doi.org/10.1038/460331a.

        Rapamycin also delayed: F. M. Menzies and D. C. Rubinsztein, “Broadening the Therapeutic Scope for Rapamycin Treatment,” Autophagy 6, no. 2 (February 2010): 286–87, https://doi.org/10.4161/auto.6.2.11078.

        While rapamycin inhibits: K. Araki et al., “mTOR Regulates Memory CD8 T-cell Differentiation,” Nature 460, no. 7251 (July 2, 2009): 108–12, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature08155.

        Another study, from 2009, showed that administering rapamycin: C. Chen et al. “mTOR Regulation and Therapeutic Rejuvenation of Aging Hematopoietic Stem Cells,” Science Signaling 2, no. 98 (November 24, 2009): ra75, https://doi.org/10.1126/scisignal.2000559.

        As one might expect: A. M. Eiden, “Molecular Pathways: Increased Susceptibility to Infection Is a Complication of mTOR Inhibitor Use in Cancer Therapy,” Clinical Cancer Research 22, no. 2 (January 15, 2016): 277–83, https://doi.org/10.1158/1078-0432.ccr-14-3239.

        “warrants caution”: A. J. Pagán et al., “mTOR-Regulated Mitochondrial Metabolism Limits Mycobacterium-Induced Cytotoxicity, Cell 185, no. 20 (September 29, 2022): 3720–38, e13, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2022.08.018.

        “I suppose the rapamycin advocates”: Michael Hall, email message to the author, September 29, 2022.

        The consortium will analyze: K. E. Creevy et al., “An Open Science Study of Ageing in Companion Dogs,” Nature 602, no. 7895 (February 2022): 51–57, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-021-04282-9.

        They go on to suggest: M. V. Blagosklonny and M. N. Hall, “Growth and Aging: A Common Molecular Mechanism,” Aging 1, no. 4 (April 20, 2009): 357–62, https://doi.org/10.18632/aging.100040.

        8. Lessons from a Lowly Worm

        A study of 2,700 Danish twins: A. M. Herskind et al., “The Heritability of Human Longevity: A Population-Based Study of 2,872 Danish Twin Pairs Born 1870–1900,” Human Genetics 97, no. 3 (March 1996): 319–23, https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02185763.

        Once he and Crick: Their views and plans are outlined in a 1971 report by Francis Crick and Sydney Brenner. See F. H. C. Crick and S. Brenner, Report to the Medical Research Council: On the Work of the Division of Molecular Genetics, Now the Division of Cell Biology, from 1961–1971 (Cambridge, UK: MRC Laboratory of Molecular Biology, November 1971), https://profiles.nlm.nih.gov/spotlight/sc/catalog/nlm:nlmuid-101584582X71-doc.

        Scientists went on to identify: For this work, Brenner was awarded the 2002 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, along with two of his former colleagues, John Sulston and Robert Horvitz. “The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 2002,” Nobel Prize online, accessed July 22, 2023, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/2002/summary/.

        As Hirsh recalled: David Hirsh, email message to the author, August 1, 2022.

        Instead, it turned out: D. B. Friedman and T. E. Johnson, “A Mutation in the age-1 Gene in Caenorhabditis elegans Lengthens Life and Reduces Hermaphrodite Fertility,” Genetics 118, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 75–86, https://doi.org/10.1093/genetics/118.1.75.

        Johnson went on to show: T. E. Johnson, “Increased Life-Span of age-1 Mutants in Caenorhabditis elegans and Lower Gompertz Rate of Aging,” Science 249, no. 4971 (August 24, 1990): 908–12, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.2392681.

        Even after it finally appeared in the prestigious journal Science in 1990: David Stipp’s book The Youth Pill: Scientists at the Brink of an Anti-Aging Revolution (New York: Penguin, 2010) contains an engaging and detailed account of the history, personalities, and science behind the discovery of aging mutants.

        she felt inspired: Two firsthand accounts by Kenyon and Johnson of their discoveries are C. Kenyon, “The First Long-Lived Mutants: Discovery of the Insulin/IGF-1 Pathway for Ageing,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 366, no. 1561 (January 12, 2001): 9–16, https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2010.0276, and T. E. Johnson, “25 Years After age-1: Genes, Interventions and the Revolution in Aging Research,” Experimental Gerontology 48, no. 7 (July 2013): 640–43, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exger.2013.02.023.

        her 1993 paper: C. Kenyon et al., “A C. elegans Mutant That Lives Twice as Long as Wild Type,” Nature 366, no. 6454 (December 2, 1993): 461–64, https://doi.org/10.1038/366461a0.

        Apart from her stellar academic pedigree: Stipp, Youth Pill.

        “I thought, ‘Oh, gosh’”: Ibid.

        As it turns out, the age-1 gene originally identified: The key papers for the identity of some of the key genes are (daf-2) K. D. Kimura, H. A. Tissenbaum, and G. Ruvkun, “daf-2, an Insulin Receptor-Like Gene That Regulates Longevity and Diapause in Caenorhabditis elegans,” Science 277, no. 5328 (August 15, 1997): 942–46, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.277.5328.942; (age-1, which turned out to be the same as daf-23), J. Z. Morris, H. A. Tissenbaum, and G. Ruvkun, “A Phosphatidylinositol-3-OH Kinase Family Member Regulating Longevity and Diapause in Caenorhabditis elegans, Nature 382, no. 6591 (August 8, 1996): 536–39, https://doi.org/10.1038/382536a0; (daf-16), S. Ogg et al., “The Fork Head Transcription Factor DAF-16 Transduces Insulin-like Metabolic and Longevity Signals in C. elegans,” Nature 389, no. 6654 (October 30, 1997): 994–99, https://doi.org/10.1038/40194, and K. Lin et al., “daf-16: An HNF-3/Forkhead Family Member That Can Function to Double the Life-Span of Caenorhabditis elegans,” Science 278, no. 5341 (November 14, 1997): 1319–22, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.278.5341.1319.

        “constitute a treasure trove”: C. J. Kenyon, “The Genetics of Ageing,” Nature 464, no. 7288 (March 25, 2010): 504–12, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature08980.

        Among the many reasons for this: H. Yan et al., “Insulin Signaling in the Long-Lived Reproductive Caste of Ants,” Science 377, no. 6610 (September 1, 2022): 1092–99, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abm8767.

        However, if the experiment is repeated—but this time using a strain: E. Cohen et al., “Opposing Activities Protect Against Age-Onset Proteotoxicity,” Science 313, no. 5793 (September 15, 2006): 1604–10, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1124646.

        Deleting the gene that codes for a protein: D. J. Clancy et al., “Extension of Life-span by Loss of CHICO, a Drosophila Insulin Receptor Substrate Protein,” Science 292, no. 5514 (April 6, 2001): 104–6, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1057991.

        The IGF-1 receptor is essential: M. Holzenberger et al., “IGF-1 Receptor Regulates Lifespan and Resistance to Oxidative Stress in Mice,” Nature 421, no. 6919 (January 9, 2003): 182–87, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature01298; G. J. Lithgow and M. S. Gill, “Physiology: Cost-Free Longevity in Mice,” Nature 421, no. 6919 (January 9, 2003): 125–26, https://doi.org/10.1038/421125a.

        An analysis of subjects: D. A. Bulger et al., “Caenorhabditis elegans DAF-2 as a Model for Human Insulin Receptoropathies,” G3 Genes|Genomes|Genetics 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 257–68, https://doi.org/10.1534/g3.116.037184.

        Mutations known to impair IGF-1: Y. Suh et al., “Functionally Significant Insulin-like Growth Factor I Receptor Mutations in Centenarians,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 105, no. 9 (March 4, 2008): 3438–42, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0705467105; T. Kojima et al., “Association Analysis Between Longevity in the Japanese Population and Polymorphic Variants of Genes Involved in Insulin and Insulin-like Growth Factor 1 Signaling Pathways,” Experimental Gerontology 39, nos. 11/12 (November/December 2004): 1595–98, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exger.2004.05.007.

        Variants in proteins: See references in Kenyon, “Genetics of Ageing,” 504–12.

        Exactly as you might predict: S. Honjoh et al., “Signalling Through RHEB-1 Mediates Intermittent Fasting-Induced Longevity in C. elegans,” Nature 457, no. 7230 (February 5, 2009): 726–30, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature07583.

        This means that caloric restriction: B. Lakowski and S. Hekimi, “The Genetics of Caloric Restriction in Caenorhabditis elegans,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 95, no. 22 (October 27, 1998): 13091–96, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.95.22.13091.

        When worms were subjected: D. W. Walker et al., “Evolution of Lifespan in C. elegans,” Nature 405, no. 6784 (May 18, 2000): 296–97, https://doi.org/10.1038/35012693.

        To understand the difference: Stephen O’Rahilly, conversation with the author, August 11, 2022.

        Because of recent advances: H. R. Bridges et al., “Structural Basis of Mammalian Respiratory Complex I Inhibition by Medicinal Biguanides,” Science 379, no. 6630 (January 26, 2023): 351–57, https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.ade3332.

        Disrupting our ability to utilize glucose: G. Rena, D. G. Hardie, and E. R. Pearson, “The Mechanisms of Action of Metformin,” Diabetologia 60, no. 9 (September 2017): 1577–85, https://doi.org/10.1007/s00125-017-4342-z; T. E. LaMoia and G. I. Shulman, “Cellular and Molecular Mechanisms of Metformin Action,” Endocrine Reviews 42, no. 1 (February 2021): 77–96, https://doi.org/10.1210/endrev/bnaa023.

        Although some studies have claimed: L. C. Gormsen et al., “Metformin Increases Endogenous Glucose Production in Non-Diabetic Individuals and Individuals with Recent-Onset Type 2 Diabetes,” Diabetologia 62, no. 7 (July 2019): 1251–56, https://doi.org/10.1007/s00125-019-4872-7.

        According to another study, the drug alters: H. Wu et al., “Metformin Alters the Gut Microbiome of Individuals with Treatment-Naive Type 2 Diabetes, Contributing to the Therapeutic Effects of the Drug,” Nature Medicine 23, no. 7 (July 2017): 850–58, https://doi.org/10.1038/nm.4345.

        Steve O’Rahilly’s work demonstrates: A. P. Coll et al., “GDF15 Mediates the Effects of Metformin on Body Weight and Energy Balance,” Nature 578, no. 7795 (February 2020): 444–48, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-019-1911-y.

        In the first, from the National Institute on Aging, long-term treatment: A. Martin-Montalvo et al., “Metformin Improves Healthspan and Lifespan in Mice,” Nature Communications 4 (2013): 2192, https://doi.org/10.1038/ncomms3192.

        A second study, in humans: C. A. Bannister et al., “Can People with Type 2 Diabetes Live Longer Than Those Without? A Comparison of Mortality in People Initiated with Metformin or Sulphonylurea Monotherapy and Matched, Non-Diabetic Controls,” Diabetes, Obesity and Metabolism 16, no. 11 (November 2014): 1165–73, https://doi.org/10.1111/dom.12354.

        One, from 2016, concluded that metformin: M. Claesen et al., “Mortality in Individuals Treated with Glucose-Lowering Agents: A Large, Controlled Cohort Study,” Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism 101, no. 2 (February 1, 2016): 461–69, https://doi.org/10.1210/jc.2015-3184.

        Curiously, some of the toxicity: L. Espada et al., “Loss of Metabolic Plasticity Underlies Metformin Toxicity in Aged Caenorhabditis Elegans,” Nature Metabolism 2, no. 11 (November 2020): 1316–31, https://doi.org/10.1038/s42255-020-00307-1.

        Metformin also undermined: A. R. Konopka et al., “Metformin Inhibits Mitochondrial Adaptations to Aerobic Exercise Training in Older Adults,” Aging Cell 18, no. 1 (February 2019): e12880, https://doi.org/10.1111/acel.12880.

        And one study claimed that diabetics: Y. C. Kuan et al., “Effects of Metformin Exposure on Neurodegenerative Diseases in Elderly Patients with Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus,” Progress in Neuropsychopharmacol and Biological Psychiatry 79, pt. B (October 3, 2017): 1777–83 (2017), https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pnpbp.2017.06.002.

        The study’s goal is to see: “The Tame Trial: Targeting the Biology of Aging: Ushering a New Era of Interventions,” American Federation for Aging Research (AFAR) online, accessed August 1, 2023, https://www.afar.org/tame-trial.

        That was exactly the skepticism: A detailed account of how Guarente became involved in this research and his laboratory’s early discoveries is found in his book, Lenny Guarente, Ageless Quest: One Scientist’s Search for Genes That Prolong Youth (Cold Spring Harbor, NY: Cold Spring Harbor Press, 2003).

        Increasing the amount of Sir2: M. Kaeberlein, M. McVey, and L. Guarente, “The SIR2/3/4 Complex and SIR2 Alone Promote Longevity in Saccharomyces cerevisiae by Two Different Mechanisms,” Genes and Development 13, no. 19, October 1, 1994, 2570–80, https://doi.org/10.1101/gad.13.19.2570.

        They soon found, with mounting excitement: B. Rogina and S. L. Helfand, “Sir2 Mediates Longevity in the Fly Through a Pathway Related to Calorie Restriction,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 101, no. 45 (November 2004): 15998–6003, https://doi.org/10.1073/Pnas.040418410; H. A. Tissenbaum and L. Guarente, “Increased Dosage of a Sir-2 Gene Extends Lifespan in Caenorhabditis Elegans,” Nature 410, no. 6825 (March 8, 2001): 227–30, https://doi.org/10.1038/35065638.

        Sir2 turns out to be a deacetylase: S. Imai et al., “Transcriptional Silencing and Longevity Protein Sir2 Is an NAD-Dependent Histone Deacetylase,” Nature 403, no. 6771 (February 17, 2000): 795–800, https://doi.org/10.1038/35001622; W. Dang et al., “Histone H4 Lysine 16 Acetylation Regulates Cellular Lifespan,” Nature 459, no. 7248 (June 11, 2009): 802–7, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature08085.

        Sure enough, in both flies and yeast: S. J. Lin, P. A. Defossez, and L. Guarente, “Requirement of NAD and SIR2 for Life-span Extension by Calorie Restriction in Saccharomyces cerevisiae,” Science 289, no. 5487 (September 22, 2000): 2126–28, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.289.5487.2126; Rogina and Helfand, “Sir2 Mediates Longevity in the Fly,” 15998–6003.

        “When single genes are changed”: L. Guarente and C. Kenyon, “Genetic Pathways That Regulate Ageing in Model Organisms,” Nature 408, no. 6809 (November 9, 2000): 255–62, https://doi.org/10.1038/35041700.

        Finally, here was scientific evidence: K. T. Howitz. et al., “Small Molecule Activators of Sirtuins Extend Saccharomyces cerevisiae Lifespan,” Nature 425, no. 6809 (November 9, 2000): 191–96, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature01960.

        Although the mice remained overweight: J. A. Baur et al., “Resveratrol Improves Health and Survival of Mice on a High-Calorie Diet,” Nature 444, no. 7117 (November 16, 2006): 337–42, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature05354; M. Lagouge et al., “Resveratrol Improves Mitochondrial Function and Protects Against Metabolic Disease by Activating SIRT1 and PGC-1alpha,” Cell 127, no. 6 (December 15, 2006): 1109–22, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2006.11.013.

        Among other things: M. Kaeberlein et al., “Sir2-Independent Life Span Extension by Calorie Restriction in Yeast,” PLoS Biology 2, no. 9 (September 2004): E296, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.0020296.

        Not only that, but they did not find: M. Kaeberlein et al., “Substrate-Specific Activation of Sirtuins by Resveratrol,” Journal of Biological Chemistry 280, no. 17 (April 2005): 17038–45, https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.M500655200.

        Pharmaceutical companies do not usually: M. Pacholec et al., “SRT1720, SRT2183, SRT1460, and Resveratrol Are Not Direct Activators of SIRT1,” Journal of Biological Chemistry 285, no. 11 (March 2010): 8340–51, https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.M109.088682.

        Five years after the sale: John La Mattina, “Getting the Benefits of Red Wine from a Pill? Not Likely,” Forbes online, last modified March 19, 2013, https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnlamattina/2013/03/19/getting-the-benefits-of-red-wine-from-a-pill-not-likely/.

        This led to another commentary: B. P. Hubbard et al., “Evidence for a Common Mechanism of SIRT1 Regulation by Allosteric Activators,” Science 339, no. 6124 (March 8, 2013): 1216–19, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1231097; H. Yuan and R. Marmorstein, “Red Wine, Toast of the Town (Again),” Science 339, no. 6124 (March 8, 2013): 1156–57, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1236463.

        None of them had any significant effect: R. Strong et al., “Evaluation of Resveratrol, Green Tea Extract, Curcumin, Oxaloacetic Acid, and Medium-Chain Triglyceride Oil on Life Span of Genetically Heterogeneous Mice,” Journals of Gerontology: Series A 68, no. 1 (January 2013): 6–16, https://doi.org/10.1093/gerona/gls070.

        Sir2 activation actually reduces: P. Fabrizio et al., “Sir2 Blocks Extreme Life-span Extension,” Cell 123, no. 4 (November 18, 2005): 655–67, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2005.08.042; see also commentary by B. K. Kennedy, E. D. Smith, and M. Kaeberlein, “The Enigmatic Role of Sir2 in Aging,” Cell 123, no. 4 (November 18, 2005): 548–50, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2005.11.002.

        Feeling embattled: C. Burnett et al., “Absence of Effects of Sir2 Overexpression on Lifespan in C. elegans and Drosophila,” Nature 477, no. 7365 (September 21, 2011): 482–85, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature10296; K. Baumann, “Ageing: A Midlife Crisis for Sirtuins,” Nature Reviews Molecular Cell Biology 12, no. 11 (October 21, 2011): 688, https://doi.org/10.1038/nrm3218; D. B. Lombard et al., “Ageing: Longevity Hits a Roadblock,” Nature 477, no. 7365 (September 21, 2011): 410–11, https://doi.org/10.1038/477410a; M. Viswanathan and L. Guarente, “Regulation of Caenorhabditis elegans lifespan by sir-2.1 Transgenes,” Nature 477, no. 7365 (September 21, 2011): E1–2, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature10440.

        The protein is also a histone: R. Mostoslavsky et al., “Genomic Instability and Aging-like Phenotype in the Absence of Mammalian SIRT6,” Cell 124, no. 2 (January 24, 2006): 315–29, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2005.11.044; E. Michishita et al. “SIRT6 Is a Histone H3 Lysine 9 Deacetylase That Modulates Telomeric Chromatin,” Nature 452, no. 7186 (March 27, 2008): 492–96, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature06736; A. Roichman et al., “SIRT6 Overexpression Improves Various Aspects of Mouse Healthspan,” Journals of Gerontology: Series A 72, no. 5 (May 1, 2017): 603–15, https://doi.org/10.1093/gerona/glw152; X. Tian et al., “SIRT6 Is Responsible for More Efficient DNA Double-Strand Break Repair in Long-Lived Species,” Cell 177, no. 3 (April 18, 2019): 622–38.e22, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2019.03.043.

        Many in the gerontology community: C. Brenner, “Sirtuins Are Not Conserved Longevity Genes,” Life Metabolism 1, no. 2 (October 2022), 122–33, https://doi.org/10.1093/lifemeta/loac025.

        It is made by the body: P. Belenky, K. L. Bogan, and C. Brenner, “NAD+ Metabolism in Health and Disease,” Trends in Biochemical Sciences 32, no. 1 (January 2017): 12–19, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tibs.2006.11.006.

        It can also cause a host: H. Massudi et al., “Age-Associated Changes in Oxidative Stress and NAD+ Metabolism in Human Tissue,” PLoS One 7, no. 7 (2012): e42357, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0042357; X. H. Zhu et al., “In Vivo NAD Assay Reveals the Intracellular NAD Contents and Redox State in Healthy Human Brain and Their Age Dependences,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 112, no. 9 (February 17, 2015): 2876–81, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1417921112; A. J. Covarrubias et al., “NAD+ Metabolism and Its Roles in Cellular Processes During Ageing,” Nature Reviews Molecular Cell Biology 22, no. 2 (February 2021): 119–41, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41580-020-00313-x.

        Increasing NAD levels: H. Zhang et al., “NAD+ Repletion Improves Mitochondrial and Stem Cell Function and Enhances Life Span in Mice,” Science 352, no. 6292 (April 28, 2016): 1436–43, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aaf2693; see also the commentary on this report by L. Guarente, “The Resurgence of NAD+,” Science 352, no. 6292 (April 28, 2016): 1396–97, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aag1718; K. F. Mills et al., “Long-Term Administration of Nicotinamide Mononucleotide Mitigates Age-Associated Physiological Decline in Mice,” Cell Metabolism 24, no. 6 (December 13, 2016): 795–806, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cmet.2016.09.013.

        “I expressly tell people”: Charles Brenner, email message to the author, January 22, 2023.

        The results of taking: Partridge, Fuentealba, and Kennedy, “Quest to Slow Ageing,” 513–32.

        Global sales of NMN: Global News Wire, “Nicotinamide Mononucleotide (NMN) Market Will Turn Over USD 251.2 to Revenue to Cross USD 953 Million in 2022 to 2028 Research by Business Opportunities, Top Companies, Opportunities Planning, Market-Specific Challenges,” August 19, 2022, https://www.globenewswire.com/en/news-release/2022/08/19/2501489/0/en/Nicotinamide-Mono nucleotide-NMN-Market-will-Turn-over-USD-251-2-to-Revenue-to-Cross-USD-953-million-in-2022-to-2028-Research-by-Business-Opportunities-Top-Companies-opportunities-p.html.

        9. The Stowaway Within Us

        “I quit my job”: Martin Weil, “Lynn Margulis, Leading Evolutionary Biologist, Dies at 73,” Washington Post online, November 26, 2011, https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/obituaries/lynn-margulis-leading-evolutionary-biologist-dies-at-73/2011/11/26/gIQAQ 5dezN_story.html.

        Margulis wrote an essay: Lynn Margulis, “Two Hit, Three Down—The Biggest Lie: David Ray Griffin’s Work Exposing 9/11,” in Dorion Sagan, ed., Lynn Margulis: The Life and Legacy of a Scientific Rebel (White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green, 2012), 150–55.

        questioned whether the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV): Joanna Bybee, “No Subject Too Sacred,” in Sagan, ed. Lynn Margulis, 156–62.

        You could think of Margulis’s idea: L. Sagan, “On the Origin of Mitosing Cells,” Journal of Theoretical Biology 14, no. 3 (March 14, 1967): 255–74, https://doi.org/10.1016/0022-5193(67)90079-3.

        In the same way that water: The idea that ATP is made by using a proton gradient across a membrane was proposed by Peter Mitchell and highly controversial initially. He went on to receive the 1978 Nobel Prize. See: Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, “The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1978: Peter Mitchell,” press release, October 17, 1978, available at Nobel Prize online, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/chemis try/1978/press-release/. Part of the 1997 Chemistry Nobel Prize was awarded to Paul Boyer and John Walker for their work on the molecular turbine that actually makes the ATP. The Nobel press release has an excellent description of it: Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, “The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1997: Paul D. Boyer, John E. Walker, Jens C. Skou,” press release, October 15, 1997, available at Nobel Prize online, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/chemistry/1997/press-release/.

        The human body has to generate: F. Du et al., “Tightly Coupled Brain Activity and Cerebral ATP Metabolic Rate,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 105, no. 17 (April 29, 2008): 6409–14, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0710766105. For a popular account of this article, see N. Swaminathan, “Why Does the Brain Need So Much Power?,” Scientific American online, April 29, 2008, https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/why-does-the-brain-need-s/.

        The child will carry mostly: Ian Sample, “UK Doctors Select First Women to Have ‘Three-Person Babies,’” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified February 1, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/science/2018/feb/01/permission-given-to-create-britains-first-three-person-babies.

        Excessive contacts: J. Valades et al, “ER Lipid Defects in Neuropeptidergic Neurons Impair Sleep Patterns in Parkinson’s Diseases,” Neuron 98, no. 6 (June 27, 2018): 1155–69, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuron.2018.05.022.

        Perhaps no other structure: N. Sun, R. J. Youle, and T. Finkel, “The Mitochondrial Basis of Aging,” Molecular Cell 61, no. 5 (March 3, 2016): 654–66, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.molcel.2016.01.028.

        In 1954: D. Harman, “Origin and Evolution of the Free Radical Theory of Aging: A Brief Personal History, 1954–2009,” Biogerontology 10, no. 6 (December 2009): 773–81, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10522-009-9234-2.

        Harman’s idea: R. S. Sohal and R. Weindruch, “Oxidative Stress, Caloric Restriction, and Aging,” Science 273, no. 5271 (July 5, 1996): 59–63, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.273.5271.59.

        Over time, they damage: E. R. Stadtman, “Protein Oxidation and Aging,” Free Radical Research 40, no. 12 (December, 2006): 1250–58, https://doi.org/10.1080/10715760600918142.

        Strains of mice that made: S. E. Schriner et al., “Extension of Murine Life Span by Overexpression of Catalase Targeted to Mitochondria,” Science 308, no. 5730 (June 24, 2005): 1909–11, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1106653.

        As recently as 2022: J. Hartke et al., “What Doesn’t Kill You Makes You Live Longer—Longevity of a Social Host Linked to Parasite Proteins,” bioRxiv (2022): https://doi.org/10.1101/2022.12.23.521666.

        One way they may minimize: A. Rodríguez-Nuevo et al., “Oocytes Maintain ROS-free Mitochondrial Metabolism by Suppressing Complex I,” Nature 607, no. 7920 (July 2022): 756–61, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-022-04979-5.

        Alas, although there were isolated reports: G. Bjelakovic et al., “Mortality in Randomized Trials of Antioxidant Supplements for Primary and Secondary Prevention: Systematic Review and Meta-analysis,” Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) 297, no. 8 (2007): (February 28, 2007): 842–57, https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.297.8.842.

        But over the last ten to fifteen years: S. Hekimi, J. Lapointe, and Y. Wen, “Taking a ‘Good’ Look at Free Radicals in the Aging Process,” Trends in Cell Biology 21, no. 10 (October 2011): 569–76, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tcb.2011.06.008. There are also first-rate discussions of the evidence in López-Otín et al., “Hallmarks of Aging,” 1194–217, and A. Bratic and N. G. Larsson, “The Role of Mitochondria in Aging,” Journal of Clinical Investigation 123, no. 3 (March 2013): 951–57, https://doi.org/10.1172/JCI64125.

        Studies with other animals: See the papers cited in Bratic and Larsson, “Role of Mitochondria,” 951–57.

        In fact, contrary to the report: V. I. Pérez et al., “The Overexpression of Major Antioxidant Enzymes Does Not Extend the Lifespan of Mice,” Aging Cell 8, no. 1 (February 2009): 73–75, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-9726.2008.00449.x.

        Giving them a herbicide: W. Yang and S. Hekimi, “A Mitochondrial Superoxide Signal Triggers Increased Longevity in Caenorhabditis elegans,” PLoS Biology 8, no. 12 (December 2010): e1000556, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.1000556.

        The naked mole rat lives: B. Andziak et al., “High Oxidative Damage Levels in the Longest-Living Rodent, the Naked Mole-Rat,” Aging Cell 5, no. 6 (December 2006): 463–71, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-9726.2006.00237.x; F. Saldmann et al., “The Naked Mole Rat: A Unique Example of Positive Oxidative Stress,” Oxidative Medicine and Cellular Longevity 2019 (February 7, 2019): 4502819, https://doi.org/10.1155/2019/450281.9.

        This may be an example of something called hormesis: V. Calabrese et al., “Hormesis, Cellular Stress Response and Vitagenes as Critical Determinants in Aging and Longevity,” Molecular Aspects of Medicine 32, nos. 4–6 (August–December 2011): 279–304, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mam.2011.10.007.

        At the age of about sixty weeks: A. Trifunovic et al., “Premature Ageing in Mice Expressing Defective Mitochondrial DNA Polymerase,” Nature 429, no. 6990 (May 27, 2004): 417–23, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature02517. This and several other papers published the following year are reviewed in L. A. Loeb, D. C. Wallace, and G. M. Martin, “The Mitochondrial Theory of Aging and Its Relationship to Reactive Oxygen Species Damage and Somatic MtDNA Mutations,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 102, no. 52 (December 19, 2005): 18769–70, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0509776102.

        There are reports of a complicated interplay: E. F. Fang et al., “Nuclear DNA Damage Signalling to Mitochondria in Ageing,” Nature Reviews Molecular Cell Biology 17, no. 5 (May 2016): 308–21, https://doi.org/10.1038/nrm.2016.14; R. H. Hämäläinen et al., “Defects in mtDNA Replication Challenge Nuclear Genome Stability Through Nucleotide Depletion and Provide a Unifying Mechanism for Mouse Progerias,” Nature Metabolism 1, no. 10 (October 2019): 958–65, https://doi.org/10.1038/s42255-019-0120-1.

        In these cases, clones: T. E. S. Kauppila, J. H. K. Kauppila, and N. G. Larsson, “Mammalian Mitochondria and Aging: An Update,” Cell Metabolism 25, no. 1 (January 10, 2017): 57–71, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cmet.2016.09.017.

        The effect is most pronounced: N. Sun, R. J. Youle, and T. Finkel, “The Mitochondrial Basis of Aging,” Molecular Cell 61, no. 5 (March 3, 2016): 654–66, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.molcel.2016.01.028.

        One characteristic of aging: C. Franceschi et al., “Inflamm-aging. An Evolutionary Perspective on Immunosenescence,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 908, no. 1 (June 2000): 244–54, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2000.tb06651.x.

        Some proteins can sense: N. P. Kandul et al., “Selective Removal of Deletion-Bearing Mitochondrial DNA in Heteroplasmic Drosophila,” Nature Communications 7 (November 14, 2016): art. 13100, https://doi.org/10.1038/ncomms13100.

        The inhibition of TOR: M. Morita et al., “mTORC1 Controls Mitochondrial Activity and Biogenesis Through 4E-BP-Dependent Translational Regulation,” Cell Metabolism 18, no. 5 (November 5, 2013): 698–711, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cmet.2013.10.001.

        In studies, the increased mitochondrial activity: B. M. Zid et al., “4E-BP Extends Lifespan upon Dietary Restriction by Enhancing Mitochondrial Activity in Drosophila,” Cell 139, no. 1 (October 2, 2009): 149–60, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2009.07.034.

        Besides TOR, other signals: C. Cantó and J. Auwerx, “PGC-1α, SIRT1 and AMPK, an Energy Sensing Network That Controls Energy Expenditure,” Current Opinion in Lipidology 20, no. 2 (April 2009): 98–105, https://doi.org/10.1097/mol.0b013e328328d0a4.

        Sometimes, though, this effort is futile: C. Cantó and J. Auwerx, “PGC-1α, SIRT1 and AMPK, an Energy Sensing Network That Controls Energy Expenditure,” Current Opinion in Lipidology 20, no. 2 (April 2009): 98–105, https://doi.org/10.1097/mol.0b013e328328d0a4.

        Physical activity turns on: See Sun, Youle, and Finkel, “Mitochondrial Basis of Aging,” 654–66; J. L. Steiner et al., “Exercise Training Increases Mitochondrial Biogenesis in the Brain,” Journal of Applied Physiology 111, no. 4 (October 2011): 1066–71, https://doi.org/10.1152/japplphysiol.00343.2011.

        One way it spurs mitochondrial function: Z. Radak, H. Y. Chung, and S. Goto, “Exercise and Hormesis: Oxidative Stress-Related Adaptation for Successful Aging,” Biogerontology 6, no. 1 (2005): 71–75, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10522-004-7386-7.

        Of course, exercise does far more: G. C. Rowe, A. Safdar, and Z. Arany, “Running Forward: New Frontiers in Endurance Exercise Biology,” Circulation 129, no. 7 (February 18, 2014): 798–810, https://doi.org/10.1161/circulationaha.113.001590.

        But it is better repaired: J. B. Stewart and N. G. Larsson, “Keeping mtDNA in Shape Between Generations,” PLoS Genetics 10, no. 10 (October 9, 2014): e1004670, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgen.1004670.

        Nevertheless, selection is not perfect: Y. Bentov et al., “The Contribution of Mitochondrial Function to Reproductive Aging,” Journal of Assistive Reproduction and Genetics 28, no. 9 (September 2011): 773–83, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10815-011-9588-7.

        10. Aches, Pains, and Vampire Blood

        These tumor suppressor genes: M. Serrano et al., “Oncogenic ras Provokes Premature Cell Senescence Associated with Accumulation of p53 and p16INK4a,” Cell 88, no. 5 (March 7, 1997): 593–602, https://doi.org/10.1016/s0092-8674(00)81902-9; M. Narita and S. W. Lowe, “Senescence Comes of Age,” Nature Medicine 11, no. 9 (September 2005): 920–22, https://doi.org/10.1038/nm0905-920.

        Senescent cells are often produced: M. Demaria et al., “An Essential Role for Senescent Cells in Optimal Wound Healing Through Secretion of PDGF-AA,” Developmental Cell 31, no. 6 (December 22, 2014): 722–33, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.devcel.2014.11.012; M. Serrano, “Senescence Helps Regeneration,” Developmental Cell 31, no. 6 (December 22, 2014): 671–72, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.devcel.2014.12.007.

        As damage to our DNA accumulates: These reviews offer a comprehensive view of senescent cells’ role in aging: J. Campisi and F. d’Adda di Fagagna, “Cellular Senescence: When Bad Things Happen to Good Cells,” Nature Reviews Molecular Cell Biology 8, no. 9 (September 2007): 729–40, https://doi.org/10.1038/nrm2233; J. M. van Deursen, “The Role of Senescent Cells in Ageing,” Nature 509, no. 7501 (May 22, 2014): 439–46, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature13193; J. Gil, “Cellular Senescence Causes Ageing,” Nature Reviews Molecular Cell Biology 20 (July 2019): 388, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41580-019-0128-0.

        They also lived: D. J. Baker et al., “Clearance of p16Ink4a-Positive Senescent Cells Delays Ageing-Associated Disorders,” Nature 479, no. 7372 (November 2, 2011): 232–36, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature10600; D. J. Baker et al., “Naturally Occurring p16(Ink4a)-Positive Cells Shorten Healthy Lifespan,” Nature 530, no. 7589 (February 11, 2016): 184–89, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature16932; see also the commentary by E. Callaway, “Destroying Worn-out Cells Makes Mice Live Longer,” Nature (February 3, 2016): https://doi.org/10.1038/nature.2016.19287.

        When researchers used an oral cocktail: M. Xu et al., “Senolytics Improve Physical Function and Increase Lifespan in Old Age,” Nature Medicine 24, no. 8 (August 2018): 1246–56, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41591-018-0092-9.

        But this isn’t strictly true: Donavyn Coffey, “Does the Human Body Replace Itself Every 7 Years?,” Live Science, last modified July 22, 2022, https://www.livescience.com/33179-does-human-body-replace-cells-seven-years.html; P. Heinke et al., “Diploid Hepatocytes Drive Physiological Liver Renewal in Adult Humans,” Cell Systems 13, no. 6 (June 15, 2022): 499–507.e12, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cels.2022.05.001; K. L. Spalding et al., “Dynamics of Hippocampal Neurogenesis in Adult Humans,” Cell 153, no. 6 (June 6, 2013): 1219–27, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2013.05.002; A. Ernst et al., “Neurogenesis in the Striatum of the Adult Human Brain,” Cell 156, no. 5 (February 27, 2014): 1072–83, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2014.01.044.

        This leads to immune system decline: For a comprehensive discussion of stem cell depletion, see López-Otín et al., “Hallmarks of Aging,” 1194–217, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2013.05.039.

        After six weeks, the mice: A. Ocampo et al., “In Vivo Amelioration of Age-Associated Hallmarks by Partial Reprogramming,” Cell 167, no. 7 (December 15, 2016): 1719–33.e12, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2016.11.052.

        Not only did the animals: K. C. Browder et al., “In Vivo Partial Reprogramming Alters Age-Associated Molecular Changes During Physiological Aging in Mice,” Nature Aging 2, no. 3 (March 2022): 243–53, https://doi.org/10.1038/s43587-022-00183-2; D. Chondronasiou et al., “Multi-omic Rejuvenation of Naturally Aged Tissues by a Single Cycle of Transient Reprogramming,” Aging Cell 21, no. 3 (March 2022): e13578, https://doi.org/10.1111/acel.13578; D. Gill et al., “Multi-omic Rejuvenation of Human Cells by Maturation Phase Transient Reprogramming,” eLife 11 (April 8, 2022): e71624, https://doi.org/10.7554/eLife.71624.

        Their DNA methylation: Y. Lu et al., “Reprogramming to Recover Youthful Epigenetic Information and Restore Vision,” Nature 588, no. 7836 (December 2020): 124–29, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-020-2975-4; see also the news item K. Servick, “Researchers Restore Lost Sight in Mice, Offering Clues to Reversing Aging,” Science online, last modified December 2, 2020, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abf9827.

        These effects could be reversed: J.-H. Yang et al., “Loss of Epigenetic Information as a Cause of Mammalian Aging,” Cell 186, no. 2 (January 19, 2023), https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2022.12.027.

        He not only connected two rats: R. B. S. Harris, “Contribution Made by Parabiosis to the Understanding of Energy Balance Regulation,” Biochimica et Biophysica Acta (BBA)—Molecular Basis of Disease 1832, no. 9 (September 2013): 1449–55, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbadis.2013.02.021.

        “If two rats are not adjusted”: C. M. McCay, F. Pope, and W. Lunsford, “Experimental Prolongation of the Life Span,” Journal of Chronic Diseases 4, no. 2 (August 1956): 153–58, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/0021968156900157. Quoted in an overview of the field by M. Scudellari, “Ageing Research: Blood to Blood,” Nature 517, no. 7535 (January 22, 2015): 426–29, https://doi.org/10.1038/517426a.

        But for some reason: Scudellari, “Ageing Research,” 426–29.

        By the same criteria: M. J. Conboy, I. M. Conboy, and T. A. Rando, “Heterochronic Parabiosis: Historical Perspective and Methodological Considerations for Studies of Aging and Longevity,” Aging Cell 12, no. 3 (June 2013): 525–30, https://doi.org/10.1111/acel.12065.

        He showed that old blood: S. A. Villeda et al., “The Ageing Systemic Milieu Negatively Regulates Neurogenesis and Cognitive Function,” Nature 477, no. 7362 (August 31, 2011): 90–94, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature10357; S. A. Villeda et al., “Young Blood Reverses Age-Related Impairments in Cognitive Function and Synaptic Plasticity in Mice,” Nature Medicine 20, no. 6 (June 2014): 659–63, https://doi.org/10.1038/nm.3569.

        the Conboys and Rando pointed out: Conboy, Conboy, and Rando, “Heterochronic Parabiosis,” 525–30.

        that were not joined: J. Rebo et al, “A Single Heterochronic Blood Exchange Reveals Rapid Inhibition of Multiple Tissues by Old Blood,” Nature Communications 7, no. 1 (June 10, 2016): art. 13363, https://doi.org/10.1038/ncomms13363.

        Such cautionary views: Rebecca Robbins, “Young-Blood Transfusions Are on the Menu at Society Gala,” Scientific American online, last modified March 2, 2018, https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/young-blood-transfusions-are-on-the-menu-at-society-gala/.

        Alarmed, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA): Scott Gottlieb, “Statement from FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb, M.D., and Director of FDA’s Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research Peter Marks, M.D., Ph.D., Cautioning Consumers Against Receiving Young Donor Plasma Infusions That Are Promoted as Unproven Treatment for Varying Conditions,” U.S. Food and Drug Administration, press release, February 19, 2019, https://www.fda.gov/news-events/press-announcements/statement-fda-commissioner-scott-gottlieb-md-and-director-fdas-center-biologics-evaluation-and-0.

        “Our patients really want”: Emily Mullin, “Exclusive: Ambrosia, the Young Blood Transfusion Startup, Is Quietly Back in Business,” OneZero, last modified November 8, 2019, https://onezero.medium.com/exclusive-ambrosia-the-young-blood-transfusion-startup-is-quietly-back-in-business-ee2b7494b417.

        As for old blood, they zeroed in: J. M. Castellano et al., “Human Umbilical Cord Plasma Proteins Revitalize Hippocampal Function in Aged Mice,” Nature 544, no. 7651 (April 27, 2017): 488–92, https://doi.org/10.1038/nature22067; H. Yousef et al., “Aged Blood Impairs Hippocampal Neural Precursor Activity and Activates Microglia Via Brain Endothelial Cell VCAM1,” Nature Medicine 25, no. 6 (June 2019): 988–1000, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41591-019-0440-4.

        In a second study: F. S. Loffredo et al., “Growth Differentiation Factor 11 Is a Circulating Factor That Reverses Age-Related Cardiac Hypertrophy,” Cell 153, no. 4 (May 9, 2013): 828–39, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2013.04.015; M. Sinha et al., “Restoring Systemic GDF11 Levels Reverses Age-Related Dysfunction in Mouse Skeletal Muscle,” Science 344, no. 6184 (May 9, 2014): 649–52, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1251152; L. Katsimpardi et al., “Vascular and Neurogenic Rejuvenation of the Aging Mouse Brain by Young Systemic Factors,” Science 344, no. 6184 (May 9, 2014): 630–34, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1251141. These findings are described in a very accessible article by Carl Zimmer, “Young Blood May Hold Key to Reversing Aging,” New York Times online, May 4, 2014, https://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/05/science/young-blood-may-hold-key-to-reversing-aging.html.

        Clearing those senescent cells: O. H. Jeon et al., “Systemic Induction of Senescence in Young Mice After Single Heterochronic Blood Exchange,” Nature Metabolism 4, no. 8 (August 2022): 995–1006, https://doi.org/10.1038/s42255-022-00609-6.

        It turns out that blood: A. M. Horowitz et al., “Blood Factors Transfer Beneficial Effects of Exercise on Neurogenesis and Cognition to the Aged Brain,” Science 369, no. 6500 (July 10, 2020): 167–73, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aaw2622.

        Rando and Wyss-Coray: J. O. Brett et al., “Exercise Rejuvenates Quiescent Skeletal Muscle Stem Cells in Old Mice Through Restoration of Cyclin D1,” Nature Metabolism 2, no. 4 (April 2020): 307–17, https://doi.org/10.1038/s42255-020-0190-0.

        Although they both stimulated: M. T. Buckley et al., “Cell Type–Specific Aging Clocks to Quantify Aging and Rejuvenation in Regenerative Regions of the Brain,” Nature Aging 3 (January 2023): 121–37, https://www.nature.com/articles/s43587-022-00335-4.

        He went to Resurgence Wellness, a Texas outfit: David Averre and Neirin Gray Desai, “Tech Billionaire, 45, Who Spends $2 Million a Year Trying to Reverse His Ageing Reveals Latest Gadget He Uses That Puts His Body Through the Equivalent of 20,000 Sit Ups in 30 Minutes,” Daily Mail (London) online, last modified April 5, 2023, https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-11942581/Tech-billionaire-45-spends-2million-year-trying-reverse-ageing-reveals-latest-gadget.html; Orianna Rosa Royle, “Tech Billionaire Who Spends $2 Million a Year to Look Young Is Now Swapping Blood with His 17-Year-Old Son and 70-Year-Old Father,” Fortune online, last modified May 23, 2023, https://fortune.com/2023/05/23/bryan-johnson-tech-ceo-spends-2-million-year-young-swapping-blood-17-year-old-son-talmage-70-father/; Alexa Mikhail, “Tech CEO Bryan Johnson admits he saw ‘no benefits’ after controversially injecting his son’s plasma into his body to reverse his biological age,” Fortune, July 8, 2023, https://fortune.com/well/2023/07/08/bryan-johnson-plasma-exchange-results-anti-aging/.

        11. Crackpots or Prophets?

        An entire field of biology: S. Bojic et al., “Winter Is Coming: The Future of Cryopreservation,” BMC Biology 19, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 56, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12915-021-00976-8.

        The idea has been around a long time: Paul Vitello, “Robert C. W. Ettinger, a Proponent of Life After (Deep-Frozen) Death, Is Dead at 92,” New York Times online, July 29, 2011, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/30/us/30ettinger.html; Associated Press, “Cryonics Pioneer Robert Ettinger Dies,” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified July 26, 2011, https://www.theguardian.com/science/2011/jul/26/cryonics-pioneer-robert-ettinger-dies.

        One such proponent is Elon Musk: See “Elon Musk on Cryonics,” Elon Musk, interviewed by Zach Latta, YouTube video, 2:09, uploaded by Hack Club on May 4, 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MSIjNKssXAc.

        “die on Mars”: Daniel Terdiman, “Elon Musk at SXSW: ‘I’d Like to Die on Mars, Just Not on Impact,’” CNET, last modified March 9, 2013, https://www.cnet.com/culture/elon-musk-at-sxsw-id-like-to-die-on-mars-just-not-on-impact/.

        It would be like trying to deduce the entire state of a country: See a particularly cutting article that deals with this and the general issue of cryonics by the neurobiologist Michael Hendrick, “The False Science of Cryonics,” MIT Technology Review, September 15, 2015, https://www.technologyreview.com/2015/09/15/109906/the-false-science-of-cryonics.

        What would be the point: Albert Cardona, conversation with the author, January 12, 2023.

        She took the matter to court: Owen Bowcott and Amelia Hill, “14-Year-Old Girl Who Died of Cancer Wins Right to Be Cryogenically Frozen,” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified November 18, 2016, https://www.theguardian.com/science/2016/nov/18/teenage-girls-wish-for-preservation-after-death-agreed-to-by-court.

        This elicited an outcry: Alexandra Topping and Hannah Devlin, “Top UK Scientist Calls for Restrictions on Marketing Cryonics,” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified November 18, 2016, https://www.theguardian.com/science/2016/nov/18/top-uk-scientist-calls-for-restrictions-on-marketing-cryonics.

        In almost a mirror image: Tom Verducci, “What Really Happened to Ted Williams?,” Sports Illustrated online, last modified August 18, 2003, https://vault.si.com/vault/2003/08/18/what-really-happened-to-ted-williams-a-year-after-the-jarring-news-that-the-splendid-splinter-was-being-frozen-in-a-cryonics-lab-new-details-including-a-decapitation-suggest-that-one-of-americas-greatest-heroes-may-never-rest-in.

        According to press reports: See sources cited in https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_people_who_arranged_for_cryonics; when I wrote to Nick Bostrom, he replied, “It has been thus reported in the media. My general stance however has been not to comment on my funereal or other posthumous arrangements . . .”, email January 11, 2023.

        a San Francisco company called Nectome: Antonio Regalado, “A Startup Is Pitching a Mind-Uploading Service That Is ‘100 Percent Fatal,’” MIT Technology Review online, last modified March 13, 2018, https://www.technologyreview.com/2018/03/13/144721/a-startup-is-pitching-a-mind-uploading-service-that-is-100-percent-fatal/.

        In response, Robert McIntyre, the founder of Nectome said: Sharon Begley, “After Ghoulish Allegations, a Brain-Preservation Company Seeks Redemption,” Stat (online), January 30, 2019, https://www.statnews.com/2019/01/30/nectome-brain-preservation-redemption.

        He began his career: Evelyn Lamb, “Decades-Old Graph Problem Yields to Amateur Mathematician,” Quanta, last modified April 17, 2018, https://www.quantamagazine.org/decades-old-graph-problem-yields-to-amateur-mathematician-20180417/.

        He asserts that the first humans: Aubrey de Grey, “A Roadmap to End Aging,” TED Talk, July 2005, 22:35, https://www.ted.com/talks/aubrey_de_grey_a_roadmap_to_end_aging/.

        if we crack seven key problems: A. D. de Grey et al., “Time to Talk SENS: Critiquing the Immutability of Human Aging,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 959, no. 1 (April 2002): 452–62, discussion 463, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749–6632.2002.tb02115.x; A. D. de Grey, “The Foreseeability of Real Anti-Aging Medicine: Focusing the Debate,” Experimental Gerontology 38, no. 9 (September 1, 2013): 927–34, https://doi.org/10.1016/s0531-5565(03)00155-4.

        In response to his claims: H. Warner et al., “Science Fact and the SENS Agenda: What Can We Reasonably Expect from Ageing Research,” EMBO Reports 6, no. 11 (November 2005): 1006–8, https://doi.org/10.1038/sj.embor.7400555.

        Other mainstream researchers: Estep et al., “Life Extension Pseudoscience and the SENS Plan,” MIT Technology Review, 2006, http://www2.technologyreview.com/sens/docs/estepetal.pdf; Sherwin Nuland, “Do You Want to Live Forever?,” MIT Technology Review online, last modified February 1, 2005, https://www.technologyreview.com/2005/02/01/231686/do-you-want-to-live-forever/.

        One of them, Richard Miller: Richard Miller, open letter to Aubrey de Grey, MIT Technology Review online, November 29, 2005, https://www.technologyreview.com/2005/11/29/274243/debating-immortality/.

        “There’s going to be much less difference”: Comments by Aubrey de Grey in The Immortalists, ibid.

        He denied the allegations: Analee Armstrong, “Anti-Aging Foundation SENS Fires de Grey After Allegations He Interfered with Investigation into His Conduct,” Fierce Biotech, last modified August 23, 2021, https://www.fiercebiotech.com/biotech/anti-aging-foundation-sens-turfs-de-grey-after-allegations-he-interfered-investigation-into.

        A company report: SENS Research Foundation, “Announcement from the SRF Board of Directors,” news release, March 23, 2022, https://www.sens.org/announcement-from-the-srf-board-of-directors/.

        De Grey, undaunted: “Meet the Team,” LEV Foundation online, accessed August 7, 2023, https://www.levf.org/team.

        For example, he has predicted: David Sinclair, quoted in Antonio Regalado, “How Scientists Want to Make You Young Again,” MIT Technology Review online, last modified October 25, 2022, https://www.technologyreview.com/2022/10/25/1061644/how-to-be-young-again/.

        Such statements: Catherine Elton, “Has Harvard’s David Sinclair Found the Fountain of Youth,” Boston online, last modified October 29, 2019, https://www.bostonmagazine.com/health/2019/10/29/david-sinclair/.

        I doubt whether: David Sinclair and Matthew LaPlante, Lifespan: Why We Age, and Why We Don’t Have To (New York: Atria Books, 2019). For a sharply critical review of the book, see C. A. Brenner, “A Science-Based Review of the World’s Best-Selling Book on Aging,” Archives of Gerontology and Geriatrics 104 (January 2023): art. 104825, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.archger.2022.104825.

        In an essay on LinkedIn: David Sinclair, “This Is Not an Advice Article,” LinkedIn, last modified June 25, 2018, https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/advice-article-david-sinclair.

        They would often make: As one of hundreds of examples, see this description of companies founded in response to findings on blood transfusions: Rebecca Robbins, “Young-Blood Transfusions Are on the Menu at Society Gala,” Scientific American online, last modified March 2, 2018, https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/young-blood-transfusions-are-on-the-menu-at-society-gala/.

        Even back in 2002: S. J. Olshansky, L. Hayflick, and B. A. Carnes, “Position Statement on Human Aging,” Journals of Gerontology: Series A 57, no. 8 (August 1, 2002): B292–97, https://doi.org/10.1093/gerona/57.8.b292. A total of fifty-one gerontologists cosigned the statement, and the three lead authors also published a popular summary, “Essay: No Truth to the Fountain of Youth,” Scientific American 286, no. 6 (June 2002): 92–95, https://doi.org/10.1038/scientific american0602-92.

        California tech billionaires, especially: See, for example, Todd Friend, “Silicon Valley’s Quest to Live Forever,” New Yorker online, last modified March 27, 2017, https://www.newyorker.com/mag azine/2017/04/03/silicon-valleys-quest-to-live-forever; Anjana Ahuja, “Silicon Valley’s Billionaires Want to Hack the Ageing Process,” Financial Times online, last modified September 7, 2021, https://www.ft.com/content/24849908-ac4a-4a7d-b53c-847963ac1228; Anjana Ahuja, “Can We Defeat Death?,” Financial Times online, last modified October 29, 2021, https://www.ft.com/content/60d9271c-ae0a-4d44-8b11-956cd2e484a9.

        When they were young, they wanted to be rich: This paraphrases an idea expressed previously by Antonio Regalado, “Meet Altos Labs, Silicon Valley’s Latest Wild Bet on Living Forever,” MIT Technology Review online, last modified September 4, 2021, https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/09/04/1034364/altos-labs-silicon-valleys-jeff-bezos-milner-bet-living-forever/.

        Recently, he wrote a tract: Yuri Milner, Eureka Manifesto, available for downloading at https://yurimilnermanifesto.org/.

        When news of Altos Labs: Antonia Regalado, “Meet Altos Labs, Silicon Valley’s Latest Wild Bet on Living Forever,” MIT Technology Review online, last modified September 4, 2021, https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/09/04/1034364/altos-labs-silicon-valleys-jeff-bezos-milner-bet-living-forever/.

        Rick Klausner, its chief scientist: Hannah Kuchler, “Altos Labs Insists Mission Is to Improve Lives Not Cheat Death,” Financial Times online, last modified January 23, 2022, https://www.ft.com/content/f3bceaf2-0d2f-4ec7-b767-693bf01f9630.

        “Our goal is for everyone”: The author was present at the launch of the Cambridge campus of Altos Labs on June 22, 2022.

        “I went through a period”: Michael Hall, email message to the author, September 2, 2021.

        Other drugs aim to target: A more comprehensive list of strategies and drugs that are used to combat aging is found in Partridge, Fuentealba, and Kennedy, “Quest to Slow Ageing,” 513–32.

        Some of the biggest excitement: M. Eisenstein, “Rejuvenation by Controlled Reprogramming Is the Latest Gambit in Anti-Aging,” Nature Biotechnology 40, no. 2 (February 2022): 144–46, https://doi.org/10.1038/d41587-022-00002-4.

        “Despite intensive study”: Olshansky, Hayflick, and Carnes, “Position Statement,” B292–97.

        In addition to epigenetic changes: K. S. Kudryashova et al., “Aging Biomarkers: From Functional Tests to Multi-Omics Approaches,” Proteomics 20, nos. 5/6 (March 2020): art. E1900408, https://doi.org/10.1002/pmic.201900408; Buckley et al., “Cell Type–Specific Aging Clocks.”

        This goal was termed: Kudryashova et al., “Aging Biomarkers: From Functional Tests to Multi-Omics Approaches”; Buckley et al., “Cell Type–Specific Aging Clocks.”

        “forever remain quixotic”: A. D. de Grey, “The Foreseeability of Real Anti-Aging Medicine: Focusing the Debate,” Experimental Gerontology 38, no. 9 (September 1, 2003): 927–34, https://doi.org/10.1016/s0531-5565(03)00155-4.

        If anything, data: “Health State Life Expectancies, UK: 2018 to 2020,” Office of National Statistics (UK) online, last modified March 4, 2022, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/healthandlifeexpectancies/bulletins/health statelifeexpectanciesuk/latest.

        A United Nations report: Jean-Marie Robine, “Aging Populations: We Are Living Longer Lives, But Are We Healthier?,” United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, online, September 2021, https://desapublications.un.org/file/653/download.

        A farmer was merrily riding: Oliver Wendell Holmes, The Deacon’s Masterpiece or the Wonderful One-Hoss Shay, Cambridge, MA: Houghton, Mifflin, 1891. With illustrations by Howard Pyle. Reproduced in http://www.ibiblio.org/eldritch/owh/shay.html.

        Thomas Perls: Perls, email, November 27, 2021.

        This would argue in favor: S. L. Andersen et al., “Health Span Approximates Life Span Among Many Supercentenarians: Compression of Morbidity at the Approximate Limit of Life Span,” Journals of Gerontology: Series A 67, no. 4 (April 2012): 395–405 (2012), https://doi.org/10.1093/gerona/glr223.

        Similarly, a variant of a gene: P. Sebastiani et al., “A Serum Protein Signature of APOE Genotypes in Centenarians,” Aging Cell 18, no. 6 (December 2019): e13023, https://doi.org/10.1111/acel.13023; B. N. Ostendorf et al., “Common Germline Variants of the Human APOE Gene Modulate Melanoma Progression and Survival,” Nature Medicine 26, no. 7 (July 2020): 1048–53, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41591-020-0879-3; B. N. Ostendorf et al., “Common Human Genetic Variants of APOE Impact Murine COVID-19 Mortality,” Nature 611, no. 7935 (November 2022): 346–51, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-022-05344-2.

        12. Should We Live Forever?

        The share of older people: United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, World Population Prospects 2022: Summary of Results (New York: United Nations, 2022), https://www.un.org/development/desa/pd/sites/www.un.org.development.desa.pd/files/wpp2022_summary_of_results.pdf.

        In both social and economic terms: David E. Boom and Leo M. Zucker, “Aging Is the Real Population Bomb,” Finance & Development online, June 2022, 58–61, https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/fandd/issues/Series/Analytical-Series/aging-is-the-real-population-bomb-bloom-zucker.

        The poor not only live: Veena Raleigh, “What Is Happening to Life Expectancy in England?,” King’s Fund online, last modified August 10, 2022, https://www.kingsfund.org.uk/publications/whats-happening-life-expectancy-england.

        Things are even worse in the United States: R. Chetty et al., “The Association Between Income and Life Expectancy in the United States, 2001–2014,” Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) 315, no. 16 (April 26, 2016): 1750–66, https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2016.4226.

        Advances in medicine: V. J. Dzau and C. A. Balatbat, “Health and Societal Implications of Medical and Technological Advances,” Science Translational Medicine 10, no. 463 (October 17, 2018): eaau4778, https://doi.org/10.1126/scitranslmed.aau4778; D. Weiss et al. “Innovative Technologies and Social Inequalities in Health: A Scoping Review of the Literature,” PLoS One 13, no. 4 (April 3, 2018): e0195447 (2018), https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0195447; Fiona McMillan, “Medical Advances Can Exacerbate Inequality,” Cosmos online, last modified October 21, 2018, https://cosmosmagazine.com/people/medical-advances-can-exacerbate-inequality/.

        This is because fertility: D. R. Gwatkin and S. K. Brandel, “Life Expectancy and Population Growth in the Third World,” Scientific American 246, no. 5 (May 1982): 57–65, https://doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican0582-57.

        Elon Musk believes: Tweet by Elon Musk, August 26, 2022, https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1563020169160851456.

        Nevertheless, as people live longer: J. R. Goldstein and W. Schlag, “Longer Life and Population Growth,” Population and Development Review 25, no. 4 (December 1999): 741–47, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.1999.00741.x.

        Large percentages of people: Paul Root Wolpe, quoted in Jenny Kleeman, “Who Wants to Live Forever? Big Tech and the Quest for Eternal Youth,” New Statesman online, last modified October 13, 2021, https://www.newstatesman.com/long-reads/2022/12/live-forever-big-tech-search-quest-eternal-youth-long-read.

        In 2023: Angelique Chrisafis, “More Than 1.2 Million March in France over Plan to Raise Pension Age to 64,” Guardian (US edition) online, last modified March 7, 2023, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/mar/07/nationwide-strikes-in-france-over-plan-to-raise-pension-age-to-64.

        Reacting to the French protests: Annie Lowrey, “The Problem with the Retirement Age Is That It’s Too High,” Atlantic online, last modified April 15, 2023, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/04/social-security-benefits-france-pension-protests/673733/.

        However, at a Hay Literary Festival event: Interview on Channel 4 (UK), May 27, 2005.

        Ishiguro posited a theory: Kazuo Ishiguro, email to the author, August 6, 2021.

        Most studies say our general cognitive abilities: T. A. Salthouse, “When Does Age-Related Cognitive Decline Begin?,” Neurobiology of Aging 30, no. 4 (April 2009): 507–14, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neurobiolaging.2008.09.023; L. G. Nilsson et al., “Challenging the Notion of an Early-Onset of Cognitive Decline,” Neurobiology of Aging 30, no. 4 (April 2009): 521–24, discussion 530, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neurobiolaging.2008.11.013; T. Hedden and J. D. Gabrieli, “Insights into the Ageing Mind: A View from Cognitive Neuroscience,” Nature Reviews Neuroscience 5, no. 2 (February 2004): 87–96, https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn1323.

        The one category: A. Singh-Manoux et al., “Timing of Onset of Cognitive Decline: Results from Whitehall II Prospective Cohort Study,” BMJ 344, no. 7840 (January 5, 2012): d7622, https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.d7622.

        The latter declines steadily: D. Murman, “The Impact of Age on Cognition,” Seminars in Hearing 36, no. 3 (2015): 111–21, https://doi.org/10.1055/s-0035-1555115.

        This is partly because: Household total wealth in Great Britain: April 2018 to March 2020, Office of National Statistics, January 7, 2022, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/per sonalandhouseholdfinances/incomeandwealth/bulletins/totalwealth ingreatbritain/april2018tomarch2020; Donald Hays and Briana Sullivan, The Wealth of Households:2020, United States Census Bureau, August 2022, https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2022/demo/p70br-181.pdf.

        By contrast, the vast majority: D. Murman, “The Impact of Age on Cognition,” Seminars in Hearing 36, no. 3 (2015): 111–21, https://doi.org/10.1055/s-0035-1555115.

        “at the peak of their careers”: “Tom Williams, “Oxford Professors ‘Forced to Retire’ Win Tribunal Case,” Times Higher Education, March 17, 2023, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/oxford-professors-forced-retire-win-tribunal-case.

        “I had been telling”: P. B. Moore, “Neutrons, Magnets, and Photons: A Career in Structural Biology,” Journal of Biological Chemistry 287, no. 2 (January 2012): 805–18, https://doi.org/10.1074/jbc.X111.324509.

        The other concluded: V. Skirbekk, “Age and Individual Productivity: A Literature Survey” (MPIDR working paper WP 2003–028, Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, Rostock, Ger., August 2003), https://www.demogr.mpg.de/papers/working/wp-2003-028.pdf; C. A. Viviani. et al. “Productivity in Older Versus Younger Workers: A Systematic Literature Review,” Work 68, no. 3 (2021): 577–618, https://doi.org/10.3233/WOR-203396.o.

        There is a lot of evidence: P. A. Boyle et al., “Effect of a Purpose in Life on Risk of Incident Alzheimer Disease and Mild Cognitive Impairment in Community-Dwelling Older Persons,” Archives of General Psychiatry 67, no. 3 (March 2010): 304–10, https://doi.org/10.1001/archgenpsychiatry.2009.208; R. Cohen, C. Bavishi, and A. Rozanski, “Purpose in Life and Its Relationship to All-Cause Mortality and Cardiovascular Events: A Meta-Analysis,” Psychosomatic Medicine 78, no. 2 (February/March 2016): 122–33, https://doi.org/10.1097/PSY.0000000000000274.

        Social isolation and loneliness: A. Steptoe et al., “Social Isolation, Loneliness, and All-Cause Mortality in Older Men and Women,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) of the United States of America 110, no. 15 (March 25, 2013): 5797–801, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1219686110; J. Holt-Lunstad et al., “Loneliness and Social Isolation as Risk Factors for Mortality: A Meta-Analytic Review,” Perspectives on Psychological Science 10, no. 2 (March 2015): 227–37, https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691614568352.

        Arieff believes: Allison Arieff, “Life Is Short. That’s the Point,” New York Times online, August 18, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/18/opinion/life-is-short-thats-the-point.html.

        The clear-eyed view: Report: Living to 120 and Beyond: Americans’ Views on Aging, Medical Advances and Radical Life Extension (Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, August 6, 2013), https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2013/08/06/living-to-120-and-beyond-americans-views-on-aging-medical-advances-and-radical-life-extension/.

        Index

        A specific form of pagination for this digital edition has been developed to match the print edition from which the index was created. If the application you are reading this on supports this feature, the page references noted in this index should align. At this time, however, not all digital devices support this functionality. Therefore, we encourage you to please use your device’s search capabilities to locate a specific entry.

      1. Jeffrey Epstein’s Counsel of Record

      2. Torsten Dennin《From Tulips to Bitcoins_ A History of Fortunes Made and Lost in Commodity Markets》31-42

        31 Wheat: Working in Memphis 2008

        The price of wheat speeds from record to record. Trader Evan Dooley bets on the wrong direction, juggling 1 billion USD and dropping the ball. This results in a loss of 140 million USD for his employer, MF Global, in February 2008.

        “I simply do not know where the money is.” —Jon Corzine, CEO of MF Global

        Less than a month after Jérôme Kerviel’s catastrophic bet on European equity indices, which resulted in losses of nearly 5 billion USD to French investment bank Société Générale, another trader caused difficulties for his employer.
        This time it was through speculation on wheat futures. At the end of February 2008, MF Global, one of the world’s largest futures and options brokers, had to admit that one of its traders in Memphis, Tennessee, had speculated on wheat futures with corporate accounts. Within hours, a loss of about 140 million USD occurred.

        Spun out of Man Financial Group in 2007, MF Global was a commodity brokerage house that offered clearing and execution services. It had ambitions to become a financial services firm on the order of a Goldman Sachs or JPMorgan, and its CEO was Jon Corzine, former chairman of Goldman Sachs and onetime governor of New Jersey. Although it was a niche player on Wall Street, MF Global was a force on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME), with 3 million futures and options positions open with a face value of more than 100 billion USD. Its customers made up almost 30 percent of the trading volume on the CME.

        Trading Wheat

        After corn, wheat is the second-biggest agricultural crop in the world, and it is traded worldwide on commodity futures exchanges. On the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT), wheat is traded under the symbol W and the current contract month (e.g., W Z0 for wheat December 2020). One contract refers to 5,000 bushels of wheat, and each bushel is equivalent to 27.2 kilograms.
        Priced at 7.50 USD per bushel in November 2007, US wheat was already trading above 8 USD by the beginning of 2008. In part this was due to a tightening supply, but the increase was also increasingly driven by speculative capital, along with a weak US currency. The price broke through 9 and 10 USD per bushel within days, and at the end of February the situation had really gotten out of hand. On February 27, wheat contracts close to delivery experienced price movements of as much as 25 percent within a day. Although trading opened positive, by noon the price had fallen to 10.80 USD.

        Trader Evan Dooley speculated on falling
        prices of 2 million tons of wheat.

        In the afternoon, however, the price jumped again, to 13.50 USD per bushel. The news that Kazakhstan, one of the largest exporters of wheat, wanted to introduce export taxes to reduce sales was boosting the US wheat price. It was the strongest intraday price movement in wheat ever observed.
        However, there was also another explanation for the price swings: Evan Dooley, who had been a trader at MF Global since November 2005, had quickly entered significant positions in wheat futures on his own account in the morning hours of February 27. With these unauthorized actions, the 40-year-old trader exceeded his limits by far.
        Betting on a falling wheat price, Dooley is said to have traded around 15,000 futures—2 million metric tons of wheat. The value of the position varied between 800 million and 1 billion USD. However, as the wheat price continued to rise sharply, the company was forced to close the position with losses, that is, to buy further futures contracts. This led to a further price jump to a level that the market would not reach again, despite continuing strength, for several years.

        Figure 28. Wheat prices in US cents/bushel, 2007–2008, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        MF Global shares lost more than 25 percent in value on that day. The losses came to approximately 140 million USD and represented four times the previous quarter. Concerned about the extent of the loss, MF Global promised to revise its internal policies and risk management. Dooley was fired immediately, and MF Global was fined 10 million USD for lack of supervision of its traders. Dooley himself was sentenced to five years in federal prison and had to make restitution of 140 million USD.
        On a side note, MF Global collapsed in 2011 when the company reported a 192 million USD quarterly loss. Client funds disappeared in the aftermath, which became a huge scandal. However, the failure of MF Global, with more than 40 billion USD in assets—the eighth-biggest bankruptcy in US history—was modest compared with the chaotic 2008 failure of Lehman Brothers, which had a 691 billion USD balance sheet. Regulators were eager to show that not all Wall Street firms were too big to fail. They happily let MF Global go under.

        Key Takeaways
        •Less than a month after Jérôme Kerviel’s catastrophic bet on European equity indices in 2008, another trader caused trouble for his employer: Evan Dooley of MF Global speculated on falling wheat prices and built up a short position of almost 1 billion USD.
        •Wheat prices kept climbing higher and higher, however, from 7.50 USD per bushel in late 2007 to more than 10 USD per bushel in January 2008.
        •On February 27, 2008, the price of wheat traded in Chicago fluctuated in the course of the day by 25 percent—falling back to 10.80 USD per bushel, then jumping again to 13.50 USD in the afternoon. MF Global accumulated a loss of about 140 million USD within hours.

        32 Crude Oil: Contango in Texas 2009

        The price of West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude oil collapses, unsettling commodity traders around the world. A 10,000-person community in Oklahoma becomes the center of world attention. The concept of “super-contango” is born, and investment banks enter the tanker business.

        “Super-Contango is a state in which a forward price of a commodity is higher than the spot price to a greater extent than can be explained by the interest and storage costs that explain the usual state of contango.” Moneyterms.co.uk

        Cushing is a small town in Oklahoma with fewer than 10,000 residents: There’s a Wal-Mart, some fast-food restaurants, and a few gas stations. Only massive tanks, pipes, and refineries hint that the town is somehow special. In the south of the city is a complex for the strategic oil reserves of the United States, with a capacity of 35 million barrels—one of the largest in the country.
        Suddenly, at the beginning of 2009, Cushing—the only delivery location for West Texas Intermediate (WTI), the US benchmark for crude oil—became the focus of the world’s attention. In the oil market, big-time inventory building had begun. And it began on a large scale.

        Trading in Crude

        Because of the many different types and qualities of crude oil, market participants have agreed to trade in a few local varieties for reference: At the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX), this is US West Texas Intermediate (WTI) oil, at the Intercontinental Exchange (ICE) in London it’s North Sea Brent, and in Singapore the Asian reference is Tapis. Additionally, there is an OPEC basket price, which calculates the average price of seven different types of crude: Sahara Blend (Algeria), Minas (Indonesia), Bonny Light (Nigeria), Arab Light (Saudi Arabia), Dubai (United Arab Emirates), Tia Juana Light (Venezuela), and Isthmus (Mexico). On commodity futures markets, WTI and Brent are the primary references for the price of oil, which is traded in 1,000 barrels per contract under the abbreviations CL (WTI) and CO (Brent) as well as the corresponding contract months (e.g., Z9 for December 2019).
        In the wake of the financial market crisis and the deteriorating economic outlook, the price of crude oil had come under massive pressure in the second half of 2008. That summer, crude oil had briefly traded at more than 145 USD for a short time. But then, the price dropped to less than 45 USD. The withdrawal of investment capital (“deleveraging”) also contributed significantly to the price decline. This became obvious through an analysis of the short-term crude oil contracts in which financial investors are typically invested, and which were now much more affected than long-term contracts.

        Figure 29. Crude Oil (WTI) Term Structure in USD/barrel, 2008. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The forward term structure, which tracks the price of future crude oil deliveries over a period of several years, was still nearly flat in summer 2008, but from there, the contango structure of crude oil (WTI) increased. Contango refers to the situation in which spot prices are below the level of futures prices. This could be due to warehousing costs, including insurance and interest, for example, although those can be superseded by the effects of supply and demand.
        Between October and December 2008, the contango became extreme. The price decline at the short end of WTI contracts led to a record price difference (the spread)—in excess of 20 USD—between contracts for WTI January 2009 and WTI December 2009. Commodity traders introduced the term “super-contango” to describe what was happening, and commodity analysts called the price distortion of crude oil “absurd.” WTI decoupled completely from other crude oil reference prices such as Brent and, as a barometer for international crude oil markets, was “as useful as a chocolate oven glove,” noted a commodity analyst of Barclays, the British investment bank. What led to this situation? And, more importantly, what were the implications?

        Super-contango! Front-end WTI traded as low as 35 USD, while later crude contracts with later dates stayed above 50 USD.

        The world’s attention turned to Cushing, the world’s “pipeline crossroads” and the only source of WTI crude oil. Contango favors stockpiling, because instead of a low current price, oil can be sold for more at a later date. The only obstacle is that the owner of the crude needs to have appropriate storage facilities. At Cushing, due to the increasing contango, the storage level of oil was steadily increasing.

        Figure 30. Price spread of crude oil January (CLF9) and December 2009 (CLZ9) in USD/barrel. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        In January, oil inventories counted more than 33 million barrels (1 barrel equals 159 liters), and the remaining capacity literally was disappearing like ice in sunshine. The super-contango led to “super-storage,” because every holder of crude oil futures without the appropriate capacity had to sell crude oil, if needed, regardless of price. At its low, US crude oil was trading below 35 USD.
        It’s hard to know whether the super-contango was merely an expression of the short-term oversupply of the crude oil market due to the economic slowdown, or whether this was the effect of disinvestment of index and hedge fund capital in the forward contracts. In any case, the steepness of the crude oil forward curve continued to increase.

        Figure 31. Baltic Dirty Tanker Index, 2002–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        An additional factor, apart from the price differences, distinguished this situation from past events: The economic slowdown and the effects of the credit crunch had put international freight rates under extreme pressure. At the beginning of 2009, freight rates for oil tankers were around 85 percent below their highs in summer 2008.

        The crude oil super-contango, combined with low freight rates, provided a lucrative business for investment banks.

        For a short while early in 2009, the price difference between a current crude oil contract and a December 2009 contract exceeded 30 percent. The combination of super-contango and the low crude oil tanker freight rates opened up a new field not only for crude oil traders but also for investment banks, since it was possible to store crude oil in oil tankers on the high seas.
        With sufficient inventories, it made no sense to sell oil at prices below 40 USD, if you could sell above 55 USD risk-free through a futures contract. January crude oil prices were trading 20 USD below December contracts, while the cost of storage aboard on a supertanker in January 2009 averaged around 90 US cents a barrel. Assuming that transportation, insurance, and financing were secured, there was an opportunity for immense profit for oil companies and traders.

        Tanker Talk

        The Baltic Exchange is a global marketplace for shipbrokers, shipowners, and charterers. The various indices of the stock exchange offer an important overview of freight rates differentiated according to cargo types, ship sizes, and shipping routes. The Baltic Clean Tanker Index tracks tankers carrying clean cargo, such as oil products (petrol, diesel, fuel oil, or kerosene); the Baltic Dirty Tanker Index is for tankers that carry cargo such as crude oil. In 2009, freight rates for bulk carriers—summarized in the Baltic Dry Index—had fallen by 94 percent since the previous summer, due to the economic slowdown and the credit crunch during the international financial crisis. In comparison, the freight rates for tankers lost a little less. Freight rates for crude oil fell by around 85 percent.
        Tanker lease periods between three and nine months were particularly sought after.
        In February 2009, Frontline, the world’s largest owner of supertankers, reported that 25 tankers had been chartered, and there were still open inquiries about 10 more ships. Any tanker that held less than 2 million barrels of oil was not statistically recorded, but industry experts estimated that there were as many as 80 million barrels on the water at the time, more than twice as much oil as was in official storage in Cushing. The profitable business had also taken on a new dimension. The new customers were no longer BP or Exxon, but Merrill Lynch, Morgan Stanley, Goldman Sachs, Citibank, Barclays, and Deutsche Bank.
        Ship brokers around the globe were surprised by the extent of storage inquiries. After all, 35 supertankers accounted for roughly 10 percent of crude oil tanker capacity worldwide. Due to additional demand, tanker freight rates recovered slightly from their lows. However, the floating inventories prevented a significant spike in oil prices during the year, despite any improvement in underlying economic data. After a nearly 75 percent drop in crude oil prices in just one year, the supply surplus of floating stock unsettled the market. For 2008, the International Energy Agency (IEA) reported a decline in oil demand for the first time since 1983.

        Key Takeaways
        •Cushing, a small town in Oklahoma, is the pipeline capital of the world—the only delivery point for WTI, the most important benchmark for crude oil.
        •In the summer of 2008, crude oil was trading above 145 USD. But then the price collapsed to less than 45 USD, and WTI switched from backwardation into a deep contango. A super-contango was born.
        •In combination with low freight rates due to the economic crisis, the oil super-contango provided a lucrative business for investment banks, which could physically buy oil, store it in supertankers, and sell it on futures exchanges, locking in a secure profit.
        •The super-contango led to a massive supply glut in crude oil for a number of years.

        33 Sugar: Waiting for the Monsoon 2010

        A severe drought threatens India’s sugar harvest, and the world’s largest consumer becomes a net importer on the world market. Brazil, the largest exporter of sugar, has its own problems. As a result, international sugar prices rise to a 28-year high.

        “The peacocks are not dancing.
        It will not rain.”

        —P. K. Dubey in Monsoon Wedding (2001)

        June 2009 was the driest summer month in India for more than 80 years, and the dry season was nowhere near ending. In the first week of August, rainfall was only one-third of its normal level. In the main agricultural areas in the north of the country, the weather phenomenon called El Niño had practically stopped the monsoon, whose season on the subcontinent usually lasts from the beginning of June to the end of September.
        One consequence of El Niño in India is significant crop failures, but India’s frequent experience of drought and famine has historically led to large storage facilities. According to the US Department of Agriculture, about 20 million metric tons of rice and about 30 million tons of wheat were stored in 2009. For sugar, however, the situation was quite different.
        Crop failures were so severe, especially in the state of Uttar Pradesh, that India—the second-largest sugar producer in the world—changed from being a net exporter of the crop to becoming a net importer. After producing more than 26 million metric tons of sugar the year before, the country was initially expected to consume 22 million tons of sugar in 2009. However, in August, the Indian Ministry of Agriculture revised the harvest estimates downward, first to 17 million tons and later to 15 million tons. It was not until 2011 that the Indian authorities expected a harvest of around 25 million metric tons of sugar.

        Sweet!

        Almost three-quarters of the sugar produced in more than 100 countries comes from sugarcane, grown primarily in tropical and subtropical regions. Sugar beets come mainly from the European Union and Russia. Brazil, the largest sugar producer and exporter, is responsible for about 16 percent of the world’s sugar, followed by India (14 percent), China (6 percent), and the United States (5 percent). In Brazil, more than half of the sugar harvest is processed into fuel (ethanol).
        Sugar is traded on multiple futures exchanges in different classifications. The most liquid trading is in Sugar No. 11 (ticker SB) on the New York Board of Trade (NYBOT), where futures contracts are traded in US cents per pound and comprise approximately 50 metric tons of sugar (112,000 pounds). Together with wheat, corn, and soybeans, sugar is the most liquid traded agricultural commodity.

        In 2008, the global trading volume of sugar was about 45 million tons, which equates to almost one-third of the quantity produced worldwide. Two-thirds of total sugar production is consumed directly in producer countries and is excluded from global trade. If other trade barriers, such as quotas and trade agreements, are taken into account, only about 25 percent of the world’s sugar is available to the global market, and about 40 percent of that comes from Brazil, which has quadrupled its sugar production since the early 1990s.

        With severe weather in India and Brazil, the price of sugar shot up.

        Like India, Brazil also had to cope with severe weather conditions in 2009. The problem there was not drought, however, but too much water.

        Figure 32. Sugar prices in US cents/lb, 1970–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Over the past 40 years, the price of sugar has been very volatile. Starting with prices as low as 1 US cent per pound in 1967, the price exploded in the mid-1970s to more than 60 US cents. Then, in 2004, the price of sugar slipped below 6 US cents—levels that had not been seen for more than 20 years.
        In 2010, however, there was a sugar rush! Massive imports from India and weather-related delivery delays in Brazil pushed the raw sugar price to a 28-year high. Futures contracts closed at 29.90 US cents per pound on January 29, 2010, a premium of more than 150 percent compared to the previous year. The situation calmed down only after the March contracts expired on February 26, 2010. At that point positive data from Brazil signaled that the worst scarcity was over.

        Key Takeaways
        •The three most important sugar producers worldwide are Brazil, India, and China, and the latter two mostly produce the crop for their own use.
        •The summer of 2009 was the driest summer in India for more than 80 years. El Niño caused significant crop failures, India became a net importer of sugar on the world market, and Brazil had weather-related problems as well. The price of sugar spiked around the globe.
        •Sugar prices rose to just under 30 US cents per pound by the end of January 2010—more than 150 percent over the previous year. Compared to prices in 2004, when sugar traded below 6 US cents, it represented a staggering increase of 500 percent and the highest price in almost 30 years.

        34 Chocolate Finger 2010

        Due to declining harvests in Côte d’Ivoire (the Ivory Coast)—the largest cocoa exporter on the world market—prices are rising on the international commodity futures markets. In the summer of 2010, cocoa trader Anthony Ward, “Chocolate Finger,” wagers more than 1 billion USD on cocoa futures.

        “Of course they are people. They’re Oompa Loompas.“ —Willy Wonka in the movie Charlie and the Chocolate Factory

        Cocoa, native to Central and South America, was considered by the Maya and the Aztecs to be a gift from the gods and therefore sacred. The seeds of the cacao tree also served as a means of payment. In the treasuries of Aztec king Moctezuma II, the Spanish conquistadors discovered, in addition to gold, more than 1,200 tons of cocoa—tax revenues and a huge currency reserve.
        Today cocoa is an important cash crop, an export commodity for many developing countries, and the raw material for the production of chocolate. (In Germany, one of the countries with the highest per capita consumption of chocolate worldwide, every person eats an average of around 9 kilos per year.) Production costs for chocolate depend on the cocoa content, cocoa quality, and processing time, so that for a normal chocolate bar, the price of cocoa accounts only for about 10 percent of the cost of production.
        Cocoa is traded in New York on the New York Board of Trade (NYBOT) and in London on the London International Financial Futures Exchange (LIFFE) in contracts of 10 tons each in USD and GBP, respectively.

        The 10 largest cocoa producers account for more than 90 percent of the world’s crop. Côte d’Ivoire dominates global production with a market share of more than a third of world production.

        In July 2010, market rumors in London suggested that the Armajaro hedge fund had placed a 1 billion USD bet in the cocoa market. Fund manager Anthony Ward was said to have bought around 240,000 tons of cocoa in an attempt to corner the market. This would have accounted for about 7 percent of global cocoa production and the majority of the available quantities. While some traders saw this as a bet that cocoa prices would continue to rise due to a declining supply, others argued that Ward was creating an artificial shortage and manipulating the market through his massive purchases just before the start of the annual cocoa harvest in October.

        Where’s the Cocoa?

        Cocoa’s main growing areas have shifted in recent years from Central America to Africa. The 10 largest producer countries account for more than 90 percent of the global cocoa harvest. Of these, Côte d’Ivoire is the largest supplier of cocoa in the world, with a market share of more than 33 percent. Indonesia, Ghana, Nigeria, Brazil, and Cameroon follow far behind. By 2010, however, cocoa production in Côte d’Ivoire had fallen by more than 15 percent over the previous five years, largely due to poor crop maintenance and pest infestation. Cocoa production in 2008–2009 was the smallest harvest in the previous five years, at just 1.2 million metric tons, a trend that market participants expected for the 2009–2010 crop as well.
        At age 50, Anthony Ward was considered a genius in trading cocoa. His attempt to corner the market for cocoa was spectacular but not an isolated event. In 2002, Ward had purchased more than 200,000 tons of cocoa—the equivalent of 5 percent of the world’s cocoa market—through futures contracts. That was not the biggest cocoa transaction, however. The cocoa trading desk at Phibro, Salomon Smith Barney’s commodity trading business, had taken a position of 300,000 tons of cocoa in 1997. The head of the cocoa trading desk at that time? Anthony Ward.

        Anthony Ward had been a cocoa trader and industry expert since 1979. In the first months of 2010, the price rose more than 20 percent because of his trades.

        Anthony Ward gained his first trading experiences in 1979 with tea, rice, cocoa, and rubber. In 1998 he co-founded Armajaro with Richard Gower, initially focusing on cocoa, then adding coffee and, later, other agricultural goods. Today Armajaro manages 1.5 billion USD and, with a local presence in Côte d’Ivoire, Indonesia, and Ecuador, is one of the largest cocoa suppliers to the world market. After Ward’s trades in July 2010, the British press dubbed Ward “Willy Wonka,” after the character in Charlie and the Chocolate Factory, and “Chocolate Finger,” in homage to a James Bond villain.

        Figure 33. Cocoa prices in USD/ton, 1990–2012. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        In 2009 and 2010, increasing demand, declines in production, and price speculation by hedge funds caused cocoa prices to rise more than 150 percent within two and a half years and to reach their highest level since 1977. A ton of cocoa in mid-July cost more than 3,600 USD. Because of Armajaro’s purchases, the short-term price of cocoa rose: A July contract carried a 300 USD premium compared to a December 2010 contract. Customers had to pay a premium of around 15 percent compared to a later delivery (backwardation).

        In a letter to the NYSE and LIFFE, 16 companies and trading houses complained about market manipulation of the cocoa market. However, LIFFE declared that “indications for a market manipulation are not recognized.”

        Key Takeaways
        •The cocoa market is relatively small and highly concentrated: Côte d’Ivoire dominates global cocoa production with a market share of more than a third of world production. The 10 largest cocoa-producing countries account for more than 90 percent of the world’s crop.
        •During the summer of 2010, rumors spread that hedge fund Armajaro had placed a bet of 1 billion USD in the cocoa market. Fund manager Anthony Ward, nicknamed “Willy Wonka” and “Chocolate Finger,” is said to have bought around 240,000 tons of cocoa in an attempt to corner the market.
        •Compared to price levels in early 2009, cocoa prices in London and New York rose by more than 150 percent and reached their highest level since 1977. A ton of cocoa cost more than 3,600 USD in July 2010—an increase of more than 500 percent compared to 2002. It was a successful bet for Chocolate Finger.

        35 Copper: King of the Congo 2010

        The copper belt of the Congo is rich in natural resources, but countless despots have looted the land. Now Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation (ENRC) is reaching out to Africa, and oligarchs from Kazakhstan aren’t shy about dealing with shady businessmen or the corrupt regime of President Joseph Kabila.

        “The West exploited Africa and now it wants to save it. We have been living with this hypocrisy for too long. Africa can only be saved by Africans.” —Joseph Kabila, President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
        “We bought an asset from the Democratic Republic of Congo that was for sale.” —Sir Richard Sykes, ENRC

        On Friday, August 20, 2010, investors in the city of London listened closely as Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation (ENRC), a 12 billion USD, London-listed Kazakh mining company, took over the majority stake in Camrose Resources, which held the Kolwezi mining licenses recently expropriated by the government of the Congo. The previous owner of the extremely lucrative licenses? The Canadian mining company First Quantum Minerals. This was explosive news!

        All of a sudden, after decades of colonialism, dictatorship, and warfare, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was once again the focus of media attention and the international mining industry. The Congo, one of the poorest countries in the world, nevertheless has an immense wealth of natural resources. The African copper belt stretches from the Congolese mining province of Katanga to northern Zambia. Here lies around 10 percent of the world’s copper reserves. And in 2010, copper was scarcer and more expensive than ever before: Based on its 52-week low, the price of the metal had increased that year alone by 50 percent. For the first time, copper traded above 9,000 USD per metric ton on the London Metal Exchange (LME).

        An Introduction to the Congo

        The Democratic Republic of the Congo, formerly Zaire, is the third-largest country in Africa, after Sudan and Algeria. Neighboring countries—the (formerly French) Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Zambia, Tanzania, and Angola—are all much smaller. With its wealth of natural resources, such as cobalt, diamonds, copper, gold, and other rare minerals, the Congo is a prime example of the “resource curse” thesis: The 70 million inhabitants of the Democratic Republic of the Congo are among the world’s poorest. Only Zimbabwe has a lower per capita GDP.
        The Congo, whose capital is Kinshasa, gained independence from Belgium in 1960 under President Kasavubu and the popular Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. A period of instability and military intervention followed, beginning in 1965, under the long dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko, during which Mobutu and the elite of the country (now called Zaire) systematically looted the wealth of the nation.
        The system collapsed in 1997, when Mobutu was ousted by Laurent-Désiré Kabila. In January 2001, L.-D. Kabila was murdered by one of his bodyguards under unclear circumstances, and the presidency passed to his son, Joseph Kabila. The latter stayed in power until the end of 2018. In January 2019, opposition leader Felix Tshisekedi was declared the fifth president of Congo-Kinshasa since its independence of Belgian colonial supremacy.
        Despite the official end of the second Congo war in July 2003 (the first took place in 1997–1998), conflicts still persisted in the country up until today. In the course of this “African World War,” which involved eight African states and 25 armed groups, more than 5 million people died. It was the bloodiest armed conflict since World War II.
        The Kamoto Mine near the town of Kolwezi is in the heart of the Congo’s mining district, where more than 3 million tons of copper and more than 300,000 tons of cobalt are believed to be in the ground. The current market value of copper reserves alone exceeds 30 billion USD. When the mine was still in operation, the machines of state-owned mining company Gécamines, once the largest company in Africa, moved about 10,000 tons of rock each day. In September 1990, however, the central part of the mine collapsed, burying many miners. The operation came to a standstill. Under the Mobutu dictatorship, reinvestments were neglected, and the largest mines fell into decay. In the late 1990s, Gécamines sold most of its projects to international mining corporations.

        Figure 34. Copper and share price of First Quantum Minerals, 2009–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Beginning in 2007, the Congolese government undertook a review of more than 60 foreign mining agreements in order to increase state involvement and ownership in the mining sector. Since then, the revision of mining licenses has created multiple sources of conflict.

        The government was aiming for at least 35 percent government ownership in future mining projects. In addition, newer regulations called for a signing bonus of 1 percent of the project value, a 2.5 percent license fee on the gross income, and a stipulation that the mine would go into production within two years.

        The value of the mineral reserves of the African copper belt between the DRC and Zambia exceeded the GDP of half the African continent.

        In August 2009, after a 2½-year review by the government, Canadian First Quantum Minerals’ Kolwezi license was terminated. The government accused First Quantum of breaching the 2002 mining regulations, though First Quantum denied it. One of the contentious issues was the increase of the Gécamines’ share by 12.5 percent—for zero costs involved.
        The situation for the Canadian company was precarious, since it had already invested more than 700 million USD in expanding Kolwezi. Moreover, after First Quantum couldn’t come to an agreement with the Kabila government, the Congolese Supreme Court also revoked the company’s licenses for the Frontier and Lonshi mines in favor of the state mining company Sodimico—another bitter blow to First Quantum.

        Sly Foxes

        The wealth of natural resources in the Katanga province of the Congo smoldered into a power struggle among the three craftiest businessmen on the continent: George Forrest, Billy Rautenbach, and Dan Gertler. Sixty-seven-year-old Forrest, head of the Forrest Group, had been born in the Congo and was the old man of the Congolese mining industry. In early 2004, a few months after the end of the war in the Congo, Forrest and Kinross Gold entered into a joint-venture agreement with the government over the Kamoto Copper Company (later Katanga Mining).
        Rautenbach, founder of Wheels of Africa, the largest transport company in southern Africa, was a friend of Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe. He went after the jewel, Katanga Mining, through the British company Camec. However, after a short takeover battle, the Congolese government announced a review of those mining licenses, and Rautenbach took the hint. He pulled back in September 2007. Rautenbach had previously been the manager of Gécamines but was replaced by Forrest, which accounted for the hostility between the two men.
        Meanwhile, Gertler was laughing on the sidelines. Just 30 years old, he closed a joint-venture contract with the government of the Congo in 2004 for the development of KOV (Kamoto-Oliveira Virgule, later the company Nikanor). KOV was the only mine in Katanga with more resources than Kamoto Copper Company. More than 6.7 million metric tons of copper and 650,000 tons of cobalt—twice as much as in Kamoto—were estimated to be in the ground. According to market prices in 2018, the value of these resources alone exceeds half the GDP of Africa.
        During the takeover battle for Katanga, Gertler bought shares in that mine through Nikanor. Camec finally lost its bid at the beginning of 2008, and Nikanor and Katanga Mining merged. In addition to his financial resources, Gertler had excellent connections: He is the grandson of the founder of Israel’s diamond exchange, a friend of then-Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, and the same age as Congo president Joseph Kabila, whom he considered a close friend.
        In January 2010 the newly established Highwinds Properties, owned by Dan Gertler, was awarded the Kolwezi license in a shady deal. A few months later came the bombshell. On August 20, 2010, ENRC confirmed that it had secured the licenses to Kolwezi through its 50.5 percent acquisition of Camrose Resources for 175 million USD. The company said it intended to cooperate with Cerida Global, another Dan Gertler–controlled company. With the acquisition of Camrose, ENRC was also committed to a 400 million USD loan for Highwinds and a loan guarantee of another 155 million USD for Cerida’s debts.

        The Kazakh company ENRC aggressively expanded its business in Africa and was not shy about dealing with African despots like Joseph Kabila.

        Camrose also offered a majority stake in its subsidiary Africo to ENRC, whose copper and cobalt projects were located near its Camec properties. This was of high strategic importance for the Kazakh company, since ENRC had acquired the Central African Mining and Exploration Company (Camec) for 955 million USD in 2009. This is where Dan Gertler came into play, as Camec was 35 percent owned by the Israeli investor, who quickly unified the three Kazakh oligarchs—Alexander Mashkevitch, Patokh Chodiev, and Alijan Ibragimov—who owned 40 percent of ENRC.
        The deals between Camec and Camrose were important milestones for ENRC’s aggressive expansion policy in Africa, along with a 12 percent stake in Northam Platinum in South Africa that ENRC acquired in May 2010. Regardless of pending possible expropriations and a skeptical attitude by many institutional investors, only time would show whether ENRC would have a more favorable outcome in Congo than its Canadian rival, First Quantum.
        Sometimes time flies. In November 2013, ENRC delisted its shares from the London stock exchange. The following April, an official investigation into bribery and sanction-busting began in England, and the founding partners decided to take the company private again. In February 2014, news spread that the company needed to sell all its international assets—including the copper mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo—to repay debts. President Kabila, however, stayed in power until the end of 2018.
        In January 2019, the opposition leader Felix Tshisekedi was declared the fifth president of Congo-Kinshasa. Leader of the opposition, Martin Fayulu, complained that Kamila, despite officially stepping down from office, would with his associates most likely continue controlling the levers of powers. Presidential elections had been due for more than two years, but elections had been postponed several times despite forceful protests. Since the end of Belgian colonial supremacy in 1960, the country had never seen a peaceful transfer of power.

        Key Takeaways
        •The African copper belt that runs between the Congo and Zambia holds an incredible wealth of natural resources. In 2010 it became the focus of upheaval when President Kabila revoked the mining license of Canadian firm First Quantum Minerals.
        •Copper was now big business, as copper prices traded at record highs of more than 9,000 USD per ton on the London Metal Exchange (LME).
        •The Kazakh (but London-listed) resource company Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation (ENRC) began to massively expand its footprint in Africa. The firm’s leaders were willing to deal with shady businessmen as well as with President Kabila’s corrupt regime.
        •In a murky transaction involving Dan Gertler’s Highwinds Properties, the expropriated assets of First Quantum were sold to ENRC. International investors were shocked, and the company went private a couple of years later.

        36 Crude Oil: Deep Water Horizon and the Spill 2010

        Time is pressing in the Gulf of Mexico. After a blowout at the Deepwater Horizon oil rig, a catastrophe unfolds—the biggest spill of all time. About 780 million liters of crude oil flow into the sea. Within weeks BP loses half its stock-market value.

        “This well did not want to be drilled . . . it just seemed like we were messing with Mother Nature.” —Daniel Barron, survivor of the Deepwater Horizon disaster
        “I would like my life back.” —Tony Hayward, CEO of BP

        Deepwater Horizon was one of the world’s most advanced deepwater rigs. Installed in 2001, it was 121 meters long, 78 meters wide, and 23 meters high and cost 350 million USD. In April 2010, the giant lay about 40 miles off the coast of Louisiana in the Gulf of Mexico. Since February, the platform had been busy in the Mississippi Canyon Block 252, drilling in the Macondo reservoir about 4,000 meters below sea level.
        April 20, 2010, promised to be a successful day, because the drill hole identified as API Well No. 60-817-44169 was about to be completed. The well would be sealed and prepared for production by a production platform. Every day counted because platform operators like Transocean charged oil companies on a daily basis. And in this case, BP was already concerned because Deepwater Horizon had been behind schedule for 43 days. The delays had already cost the big oil company more than 20 million USD.

        Twenty years after the Exxon Valdez oil spill, an even bigger environmental catastrophe was looming on the horizon.

        The Exxon Valdez—A Past Catastrophe

        Shortly after midnight on March 24, 1989, the most severe environmental disaster in the history of the United States occurred. The 300-meter-long oil tanker Exxon Valdez was on its way from the oil-loading station of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline, in the port city of Valdez, Alaska, when it collided with Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound. The accident caused a spill of almost 40,000 tons of crude oil. Around 2,000 km of coastline were contaminated, and hundreds of thousands of fish, seabirds, and marine animals died. Captain Joseph Hazelwood was drunk in his room at the time of the accident, and third officer Gregory Cousins had the bridge.
        Despite an extensive cleanup, the ecosystem remains severely disturbed three decades later.
        That morning, four BP managers arrived by helicopter to monitor the completion of the drilling. Only a few hours before, experts from the oil services company Halliburton had cemented the drill hole closed, but employees of Schlumberger, who were about to test the cement seal, were sent back to shore by the BP managers before they had accomplished their task.

        Deepwater Horizon drilled for black gold in the Gulf of Mexico on behalf of BP.

        To accelerate completion of the work, BP urged rapid replacement of the drilling mud in the well with seawater to prepare for early production. This decision precipitated an argument between BP and the Transocean managers, who considered that step premature. Unlike seawater, drilling mud holds back rising gas and oil. However, the managers of BP prevailed, and the work began.
        The decision would prove disastrous. The hole had a leak, and drilling mud and gas bubbles began to spill out. The cement plug also appeared to be leaking. Work continued into the night, until suddenly a sharp hiss of methane was heard and a fountain of mud shot out of the derrick, signaling a blowout.
        As the methane ignited, a huge column of flame rose into the sky. Suddenly the entire derrick was on fire, and four workers on the drilling deck were dead.
        The alarm sensors designed to warn of fire and a concentration of toxic or exploding gases had been turned off to keep workers from being disturbed by false alarms in the middle of the night. Now, below deck, it was chaos. Workers, some of them barely awake and dressed in little more than a life jacket, were jumping off the platform into the water, trying to save themselves. But with the Deepwater Horizon in flames, the oil on the water’s surface had caught fire as well. Chaos also reigned in the rig’s two lifeboats.

        Around 11 pm, the Damon B. Bankston, an 80-meter-long supply ship, rescued the survivors. Eleven people had died in the explosion. Two days later, the oil platform sank in the Gulf of Mexico.
        The demise of the platform marked the beginning of the biggest environmental disaster in the history of the United States, an event that would provide the plot for a Hollywood blockbuster movie, starring Mark Wahlberg, in 2016.

        The Macondo drilling ended in disaster. In the largest oil spill in the United States, nearly 780 million liters of crude oil ran out, and the market value of BP fell by half.

        When fire broke out on the deck of the Deepwater Horizon, engineer Christopher Pleasant pressed the emergency button for the blowout preventer (BOP), a series of shut-off valves mounted directly above the well bore to interrupt the flow of oil into it. Like huge pliers, the massive shear jaw of the BOP was supposed to cap and close the well in case of disaster. The automatic emergency system was activated, but nothing happened.
        A commission of inquiry later found that the Deepwater Horizon blowout preventer was poorly maintained, the hydraulic system was leaking, and the safety instructions had not been properly maintained. In addition, the ring valve of the device had been damaged weeks before. Not only was the blowout preventer in poor condition, as early as September 2009, BP had reported almost 400 defects on the rig to Transocean. However, maintenance had been delayed, and more than 26 systems were in poor condition. There were even problems with the ballast system.
        After the platform sank, an oil slick formed. Approximately 1.5 km by 8 km at first, it expanded to almost 10,000 square kilometers within a few days. Between 5 and 10 million liters of crude oil were flowing out every day, and Louisiana, Florida, Mississippi, and Alabama all declared a state of emergency. According to the US Department of the Interior’s Flow Rate Technical Group (FRTG), the amount of oil that flowed out every 8 to 10 days matched the total amount of oil from the Exxon Valdez disaster. BP estimated that there were around 7 billion liters of crude oil in the source. Thus, it would take another two to four years until the entire amount of oil had oozed into the sea.
        Shortly after the platform sank, BP initiated two independently made side-to-side relief wells (called the “bottom-kill method”), but the drilling would have taken about three months. Meanwhile, the capture of the oil with the aid of large steel domes was failing.

        The depth of the seabed—around 1,500 meters—complicated the work. At the end of May 2010, several attempts were made to plug the leak with mud and cement (the “top- kill method”), but they, too, were unsuccessful. In the middle of July, BP succeeded in significantly reducing the oil flow with a new sealing attachment—a temporary closure was successful. As a result, on August 6, the leak was finally sealed permanently using a modified variant of the top-kill method (“static-kill”)—pumping in liquid cement through side relief holes. On September 19, five months after the Deepwater Horizon sank, BP declared the well “officially dead.”

        It took five months to seal the oil leak.

        It was estimated that nearly 5 million barrels of oil, around 780 million liters, had run out, and BP’s stock-market value fell by half in the course of the disaster. The company announced that it would divest 10 billion USD worth of assets to defer the cost of the spill.

        Figure 35. BP, share price fluctuation during first half of 2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        At that point only about 3 billion USD in costs had accumulated. But BP also set up a trust fund of more than 20 billion USD for the future consequences of the catastrophe. Still unanswered is the question of who bears the responsibility for the disaster. Undoubtedly, BP took high risks, applied non-industry-compliant practices to save costs, and, as the principal, bears the financial responsibility. Transocean’s role as operator of the oil platform also needs to be clarified, especially since the platform was in relatively poor condition. For Halliburton, the questions revolve around the doubtful completion of the cement seal of the well, and initial claims have also been made to BP’s partner companies Mitsui and Anadarko.
        The disaster heightened public awareness of the risks associated with deepwater drilling, both in the Gulf of Mexico and in planned projects off Brazil and Africa. As a direct result of the catastrophe, the US government passed a deep-sea moratorium, temporarily banning all new deep-sea drillings. Although this was later repealed, no new licenses have been awarded. As a further consequence, President Barack Obama fired the head of the Minerals Management Service, Elizabeth Birnbaum. The agency, now renamed the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, Regulation and Enforcement, had grossly and negligently violated its oversight responsibilities.
        It is impossible to estimate the economic consequences of the disaster, let alone the environmental consequences, which include not only the direct effects of the oil pollution but also the burning of oil and the use of toxic chemicals like Corexit, which have been used to combat the oil spill. BP said in 2018 that it would take a new charge over the Deepwater Horizon spill after again raising estimates for outstanding claims, lifting total costs to around 65 billion USD. The story of the disaster in the Gulf of Mexico will play out for decades in the future.

        Key Takeaways
        •At the Deepwater Horizon oil rig in the Gulf of Mexico, the Macondo drilling, at about 4,000 meters below sea level, ended in disaster. Nearly 780 million liters of crude oil ran out, and the market value of BP, the oil and gas company in charge, fell by half within weeks.
        •The oil spill caused the biggest environmental catastrophe in the history of the United States, far more devastating than the oil spill of the Exxon Valdez 20 years earlier.
        •As a consequence, US authorities temporarily froze all deepwater drilling licenses. BP is estimating a price tag of more than 65 billion USD.

        37 Cotton: White Gold 2011

        The weather phenomenon known as La Niña causes drastic crop failures in Pakistan, China, and India due to flooding and bad weather conditions. Panic buying and hoarding drive the price of cotton to a level that has not been reached since the end of the American Civil War 150 years ago.

        “It’s not something you’re going to see again in your lifetime.” —Sharon Johnson, senior cotton analyst
        “I think there’s still hope for prices to go higher.” —Yu Lianmin, Chinese cotton farmer

        In ancient Babylon, cotton was known as “white gold,” and the fabric has remained popular throughout history, woven by hand for hundreds of years. At the end of the 18th century, however, spinning and weaving mills began to produce fabrics and clothing at a much lower cost than could be done by hand. By the 19th century, the cotton business was booming, due to recent inventions such as the steam engine, the cotton gin, the spinning jenny, and mechanical looms.
        The textile industry of the United Kingdom required ever larger quantities of the raw material, which was produced in its colonies or elsewhere abroad, especially in the southern United States, where cotton had expanded tremendously in the early 1800s. The crop thrived everywhere that was moist and warm, and labor was cheap in the American South. For about 250 years enslaved Africans had toiled on southern plantations, and cotton production grew from just 10,000 bales a year to more than 4 million until slavery was abolished after the end of the American Civil War in 1865. During that war, the price of cotton rose to dizzying heights that would only be reached again in spring 2011, almost 150 years later.

        The last time cotton reached almost 2 USD per pound was after the American Civil War.

        Since 1995, cotton had traded mostly between 0.40 and 0.80 USD, but at the end of September 2010, for the first time in 15 years, the price of cotton broke the 1 USD/lb level. A few months earlier, in May, the German magazine Der Spiegel had bemoaned “the end of cheap jeans,” as it noted the price explosion in cotton. But that was only the beginning. By November, cotton prices had increased another 40 percent. A sharp correction followed, but by the end of December cotton was up to 1.40 USD. And, beginning in January 2011, the market was unstoppable. The price spiked to more than 2.15 USD in March 2011—four times the level of early 2000 and a 480 percent increase over the November 2008 price.
        It was the highest price ever paid for cotton since the introduction of cotton trading on the New York Cotton Exchange in 1870.

        Figure 36. Cotton prices in US cents/lb, 2005–2013. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The price had actually been rising for several years. At the end of 2009, the global textile industry had forecast robust growth of around 3 percent for the following year. However, flooding and bad weather conditions in several important producer countries such as China, India, Pakistan, and Australia led to significant crop losses. Because of the falling inventory, high premiums were paid for material that was available in the short term.

        Once again, severe weather conditions influenced agriculture prices.

        In Pakistan, the world’s fourth-largest cotton-producing country, floods hit more than 14 million people in 2010, according to UN estimates. The exceptionally heavy monsoon season was considered the strongest in more than 80 years, and rain destroyed more than 280,000 hectares of cotton. According to the Pakistan Cotton Ginners Association, the flood destroyed 2 million bales of cotton. The All Pakistan Textile Mills Association also reported a worrying shortage of cotton. Only 30 percent of the mills had raw material in stock for the next 90 days, and Pakistan would soon stop exporting cotton.

        A few weeks later, India, the second-largest cotton producer in the world, followed suit. The Indian Ministry of Textiles stopped exports, since without the ban the Indian textile industry would not have been guaranteed an adequate supply of cotton. Indian exports dropped to 0.5 million metric tons, having exceeded 1.5 million tons in the 2007–2008 season.
        There were several reasons for the shortage beyond the dynamic growth of the domestic Indian textile industry. The world’s largest cotton producer and importer, China, was also enduring a shrinking cotton harvest for the second year in a row, due to low temperatures and too much rain. China Cotton Association statistics in December 2010 showed monthly imports doubling year over year.

        Cotton Basics

        Most cotton species and varieties are cultivated as annual plants and have high requirements for heat and water. In the Northern Hemisphere, sowing takes place from the beginning of February to the beginning of June, depending on the location.
        China, India, the United States, Pakistan, Brazil, and Uzbekistan together account for around 85 percent of the world’s cotton production, with China and India producing more than half of the global market volume. In the 2009–2010 harvest, the amount of cotton grown worldwide reached 25 million metric tons.
        Cotton is used mainly in textiles, accounting for about one-third of the world’s textile fibers. These can be categorized into natural fibers—such as vegetable fibers (e.g., cotton or linen) and animal fibers (e.g., wool, hair, and silk)—or artificial (synthetic) fibers. Synthetic fibers actually dominate the industry, accounting for almost 60 percent. They can be divided into cellulosic fibers (e.g., viscose) and those derived from petroleum. The most important synthetic fibers are polyester, polyamide, and polyacrylic fibers.
        Cotton is traded on the commodity futures exchanges in the United States under the symbol CT and the respective contract month in a contract size of 50,000 lb per contract.
        In late 2010 and early 2011, flooding and Cyclone Yasi caused severe damage in Australia, which ranked eighth among the top 10 cotton producers worldwide. The Australian Cotton Shippers Association, which had predicted a bumper harvest of more than 4 million bales, reduced its forecast by more than 10 percent.

        Blocks on cotton exports worsened the situation, and panic buying and hoarding were the result.

        Cotton processors in the region reacted in panic. Willing to pay any price for raw material, they pushed prices ever higher. Cotton farmers who still had inventory continued to aggravate the situation. The China National Cotton Information Center estimated that around 2 million tons of available material never reached the market in China. For example, in Huji, in Shandong province, about 220 kilometers from Beijing, growers held back more than 50 percent of their harvest at the end of January, expecting prices to continue to rise. Because of the short shelf life of cotton, that strategy could only be maintained until April or May.
        In any case, the price boom in cotton was short lived. The International Cotton Advisory Committee in Washington estimated that the acreage for the 2011–2012 season would increase to 36 million hectares, the most in 17 years. It was a natural response to record prices. In the short term, however, most processors had no choice but to mix cheaper synthetic fibers with the more expensive cotton.

        Key Takeaways
        •If you thought that the exciting times of trading cotton took place more than 100 years ago, events in 2010 proved you wrong.
        •The first impacts of global climate change were evident in a series of extreme weather events. Flooding and bad weather conditions caused by La Niña accounted for significant crop losses in several important cotton-producing countries, such as China, India, Pakistan, and Australia.
        •Cotton processors in the region reacted in panic, driving prices higher. Cotton farmers who still had stocks held back their supply in expectation of even higher profits.
        •As a consequence, cotton prices shot through the roof. Cotton, which once traded at 40 US cents per pound in 2009, doubled in value within a year to 80 US cents and skyrocketed to 2 USD in 2011. This was an increase of 500 percent in two years!
        •Because of short supplies, export restrictions, panic buying, and hoarding, the price of cotton rose to a level not reached since the end of the American Civil War 150 years ago.

        38 Glencore: A Giant Steps Into the Light (2011)

        In May 2011, the world’s largest commodity trading company—a conspicuous and discreet partnership with an enigmatic history—holds an IPO. The former owners, Marc Rich and Pincus Green, have been followed by US justice authorities for more than 20 years. Without mandatory transparency or public accountability in the past, they were able to close deals with dictators and rogue states around the world.

        “Glencore is Marc Rich’s legacy.” —Daniel Ammann, author of The King of Oil
        “My business is my life.” —Marc Rich

        It was the week before the Easter holidays in 2011, on a warm, sunny day in the banking metropolis of Frankfurt am Main, Germany. For the first time that year, temperatures climbed above 72 degrees Fahrenheit, and the city was full of people enjoying the sun’s warm rays. It was also the first week of “investor education” concerning the biggest IPO of the year, for Glencore.
        Equity sector specialists were explaining corporate strategy and the business model of the world’s largest commodity trading house and the reasons why institutional investors should participate in its initial public equity offering. In a meeting room in one of the bank towers, high above the city center, 11 people nibbled on light snacks. The analyst was late, however, thanks to too many meetings and telephone conferences. And much of the information about corporate returns remained unclear. It seemed that Glencore was not being completely transparent. How exactly did the commodity giant—whose value was estimated at between 60 and 80 billion USD by the banks in the consortium and whose management team was known only to industry insiders—earn its money? Until the IPO, the Switzerland-based company had cherished one thing above all: secrecy.
        Glencore (the name was derived from Global Energy Commodity Resources) was one of the world’s leading commodity players. Its business activities included the production, processing, and trading of aluminum, copper, zinc, nickel, lead, iron ore, coal, and crude oil as well as agricultural products. In terms of sales, the company was the largest in Switzerland and the largest individual shareholder, with 33 percent, of the multinational mining company Xstrata. Before the IPO, Glencore was completely owned by its management and employees, but until 1993 it had had a turbulent history determined by only one man: Marc Rich, nicknamed “The King of Oil.”

        Marc Rich was the world’s most successful commodity trader. Together with Pincus Green, he broke the Seven Sisters cartel, the dominant oil companies until the 1970s.

        Within commodity markets, Marc Rich was a legend. No commodity trader before or after him has ever been so successful. As a son of German-speaking Jews, Rich began his career in 1954 with Philipp Brothers, then the world’s largest commodity trader. Strong economic growth in Europe, the United States, and Asia made the 1960s a boom decade for commodity trading. But in 1973, when the company earned a record profit in which Marc Rich and Pincus Green played a decisive role, a dispute about future payments arose.
        Rich and Green left Philipp Brothers and convinced Jacques Hachuel, Alexander Hackel, and John Trafford to follow them. Together they founded Marc Rich + Co AG in Zug, Switzerland, on April 3, 1974.

        Rich and Green revolutionized commodity trading, breaking the multinational Seven Sisters oil companies cartel and becoming major players in international petroleum trading. In the early 1980s Rich was the world’s largest independent oil trader. Marc Rich + Co generated more profit than UBS, the biggest bank in Switzerland, and Rich’s private wealth was estimated to total more than a billion USD.
        Initially, the company focused on the physical trading of iron, nonferrous metals, and minerals. Crude oil and coal marked an expansion into energy. With the acquisition of an established Dutch grain distribution company in 1982, Rich + Co also entered the agricultural sector. Through further acquisitions in mining, smelting, refineries, and processing, the company continued to grow in the 1980s and 1990s.

        Who Was Marc Rich?

        Marc Rich, born Marcell David Reich on December 18, 1934, in Antwerp, Belgium, was the son of German-speaking Jews. Fleeing war and persecution, the family immigrated to the United States and changed the family name to Rich. As a young man, Rich studied at New York University but left after two semesters to join Philipp Brothers in 1954, then the largest commodity trading company in the United States. He started his career under Ludwig Jesselson, and between 1964 and 1974 he worked as a manager of the Philipp Brothers offices in Spain. In 1974 Rich left the company and with Pincus Green and others founded Marc Rich + Co AG.
        Within the next two decades, the new commodity trading company would become the most successful in the industry. But because of business ties to Iran—despite American political and economic sanctions and the US abolition of diplomatic relations in April 1980—Rich and Green became the focus of the US Justice Department. Accused of organized crime and tax fraud, Rich avoided prosecution by fleeing to Switzerland, where for 20 years he and Green proceeded with business as usual, while they were pursued by US justice.
        After a management buyout in 1993, Rich separated from the firm, and the group was renamed Glencore. At the time, Forbes magazine estimated his private assets at more than 1.5 billion USD.
        Rich never went to trial, and on his last day of office, January 20, 2001, President Bill Clinton granted full and unconditional pardons to Rich and Green in a still-controversial act.
        In June 2013, Rich died of a stroke at a hospital in Lucerne, Switzerland, at the age of 78.
        As it hunted for the next source of profits, the company was not picky. The list of its business partners read like a “Who’s Who” of international rogue states and dictatorships. The company traded commodities with Iran during the hostage crisis and with Fidel Castro’s Cuba, as well as with Slobodan Milosevic’s Yugoslavia, North Korea, Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya, the Soviet Union under Brezhnev, South Africa’s apartheid regime, and Nigeria and Angola in the late 1970s.
        In the 1990s, though, the tables turned. Pincus Green and Alexander Hackel resigned, and the press relentlessly excoriated the company’s business behavior. Finally, after heavy trading losses, Rich lost the support of other senior managers.
        In November 1993, the 39 most important employees of Marc Rich + Co met at the Parkhotel in Zug to discuss the future of the company without Rich. Led by Willy Strothotte, they agreed on a management buyout, and by the following November, Rich had gradually sold his shares of the firm to management and senior employees, about 200 people in all. The value of the company—an industry leader in trading crude oil, metals, and minerals—was estimated to be between 1 and 1.5 billion USD. The new owners renamed the company Glencore, eliminating all traces of the Marc Rich name after 20 years.
        Strothotte took over as chairman of the board of directors of Glencore but also moved into a top position at Schweizerischer Südelektra, which was renamed Xstrata in 1999 and was 33 percent owned by Glencore. The two companies maintained a close relationship. While Xstrata concentrated on commodity production, Glencore focused on marketing and trading raw materials. Xstrata, listed in London, offered transparency for investors. However, Glencore’s business continued to play out behind the scenes.

        Figure 37. Glencore (GBP). Equity price performance since IPO on May 19, 2011. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        As Glencore reached the limits of growth within its corporate structure, it badly needed fresh capital, a situation exacerbated by the fact that some of the management team had to be reimbursed within the next couple of years. The initial public offering, which raised 12 billion USD, satisfied that hunger for cash. On May 19, 2011, shares of Glencore were listed for the first time in London at 5.27 GBP. In February 2012, the company announced a merger with Xstrata that would be concluded almost a year later under CEO Ivan Glasenberg. The CEO of Glencore since 2002, Glasenberg had been with the company since 1984 and, with an estimated 5 billion USD net wealth, he became one of the top 10 richest people in Switzerland.
        It turned out that Glencore’s management had cashed out at the peak of the cycle: The share price of the initial IPO has never been reached again. Instead, during a commodity sell-off, shares plunged to 67 GBP on September 28, 2015, a loss of 87 percent since the IPO. In January 2019, however, Glencore’s share price had recovered to 3 GBP, which shows that its business model as a listed company was working.

        Key Takeaways
        •The commodity trading company Glencore had a turbulent history that, until 1993, was determined by one man—Marc Rich, nicknamed “The King of Oil.” Rich had founded Glencore’s predecessor company, Marc Rich + Co AG, in Zug, Switzerland, in 1974.
        •With private wealth of more than 1 billion USD, Rich became the most famous commodity trader by breaking the Seven Sisters cartel, and by becoming the world’s largest independent oil trader. His list of business partners read like a “Who’s Who” of international rogue states and dictatorships.
        •Glencore and other commodity trading companies generally maintain an aura of secrecy, since they prefer to strike their deals in private. However, to overcome financing constraints, Glencore, which was completely owned by its management and employees after 1993, raised 12 billion USD in its initial public offering in May 2011. It merged with mining giant Xstrata one year later and became a leader in both mining and commodity trading.
        •In May 2011, shares of Glencore were listed for the first time in London at 5.27 GBP. In hindsight, that was the top of the cycle; during the following bear market in commodities, the shares plunged to 0.67 GBP in September 2015. Today, shares of Glencore have recovered to 3 GBP.

        39 Rare Earth Mania: Neodymium, Dysprosium, and Lanthanum 2011

        China squeezes the supply of rare earths, and high-tech industries in the United States, Japan, and Europe ring the alarm bell. But the Chinese monopoly can’t be broken quickly. And the resulting sharp rise in rare earth prices lures investors from around the globe.

        “The Middle East has oil. China has rare earths.” —Deng Xiaoping, 1992

        In 2013, geologist Don Bubar bought 4,000 hectares of land in the wilderness of Canada for less than half a million USD, hoping that in a few years the area would be worth billions. Bubar and his company, Avalon Resources, planned to develop a mine for rare earths and to start production by 2015. Gold fever had seized the mining industry. Almost 300 companies worldwide were exploring for rare earths and other exotic metals like lithium, indium, or gallium. Investors were happy to spend their money on these projects, because the supply of rare earths is limited, demand was high, and prices were soaring, reflected in press headlines almost every day.
        Rare earths have become indispensable for modern high-tech applications—in computers, mobile phones, or flat screens, for example, and the growth of regenerative energy can’t be achieved without rare earths in electric/hybrid cars or in wind power plants. But these metals have been at the center of a trade conflict between the main producer, China, and the industrialized countries, a situation that has been worsening over the past few years.

        What Are Rare Earths?

        Rare earths consist of 17 metals: scandium, yttrium, and the lanthanides group of lanthanum, cerium, dysprosium, europium, erbium, gadolinium, holmium, lutetium, neodymium, praseodymium, promethium, samarium, terbium, thulium, and ytterbium. In most deposits, light rare earths (cerium, lanthanum, neodymium, and praseodymium) are found in large quantities, while the occurrence of heavy rare earths (yttrium, terbium, and dysprosium among others) is considerably lower.
        One of the most extensively used metals is neodymium, which is indispensable for the production of permanent magnets, that is, magnets that do not discharge. Neodymium is used in mobile phones and computers, wind turbines, and electric/hybrid cars. Each megawatt of power from a wind generator requires between 600 and 1,000 kg of permanent magnets made of iron-boron-neodymium alloys. Moreover, in every wind turbine, there are several hundred kilos of neodymium and dysprosium.
        Lanthanum is also used in many high-tech applications. For example, about one kg of neodymium is needed for the hybrid engine of a Toyota Prius, but the batteries contain about 15 kg of lanthanum. The German Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources expects the demand for rare earths to rise to 200,000 metric tons a year. At current prices, this means a market size of 2 billion USD. Compared to other metal markets, such as that for copper, with an annual production volume of almost 20 million metric tons and a market value of almost 140 billion USD, rare earths are a tiny but profitable segment.
        China has dictated world market prices of rare earths, since its production accounts for about 97 percent of the global volume of 120,000 tons per year. China also has almost 40 percent of the world’s reserves, while other significant reserves are located in Russia, the United States, Australia, and India.
        Similar to OPEC’s actions during the oil crises of the 1970s, China has been manipulating exports for years, and the United States, Japan, and Europe have all complained about export restrictions and high export duties. In 2005, exports were around 65,000 metric tons per year, but the volume has shrunk dramatically since then. As a result, prices for rare earths rose sharply from 2005 to 2008, and there was another price push in the third quarter of 2009. For the first half of 2011, the Chinese government announced exports of just 14,500 metric tons, and prices rose again. A kilogram of neodymium in May 2011 cost almost 300 USD, compared to just 40 USD 12 months earlier.
        China also used its dominance in rare earth production as a political weapon. When Japan detained a Chinese ship captain, China banned rare earth exports to Japan in September 2010.

        Figure 38. Rare earth carbonate, neodymium, dysprosium, and lanthanum, 2010–2013. Chinese onshore prices in RMB, indexed 30.12.2009=100. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Over the past 20 years, industrialized nations have maneuvered themselves into this economic dependency. In the mid-1960s, the United States began producing rare earths in the Mountain Pass Mine, in the Mojave Desert of California. Until the late 1990s, this mine alone covered the world’s demand for these metals. Within the industry, this time period is known as the “Mountain Pass era.”

        However, due to environmental constraints and low prices for rare earth metals, the mine closed in 2002. Since the beginning of the 1990s, the Chinese—able to produce the rare earths more cheaply and without worrying about environmental requirements—have begun to flood the world market.
        The main Chinese production comes from Mongolia, where only a few kilometers away from the city of Baotou, with its multimillion population, is Bayan Obo, one of the world’s largest open-air mines.

        It is estimated that up to 35 million metric tons of rare earths—more than half of total Chinese production—come from Bayan Obo. Another large segment of the Chinese supply derives from the southern provinces, where there are numerous small illegal projects in addition to official government mines. Production has its price, however. Processing rare earths generates large amounts of poisonous residues, which leads to heavy pollution by thorium, uranium, heavy metals, acids, and fluorides. Thus, untreated sewage has turned the nearby 12-kilometer-long drinking-water reservoir at Baotou into a waste dump enriched with chemicals and radioactive thorium.

        Bayan Obo in China is the world’s largest mine for rare earth minerals.

        Such heavy environmental damages are ironic, since these rare earths are indispensable to the clean energy industry, especially wind turbines and electric/hybrid cars. There’s no short-term, easy way out of the West’s self-inflicted scarcity. Development of an independent production capacity without environmental problems is a very capital-intensive undertaking. Exploration and exploitation of rare earth deposits is somewhat less problematic; despite their name, rare earths are not really scarce. Even the rarest metal in the group is around 200 times more common than gold.

        Skyrocketing prices of rare earths have attracted many adventurers.

        Skyrocketing prices in 2011 attracted investors and adventurers around the globe, as small mining companies began to search for rare earths and other exotic metals, and investors looked for attractive rare earth deposits to invest in. However, the majority of new rare earth deposits will never be developed or even have the slightest chance to go into production.
        The two most promising companies were Molycorp and Lynas. Molycorp, which had an IPO in 2010, planned to reactivate the Mountain Pass Mine, while Lynas aimed to start production at the Mount Weld Mine in Australia in 2011. All other projects were looking at a planning horizon of at least five years. Meanwhile, the absence of a processing infrastructure was an even greater obstacle than the need for capital-intensive funding.
        In 2015, Molycorp filed for bankruptcy after facing challenging competition and declining rare earth prices. The company was then reorganized as Neo Performance Materials. Lynas successfully got into production and made a first shipment of concentrate in November 2012. Today it operates a mining and concentration plant at Mount Weld and a refining facility in Kuantan, Malaysia. In September 2018, however, the processing facilities in Malaysia came under government review because of environmental concerns, and shares of Lynas began to tumble.
        China will continue to be the dominant source of rare earths, which perfectly fits into the strategic plan issued by Chinese premier Li Keqiang and his cabinet in May 2015: Made in China 2025.

        Key Takeaways
        •The group of 17 rare earth metals, with exotic names like neodymium, dysprosium, or lanthanum, have become indispensable for modern high-tech applications like wind turbines and e-mobility.
        •In 2011, China squeezed the supply of rare earths, using its dominance in rare earth production as a political weapon. Because its production accounts for more than 90 percent of global supply, China has been able to dictate world market prices.
        •High-tech industries in the United States, Japan, and Europe sounded the alarm, but it was impossible to break the Chinese monopoly on the supply of rare earths in the short term. As a consequence, rare earth prices increased sharply, an average of 10 times between 2009 and 2011. Prices of neodymium and dysprosium, which are in the highest demand, increased even more drastically. This price spike attracted global investors who were eager to invest in rare earth deposits.

        40 The End? Crude Oil Down the Drain 2016

        A perfect storm is brewing for the oil market. There is an economic slowdown and too much storage because of contango. The world seems to be floating in oil, whose price falls to 26 USD in February 2016. But the night is always darkest before dawn, and crude oil and other commodities find their multiyear lows.

        “Everybody be cool. You—be cool.” —Seth Gecko in From Dusk till Dawn
        “The crude oil supply glut is gone.” —Nick Cunningham, www.oilprice.com

        The Armageddon of the global financial crisis had been stopped by the massive bailouts and unconventional monetary policy of central banks around the world. As for oil, WTI crashed from almost 150 USD/barrel in June 2008 and traded temporarily below 33 USD during spring 2009. By the end of that year, crude prices had recovered to 80 USD, and between 2011 and 2014 the reference point for crude oil was 100 USD.
        But in hindsight, the summer of 2014 proved to be just the quiet before a massive storm: WTI fell from almost 110 USD to less than 26 USD—a drop of 76 percent, even lower than it had been during the financial crisis. (Actually it was the lowest level for crude prices since 2003.)
        Crude oil was not the only victim. The year 2016 began as an ugly one for all commodities as the Chinese domestic stock market plunged, and many other equity indices around the world followed in a case of Asian contagion. Demand in China was of fundamental importance for commodities because of demographics, growth, and the country’s immense raw material purchases. The US dollar retreated massively from highs of 100 on the Dollar Index, and raw material prices dropped further.

        Figure 39. Crude oil (WTI): recovery and bear market, 2008–2016. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The massive price drop during the financial crisis had caused the term structure for crude oil to flip into contango, in which spot prices are below those of future delivery dates. It made more sense to store oil than to sell it, but the glut in supply overtaxed existing holding facilities, eventually leading to the use of supertankers as floating storage.
        By the end of summer 2015, crude inventories were still rising and prices had started to crash. In early 2016, storage levels had barely declined from their 80-year highs of 490 million barrels in the United States alone, leading to pessimism about the future.
        The International Energy Agency (IEA) noted that crude oil markets could “drown in over-supply” because of rising storage levels around the world. The agency said that the world had added 1 billion barrels of oil in storage in 2015, and storage levels were still rising. Even in the fourth quarter, normally when stocks are drawn down, inventories continued to climb.

        Crude oil crashed because of a massive global supply glut. Oil prices fell to less than 26 USD.

        There were dire warnings that the world could soon run out of storage space for oil, which would depress prices even further. Oil tumbled to its lowest level in more than 12 years, as the crude stockpiled at the delivery point for New York futures reached a record.
        On February 11, 2016, when the S&P 500 index posted a 12 percent loss on the year, the Baltic Dry Index—which measures the shipping activity of dry bulk cargos around the world—fell to an all-time low of 290. The activity in commodity markets came to a halt, and the Bloomberg Commodity Index posted a 30 percent loss on the year. However, February 11 marked the lows for many assets, and the markets began to improve in the weeks and months that followed.

        OPEC and Russia agreed to a joint production cut to fight the supply glut. Finally prices started to recover.

        Capitulation Price Levels

        In early February 2016, the S&P Goldman Sachs Commodity Index and Bloomberg Commodity Index, two important commodity market references, posted double-digit losses. Investors were devastated since 2015 had already been a bloodbath for commodities. Crude oil traded as low as 26 USD/barrel, copper below 2 USD/lb, and even gold traded as low as 1,050 USD/oz. Cryptocurrencies weren’t given much attention from investors at that time. Bitcoins, for example, had a bad year in 2015, trading below 200 BTC/USD, and started to recover in 2016.
        Gold was the first among the group of more than 20 commodities to indicate a turnaround, as prices started to climb, and exceeded its 200-day moving average rather quickly, a strong technical indicator for bullish markets.
        In the face of the massive supply glut, OPEC and Russia agreed to a joint cut in production. It was OPEC’s first agreed cut since 2008, when oil prices collapsed late in the year after hitting record levels during the summer. And it had the potential to restore some longer-term stability to the global oil market. The wild card was renewed production in the United States, pushed by shale oil and fracking on the back of rising prices. Some feared that this could simply end up prolonging the glut and pushing prices back down.
        But there was also evidence that the massive inventories of raw materials were declining, and demand was finally picking up. And demographic trends continued to support the rationale that more people in the world would require more commodities in the years ahead. Both classic economic theory and common sense dictate that as demand rises, inventories fall and prices rise.

        Figure 40. Commodity performance in 2016. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Meanwhile commodity prices were rising, with gold leading the way. The precious yellow metal traded to more than 1,380 USD in the wake of Britain’s Brexit vote, and silver shot up above 21 USD. Crude oil rose from just above 26 USD per barrel in February to more than 50 USD at the beginning of October. The price of sugar increased from 10 US cents per pound in August 2015 to more than 24 US cents on September 29, 2016. The prices of iron ore, zinc, tin, nickel, and lead all posted double-digit gains in 2016. In perhaps the most optimistic signal for commodity markets, the Baltic Dry Index rose from 290 in February to 915 in early October, an increase of more than 215 percent.

        Crude oil prices doubled from their lows in 2009, and commodities started to shine again.

        It appeared that prices for raw materials had reached a significant bottom. Commodities as an asset class posted impressive gains, rising by more than 20 percent from its lows in 2016 to the end of the year. WTI more than doubled in that period to above 55 USD/barrel.
        Production cuts that had been in place since the start of 2017 helped halve the excess of global oil stocks, although, according to OPEC, those remained above the five-year average, at 140 million barrels. It was not until May 2018 that OPEC said the global oil supply surplus had nearly been eliminated.

        Key Takeaways
        •“Super-contango” had caused a massive supply glut in crude oil, during which storage facilities for WTI in Cushing, Oklahoma, reached maximum capacity: The world seemed to be floating in oil, and WTI crashed from almost 110 USD to less than 26 USD in February 2016—a drop of 76 percent and the lowest level for crude oil prices since 2003.
        •During 2016, the Chinese domestic stock market plunged, and many other equity indices around the world followed, leading commodity markets lower as well. However, in spring 2016, commodity markets found a bottom, and commodities as an asset class posted impressive gains over the full year, rising by more than 20 percent. The price of WTI more than doubled in that period to more than 55 USD/barrel.
        •Nevertheless, it would take until May 2018 until OPEC confirmed that the global oil supply surplus had nearly been eliminated.

        41 Electrification: The Evolution of Battery Metals 2017

        Elon Musk and Tesla are setting the pace for a mega trend: electrification! Demand from automobile manufacturers, utilities, and consumers pushes lithium-based battery usage to new heights. For commodity markets, it is not only lithium and cobalt but also traditional metals like copper and nickel that are suddenly in high demand again. Electrification might prove to be the “new China” for commodity markets in the long term.

        “Tesla is here to stay and keep fighting for the electric car revolution.” —Elon Musk

        The year 2016 issued a wake-up call for the automotive and oil industries. OPEC, the mighty oil cartel, massively revised its growth expectations for electric vehicles (EVs) upward by 500 percent. Instead of the 46 million EVs by 2040 it had envisioned in 2015, OPEC was now looking at a forecast of 266 million EVs.
        If those projections turn out to be correct, by 2040 demand for oil could fall by 8 million barrels a day. That is about what the United States currently produces in a day, or roughly 8 percent of global consumption. (The world consumes almost 100 million barrels of crude oil every day, of which 75 percent is related to the transportation sector.)

        Elon Musk and Tesla

        Elon Musk, founder and CEO of SpaceX, Tesla, and Neuralink, was born in Pretoria, South Africa, in 1971. As of February 2018, Musk had a net worth in excess of 20 billion USD and was listed by Forbes as the 53rd-richest person in the world. In December 2016, he was ranked 21st on the Forbes list of “The World’s Most Powerful People.” Musk also founded PayPal, which was bought by eBay for 1.5 billion USD in October 2002.
        Tesla, based in Palo Alto, California, specializes in electric vehicles (EVs), lithium-ion battery energy storage, and solar-panel manufacturing through its subsidiary company SolarCity. Tesla operates multiple production and assembly plants near Reno, Nevada, while its main vehicle-manufacturing facility is in Fremont, California. The Gigafactory in Reno primarily produces batteries and battery packs for Tesla vehicles and energy storage products. According to Bloomberg, over the past 12 months Tesla has been burning money at a clip of about 8,000 USD a minute (roughly 500,000 USD an hour).
        In 2017 Tesla produced and sold 100,000 cars. It might be the beginning of a revolution, but so far EVs are hardly making a dent. German automakers BMW, Mercedes, and Audi together sold 6.6 million cars, and for these traditional car companies, the electric catchup has just started. In Germany, new car registrations of EVs reached 55,000, half of which were plug-in hybrids. This represented 1.6 percent of the new car market, based on 3.4 million new cars in Germany. Compared to 43.8 million total cars in use in that country, it was basically a grain of sand in the desert.

        EVs made up 1.6 percent of new car registrations in car-crazy Germany in 2017. However, Bloomberg New Energy Finance estimates that by 2040, EVs will make up to 40 percent of global new car registrations—tremendous growth!

        Currently China makes up half of the global EV market, according to the International Energy Agency’s Global EV Outlook 2018. In 2017, China sold 579,000 EVs, a 72 percent increase compared to 2016. Meanwhile, the global stock of electric passenger cars exceeded 3 million last year.
        But compared to the bigger picture, that’s merely a drop of water in the ocean, since according to BMI Research, the global car fleet can be estimated at around 1.2 billion cars. And global sales of passenger cars are forecast to exceed 81 million vehicles in 2018. Along with China, the United States is among the largest automobile markets worldwide, in terms of both production and sales.
        Therefore, it is all about the future as automakers start to expand their business into the electric mobility sector. Bloomberg New Energy Finance (BNEF) estimates that by 2040, global EV penetration of new car registration could reach 35 to 40 percent.

        Figure 41. Cobalt prices, 2012–2018. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        For commodity markets, this might signal the beginning of an avalanche, as electric cars demand additional raw materials. For example, studies done by the investment bank UBS and BNEF suggest that by 2040 there will be a significant surplus demand for graphite, nickel, aluminum, copper, lithium, cobalt, and manganese. Other commodities, like crude oil, steel, as well as platinum and palladium, would be negatively affected.

        For commodity markets, the mega trend of electrification could turn out to be an enormous new source of demand.

        Prices for cobalt and lithium, which are both essential for different types of batteries, are experiencing a bull market. Lithium-based batteries first had commercial applications a couple of years ago. Now we have them in almost all mobile devices: laptops, smartphones, electric tools, and cars. Gigafactories have been ramped up in the United States and China, and battery prices are falling because of economics of scale and scope. That, in turn, triggers new applications.

        Figure 42. Benchmark Lithium Index, 2012–2018. Data: Benchmark Mineral Intelligence, 2019.

        Tesla might lose its leadership in electric cars, but Elon Musk kicked off a revolution in electrification and energy usage—a revolution that works to the good of humanity and, as a side benefit, will be good for commodity markets as well.
        The electrification of the automobile industry is a gigantic step, but only the tip of an iceberg. The ability to store energy is the missing link in growing alternative (wind, solar, and water) energy production. By 2025, power banks and power walls—instruments for decentralized energy storage at home, for example—might exceed sales for lithium-based batteries for the car industry. And this market is much bigger and promises much higher growth!

        Key Takeaways
        •There is a bull market for battery metals like lithium and cobalt, as battery-producing facilities shoot up like mushrooms. Prices for cobalt quadrupled from 25,000 to 100,000 USD per ton in 2017.
        •Elon Musk and Tesla are at the forefront of a mega trend in electrification. Although sales of electric vehicles today are minuscule, industry estimates peg them at 40 percent of global new car registrations by 2040. We might be witnessing the beginning of a revolution.
        •E-mobility is the first step, but energy storage is the missing link to alternative energy production by wind, sun, and water.
        •Together, e-mobility and energy storage might prove to be the “new China” for commodity markets in the long term, since demand is climbing not only for lithium and cobalt, but also for traditional metals like copper and nickel.

        42 Crypto Craze: Bitcoins and the Emergence of Cryptocurrencies 2018

        Bitcoins, the first modern cryptocurrency, emerged in 2009, described in a white paper the previous year by the pseudonymous Satoshi Nakamoto. The value of bitcoins explodes in 2017 from below 1,000 to above 20,000 USD, attracting worldwide attention. This stellar price rise, followed by a crash of almost 80 percent in 2018, makes bitcoins the biggest financial bubble in history, dwarfing even the Dutch tulip mania of the 17th century. Despite the boom and bust, the future looks bright, as underlying blockchain technology reveals its potential and starts to revolutionize daily life.

        “[Bitcoin/Blockchain] is the next major IT revolution that is about to happen.” —Steve “Woz” Wozniak, co-founder of Apple
        “With all of the calls of ‘bubble,’ it’s worth remembering that we’re in the early stages of global adoption as well as the early stages of development of the technology.” —Ari Paul, Forbes

        The punch came fast. Before boarding a flight to leave the country on April 1, 2018, Robert Farkas, co-founder of Centra Tech, was arrested by local criminal authorities in the United States. Half a year earlier, in September 2017, celebrity boxer Floyd Mayweather had posted happy pictures of himself living la dolce vita, spending money in expensive shops in Beverly Hills with his cryptocurrency-based Centra card.
        Farkas and his Centra Tech co-founder Sohrab “Sam” Sharma had claimed to offer a debit card, backed by Visa and Mastercard, that would allow people to convert cryptocurrency to US dollars to spend on everyday goods. The Securities and Exchange Commission alleged that Centra had no relationship with either card company. Sharma and Farkas had created fake biographies of fictional executives and paid celebrities to tout the upcoming initial coin offering (ICO)—an unregulated process by which a company can issue a new digital coin in exchange for real money—and the promise of quick riches on social media. Sharma and Farkas had swindled about 32 million USD from investors.
        Centra Tech is just one example of multiple scams and frauds in the crypto and ICO market in 2018, but it was dwarfed by other ICO scams like Modern Tech, which had made off with more than 660 million USD.
        It is still pioneer days in the technology sector, where ICOs are more popular and better known than companies’ traditional initial public offerings (IPOs). ICOs have quickly become a more important source of project funding than endless discussions with venture capital companies. There’s a dark side, however. The opportunities of a fast-developing market always attract fraud and black sheep. That is part of the game.

        The bitcoin was born in 2009. Today, more than 2,000 alternative coins exist.

        December 2018 is still the Wild West in an industry that is barely 10 years old. Bitcoins (BTC), described in a white paper in November 2008 and first released as open-source software in January 2009 by the pseudonymous Satoshi Nakamoto, are generally considered the first decentralized cryptocurrency. It was originally created as an alternative, decentralized payment method. Since then, more than 2,000 alternative coin variants have been created. Like Napster 10 years earlier, the system works without a central bank, as a peer-to-peer network in which transactions take place directly between users, without an intermediary. Blockchain is the technology behind cryptocurrencies, and it is fast becoming a platform for a vast number of innovations in peer-to-peer transactions.
        A blockchain is a cryptographically protected distributed ledger. It’s what protects you or anyone else from making a copy of that bitcoin you just bought. In fact, anything that you can make a mental list of, you can manage with blockchains—everything from tracking land and real estate ownership to the way we distribute medicine and how we grant certificates and diplomas. Some of these ideas are brilliant, while others are ridiculous.

        Digital Assets, Cryptocurrencies, and Tokens

        A digital asset is anything that exists in a binary format and comes with the right to use it, while the term “cryptocurrency” refers to coins that fulfill the characteristics of standard paper-based money (fiat money). The characteristics are its function as a store of value, a unit of account, and fungibility. Examples include bitcoin, ethereum’s ether, and ripple’s XRP. Note that ethereum and ripple refer to the underlying blockchain and not to their cryptocurrencies. Crypto tokens are similar to cryptocurrencies in that they are built on blockchains.
        Cryptocurrencies are the most common form of tokens, but crypto tokens are broader representations of a blockchain’s value. That value is manifested across a diverse range—from cryptocurrencies to loyalty points and even to assets built on the blockchain.
        Ethereum, for example, is the underlying blockchain for several tokens that use its platform to develop services and products. The difference between cryptocurrencies and crypto tokens becomes important within the context of investment. For example, cryptocurrency valuation is derived from a coin’s success in adhering to the characteristics of money. On the other hand, crypto token valuations depend on a different set of factors, such as protocol adoption and robustness.
        Originally, cryptocurrencies were designed to offer a decentralized alternative to traditional fiat currencies. Even at peak valuation in December 2017, bitcoins—plus the sum of all other cryptocurrencies a decade after their invention—represented just a fraction of physical money in US dollars, euros, pound sterling, or yen in terms of value. In volume, bitcoins are still by far the biggest cryptocurrency, followed by ether, ripple, and dash. In 2018, the 500 biggest coins had a combined market capitalization of 500 billion USD, of which bitcoins made up two-thirds. Physical US dollar notes in circulation are valued at 1.5 trillion USD, and that is only a minor fraction of the total US dollar supply. Next in line is physical gold, whose circulating value is estimated at 8 trillion USD, before taking the whole currency market into consideration. All fiat currencies together add up to a value of 83 trillion USD, which includes all physical money in circulation and electronic, that is, virtual money.
        Another important factor is the concentration of holdings. About 40 percent of bitcoins are held by perhaps 1,000 users. The top 100 bitcoin addresses control 17.3 percent of all the issued currency, according to Alex Sunnarborg, co-founder of the crypto hedge fund Tetras Capital. That’s important, since the cryptocurrency was designed to reach a maximum of 21 million bitcoins. Bitcoins are added by “mining,” a process by which transactions are verified and added to the public ledger. Currently, one bitcoin is added approximately every 10 minutes. With ether, the top 100 addresses control 40 percent of the supply, and with smaller currencies top coin holders control more than 90 percent because many of them are members of the teams running these projects.
        Bitcoins were first explained to the public as a form of digital money, and that is how its successors and competitors like litecoin and ether have been framed as well. Each of these currencies resembles traditional money in certain ways: They are abstractions of economic value and can be traded. But none of them offers the most basic role of a currency as a relatively stable medium of exchange. There is too much friction involved. Each transaction takes too long, uses too much energy, and involves too many risks.

        Bitcoins are more than digital money.

        The biggest problems with bitcoins have emerged because the mechanics of buying and holding them are so inscrutable that nearly everyone pays third parties to handle them. Those wallet-service middlemen become points of failure for the whole system. They get hacked, their systems go down, and they are ordered by governments and regulators to report transactions that users thought would be anonymous.

        The Mt. Gox Heist

        Launched in 2010 by Jed McCaleb, who later founded ripple, Mt. Gox, by 2013, had become the largest bitcoin exchange in the world. Based in Shibuya, an area in Tokyo, Japan, at that point Mt. Gox was handling more than 70 percent of all bitcoin transactions worldwide. In June 2011, when Mt. Gox was acquired by Mark Karpelès, the company was hacked the first time, and 2,000 bitcoins were stolen. As a consequence, a number of security measures were initiated, including arranging for a substantial number of bitcoins to be taken offline and held in cold storage. As a result of an investigation by the US Department of Homeland Security regarding the company’s license, the US government seized more than 5 million USD from Mt. Gox, and the company had to announce a temporary suspension of US dollar withdrawals. But that was not the biggest problem. As it turned out, the company had been the victim of an ongoing hack for more than two years.
        In February 2014, Mt. Gox suspended trading, closed its website and exchange service, filed for bankruptcy protection in Japan and the United States, and began liquidation proceedings soon after. The crypto exchange announced that approximately 850,000 bitcoins belonging to customers and the company were missing (valued today at 4.2 billion USD). Although 200,000 bitcoins were eventually recovered, the remaining 650,000 have never been found.
        CEO Mark Karpelès was arrested in August 2015 in Japan and charged with fraud and embezzlement and manipulating the Mt. Gox computer system to increase the balance in an account. US authorities followed the trail of money, and in July 2017 Alexander Vinnik was arrested in Greece and charged with playing a key role in the laundering of bitcoins stolen from Mt. Gox. Vinnik is alleged to be associated with BTC-e, an established bitcoin exchange, which was raided by the FBI as part of the investigation. The BTC-e site has been shut down, and the domain has been seized by the FBI. But no money has been found so far.
        What is a fair price for a bitcoin? Is it 1 or 100,000 USD? Some financial analysts today emphasize that bitcoins have no intrinsic value at all, and some economists refer to the Fisher equation, which pins the current value of a bitcoin to 20 to 25 USD in regard to the total available number of bitcoins, transaction speed, and trading volume. But it’s important to note that for this equation it is not the status quo but the future potential of the technology and application that is relevant for a bitcoin’s value. And it is hard to see limits to the application of blockchain technology.

        In May 2010 Laszlo Hanyecz bought two pizzas in Jacksonville, Florida, for 10,000 BTC. It was the first real-world bitcoin transaction.

        Bitcoins became a hot topic in 2017 in the financial mainstream because of tremendous price fluctuations. Let’s take a step back: Prices initially were measured in US cents and single-digit US dollars in the land of Dungeons and Dragons or World of Warcraft. But on May 22, 2010, Laszlo Hanyecz made the first real-world bitcoin transaction by buying two pizzas in Jacksonville, Florida, for 10,000 BTC, valuing one bitcoin at 0.003 USD. One year later, in spring 2011, bitcoins were traded at parity with US dollars. And six years after that, on December 17, 2017, bitcoins surpassed 20,000 USD for the first time.

        Bitcoins traded at 0.03 USD in May 2010 and above 20,000 USD in December 2017.

        That same month, in December 2017, the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME) introduced and listed futures contracts on bitcoins in the commodity segment, allowing a hot speculative bubble to unfold. Bitcoins became commoditized and open to new investors and the mainstream, beyond the niche of electronic wallets. Until then, bitcoin and other cryptocurrency trading had been limited to specialized exchanges like Bitfinex, Kraken, or OKCoin, where you had to exchange US dollars or euros into bitcoins with your electronic wallet, though bitcoins were exchangeable into any other cryptocurrency. From its high in December, bitcoins crashed to below 6,000 USD within two weeks.

        Figure 43. Price of bitcoins surpassed 1,000, 5,000, 10,000, and finally 20,000 USD in 2017. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        In December 2018, bitcoins tumbled below 3,500 USD to a 13-month low before stabilizing. The slide fueled a sell-off among rival tokens ether, litecoin, and XRP. After months of stability at around 6,000 to 6,500 USD, bitcoins and other cryptocurrencies had lost more than 700 billion USD in market capitalization since their peak in December 2017.
        Regulatory concerns played a role, as the US Securities and Exchange Commission announced penalties against two companies that hadn’t registered their initial coin offerings as securities. Also, the US Justice Department was in the process of investigating whether the previous year’s rally was fueled by market manipulation.
        As Robert Shiller noted in his book Irrational Exuberance, it is impossible to spot a bubble and time its burst if you are part of it. That is possible only in hindsight. But after the stellar rise from less than 1 USD before 2011 and the crash by almost 80 percent from its December 2017 peak, the verdict is official: The bitcoin craze is the biggest financial bubble in history! It even dwarfs the tulip mania of the 17th century, which had previously exceeded every historic financial market bubble, including the Mississippi or South Sea Bubble, the run-up in equity prices before the busts of the Great Depression and Black Friday, or—more recently—the dot-com bubble and the rally before the world financial crisis hit in 2008.

        It may comfort investors that an 80 percent crash is not a unique event in the crypto space. In the past five years, the value of bitcoins was cut in half three times, and crashed by more than 25 percent 16 times, only to rise to new highs until 2018. Think back . . . how many years did it take to recover your losses from the dot-com bubble? Measured by the NASDAQ Composite, on average that took about 15 years! In the past, recoveries in the crypto universe have been much faster.

        The year 2013 was a rough ride for bitcoins. And the Mt. Gox heist almost became an extinction event for the cryptocurrency.

        In percentage terms, the bitcoin crashes of 2013 were almost as bloody as 2018. Prices ran up from a couple of US dollars to more than 1,200 USD, before plummeting. In April 2013, bitcoin prices fell from 230 to 67 USD overnight, a massive 70 percent drop in 12 hours. It took seven months to recover. After April, bitcoin prices hovered around 100 to 120 USD until later in the year, when prices suddenly skyrocketed to 1,200 USD in late November. However, in December the price tumbled back to less than half of that.
        Adding to the long road of recovery after the collapse in December 2013 was the Mt. Gox scandal. Bitcoins steadily increased in price through January and February, when they suddenly dropped by nearly 50 percent from 880 to below 500 USD because of the Mt. Gox heist.

        Figure 44. Historic bitcoin price corrections, 2013–2017. Data: Coindesk.com.

        One of the results of the erratic price swings of 2013–2014 is the emergence of an active cryptocurrency trading scene with its own slang, a special language established by crypto enthusiasts. The term “HODL” is probably the best known. During a massive price crash in 2013, someone called “GameKyuubi,” apparently drunk, posted “I AM HODLING” in a Bitcoin Talk forum. What the user in the post wanted to convey was the fact that despite the sharp drop in price, he was choosing to hold on to his bitcoins. The post went viral, and #HODL has been interpreted as “Hold On for Dear Life,” which corresponds to “Buy & Hold,” an investment strategy every long-term investor can relate to.

        #HODL. Hold On for Dear Life.

        Crypto slang today is very colorful, with a multitude of new terms and phrases whose meanings go way beyond their traditional definitions. There are words and abbreviations such as “mooning,” “fudding,” ADDY, JOMO, BTFD, and DYOR—the list goes on and on. HODL, however, is by far the most popular of these terms, and one that almost all cryptocurrency investors can identify with.

        Anti-money-laundering measures and the Chinese ban on cryptocurrencies and ICOs weighed heavily on bitcoins in 2018.

        How does one account for the extraordinary bitcoin rally and its bust? Originally, bitcoins were founded to redistribute value and move money away from banks and other financial institutions to people. Anyone could become a bank, a payment service, or a lender. But bitcoins and other cryptocurrencies also became a loophole for money laundering and capital flight. Because of the low level of legal regulation, the use of cryptocurrency spread into the shadow economy. The implementation of an automatic exchange of information in 2017 led to last-minute panic as a new global standard on the automatic exchange of information targeted tax evaders. The new system provides for the exchange of non-resident financial account information with the tax authorities in the account holders’ country of residence. Data was exchanged for the first time in September 2017, but the majority of the 100-plus jurisdictions had implemented the system by January 1, 2018.

        The Top 5 Crypto Billionaires in 2018

        1.Chris Larsen (57), co-founder of ripple, owns 5.2 billion XRP, the token launched by ripple, whose current value is 8 billion USD.
        2.Joseph Lubin (53), co-founder of ethereum, has an estimated wealth of 1–5 billion USD.
        3.Changpeng Zhao (41), founder and CEO of Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange, has an estimated wealth of 1–2 billion USD.
        4.Cameron and Tyler Winklevoss (36) were early investors in bitcoins and the founders of Gemini in 2015. Their estimated wealth is 0.9–1.1 billion USD.
        5.Matthew Mellon (45), an early investor in ripple’s XRP, has an estimated wealth of 0.9–1 billion USD.
        Source: Business Insider, 2018.

        Capital flight has also worried the government of China. By buying bitcoins, the Chinese have been able to move funds abroad. In September 2017, renminbi-to-bitcoin trades made up more than 90 percent of all bitcoin transactions. The government outlawed fiat money from being used in cryptocurrency purchases and even imposed travel bans on Huobi and OKCoin executives, two of the nation’s largest crypto exchanges. Chinese regulatory authorities also imposed a ban on ICOs and finally termed them illegal in China in September 2017. Huobi was forced to move its operations to Singapore, while OKCoin, renamed OKEx, was embraced by Malta. Many Chinese simply transferred their bitcoins to the now-offshore exchanges and carried on trading—until February 2018.
        That February, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), which is the central regulatory authority, issued a statement that “it will block access to all domestic and foreign cryptocurrency exchanges and ICO websites,” basically shutting down all cryptocurrency activities in the country. And the authorities were not bluffing: In April 2018, police stormed a large-scale bitcoin mining operation in the city of Tianjin and confiscated 600 computers in the raid

        For bitcoins and blockchains, 2018 was like 1992 for the internet—early days. To reveal the cryptocurrency’s full potential, another 10 years are needed.

        The Chinese government has been successful in imposing stricter capital controls, banning bitcoin trading and ICOs, and shielding its people from bad influences by its Great Firewall. But China will not be able to turn back time for blockchain technology and its applications.
        The blockchains and cryptocurrencies will achieve their full potential in a decade, said Steve Wozniak, co-founder of Apple, in 2018, and according to Jack Dorsey, CEO of Twitter, bitcoins will become the world’s “single currency.” Previously, from 2014 to 2017, Jamie Dimon, CEO of JPMorgan Chase, was regularly quoted about his views of bitcoins: “Bitcoin is a fraud,” he said, as well as “Bitcoin will not survive,” and “Bitcoin is going nowhere.” In 2018, Jamie Dimon regretted that he had called bitcoin a fraud but still remained bearish. Meanwhile, earlier in that year, overwhelmed by client demand, JPMorgan Chase’s top rival, Goldman Sachs, announced the setup of a cryptocurrency trading desk.
        As for a distributed ledger technology like blockchain, its situation today is like that of the internet in 1992, with immense potential but a steep and messy learning curve. Every successful new technology undergoes an explosion of growth in which we try to use it for everything, until time reveals what the best applications and limitations are. Investing in dot-com stocks in the late 1990s was a roller-coaster ride, and many of the pioneers in that field ultimately failed. The real impact of the internet has taken decades to unfold, but the future of e-commerce and society has been changed forever.

        Blockchain technology has the potential to be just as impactful over time. Just as with the dot-com bubble, backing any single player in the crypto craze is like placing a bet on 27 red in a game of roulette. It is too early and the outcomes are too uncertain to identify potential winners. However, with the digital revolution we are experiencing right now, the economic landscape will be transformed in drastic ways. And, despite its sins of adolescence and the irrational exuberance of crypto trading’s early years, crypto tokens and blockchain technology have already begun to revolutionize our world. The applications in real estate, property, banking and financial services, and health care, just to name a few, are limitless and can only be compared with the development of the internet or the rise of smartphone applications. It might be that we are witnessing the first glimpse of a tokenized and coin-based economy. The future looks bright.

        Key Takeaways
        •Bitcoins were introduced in 2009 as an alternative, decentralized payment method using blockchain technology. Today more than 2,000 alternative coins (“altcoins”) exist.
        •Over 10 years the price of bitcoins rose from 0.003 USD in 2010 to 1 USD in 2011, to more than 1,000 USD in 2017. It exceeded 20,000 USD in December 2017, but within weeks, bitcoins dropped by almost 80 percent to below 3,500 USD in December 2018.
        •This tremendous boom and bust has made bitcoins the biggest financial bubble in history, greater even than the Dutch tulip mania of 1637.
        •The boom and bust of 2017–2018 has been associated with the Chinese ban on cryptocurrencies and ICOs, as well as anti-money-laundering measures like the implementation of automatic exchange of financial information in more than 100 countries. The beginnings of new disruptive technologies often attract black sheep and fraud, and many of the ICOs did turn out to be scams.
        •For bitcoins and blockchain applications, it is still early days. To reveal their true potential, another decade is needed. But from today’s perspective, the applications seem limitless.

        Outlook: The Dawn of a New Cycle and a New Era

        We are at the dawn of the 2020s and the commodity and crypto markets are in the starting blocks for a new rally. At the beginning of 2016, commodity investors looked back on five painful bear market years. In 2015, the Bloomberg Commodity Index, which measures the performance of 22 commodities like crude oil, gold, copper, wheat, and corn, lost 25 percent of value. And it got worse: In January 2016, commodity markets traded down an additional 7 percent. The Bloomberg Commodity Index was trading at its lowest level since its inception in 1991. Since spring 2014, investors had lost almost half of their invested funds. Investors in gold and silver mining companies, in particular, were hit hardest. The Arca Gold BUGS Index and Philadelphia Gold and Silver Index, both representing the biggest gold and silver mines, traded down to levels last reached at the beginning of 2000, when a troy ounce of gold was 260 USD.

        From summer 2011 to the beginning of 2016, investors saw 80 percent of their principal vanish into thin air, while gold in the same period traded down from above 1,900 USD to 1,050 USD (–45 percent). Mining in general suffered greatly. Market capitalization of companies included in the MSCI World Metals & Mining Index dropped by more than 80 percent since their peak valuation during the commodity super cycle in 2008. Shares of Glencore, the biggest mining and commodity trading company in the world, traded down to 67 GBP at the end of September 2015. From its highest prices in 2011, investors lost more than 80 percent of their capital. Compared to its closing price of 527 GBP for its initial public offering in May 2011, this represented a loss of shareholder value of almost 90 percent!
        Market exaggerations drove credit default swaps for mining companies into the stratosphere. For example, Glencore’s 2.5 percent yielding bond, maturing in 2019, dropped by 25 percent within three months to 75 US cents per dollar, offering a yield to maturity of more than 17 percent per year for investors. The same held true, for example, for bonds of Freeport-McMoRan, Teck Resources, First Quantum, or Lundin Mining, all large cap mining companies. Investors anticipated the bankruptcy of a whole industry.

        Figure 45. 50 years of commodity markets ups and downs. Did we see the beginning of a new bullish cycle in 2016? Data: Bloomberg, 2019

        .In retrospect, we witnessed capitulation levels at the beginning of the year 2016. However, bold investors were able to make a killing in commodities during an early recovery. Compared to January 2016, gold mines tripled in value in just half of a year while gold gained 30 percent. Shares of Glencore approached 300 GBP, quadrupling in value compared to its lows just a couple of months before.
        While commodity markets crumbled and value in mining evaporated, world equity and bond markets celebrated the time of their life. MSCI World increased steadily after its drop by almost 60 percent during the financial crisis of 2008–2009. In the United States, the Dow Jones and S&P 500 were both trading at all-time highs in late 2016 and continued their path of success until January 2018. At the same time, yields of 10-year bonds in the United States fell below 1.5 percent, while in Europe, German 10-year bonds dropped into negative territory. Bond investors woke up every day believing their party would never stop.
        Looking at the long-term relationship between equities and commodities by taking the ratio of S&P Goldman Sachs Commodity Index versus the S&P 500, one fact is striking: Relative valuation is extreme. Compared to equities, commodities have been stuck in the penalty box since the China-fueled commodity super cycle burst. Similar to the tech bubble 15 years ago, Alphabet (Google) today is valued equal to the aggregated market capitalization of all companies included in MSCI World Metals & Mining Index (more than 180 companies, including mining giants like BHP Group, Rio Tinto, Glencore, Vale, Barrick Gold, and Newmont Mining)! One has to ask: What is cheap, and what is expensive?

        Figure 46. Relative valuation of commodities versus equities. Buy commodities! Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Therefore, it is no surprise that after a severe five-year bear market, a 15 percent rise in commodity markets in 2016 passed the majority of investors unnoticed. From their intra-year lows, commodity market indices like the Bloomberg Commodity Index (BCOM), S&P Goldman Sachs Commodity Index (S&P GSCI), and Rogers International Commodity Index (RICI) all gained more than 25 percent and surpassed equity-index performance. Furthermore, metals and mining as well as oil and gas led the equity-index sector performance in the United States and Europe, but fund manager surveys show that investors continued to be massively underweighted in resources equities.
        Recent history aside, investors can refer to several commodity markets that are still in oversupply. But in terms of supply-demand imbalances following the boom of the commodity super cycle, the worst is behind us. Slashes of industry investments in mining, as well as in oil and gas, will have brutal results in 2020–2030, when natural depletion will combine with and outweigh reduced exploration and development expenditures. With fundamental market data for commodities just starting to improve, commodity prices reached a technical bottom. A shift of the 200-day moving average to the upside in April 2016 was a first positive sign for a bullish market environment in commodities in the future.
        In conclusion, 2016 might prove to have been the dawn of a new cycle for commodity investors, a multiyear period of rising prices, which also reflects healthy prospects for the global mining industry. In the coming years, new trends like battery metals for electrification, e-mobility, and the megatrend of digitalization, which includes cryptocurrencies, will become an important and enormous driver for productivity, growth, and commodity markets. Electric vehicles might not need gasoline or diesel, but demand for gold, copper, nickel, cobalt, lithium, and rare earths increases drastically. If this scenario holds true, we witnessed the beginning of a new cycle which can only be compared to the awakening of the Chinese economy almost 20 years ago. It is also the beginning of a more mature stage in blockchain and bitcoins, as the exuberance of the early years is gone and opens the path to future applications.

        Epilogue

        “Commodities tend to zig when the equity markets zag.” —Jim Rogers, commodity expert and co-founder of the Quantum Fund

        Let us take a short time trip back to the year 2001. The average price for a barrel of crude oil was 26 USD. In the course of the year, the price of a ton of copper dropped from 1,800 to below 1,400 USD. Gold traded between 255 and 293 USD per troy ounce and made its first serious attempt in modern times to jump above 300 USD.

        Prices for wheat and corn averaged 2.70 and 2.08 USD per bushel. The terror attacks of 9/11 on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, which killed about 3,000 people, were the most traumatizing events in 2001. Although the head of Al-Qaeda, Osama bin Laden, was shot in an elite U.S military mission in 2011, the war against global terrorism still has not been won today, almost 20 years later. But at least a military victory against the Islamic State seems imminent. In the White House, Democrat Bill Clinton was replaced by Republican George W. Bush; 15 years later Republican Donald Trump took over the presidency from charismatic Democrat Barack Obama. Cynical observers note that 9/11 has been replaced by 11/9, the date Donald Trump’s election was announced.

        In 2001, commodities as a professionally recognized and investable asset class were still in their infancy. The Bloomberg Commodity Index, as a measure of commodity market performance, had been launched just a few years earlier, in 1998, as the Dow Jones AIG Commodity Index. Alternative investments in addition to traditional investments in equities and bonds have since become more fashionable, thanks to the investment strategies of endowment funds such as those at Yale and Harvard Universities. In 2005, Gary Gorton and K. Geert Rouwenhorst published “Facts and Fantasies about Commodity Futures,” which also helped anchor commodities as an integral part of a global asset allocation.

        At the end of 2001, China entered the World Trade Organization (WTO), an event that marked the beginning of rapid growth of the Chinese economy and caused massive turbulence for global commodity markets. Within a few years, China had evolved as a dominant factor in global commodity demand, and the commodity super cycle was born.

        Crude oil reached 147 USD per barrel, copper traded above 10,000 USD per ton, gold surpassed 1,900 USD per troy ounce, and wheat and corn shot up to 9.50 and 8.40 USD per bushel. But depression followed euphoria in the form of years of sluggish growth in the aftermath of the global financial and economic crisis. The year 2008 was an annus horribilis for global capital markets, as equity and commodity markets dropped by more than 50 percent. A period of deleveraging and sluggish growth followed a nonsustainable recovery. Thereafter, commodity markets faced five years of a severe bear market.
        Today, approaching 2020, we are witnessing the starting point of a new commodity bull market and a maturing of the market for cryptocurrencies. The exuberance of the commodity super cycle is gone, invested assets are rising again for the first time in years, and commodity market performance is up ahead of equities. The price of a barrel of oil tested a low of 26 USD during spring 2016 but has since nearly tripled from that level. Copper traded in excess of 6,000 USD per ton. Gold rose above 1,300 USD per troy ounce. In the agricultural sector, wheat and corn prices averaged 4.80 and 3.60 USD per bushel. From a technical perspective, bottom building was completed in 2016, as commodities went above their 200-day moving average and created a bullish chart pattern in 2017. Nevertheless, even at the start of 2019 the majority of commodities still traded way below their medium- to long-term average prices, and bitcoins are in a phase of bottom-building.
        In hindsight, 2016 proved to be the turning point for commodities, as fundamentals started to improve, prices recovered, and the way was cleared for a new market cycle.
        The 42 chapters of this book show, on the one hand, that commodity market speculation was not invented in this decade. On the contrary, in the 1980s and 1990s commodities had only disappeared from investors’ radar screens, while the 1970s also saw tremendous commodity price spikes. Many of the episodes described here—from the Dutch tulip mania in the 17th century to the fantastic rise and fall of bitcoins in the 21st century—show how dramatically temporary imbalances on the supply or demand side can affect individual commodity markets. The real economic consequences should not be underestimated, as unlike stocks, bonds, or currencies, commodities are real assets. Political unrest and failing governments because of high food prices in Africa, which led to the Arab Spring, or current instabilities in Venezuela and Brazil due to low oil prices, are only two examples.
        Tulips and bitcoins are linked as the two biggest financial bubbles in history, despite nearly 400 years between them. Meanwhile markets and events have given rise to 40 fantastic stories from the commodity world. The wheel of time continues to turn, and due to the cyclical nature of commodity markets, extreme events are doomed to repeat themselves, albeit in a modified form. Each market is determined in its extreme phase by greed and fear; and the short memory of capital markets is proverbial anyway.
        The episodes summarized in this book are meant to highlight the booms and busts of commodity and crypto markets. Besides extreme price fluctuations, this book aims to show an insider’s perspective on speculation, gains, and losses that determine individual fates. The extent and velocity of price spikes are stunning, even for long-term investors. Linking commodity market events over several hundred years demonstrates the parallels among events in the past and prepares us for future developments including blockchain and bitcoins.

        Glossary of Terms

        AddyShort version of “address,” usually meaning your public key or the address of your crypto wallet. A bitcoin address is used to send and receive bitcoin transactions. The address is made up of a sequence of letters and numbers but can also be represented as a QR code.
        AgflationA period of rising food prices caused by increased demand for agricultural commodities, as was seen for both food and biofuels in 2007–2008. The word is a combination of the terms “agriculture” and “inflation.”
        AltcoinAltcoins or coins are alternative cryptocurrencies launched after bitcoins. Today there are more than 4,000 altcoins, which differ from bitcoins in various ways. An example of an altcoin is litecoin.
        Backwardation and ContangoIn finance, the difference between a spot (or cash) price and future prices defines the term structure. Backwardation occurs when the price for future delivery is lower than the spot price (e.g., the price of crude oil delivered in 3 months is 60 USD/barrel and the spot price is 70 USD/barrel). Contango occurs when the price for future delivery is higher than the spot price (e.g., the price of gold delivered in 1 year is 1,400 USD/oz and the spot price is 1,300 USD/oz). Contango is common for financial futures and gold, whereas backwardation is often seen in commodity markets and implies a positive carry for investors.
        BlockchainA blockchain is a growing list of records, called blocks, that are linked using cryptography. Blockchain is a form of Distributed Ledger Technology (DLT), which is a consensus of replicated, shared, and synchronized digital data geographically spread across multiple sites, countries, or institutions. There is no central administrator or centralized data storage.
        Bull and Bear MarketIn finance, the terms bull and bear market describe the general direction of a market. The use of “bull” and “bear” derives from the way the animals attack their opponents. A bull thrusts its horns up into the air, while a bear swipes its paws downward. These actions are metaphors for the movement of a market. If the trend is up, it’s a bull market. If the trend is down, it’s a bear market. A bear market usually is defined when prices drop to 20 percent or more below their recent top, while a smaller price decline is considered to be a correction.
        BTCBitcoin (BTC, or). A cryptocurrency, a form of electronic money, 1 bitcoin is divided into 1,000 millibitcoins and 100,000,000 satoshis. A bitcoin is currently worth about 4,000 USD.
        BTFDAn abbreviation for “Buy The Fucking Dip,” a stock market term to buy stocks or other assets during a price correction.
        Cornering a MarketIn finance, cornering a market consists of obtaining sufficient control of an asset—for example, a stock, currency, or commodity—in an attempt to manipulate the market price. Control usually means to have a dominant share in ownership.
        (Market) CrashA crash in stocks, commodities, or cryptocurrencies is a sudden dramatic decline of prices across a significant cross-section of the market, resulting in a significant loss of paper wealth. Crashes are driven by panic as much as by underlying economic factors. They often follow speculative stock market bubbles.
        CryptocurrencyA cryptocurrency is a digital asset designed to work as a medium of exchange that uses a high level of cryptography to secure financial transactions, control the creation of additional units, and verify the transfer of assets. Cryptocurrencies are an alternative and digital currency, which use decentralized control as opposed to the centralized digital currency and central banking systems of fiat currencies. The most popular cryptocurrency is bitcoin. The most common categorization of cryptocurrencies are alternative cryptocurrency coins (altcoins) and tokens (which are not meant to be a medium of exchange).
        DYORAn abbreviation for “Do Your Own Research.” It is used often in internet forums and blogs as a reminder for readers to do their own research on a subject, rather than take everything they read at face value.
        Fiat CurrencyA “regular” or “normal” currency today, such as the US dollar, euro, or pound sterling. Fiat money is a currency without intrinsic value that has been established as money, often by government regulation, and is backed by the government. (The term fiat comes from the Latin for “let it be done.”) This approach differs from money whose value is underpinned by some physical good such as gold or silver (the “gold standard”) or economic value like some cryptocurrencies.
        FOMO / JOMOAn abbreviation for “Fear of Missing Out.” It is defined as a fear of regret, which may lead to a compulsive concern that one might miss an opportunity for social interaction, a novel experience, a profitable investment, or other satisfying events. FOMO perpetuates the fear of having made the wrong decision. JOMO, on the other hand, describes the “Joy of Missing Out,” the antithesis of FOMO.
        FUDThis describes the spreading of “Fear, Uncertainty, and Doubt,” typically through the media. It’s a disinformation strategy broadly used in politics, public relations, sales, marketing, and investing. Generally, FUD is a strategy to influence perception by disseminating negative or false information and a manifestation of the appeal to fear.
        Gold and SilverGold (symbol AU, from the Latin aurum) and silver (symbol AG, from the Latin argentum) are precious metals that have been used for thousands of years as a measure of value. Since the sixth century BCE, gold and silver have been minted as coins. In the past, a gold or silver standard was often implemented as a base of monetary policy. Officially, the world gold standard was abandoned for a fiat currency system after 1971 (the “Nixon Shock”).
        Gold StandardThe gold standard is a monetary system where a country’s currency or paper money has a value directly linked to gold. (Variations include the silver standard or bimetallic standard.) Most nations abandoned the gold standard as the basis of their monetary systems at some point, although many hold substantial gold reserves. After World War II, a system similar to a gold standard was established by the Bretton Woods Agreements. Under this system, many countries fixed their exchange rates relative to the US dollar, and central banks could exchange dollar holdings into gold at the official exchange rate of 35 USD per ounce. All currencies pegged to the US dollar thereby had a fixed value in terms of gold. In August 1971, President Nixon ended the convertibility of US dollars into gold, which marked the beginning of the fiat currency system of floating exchange rates.
        HODLAn abbreviation for “Hold On for Dear Life.” HODL was originally a typo, originated in a December 2013 post on the Bitcoin Forum during a price crash. It became very popular within the cryptocurrency community as encouragement for holding the cryptocurrency rather than selling it (buy and hold).
        ICOAn Initial Coin Offering (ICO) is a type of funding using cryptocurrencies. In an ICO, a quantity of cryptocurrency is sold in the form of tokens to investors in exchange for legal tender or other cryptocurrencies such as bitcoins or ether. ICOs can be a source of capital for startup companies and can usually avoid regulatory compliance and intermediaries such as venture capitalists, banks, and stock exchanges.
        Long and ShortIn trading, an investor can take two types of positions: long and short. An investor can either buy an asset (going long), or sell it (going short). In a long (buy) position, the investor is hoping for the price to rise. In a short position, the investor hopes for and benefits from a drop in the price of the asset. Entering a short position is a bit more complicated than purchasing the asset.
        MooningIn the cryptocurrency world, mooning refers to an instant surge in pricing in a positive way. If someone says, “the bitcoin is mooning,” it means the price of a bitcoin has surged instantly for a certain time.
        Pump and DumpThis is a form of securities fraud that involves artificially inflating the price of an owned stock through false and misleading positive statements, in order to sell the cheaply purchased stock at a higher price. Once the operators of the scheme dump—that is, sell—their overvalued shares, the price falls and investors lose their money. False or misleading information can be spread by spam email, social media, internet forums, or blogs. The scheme is most common with small cap cryptocurrencies and very small exchange listed corporations, that is, microcaps.
        Rare Earth Metals or Rare Earth ElementsA set of 17 elements, specifically 15 lanthanides as well as scandium and yttrium. These are: cerium, dysprosium, erbium, europium, gadolinium, holmium, lanthanum, lutetium, neodymium, praseodymium, promethium, samarium, scandium, terbium, thulium, ytterbium, and yttrium. A common distinction differentiates between light rare earth elements and heavy rare earth elements. Rare earth elements are used in many high-tech applications, like electric motors of hybrid vehicles, wind turbines, hard disc drives, portable electronics, microphones, and speakers.
        SatsShort for “satoshi,” the smallest fraction of a bitcoin. There are 100,000,000 satoshis in a bitcoin. The term derives from the pseudonym of bitcoin inventor Satoshi Nakamoto. Currently, 10,000 sats are equivalent to 65 US cents.
        Strong and Weak HandsIn finance, strong hands refer to well-financed investors or speculators, typically long-term holders who are unlikely to exit their position based on small market movements. Weak hands refer to the opposite.
        Rogue TraderA trader who makes unauthorized trades, often in the gray area between civil and criminal transgression. A rogue trader may be a legitimate employee of a company yet enter into transactions on behalf of his or her employer without permission.
        Tokens(Crypto) tokens are a digital representation of a particular asset or utility and a category of cryptocurrencies. Tokens can represent basically any asset that is fungible and tradeable, such as property or real estate, commodities, loyalty points, or even other cryptocurrencies.
        USDThe US dollar (USD, or $) is the official currency of the United States of America and its territories. Dollar is also the name of more than 20 currencies, including those of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. One US dollar is generally divided into 100 US cents.
        WalletIf you want to store bitcoins or any other cryptocurrency, you will need to have a digital wallet. A cryptocurrency wallet is a software program that stores private and public keys and interacts with various blockchains to enable users to send and receive digital currency and monitor their balance. There are various forms of wallets: online, offline, hardware, and paper, all with varying levels of security.
        WhaleThe term “whale” is frequently used to describe a very big player or a very big investor in the market. The ocean is a metaphor for the market, since one can then extend it to include big fish and small fish, sharks, waves as the market moves, and so forth.

        List of Abbreviations

        BMOBank of Montreal
        BTCBitcoin
        CADCanadian Dollar
        CBOTChicago Board of Trade
        CHFConfoederatio Helvetica Franc, or for short, Swiss Franc
        CMEChicago Mercantile Exchange
        ct.Carat
        DOEDepartment of Energy
        EURThe euro is the official currency of 19 of 28 member states of the European Union (EU).
        EVsElectric Vehicle(s)
        FAOFood and Agricultural Organization
        GBPPound Sterling (Great Britain Pound)
        ICEIntercontinental Exchange
        IEAInternational Energy Agency
        kgKilogram
        lbPound
        LIFFELondon International Financial Futures Exchange
        LMELondon Metal Exchange
        LNGLiquefied Natural Gas
        LTCMLong-Term Capital Management
        NOKNorwegian Krona
        NYMEXNew York Mercantile Exchange
        MMBtuMillion British Thermal Units
        OECDOrganisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
        OPECOrganization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries
        ozTroy Ounce
        RBCRoyal Bank of Canada
        USDUS Dollar
        USDAUS Department of Agriculture
        WTIWest Texas Intermediate (crude oil)

        List of Figures

          Figure 1.Rice. Candlestick chart in USD/cwt 2016, Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
          Figure 2.Crude oil prices 1861–2018, in USD/barrel (real prices of 2015). Data: BP Statistical Review of Energy, 2019.
          Figure 3.Prices for soybean oil, 1960–1964, in US cents/lb, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
          Figure 4.Wheat prices, 1970–1977, in US cents/bushel, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
          Figure 5.Gold-silver ratio, 1973–2013. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
          Figure 6.Crude oil prices, 1965–1986, in USD/barrel. Data: Datastream, 2019.
          Figure 7.Diamond prices, 2003–2016. Prices indexed over different sizes and qualities. Data: PolishedPrices.com, Bloomberg, 2019.
          Figure 8.Silver prices, 1970–1982, in USD/troy ounce. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
          Figure 9.Crude oil prices, 1989–1991, in USD/barrel. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 10.Crude oil future term structure in 1993/1994, in USD/barrel. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 11.Silver prices, 1994–2008, in USD/troy ounce. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 12.Silver, Pan American Silver, and Apex Silver, 1998–2009. Performance indexed 1998. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 13.Copper in US cents/lb, 1995–1997. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 14.Share price of Bre-X, 1992–1997, in Canadian dollars (CAD). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 15.Palladium in USD/ounce, 1998–2004. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 16.Copper prices in USD/ton, 2003–2007, London Metal Exchange (LME). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 17.Zinc prices in USD/ton, 2003–2006, London Metal Exchange (LME). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 18.Natural gas prices in USD/MMBtu, 2003–2007, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 19.Price spread between natural gas March and April 2007 delivery, in USD/MMBtu, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 20.Future term structure of natural gas in USD/MMBtu, 2010, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 21.Frozen orange juice concentrate prices in US cents/lb, 2002–2006.Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 22.Norwegian salmon prices in NOK/kg, 2000–2011. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 23.Steel prices in USD/ton, 2000–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 24.Wheat prices in US cents/bushel, 2005–2008, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 25.Natural gas prices in USD/MMBtu, 2003–2007, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 26.Platinum prices in USD/troy ounce, 2004–2009. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 27.Rice prices in US cents/cwt, 2000–2010, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 28.Wheat prices in US cents/bushel, 2007–2008, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 29.Crude oil (WTI) term structure in USD/barrel, 2008. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 30.Price spread of crude oil January (CLF9) and December 2009 (CLZ9) in USD/barrel. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 31.Baltic Dirty Tanker Index, 2002–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 32.Sugar prices in US cents/lb, 1970–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 33.Cocoa prices in USD/ton, 1990–2012. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 34.Copper and share price of First Quantum Minerals, 2009–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 35.BP share price fluctuation during first half of 2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 36.Cotton prices in US cents/lb, 2005–2013. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 37.Glencore (GBP). Equity price performance since IPO on May 19, 2011. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 38.Rare earth carbonate, neodymium, dysprosium, and lanthanum, 2010–2013. Chinese onshore prices in RMB, indexed 30.12.2009=100. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 39.Crude oil (WTI): recovery and bear market, 2008–2016. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 40.Commodity performance in 2016. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 41.Cobalt prices, 2012–2018. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 42.Benchmark Lithium Index, 2012–2018. Data: Benchmark Mineral Intelligence, 2019.
        Figure 43.Price of bitcoins surpassed 1,000, 5,000, 10,000, and finally 20,000 per USD in 2017. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 44.Historic bitcoin price corrections, 2013–2017. Data: Coindesk.com.
        Figure 45.50 years of commodity markets ups and downs. Did we see the beginning of a new bullish cycle in 2016? Data: Bloomberg, 2019.
        Figure 46.Relative valuation of commodities versus equities. Buy commodities! Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        References

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        2.The Dojima Rice Market and the “God of Markets” (1750)

        Mattheis, P. “Der Reishändler.” SZ-Serie: Die großen Spekulanten 39. www.sueddeutsche.de, 28 October 2008.

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        3.The California Gold Rush (1849)

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        “Going to California—49ers and the Gold Rush.” http://americanhistory.about.com, 2008.

        “Gold Rush.” The California State Library, www.library.ca.gov/goldrush, 2007.

        4.Wheat: Old Hutch Makes a Killing (1866)

        “B. P. Hutchinson dead—once leading grain speculator in this country.” The New York Times, 17 March 1899.

        Ferris, W. G. The Grain Traders. The Story of the Chicago Board of Trade. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1988.

        Geisst, Charles. Wheels of fortune—The history of speculation to respectability. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2002.

        “The great speculator fails—Mr. Hutchinson leaves Chicago and his trades closed out.” The New York Times, 30 April 1891.

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        5.Rockefeller and Standard Oil (1870)

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        6.Wheat: The Great Chicago Fire (1872)

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        Geisst, C. Wheels of fortune—The history of speculation to respectability. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2002.

        “The wheat corner—sudden collapse of the grain gamblers’ schemes in Chicago loss of the clique over USD 1,000,000.” The New York Times, 23 August 1872.

        7.Crude Oil: Ari Onassis’s Midas Touch (1956)

        “Aristoteles Onassis—Reicher Mann ganz arm.” www.stern.de, 13 January 2006.

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        8.Soybeans: Hide and Seek in New Jersey (1963)

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        9.Wheat: The Russian Bear Is Hungry (1972)

        “Another Soviet grain sting.” www.time.com, 28 November 1977.

        The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), www.fao. org, December 2008.

        Mattheis, P. “Der Turtle-Chef.” SZ-Serie: Die großen Spekulanten (33), www.sueddeutsche.de, 29 January 2008.

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        10.The End of the Gold Standard (1973)

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        11.1970s—Oil Crisis! (1973 & 1979)

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        US Department of Energy, www.eia.doe.gov, 2008.

        12.Diamonds: The Crash of the World’s Hardest Currency (1979)

        Grill, B. “Herr der Diamanten.” www.zeit.de, 2 October 2003.

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        13.“Silver Thursday” and the Downfall of the Hunt Brothers (1980)

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        “Die Gebrüder Hunt verzocken sich am Silbermarkt.” www.faz.net, 26 February 2004.

        14.Crude Oil: No Blood for Oil? (1990)

        “Fünf Jahre Irak-Krieg—Chronik eines umstrittenen Feldzugs.” www.spiegel.de, 17 March 2008.

        “Der Golfkrieg 1991.” www.faz.net, 24 February 2001.

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        Pollack, K. The Threatening Storm—The Case for Invading Iraq. New York: Random House, 2002.

        Thumann, M. “Trotz Blut kein Öl.” www.zeit.de, 16 June 2009.

        15.The Doom of German Metallgesellschaft (1993)

        Knipp, T. Der Machtkampf. Der Fall Metallgesellschaft und die Deutsche Bank. Düsseldorf: Econ Verlag, 1998.

        Landler, M. “Spotlight: Heinz Schimmelbusch’s comeback.” www.nytimes.com, 10 August 2007.

        ”Metallgesellschaft reports talks with ex-chief fail.” New York Times, 5 April 1996.

        “Missmanagement bei Metallgesellschaft.” www.manager-magazin.de, 28 August 2001.

        16.Silver: Three Wise Kings (1994)

        Chasan, E. “Apex Silver Mines files for bankruptcy protection.” www.reuters.com, 14 January 2009.

        Fuerbringer, J. “Buffett likes silver; Soros, a silver mine.” www.nytimes.com, 26 March 1998.

        Morgenson, G. “Gates putting some money in silver miner.” www.nytimes.com, 29 September 1999.

        The Silver Institute, www.silverinstitute.org.

        Weitzman, H. “Morales pledges to nationalize mining industry in Bolivia.” www.ft.com, 9 May 2006.

        17.Copper: “Mr. Five Percent” Moves the Market (1996)

        Bastian, N. “Kupferfinger sucht einen neuen Job.” www.handelsblatt.com, 12 December 2005.

        www.kupferinstitut.de.

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        18.Gold: Welcome to the Jungle (1997)

        Behar, R. “Jungle Fever.” Fortune, 9 June 1997.

        BHP Billiton, Minerals Companion, 2006

        “Goldenes Grab.” Der Spiegel 16 (1997), www.spiegel.de.

        Goold, D., and Willis, A. The Bre-X Fraud. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1997.

        19.Palladium: More Expensive Than Gold (2001)

        Frank, R. “Eine Seltenheit: Palladium-Münzen.” www.moneytrend.at, January 2001.

        United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), Market Information in the Commodities Area (InfoComm), www.unctad.org/infocomm.

        Wolf, C. “Palladium—Rasante Rekordjagd.” www.focus.de, 18 January 2001.

        20.Copper: Liu Qibing Disappears Without a Trace (2005)

        “Bad bets in the copper market.” www.economist.com, 18 November 2005.

        Busch, A. “China treibt den Kupferpreis von allen Seiten in die Höhe.” www.handelsblatt.com, 12 December 2005.

        Hoffbauer, A. “Die diskreten Kontrakte des Herrn Liu.” www.handelsblatt.com, 12 December 2005.

        Mortished, C. “City gripped by mystery of the phantom copper dealer.” The Times, 15 November 2005.

        Powell, B. “Buy! Sell! Run!” www.time.com, 20 November 2005.

        21.Zinc: Flotsam and Jetsam (2005)

        BHP Billiton, Minerals Companion, 2006.

        International Lead and Zinc Study Group, www.ilzsg.org, 2009.

        London Metal Exchange, www.lme.co.uk, 2009.

        “A user guide to commodities.” Deutsche Bank, September 2008.

        “Zinc in New Orleans flooded warehouses.” Reed Business Information, 2009.

        “Zinc price soars after New Orleans supply freeze.” www.telegraph.co.uk, 7 September 2005.

        “Zinc under supply tightness.” Metalworld, September 2005.

        22.Natural Gas: Brian Hunter and the Downfall of Amaranth (2006)

        “Amaranth trading led to MotherRock loss.” Bloomberg, 25 June 2007.

        Energy Information Administration, www.eia.doe.gov, 2009.

        “Hedge-Fonds hat angeblich fünf Milliarden Dollar verwettet.” www.handelsblatt. com, 19 September 2006.

        “Hedge-Fonds MotherRock schließt.” www.handelsblatt.com, 7 August 2006.

        “In sieben Tagen 4,5 Milliarden Dollar Verlust.” www.manager-magazin.de, 19 September 2006.

        “Milliardenverlust von Hedge-Fonds läßt Märkte kalt.” www.fazfinance.net, 20 September 2006.

        US Department of Energy, www.energy.gov, 2009.

        Copeland, R. “Ten years after blowup, Amaranth investors waiting to get money back.” Wall Street Journalwww.wsj.com/articles/ten-years-after-blowup-amaranth-investors-still-waiting-for-money-back-1451524482, 1 January 2016.

        23.Orange Juice: Collateral Damage (2006)

        “Orange juice falls.” The New York Times, 22 January 2004.

        “Orange juice rises.” The New York Times, 14 August 2004.

        www.flcitrusmutual.com.

        www.nws.noaa.gov.

        US Department of Agriculture (USDA). Situation and Outlook for Orange Juice. www.fas.usda.gov, February 2006.

        24.John Fredriksen: The Sea Wolf (2006)

        Bomsdorf, B. “John Fredriksen—Milliardär und Tankerkönig.” www.welt.de/wirtschaft/article1799093/John-Fredriksen-Milliardaer-und-Tankerkoenig.html, 14 March 2008.

        “Kathrine und Cecilie Astrup Fredriksen Schnappen sich diese schönen Milliardärs-Töchter TUI?” www.bild.de/politik/wirtschaft/kaufen-diese-schoenen-milliardaers-toechter-tui-11713918.bild.html, 2 July 2010.

        “Lachsfieber: Brisante Recherchen über einen Nahrungsmittelgiganten.” www.ardmediathek.de.

        OECD-FAO: Agricultural Outlook 2011–2012. www.fao.org.

        25.Lakshmi Mittal: Feel the Steel (2006)

        Feel the Steel is the logo of Pittsburgh Steelers (www.steelers.com).

        “Arcelor und Mittal. Stahl-Giganten einigen sich auf Fusion.” www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/arcelor-und-mittal-stahl-giganten-einigen-sich-auf-fusion-a-423475.html, 25 June 2006.

        “Der größte Stahlproduzent der Welt entsteht.” http://www.faz.net/aktuell/wirtschaft/rohstoffe-der-groesste-stahlproduzent-der-welt-entsteht-1192255.html, 25 October 2004.

        James, J. “Steel’s new spring.” Time magazine, www.time.com, 31 October 2004.

        Kanter, J., Timmons, H., and Giridharadas, A. “Arcelor agrees to Mittal takeover.” www.nytimes.com/2006/06/25/business/worldbusiness/25iht-steel.html, 25 June 2006.

        Kroder, T. “Lakshmi Mittal: Der Stahlbaron aus Indien.” www.ftd.de, 25 October 2004.

        www.arcelormittal.com.

        “Lakshmi Mittal ‘Stahl-Maharadscha’ mit Familiensinn.” www.stern.de/wirtschaft/news/lakshmi-mittal–stahl-maharadscha–mit-familiensinn-3498140.html, 27 January 2006.

        “Mittal/Arcelor Fusion perfekt.” http://www.manager-magazin.de/unternehmen/artikel/a-428605.html, 26 July 2006.

        Zitzelsberger, G. “Fusion der Stahlgiganten. Ein moderner Maharadscha.” www.sueddeutsche.de/wirtschaft/fusion-der-stahlgiganten-ein-moderner-maharadscha-1.819924, 5 December 2008.

        26.Crude Oil: The Return of the “Seven Sisters” (2007)

        Hoyos, C. “The evolution of the Seven Sisters.” www.ft.com/content/2103f4da-cd8e-11db-839d-000b5df10621, 11 March 2007.

        Hoyos, C. “The new Seven Sisters: oil and gas giants dwarf western rivals.” www.ft.com/content/471ae1b8-d001-11db-94cb-000b5df10621, 12 March 2007.

        “Petro-China—Das teuerste Unternehmen der Welt.” www.faz.net, 5 November 2007.

        “The Seven Sisters still rule.” www.time.com, 9 September 1978.

        Vardy, N. “The new Seven Sisters: today’s most powerful energy companies.” https://seekingalpha.com/article/30922-the-new-seven-sisters-todays-most-powerful-energy-companies, 28 March 2007.

        27.Wheat and the “Millennium Drought” in Australia (2007)

        “Dried up, washed out, fed up.” The Economist, 4 October 2007.

        “Dramatische Dürre.” www.spiegel.de, 20 April 2007.

        “Dürre in Australien.” www.faz.net, 10 November 2006.

        “Dürre in Australien.” www.stern.de, 2 January 2007.

        “Dürre treibt Bauern in den Selbstmord.” www.stern.de, 24 October 2006.

        “Extremwetter—Jahrtausend-Dürre in Australien.” www.spiegel.de, 7 November 2006.

        International Grains Council (IGC), www.igc.org.uk, 2009.

        “Der Weizenpreis läuft von Rekord zu Rekord.” www.faz.net, 26 February 2008.

        28.Natural Gas: Aftermath in Canada (2007)

        “BMO Financial hikes commodity-trading loss view.” Reuters, May 2007.

        “BMO says commodity-trading losses to dent profit.” Reuters, April 2007.

        “Ex-BMO trader gets fine.” www.thestar.com, 7 November 2009.

        “How did BMO’s USD450M loss just materialize?” Financial Post, April 2007.

        29.Platinum: All Lights Out in South Africa (2008)

        Cotterill, J. “S Africa power monopoly too big to fail.” Financial Times, 6 February 2019.

        “Eskom says SA needs ‘at least’ 40 new coal mines.” www.mg.co.za, 8 August 2009.

        Johnson Matthey, www.matthey.com, 2009.

        London Platinum and Palladium Market, www.lppm.org.uk, 2009.

        “Stromausfall in Südafrika erreicht Rohstoffmärkte.” www.fazfinance.net, 25 January 2008.

        30.Rice: The Oracle (2008)

        Müller, O. “Angst vor Hungersnot—Hoher Reispreis macht Asien nervös.” www.handelsblatt.com, 9 April 2008.

        “USA rechnen mit mehr als 100.000 Toten.” www.focus.de, 7 May 2008.

        31.Wheat: Working in Memphis (2008)

        “Rohstoffmärkte sind spekulativ überhitzt.” www.faz.net, 6 March 2008.

        “Rogue trader rocks firm—Huge wheat futures loss stuns MF Global.” www.chicagotribune.com, 29 February 2008.

        32.Crude Oil: Contango in Texas (2009)

        Baskin, B. “Oil stored at sea washes out rallies.” http://online.wsj.com, 5 February 2009.

        Bayer, T. “‘Super-Contango’—Unternehmen bunkern Öl.” www.ftd.de, 8 December 2008.

        Hecking, C., and Bayer, T. “Abgeschmiert in der Prärie.” www.ftd.de, 19 January 2009.

        33.Sugar: Waiting for the Monsoon (2010)

        Abraham, T. K. “World sugar shortage to extend a third year.” Bloomberg, 29 January 2010.

        Hein, C. “Indien betet für einen stärkeren Monsun.” www.faz.net, 12 August 2009.

        Kazim, H. “Dürre bedroht Indiens Wirtschaft.” www.spiegel.de, 18 August 2009.

        Lembke, J. “Der Zuckerpreis ist kaum zu stoppen.” www.faz.net, 7 August 2009.

        Mai, C. “Zuckerpreis erreicht 25-Jahres-Hoch.” www.ftd.de, 3 August 2009.

        Merkel, W. “In Indien und Australien wird die Dürre noch größer.” www.welt.de, 24 September 2009.

        Stern, N. “Ernteausfälle in Indien treiben Zuckerpreis.” http://diepresse.com, 16 August 2009.

        34.Chocolate Finger (2010)

        “Kakao als Spielball der Spekulation.” www.faz.net, 20 July 2010.

        Marron, D. “The cocoa corner: Is Choc Finger down USD 150 million?” http://seekingalpha.com, 26 July 2010.

        Murugan, S. “What’s driving cocoa?” http://seekingalpha.com, 4 August 2010.

        “Sweet dreams. A hedge fund bets big on chocolate.” www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2010/08/05/sweet-dreams, 7–13 August 2010.

        Werdigier, J., and Creswell, J. “Trader’s cocoa binge wraps up chocolate market.” www.nytimes.com, 24 July 2010.

        35.Copper: King of the Congo (2010)

        “Congo—Africa’s disaster.” www.independent.co.uk/voices/editorials/leading-article-congo-africas-disaster-2013789.html, 30 June 2010. “Kongo will mehr von eigenen Rohstoffen profitieren.” www.gtai.de, 24 June 2010.

        MacNamara, W., and Johnson, M. “Disquiet over ENRC’s purchase of Congo assets.” www.ft.com/content/19fe6f94-b791-11df-8ef6-00144feabdc0, 3 September 2010.

        MacNamara, W., and Thompson, C. “Congo seizes First Quantum Minerals’ assets.” www.ft.com/content/27d6e104-b530-11df-9af8-00144feabdc0, 31 August 2010.

        Thompson, C., and MacNamara, W. “ENRC buys into disputed Congo project.” www.ft.com/content/870a8b2a-acda-11df-8582-00144feabdc0, 21 August 2010.

        36.Crude Oil: Deep Water Horizon and the Spill (2010)

        “780 Millionen Liter—die bisher größte Ölpest aller Zeiten.” www.zeit.de/wissen/umwelt/2010-08/bp-oelloch-leck-verzoegerung, 3 August 2010.

        Bethge, P., and Meyer, C. “Die Alptraum-Bohrung.” www.spiegel.de/spiegel/a-713063.html, 23 August 2010.

        “Ölkatastrophe im Golf von Mexiko Alarm auf Bohrinsel war offenbar abgeschaltet.” www.spiegel.de/wissenschaft/natur/oelkatastrophe-im-golf-von-mexiko-alarm-auf-bohrinsel-war-offenbar-abgeschaltet-a-708247.html, 24 July 2010.

        “Ölpest im Golf von MexikoAuch BP macht die Katastrophe jetzt Angst.” www.stern.de/panorama/wissen/natur/oelpest-im-golf-von-mexiko-auch-bp-macht-die-katastrophe-jetzt-angst-3284936.html, 30 May 2010.

        “Ölpest im Golf von Mexiko BP-Experten durchtrennen leckendes Öl-Rohr.” www.spiegel.de/wissenschaft/natur/oelpest-im-golf-von-mexiko-bp-experten-durchtrennen-leckendes-oel-rohr-a-698597.html, 3 June 2010.

        “‘Static Kill’ erfolgreich. BP stopft Öl-Bohrloch.” www.stern.de/panorama/wissen/natur/-static-kill–erfolgreich-bp-stopft-oel-bohrloch-3537142.html, 4 August 2010.

        37.Cotton: White Gold (2011)

        Cancryn, A., and Cui, C. “Flashback to 1870 as cotton hits peak.” www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052748704300604575554210569885910, 16 October 2010.

        Cui, C. “Chinese take a cotton to hoarding.” www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052748704680604576110423777349298, 29 January 2011.

        Industrievereinigung Chemiefaser e.V. (IVC), www.ivc-ev.de.

        National Cotton Council of America, www.cotton.org.

        Pitzke, M. “Preisexplosion bei Baumwolle Das Ende der Billig-Jeans.” http://www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/unternehmen/preisexplosion-bei-baumwolle-das-ende-der-billig-jeans-a-696579.html, 25 May 2010.

        United States Department of Agriculture, www.usda.gov.

        White, G. “Cotton price causes ‘panic buying’ as nears 150-year high.” www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/markets/8301886/Cotton-price-causes-panic-buying-as-nears-150-year-high.html, 4 February 2011.

        Wollenschlaeger, U. “Baumwolle: Auf Rekordpreise folgt Rekordproduktion.” www.textilwirtschaft.de/business/unternehmen/Baumwolle-Auf-Rekordpreise-folgt-Rekordproduktion-69081?crefresh=1, 9 March 2011.

        38.Glencore: A Giant Steps into the Light (2011)

        Ammann, D. “King of Oil.” Orell Füssli Verlag, Zurich, 2010.

        Ammann, D. “Marc Rich: Der mann, der seinen Namen verlor.” www.weltwoche.ch, 23 May 2007.

        Honigsbaum, M. “The Rich list.” In The Observerwww.guardian.co.uk, 13 May 2001.

        “Rohstoffhändler Marc Rich gestorben.” www.srf.ch/news/wirtschaft/rohstoffhaendler-marc-rich-gestorben, 27 June 2013.

        Schärer, A. “Die Erben des Marc Rich.” www.woz.ch, 13 December 2001.

        “Warum Marc Rich bei Madoff rechtzeitig ausstieg.” www.tagesanzeiger.ch/wirtschaft/unternehmen-und-konjunktur/Warum-Marc-Rich-bei-Madoff-rechtzeitig-ausstieg/story/30815433, 27 January 2011.

        39.Rare Earth Mania: Neodymium, Dysprosium, and Lanthanum (2011)

        Quote from: J. Perkowski, Behind China’s Rare Earth Controversyhttp://www.forbes.com/sites/jackperkowski/2012/06/21/behind-chinas-rare-earth-controversy/#e5aaecd16b82, 21 June 2012.

        Blank, G. “Wichtiger Rohstoff Seltene Erden. Knappheit made in China.” www.stern.de/digital/computer/wichtiger-rohstoff-seltene-erden-knappheit-made-in-china-3874186.html, 29 December 2010.

        “Chinas schwere Hand auf den seltenen Erden.” www.nzz.ch/chinas_schwere_hand_auf_den_seltenen_erden-1.8096711, 22 October 2010.

        Geinitz, C. “Streit mit China um seltene Erden spitzt sich zu.” www.faz.net/aktuell/wirtschaft/rohstoffe-streit-mit-china-um-seltene-erden-spitzt-sich-zu-13091.html, 25 October 2010.

        Jung, A. “Rohstoffe. Wettlauf der Trüffelschweine,” www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-75159727.html, 15 November 2010.

        Liedtke, M., and Elsner, H. “Seltene Erden,” Bundesanstalt für Geowissenschaften und Rohstoffe.” www.bgr.bund.de, 20 November 2009.

        Lohmann, D. “Kampf um Seltene Erden. Hightech-Rohstoffe als Mangelware.” www.scinexx.de/dossier-540-1.html, 13 May 2011.

        Mayer-Kuckuk, F. “Strategische Metalle China verknappt Molybdän-Förderung.” www.handelsblatt.com/finanzen/maerkte/devisen-rohstoffe/strategische-metalle-china-verknappt-molybdaen-foerderung/3579078.html?ticket=ST-1201086-huIl3W7cP5RSMLdwDNFj-ap3, 1 November 2010.

        40.The End? Crude Oil Down the Drain (2016)

        Cunningham, N. “OPEC: the oil glut is gone.” https://oilprice.com/Energy/Crude-Oil/OPEC-The-Oil-Glut-Is-Gone.html, 14 May 2018.

        Cunningham, N. “The world is not running out of storage space for oil.” https://oilprice.com/Energy/Energy-General/The-World-Is-Not-Running-Out-Of-Storage-Space-For-Oil.html, 21 January 2016.

        Dennin, T. “The dawn of a new cycle in commodities.” Research Paper, Tiberius Asset Management AG, April 2016.

        EIA. “Crude oil prices to remain relatively low through 2016 and 2017.” www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=24532, 13 January 2016.

        El Gamal, R., Lawler, A., and Ghaddar, A. “OPEC in first joint oil cut with Russia since 2001,” Saudis take ‘big hit.’” www.reuters.com/article/us-opec-meeting-idUSKBN13P0JA, 30 November 2016.

        Raval, A. “‘Oil market glut will persist through 2016,’ says IEA.” www.ft.com/content/e27ff724-717e-11e5-9b9e-690fdae72044, 13 October 2015.

        Shenk, M. “WTI crude falls to 12-year low at $26.14 per barrel.” www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-02-10/oil-holds-losses-near-3-week-low-amid-record-cushing-supplies, 11 February 2016.

        41.Electrification: The Evolution of Battery Metals (2017)

        Autoverkäufe 2017. “Mercedes fährt BMW und Audi davon.” cwww.abendblatt.de/wirtschaft/article213089441/BMW-verkauft-so-viele-Autos-wie-nie.html, 12 January 2018.

        BNEF New Energy Outlook, https://about.bnef.com/new-energy-outlook, 16 August 2018.

        Hull, D., and Recht, H. “Tesla doesn’t burn fuel, it burns cash.” www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2018-tesla-burns-cash, 3 May 2018.

        Kraftfahrtbundesamt, www.kba.de.

        42.Crypto Craze: Bitcoins and the Emergence of Cryptocurrencies (2018)

        Akolkar, B. “China officially bans all crypto-related commercial activities.” 22 August 2018, https://bitcoinist.com/china-officially-bans-crypto-activities/.

        “Comparing 25 of the biggest cryptocurrencies.” World Economic Forum, March 2018, www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/03/comparing-the-25-most-notable-cryptocurrencies.

        “Cryptoprimer.” www.investopedia.com/tech/crypto-primer-currencies-commodities-tokens/#ixzz5HfVcEWBS.

        Kharif, O. “The bitcoin whales: 1,000 people who own 40 percent of the market.” https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-12-08/the-bitcoin-whales-1-000-people-who-own-40-percent-of-the-market, 8 December 2017.

        Kharpal, A. (2017): “Founders of a cryptocurrency backed by Floyd Mayweather charged with fraud by SEC.” www.cnbc.com, 3 April 2017.

        Lee, J. “Mystery of the $2 billion bitcoin whale that fueled a selloff.” https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-09-13/mystery-of-the-2-billion-bitcoin-whale-that-fueled-a-selloff, 13 September 2018.

        Meyer, D. “China enlists its ‘great firewall’ to block bitcoin websites.” http://fortune.com/2018/02/05/bitcoin-china-website-ico-block-ban-firewall/, 5 February 2018.

        Paul, A. “It’s 1994 In cryptocurrency.” www.forbes.com/sites/apaul/2017/11/27/its-1994-in-cryptocurrency/#7a81d58eb28a, 27 November 20017.

        Potter, S., and White, T. “No end in sight for crypto sell-off as bitcoin breaches $4,250.” www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-11-20/no-end-in-sight-for-crypto-sell-off-as-tokens-take-fresh-hit.

        Shiller, R. “Irrational exuberance.” Crown Business, 9 May 2006.

      3. Torsten Dennin《From Tulips to Bitcoins_ A History of Fortunes Made and Lost in Commodity Markets》16-30

        16 Silver: Three Wise Kings 1994

        Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, and George Soros show their interest in the silver market in the 1990s—investing in Apex Silver Mines, Pan American Silver, and physical silver. It is silver versus silver mining. Who would lead and who would lag?

        “The financial markets generally are unpredictable.” —George Soros

        At the beginning of May 2006, Bolivia’s leftist president Evo Morales practiced a little saber rattling as he threatened to nationalize the country’s domestic mining industry. A lot of silver was at stake, given Bolivia’s two important mines, San Cristóbal (part of Apex Silver Mines) and San Bartolomé (Coeur d’Alene Mines). (Morales had already implemented nationalization of the natural gas industry a week earlier.) In reaction, the stock prices of Apex Silver fell dramatically. From a price of 26 USD in April, the stock plunged to below 13 USD by June. It was a demonstration of how risky investments in mineral resources can be because of politics.

        Some Facts About Silver

        Silver is about 20 times more common than gold, with the most significant deposits found in North and South America. According to industry figures, there are only 25 relevant silver mines worldwide, and half of their sales are generated by precious metal production. The overwhelming share of global silver production is coupled to the extraction of other metals, especially lead, zinc, copper, or gold. According to the Silver Institute, industrial applications account for about 50 percent of total demand, followed by jewelry and photography.
        For standardized silver trading on commodity exchanges, the ticker XAG stands for the price of a troy ounce of silver in USD. The center of physical silver trade is the London Bullion Market, and the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA) fixes an official price once a day. COMEX, part of the New York Mercantile Exchange, is the largest trading place for futures and options on silver. There silver futures are traded under the symbol SI, followed by the contract month and year (e.g., SIH0, Silver March 2020 Futures).
        It’s not always clear, however, where the best investments lie. In the mid- and late 1990s, Warren Buffett, George Soros, and Bill Gates all entered the silver market as major professional investors, and their actions attracted attention within the international financial community. Like the three kings in the Bible, these men inspired private and institutional investors to follow their lead. However, though Soros, Buffett, and Gates all invested in silver, they used different instruments—physical silver and equity investments in silver-mining companies.

        Figure 11. Silver prices, 1994–2008, in USD/troy ounce. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        George Soros, born in Hungary in 1930, is known for the success of his Quantum Fund—a hedge fund founded by him and Jim Rogers—and for his bets in 1992 against the pound sterling, which forced the Bank of England to depreciate its currency. Today his net worth is estimated by Forbes to be around 14 billion USD. At the end of 1994, Soros invested in Apex Silver Mines and, together with his brother Paul, temporarily held more than 20 percent of the company. Founded in 1993, Apex owned 65 percent of San Cristóbal, a silver-zinc-lead mine in southwestern Bolivia that was estimated to contain 450 million ounces of silver. Apex also was active in Argentina, Bolivia, Mexico, and Peru.
        Warren Buffett, also born in 1930, is the third-richest man in the world, with an estimated net private wealth of about 47 billion USD. As CEO of Berkshire Hathaway, an investment holding company he founded, he has demonstrated outstanding investment success over decades. The annual general meetings of the firm are reported to be a “Woodstock for investors,” with more than 20,000 people following every statement by the “Oracle of Omaha,” as Buffett is known.

        In the mid- and late 1990s, Warren Buffett, George Soros, and Bill Gates all got involved in the silver market.

        William “Bill” Henry Gates III, born in 1955, founded the Microsoft Corporation together with Paul Allen in 1975 and has a fortune of 53 billion USD, which made him the second-richest man in the world before he began to donate large amounts to charitable causes. In 1999 Gates got involved in Pan American Silver as the third big investor in the silver market after Soros and Buffett.
        Buffett tried a different strategy. In 1998, before official publication of its annual financial statements, Berkshire Hathaway announced that the company had acquired a total of 130 million troy ounces of silver between July 25, 1997, and January 12, 1998. That was about 4,000 metric tons of silver, which accounted for about 20 percent of the global annual mine production. For Berkshire Hathaway, however, this represented a mere 2 percent of its total invested capital.
        The investment in the physical metal surprised the international financial community, as Buffett had always been known for his value-oriented equity investment style. In this case his rationale was based on the discrepancy between supply and demand in the metal over the previous few years and a significant decline in inventories. The increase in silver price that followed proved him right. His investment was very profitable.
        As for Bill Gates, it became public in September 1999 that through Cascade Investment LLC he had purchased more than three million shares of Pan American Silver at an average price of about 5.25 USD. This represented 10 percent of the company, which was founded in 1994 and which now had a portfolio of silver-mining projects in Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, and Argentina.
        Looking at the price performance of silver versus share price performance of Apex Silver and Pan American Silver since 1997, an interesting picture emerges.

        Figure 12. Silver, Pan American Silver, and Apex Silver, 1998–2009. Performance indexed 1998. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        By the end of 2008, silver was performing the best, followed by the share price of Pan American Silver. Although Apex Silver shares first traded in line with silver and with Pan American Silver, it later crashed: It fell 90 percent between its IPO in 1997 and the end of 2008. Bankruptcy followed. What had happened?

        When Bolivian president Morales threatened mining companies with nationalization, investors panicked.

        President Morales’s threat to nationalize Bolivian mining projects unsettled investors. Actually, in place of a direct nationalization, the tax burden in Bolivia was heavily increased. Nevertheless, Apex Silver was forced to a sell part of its flagship asset to Sumitomo. Developing the San Cristóbal Mine became more and more expensive, as the cost of energy exploded. In order to obtain credit, Apex Silver had to sell futures in high quantities of silver, zinc, and lead. As commodity prices rose, these hedges led to increasing losses, and in January 2009 the company announced bankruptcy.

        So which investment was better? The share price of both Apex Silver and Pan American Silver temporarily outperformed silver, because annual production and the value of total mineral resources in the ground had a leverage effect. But leverage is the price investors pay for entrepreneurial and market risk. And when compared to Apex Silver, an investment in physical silver proved to be the much safer bet.

        Key Takeaways
        •Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, and George Soros became interested in the opportunities offered by the silver market in the 1990s.
        •Over a decade, the price of silver climbed from below 4 USD to more than 8 USD in 1997. It reached 22 USD in 2008.
        •Silver mining companies seemed to offer a much higher return than a direct investment in silver, but this higher expected return came with a price.
        •Because of the rising silver price, Bolivian president Evo Morales threatened to nationalize his country’s domestic mining industry. Shares of Apex Silver crashed by more than 90 percent from its IPO in 1997, followed by bankruptcy.

        17 Copper: “Mr. Five Percent” Moves the Market 1996

        The star trader of Sumitomo, Yasuo Hamanaka, lives two lives in Tokyo, manipulating the copper market and creating record earnings for his superiors but also carrying on risky private trades. In the end, Sumitomo endures a record loss of 2.6 billion USD, and Hamanaka is sentenced to eight years in prison.

        “Who is Mr. Copper?” Investopedia

        For years Yasuo Hamanaka was the head trader at Sumitomo Trading in Tokyo, the commodity trading subsidiary of Japanese conglomerate Sumitomo. In insider circles he was known by his nicknames—“Copper Fingers” or “Mr. Five Percent,” because he controlled as much as 5 percent of the global copper market. He earned huge profits for his company. However, on June 5, 1996, Hamanaka revealed that he’d lost 1.6 billion USD of his company’s money. Since then, the Sumitomo scandal has been considered one of the biggest financial frauds in recent history.

        Some Copper Basics

        The global production of copper, which is used mainly in construction and electrical and mechanical engineering, is around 20 million metric tons. Chile is the largest producer, with about one-third of the world’s output, followed by Indonesia, the United States, and Australia. Copper can be recycled and reprocessed almost without loss of quality, and along with aluminum, it is the most frequently traded industrial metal. The two most important exchanges are the London Metal Exchange (LME) and the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX). At LME copper trades in US dollars per ton; at NYMEX, in US cents per pound. In the United States, the ticker symbol is HG, followed by the contract month and year (e.g., HGZ9, for copper with delivery in December 2019). Currently copper costs 2.80 USD per pound, or 5,600 USD per ton.
        In 1985 Yasuo Hamanaka, a 37-year-old expert in copper trading on the commodity futures markets, was hired by the Sumitomo Corporation in Tokyo. His department suffered a considerable loss in the mid-1980s, but the head of trading, and later Hamanaka himself, managed to conceal it with secret trades. Contrary to company tradition in which a trader changed position after a certain period of time, Hamanaka remained at his post for 11 years, because he generated such high profits.

        The Japanese trader Yasuo Hamanaka was a dominant factor in global copper. But he lost his bet against China.

        Any allegations about market manipulation and fraud from the LME went unheeded, while Hamanaka’s influential comments about rising copper demand and the occurrence of an artificial shortage were often published in the financial press. Even as Sumitomo’s star trader was making a modest impression, however, he was actually living a double life, professionally and privately. During the day he officially traded for Sumitomo; secretly at night he traded for himself on the LME and NYMEX. He lived with his family of four in a small house in Kawasaki, an unattractive Tokyo suburb, and drove a small car. But he enjoyed expensive trips with a lover from the Ginza entertainment district and—of course—had a Swiss bank account.
        Beginning in 1993, Hamanaka recognized that the Chinese economy was developing an enormous demand for copper due to its fast industrialization, and he bet that prices would rise. However, the Chinese put the market under pressure by talking down the price. Hamanaka’s losses started to pile up. He faked balance sheets, trading reports, and his superiors’ signatures in order to obtain additional credit lines to increase his positions and move the market in the “right” direction. But the Chinese seemed in no hurry to buy. By the end of 1995 and the beginning of 1996, the situation was slowly becoming critical. Now mentally unstable, Hamanaka was drinking heavily.
        In June 1996, the star trader had no choice but to admit the extent of his losses: Uncovered futures positions came to 1.8 billion USD. Shocked, Sumitomo dismissed Hamanaka, and in a panic it liquidated all positions. This caused another 800 million USD in losses for the company, as the price of copper dropped by 27 percent in a single day due to the sheer volume of the sales orders. In the end, the Sumitomo Corporation realized a loss of 2.6 billion USD, the biggest ever for a single company in the international financial markets.

        By liquidating copper futures positions it could not cover, the Sumitomo Corporation faced a loss of 2.6 billion USD.

        Figure 13. Copper in US cents/lb, 1995–1997. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Afterward, reporters wondered how a single trader could have concealed such an unprecedented loss from his superiors. Obviously, internal audits, risk management, and supervision at Sumitomo had failed because, despite the immense transaction volume, none of Hamanaka’s superiors knew about his deals in detail. As for Hamanaka himself, the public considered him a criminal offender. He admitted his guilt in court and was sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment in 1998.

        Key Takeaways
        •Yasuo Hamanaka began trading copper for the Japanese conglomerate Sumitomo in 1985. Because of the size of his orders, and his control of up to 5 percent of the global copper market, Hamanaka earned the nicknames “Copper Fingers” and “Mr. Five Percent.”
        •After 1993, Hamanaka bet on rising copper prices caused by increasing Chinese demand, but when prices continued to fall, he lost money. Hoping that prices would recover, Hamanaka continued to hide his cumulative losses through secret trades.
        •In 1996, however, Hamanaka was forced to reveal a loss of 1.8 billion USD. Shocked, his superiors ordered all positions to be sold immediately, which caused a 27 percent drop in copper prices in a single day and resulted in an additional loss for Sumitomo of 800 million USD.
        •The Sumitomo copper scandal in Japan of 1996 was one of the biggest financial frauds in history; a single person caused a loss of 2.6 billion USD.

        18 Gold: Welcome to the Jungle 1997

        In the jungle of Borneo, the Canadian firm Bre-X supposedly finds a gold deposit with a total estimated value of more than 200 billion USD. Large mining companies and Indonesian president Suharto all want a piece of the pie, but in March 1997 the discovery turns out to be the largest gold fraud of all time.

        “Geologically, it’s the most brilliant thing I’ve ever seen in my life! It’s so big, it’s scary. It’s f***ing scary!” —John Felderhof, Bre-X
        “This can’t be a scam! Do some more tests! Figure it out! I know it’s there, okay?” —Peter Munk, Barrick Gold

        St. Paul is a remote community with roughly 5,000 inhabitants northeast of Alberta, Canada. Its only tourist attraction has been a landing platform for UFOs that was erected on June 3, 1967. In the middle of the 1990s, however, the tiny town became the focus of international media: Every 50th resident was a shareholder of the mining company Bre-X, whose value had increased 500-fold within just three years. As a result, the number of millionaires in St. Paul had suddenly shot up dramatically. At the center of attention was John Kutyn, an employee of the local savings bank, who had sold everything, including his car and his motorcycle, to invest in Bre-X early on.

        St. Paul, a small Canadian community of 5,000, recorded a sudden surge in resident millionaires.

        Kutyn spread the news about the gold discovery of the century among his neighbors and customers. He would be one of the few who managed to exit the company before it collapsed. A wealthy man, he went on to settle in New Zealand.

        Where’s the Gold?

        Based on industry estimates of the World Gold Council, around 190,000 metric tons of gold have been produced throughout history, of which one-fifth is stored in central bank vaults. The main gold-producing countries are China, Australia, Russia, the United States, and Canada, followed by Peru, Indonesia, South Africa, Mexico, and Ghana. Together, these 10 countries account for around 75 percent of global mine production. Former number-one gold producer South Africa now barely makes the top 10. Though it dominated gold mining for more than 30 years, the country’s production peaked in the 1970s.
        The center of global gold trading is the London Bullion Market, and most of the demand comes from the jewelry industry, followed by investors and industrial applications. The largest gold-producing companies in terms of volume are Barrick Gold, Newmont Mining, and Goldcorp.
        In the 1980s Canada had witnessed a boom in exploration companies, which searched the world for crude oil, gold, and other commodities. Among them was Bre-X, founded by former stockbroker David Walsh late in the decade. From an initial 0.30 Canadian dollar (CAD), the value of Bre-X shares fell to a few cents in 1993. But that would change after Walsh and a geologist named Felderhof bought exploration rights for Busang in the jungle of Borneo, Indonesia. Together with his colleague Mike de Guzman, Felderhof had explored Busang for another company in the mid-1980s, and the two men had found small traces of gold. On May 6, 1993, Bre-X announced that it had acquired a license for Busang. At that point the share price was around 0.50 CAD. But drilling samples validated gold levels of more than 6 grams per ton of rock. Since 3 grams are considered an excellent result, this caused a sensation.

        Was Busang home to the biggest gold treasure of all time?

        It wasn’t long before analysts picked up the Bre-X story. In March 1994 the stock rose to 2.40 CAD. By September, after a year of exploration and testing, the management of Bre-X estimated that Busang’s ore resources were between 3 and 6 million ounces of gold. As Bre-X’s drill results got better and better, gold experts and analysts published ever more optimistic forecasts.
        In November 1995 Busang’s gold resources were estimated at more than 30 million ounces, and toward the end of the year the stock price of Bre-X shares climbed above 50 CAD! At the annual general shareholders’ meeting in May 1996, the company was valued at 200 CAD per share, which then split by 1:10. The estimates kept rising: Bre-X reported more than 39 million ounces of gold in June 1996, 47 million ounces in July, 57 million ounces in December, and 71 million ounces in February 1997. Shortly afterward, Felderhof publicly speculated about resources of more than 100 million ounces. This would have made Busang the richest gold deposit of all time. Market rumors even doubled the estimate: Some 200 million ounces, about 6,000 tons, were supposed to lie hidden in the jungle of Borneo!

        Though the company had not produced a single ounce of gold, Bre-X shares rose 500-fold.

        At the beginning of September 1996, the stock reached its highest price—28 CAD (which corresponded to a price of 280 CAD before the stock split) and a market capitalization of more than 4 billion USD. In just three years the value of Bre-X shares had increased by more than 500 times, even though not a single ounce of gold had been commercially produced!

        In the meantime, the industry’s big names—Placer Dome, Newmont Mining, Barrick Gold, and Freeport-McMoRan—were also taking part in the race for Busang. Indonesian president Haji Muhammed Suharto wanted his share of the treasure, too. In December 1996 the Indonesian government, Bre-X, and Barrick Gold agreed to divide Busang among themselves. The following February, Freeport joined the group.
        But then things began to fall apart. On March 19, 1997, Mike de Guzman committed suicide by jumping from a helicopter. During the due-diligence process, independent drill holes had revealed only negligible amounts of gold. A week later, lab results showed that Bre-X had manipulated the initial samples. It was a personal disgrace for Peter Munk, the head of Barrick Gold, and the news caused investors to panic. The share price of Bre-X collapsed, and the stock was suspended from trading. Later Bre-X had to declare bankruptcy, and the stock became worthless.

        Figure 14. Share price of Bre-X, 1992–1997, in Canadian dollars (CAD). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The Bre-X fraud remains one of the biggest capital market scandals in Canada and the biggest mining scandal ever recorded, causing serious lingering damage to the reputation of the Canadian stock market. Major investors who were hurt included the Ontario Municipal Employees Retirement Board, the Quebec Public Sector Pension Fund, and the Ontario Teachers Pension Plan. In addition, many small investors, including some 200 residents of St. Paul, saw their money vanish into thin air.

        Bre-X crashed. The stock was worthless.

        Not everyone suffered. David Walsh capitalized 35 million USD by selling Bre-X shares before the collapse and moved to the Bahamas. John Felderhof was able to sell nearly 3 million Bre-X shares, with a total value of almost 85 million CAD, between April and September 1996. He found a new home in the Cayman Islands. The Bre-X scandal was finally settled in 2002. However, legal disputes continue today.

        Key Takeaways
        •The Bre-X scandal remains the biggest corporate mining scandal in Canada to date.
        •In 1993 David Walsh and John Felderhof claimed to find the gold deposit of the century in Borneo. Their company, Bre-X, rose from a penny stock, trading below 30 Canadian cents, to 4 billion USD in market capitalization. From mid-1993 to mid-1996, the value of Bre-X shares increased by a multiple of 500. Indonesian president Haji Muhammed Suharto and large multinational gold companies all wanted a piece of the pie.
        •But in March 1997 the discovery was unmasked as the largest gold fraud of all time. Lab results confirmed that the company had manipulated its gold samples. Bre-X declared bankruptcy; its stock was worthless.

        19 Palladium: More Expensive Than Gold 2001

        In 2001 palladium becomes the first of the four traded precious metals—gold, silver, platinum, and palladium—whose price breaks the psychological mark of 1,000 USD per ounce. That represents a tenfold increase in just four years. The reason lies in continuing delivery delays by the most important producer: Russia.

        “The actual level of Russian stockpiles of palladium is a closely guarded state secret.” —United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

        Russia is the epicenter of the global palladium market, due to its high share of world annual production and its strategic inventories, which were built up through overproduction in the 1970s and 1980s. Since palladium is mainly a by-product of the production of other metals such as platinum or nickel, the production of palladium continues even when the supply of the metal is sufficient and prices are low.

        Russia dominated global palladium production and held significant inventories.

        The majority of palladium comes from Russia—and from a single spot, the Norilsk nickel deposit in northern Siberia. If supplies of Norilsk nickel are unable to keep pace with demand, stocks held by the Russian precious metals authority Gokhran, which is under the supervision of the Ministry of Finance, and the Russian Central Bank, fill the gap.

        A Palladium Primer

        Together with platinum, ruthenium, rhodium, osmium, and iridium, palladium is part of the platinum group of metals (PGM). More than 50 percent of the market for the metal depends on automobile catalysts and other industrial processes, though palladium is also used in jewelry. On average over the past five years, just over 50 percent of the annually mined palladium has come from Russia. Other important producer countries are South Africa, which accounts for just under one-third of global production, and the United States, with 15 percent of the global supply. With an annual production volume of around 220 metric tons, the market for palladium is significantly smaller than, for example, gold or silver. (For comparison, around 3,000 metric tons of gold and 24,000 of silver are produced each year.)
        The London Bullion Market Association’s (LBMA) twice-daily price fixing is the most internationally recognized price reference, and futures in palladium are traded in the United States (NYMEX) and Japan (TOCOM).

        Figure 15. Palladium in USD/ounce, 1998–2004. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        In the late 1990s the development of automobile catalysts made palladium an important industrial metal, and it was increasingly used instead of platinum because of the relatively low price at the time. But lack of deliveries from Russia started to drive the price up.
        In 1997 palladium deliveries from Russia halted for seven months. The next year deliveries stopped again. Moreover, analysts began to question the actual physical availability of the metal. It seemed that a large share of the palladium inventory had been collateralized by Western banks for credits in the aftermath of the Russian Financial Crisis of 1997.

        The price of palladium rose from 120 USD to more than 1,000 USD, making the metal more valuable than gold, silver, and platinum.

        The price of palladium rose from 120 USD per ounce in early 1997 to more than 200 USD in 1998. In April of that year, the price of the metal surpassed the gold price for the first time since 1971, due to continued supply disruptions in Russia. And the prices for palladium continued to climb: to 400 USD, then to 600 USD. In February 2000 the price of palladium skyrocketed to more than 800 USD, while the price of gold averaged just under 300 USD during that period. It seemed as though the price would consolidate, but instead it rose again to 1,000 USD.
        At the beginning of 2001, palladium broke through the psychological barrier of 1,000 USD, the first of the four traded precious metals—the others are gold, silver, and platinum—to do so. The shortage pushed the price up to almost 1,100 USD at the end of January 2001. The value of palladium had increased almost tenfold in just four years!
        It didn’t last. Subsequently, the value of palladium fell as low as 200 USD, after Russia announced long-term supply contracts with Japan, which were expected to start in January 2001. Then, during the commodity boom in the first decade of the new millennium, the price of palladium once again reached 600 USD before consolidating. Still this represented only a triple rise, compared with a multiple of 10 in 2001.
        In 2015 a major emissions scandal in the car industry (“Dieselgate”) fueled another palladium rally. In September of that year, the US Environment Protection Agency (EPA) issued a notice of violation of the Clean Air Act to the Volkswagen Group. The German car manufacturer had intentionally manipulated data and software in its diesel engines to meet emissions limits. The scandal spread to other manufacturers and raised awareness of the higher levels of pollution emitted by diesel-powered vehicles. The price of palladium, which was used in catalysts for gasoline cars, more than doubled, from less than 500 USD in mid-2015 to more than 1,100 USD at the end of 2018. At the beginning of 2019, Palladium was trading at 1,320 USD, once again higher than gold. Investors are wondering how long the rally will last this time . . .

        Key Takeaways

        •More than 90 percent of palladium reserves are found in Russia and South Africa. The metal (together with platinum) is predominantly used in automobile catalyst systems and related industrial applications.
        •In January 2001 palladium prices rose to 1,100 USD, 10 times the value of four years before.
        •Palladium became more valuable than gold, silver, or platinum, as Russia, the biggest producer and exporter of the metal, withheld shipments.
        •Dieselgate, the global diesel-related emissions scandal, fueled a new rally in palladium, whose prices have more than doubled again since 2015.

        20 Copper: Liu Qibing Disappears Without a Trace 2005

        A trader for the Chinese State Reserve Bureau shorts 200,000 tons of copper and hopes for falling prices. However, when copper prices climb to new records, he disappears and his employer pretends never to have heard of him. What sounds like the plot of a thriller shocks metal traders all over the world.

        “It’s one thing to have a rogue trader on your staff—that happens. But I’d be amazed if China wanted a reputation as a rogue nation in these markets, where it has become such an important player.” —Anonymous trader

        Most people even have trouble pronouncing the name Liu Qibing, but in November 2005 the Chinese copper trader was the number-one topic of conversation on the commodity futures exchanges in London, New York, and Shanghai. Rumors were circulating about a massive, speculative short position in the copper market: Liu Qibing, in his capacity as a trader for the Chinese State Reserve Bureau (SRB), was said to have shorted futures contracts on the London Metal Exchange (LME) amounting to 100,000 to 200,000 tons.
        Unlike Yasuo Hamanaka in Japan almost ten years earlier, Liu Qibing was speculating on falling copper prices. However, prices continued to rise, and the talk of a massive short position temporarily drove London’s three-month-forward copper contracts to a record high of nearly 4,200 USD per metric ton.

        Starting at 1,500 USD, the copper price bounced up to 9,000 USD per ton.

        Copper prices had started to climb since the turn of the millennium. In December 2003 the price of copper broke the 2,000 USD per ton mark for the first time, while the average price of previous years was only slightly above 1,500 USD. Just a few months later, the price breached the 4,000 USD level. The trigger for this development lay in the growing demand of the Chinese economy, which required more and more of the red metal for its infrastructure and housing industry. Although the OECD countries (members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) collectively consumed about 80 percent of the world’s copper output at that time, China’s growth was more dynamic. Copper consumption in OECD countries increased on average by 2.5 percent per year over the previous five years. However, China’s demand grew by about 15 percent per year over the same period, while supply growth proved inflexible. At peak times China’s demand growth accounted for more than 80 percent of global demand growth.

        China was sucking global copper markets dry.

        At that time China alone accounted for a quarter of the world’s copper consumption. Meanwhile, the prices for industrial metals continued to rise, because producers were slow to respond with an increased supply. There were several reasons for their reluctance: First, the development of new mines usually takes several years until the first ton of copper can be produced. Second, many producers didn’t trust the high price level to last and therefore delayed long-term investment projects. By 2004, however, the extension of existing projects and the activation of new mines were entering a decisive phase. Experts—including the world’s largest copper producer, Chilean Codelco, and the Chinese State Reserve Bureau—expected the supply to increase at the end of 2005, and the rise in copper prices should have come to an end. As it turned out, that was a misperception for which China paid dearly.
        Contrary to expectations, almost all major producers had problems with production. Costs increased; high oil prices, strikes, and even earthquakes all had a lasting effect. The projected additional supply in the copper market was lagging, and demand, continually fueled by China’s dynamic economic growth, was jumping ahead. As a consequence, the price rose steadily. The rumors surrounding Liu’s positions created additional momentum, as copper inventories on commodity futures exchanges in London, New York, and Shanghai reached their lowest levels in 30 years.

        Figure 16. Copper prices in USD/ton, 2003–2007, London Metal Exchange (LME). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The newspaper China Daily reported that 130,000 metric tons of copper were sold by Liu Qibing for the SRB at an average price of 3,300 USD per ton. As the price of copper rose above 4,000 USD, Liu broke off contacts with other traders in London and China and disappeared. His cell phone remained silent, the door of his apartment on the 10th floor of a Beijing building never opened, and he was absent from his job in Shanghai.

        The Chinese trader broke off all contacts, never answered his cell phone, and his employer denied his existence.

        At first Liu’s employer denied he existed. Later, the SRB claimed that the trader was acting solely on his own behalf. The SRB, which was founded in 1953, was supposed to stabilize prices and secure supplies through commodity trading, not earn profits through speculation. Industry experts considered the 36-year-old trader, who was under house arrest according to Chinese sources, more a pawn than a perpetrator.
        Liu, the son of a farming family from Hubei Province, had been with the SRB since 1990 and had been trained for futures and options trading at the London Metal Exchange (LME). Between 2002 and 2004, Liu is said to have generated more than 300 million USD in risky copper trades for the SRB. Now, the Chinese state was facing losses of hundreds of millions of dollars. In response, the government in Beijing tried to push down the world market price through copper auctions. In a first tranche, 50,000 tons were sold. Another tranche of a similar size was to follow, and the leadership in Beijing spread the word that the country had 1.3 million tons of copper in reserve. However, market participants estimated that the amount of copper available was just half that. The Chinese government’s actions were unsuccessful, as more and more market participants took counter-positions to force China to make physical delivery of the metal in late December.
        Hedge funds—called “crocodiles” in China—particularly saw an opportunity to generate short-term profits. The copper price climbed above 5,000 USD in January 2006, to 6,000 USD in early April, and to 7,000 USD at the end of that month. It rose to the dizzying heights of nearly 8,800 USD a ton in May, before normalizing again over the coming months.

        Key Takeaways
        •Like the Japanese trader Yasuo Hamanaka almost 10 years before, Chinese trader Liu Qibing was caught on the wrong side of the copper market. He speculated on falling prices and lost a great deal.
        •Liu was working for the Chinese State Reserve Bureau (SRB), which handled the Chinese economy’s rising demand for the commodity. Market intelligence estimated Liu’s short position at about 100,000 to 200,000 tons of copper.
        •Copper prices climbed from 1,500 USD per ton in 2003 to almost 9,000 USD in 2006, and Liu, labeled as a rogue trader, vanished.

        21 Zinc: Flotsam and Jetsam 2005

        The city of New Orleans, called The Big Easy, is well known for its jazz, Mardi Gras, and Creole cuisine. Less well known, however, is that about one-quarter of the world’s zinc inventories are stored there. Hurricane Katrina’s flooding makes the metal inaccessible, and concerns over damage cause the price of zinc to rise to an all-time high.

        “It’s totally wiped out . . . it’s devastating.” —President George W. Bush

        Zinc, which is traded on the London Metal Exchange (LME) in US dollars per metric ton, is the third-largest metal market, after copper and aluminum. But in the first years of the new millennium, zinc and lead were considered the ugly sisters of copper and aluminum, because of years of low prices and low margins for mining companies. Global supply was stagnating.

        What Happens at the LME?

        At the London Metal Exchange (LME), copper, aluminum, zinc, lead, nickel, and tin, as well as molybdenum, cobalt, and steel are traded. To capture the opportunities of electrification and electronic vehicles, LME plans to introduce lithium, manganese, and graphite futures contracts in the near future. Trading takes place in two rounds, in the morning and afternoon, in an open ring (“open pit”) during which the daily official trading price is determined. In 2012 the 137-year-old LME agreed to a 1 billion GBP takeover from the Hong Kong Exchange and Clearing (HKEx) after a nine-month auction battle that included ICE, CME, and Nasdaq. With an annual turnover of more than 12 trillion USD, the London Metal Exchange is the world’s largest trading place for metals, followed by metal exchanges in Singapore and New York.
        LME forward contracts are physically deliverable, and inventories of corresponding metals are stocked in LME-approved warehouses. Delivery takes place against LME delivery notes, which provide the owner with the right to a specified quantity of metal at a designated storage location. Currently, there are more than 400 warehouses in 32 locations, from the United States and Europe to the Middle East and Asia.
        Even as interest in industrial metals increased in 2003 as a result of the rapid growth of the Chinese economy, zinc’s price rise lagged behind those of other industrial metals. Nevertheless, China played a major role in the metal’s shortage: In 2004 the country became a net importer of zinc, bringing in about 67,000 tons in the first seven months of 2005, after only 15,000 tons were imported in the entire previous year. The International Lead & Zinc Study Group forecast a market deficit of 200,000 metric tons by the end of 2005, though there had been an excess of 50,000 tons in the first five months.
        Even though global inventories continued to decline, many producing companies remained skeptical about increasing the supply. “At this point, nobody in our business is rushing to build new zinc mines,” explained Greig Gailey, managing director of Zinifex, the world’s third-largest producer of zinc (after Xstrata and Teck Cominco), in 2005. “We’re certainly not, nor are Teck Cominco or Falconbridge.”

        Figure 17. Zinc prices in USD/ton, 2003–2006, London Metal Exchange (LME). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        By this time the price of zinc was hovering around 1,200 USD per metric ton. It had broken through 1,000 USD at the beginning of 2004, after moving in a narrow range between 750 and 850 USD over the two previous years.

        About 25 percent of global zinc inventories were concentrated in warehouses in and around New Orleans.

        In a nutshell, that was the situation until August 2005. Then Katrina hit New Orleans like an atomic bomb. The Level 5 hurricane caused devastating damage in the southeastern United States but particularly affected the city, whose urban area was almost completely below sea level.
        Twenty-four official LME warehouses had been sited in and around the city at the Mississippi Delta, due to its geographical location and attractive economic conditions. In addition to 250,000 tons of zinc, there were also 1,200 tons of aluminum and 900 tons of copper locked away. Global zinc inventories were estimated by the International Lead & Zinc Study Group to be just over 1 million metric tons at that point—the equivalent to a 35-day global supply. The inventories in New Orleans therefore accounted for around a quarter of global stocks and about half of the zinc traded at the LME. Due to the flood damage in New Orleans, however, access to the zinc was suddenly severely limited.
        Stephen Briggs, a metal analyst at Société Générale, summarized the situation: “We have a potentially serious development . . . the market is assuming that the metal is damaged and will be inaccessible for a lengthy period of time.”

        Who Needs Zinc?

        Zinc is mainly used as corrosion protection for other metals or metallic alloys such as iron or steel, and most of the demand for it is based on infrastructure, construction, and transport. Zinc is commonly produced as a co-product with lead, and worldwide mined production is around 11 million metric tons. The largest producer countries are China, Australia, Peru, the United States, Australia, and Canada; the latter two are also the largest exporters of the metal. Unlike the more concentrated markets for copper or nickel, the 10 largest companies produce less than 50 percent of the world’s zinc.
        Consumers assumed the worst. On September 2, zinc prices rose to a five-month high, as speculators foresaw delays in the delivery of zinc from the New Orleans warehouses. On September 6, the LME decided to temporarily suspend the supply of zinc from its stocks, though it had confirmed delivery of the metal just a week before. Accordingly, the price of zinc in London increased exponentially to 1,454 USD per metric ton, the highest since 1997. Two days later the LME’s CEO, Simon Heale, confirmed that suspension of deliveries could last until 2006 because of lack of access to the port of New Orleans.
        At the end of the year, zinc prices broke through 1,900 USD and, just under two weeks later, reached 2,400 USD in London. But that was only the beginning: The worsening situation eventually drove the value of the metal to 4,000 USD in the first half of 2006 and marked a new high of just under 4,600 USD per ton in November of that year.
        By 2007 the scare was over: Beginning in August, the price dropped continuously over the next 12 months, from 3,500 USD to less than 1,500 USD.

        Key Takeaways
        •Only market insiders were aware that warehouses in the city of New Orleans held around a quarter of global zinc stocks and about half of the zinc traded at the London Metal Exchange, the biggest physical metal market in the world.
        •In August 2005 Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans, causing extensive flooding in the area and making zinc inventories inaccessible.
        •As a consequence of this shortage of material, the price for zinc climbed from nearly 1,200 USD per ton during summer 2005 to a record of 4,600 USD in November 2006.

        22 Natural Gas: Brian Hunter and the Downfall of Amaranth 2006

        In the aftermath of the closure of MotherRock, an energy-based hedge fund, the bust of Amaranth Advisors shakes the financial industry, as it is the largest hedge fund failure since the collapse of Long-Term Capital Management in 1998. The cause? A failed speculation in US natural gas futures. Brian Hunter, an energy trader at Amaranth, loses 6 billion USD within weeks.

        “The market can stay irrational longer than you can stay solvent.” —John Maynard Keynes

        The news shook financial markets like an earthquake in September 2006: Amaranth Advisors, a 10 billion USD American hedge fund, erased around two-thirds of its capital in two weeks by betting on natural gas and was about to close. Only a few weeks before, MotherRock, another hedge fund that specialized in natural gas futures, had collapsed as well. Some of the causes for these events date back to previous years. Following the record hurricane seasons of 2004 and 2005, many hedge funds had become interested in the energy markets. Hurricanes Ivan, Katrina, Rita, and Wilma had all damaged crude oil and natural gas production facilities in the Gulf of Mexico, resulting in a significantly reduced supply.

        Weather and hedge fund speculation drove up natural gas prices from 6 to above 15 USD.

        These extreme weather events, as well as relatively constant demand during the winter months, led to increasing price volatility and, in some cases, substantial price spikes for energy, especially natural gas. While the price of gas traded between 6 and 7 USD during 2004 and the first half of 2005, the hurricane season drove up gas prices to more than 15 USD in December. Production disruptions dragged on for months, but the warm winter, the absence of major storms, and a greater number of imports dampened the effect on the price level of natural gas in 2006.
        Compared to their all-time high that year, benchmark natural gas prices in New York lost around two-thirds of their value. In September natural gas was trading near 4 USD. The huge fluctuations in price made natural gas interesting for short-term-oriented traders, but natural gas’s future contract curve offered an even more interesting investment opportunity. Speculation on the change of price differences between different contract maturities is a popular trading strategy, especially by hedge funds: Traders enter long and short positions in the same commodity simultaneously, and the trade is based on an expansion or narrowing of the price differences, that is, a change in the steepness of the term structure.

        Some Thoughts on Natural Gas

        Natural gas is one of the most important sources of energy in the United States, with a market share of almost 25 percent. Home heating, electricity generation, and other industrial applications together make up nearly 80 percent of its use. But the need for heat, which accounts for 20 percent of total demand, is very seasonal: There’s high demand in the winter months, less during the summer.

        Natural gas production in the United States is focused in Texas, the Gulf of Mexico, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Wyoming, and Louisiana. Texas and the Gulf region together contribute more than 50 percent of domestic output. Another 15-plus percent of total US natural gas consumption is imported from Canada or imported in the form of liquefied natural gas (LNG).

        Natural gas is traded on NYMEX under the symbol NG and the current contract month in USD per 10,000 MMBtu (1 MMBtu equals 26.4 cubic meters of gas, based on an energy content of 40 megajoules/m3).
        In 2006 the two top hedge fund investors in the US natural gas market were Brian Hunter, head of energy trading at Amaranth Advisors, a fund worth 9 billion USD, and Robert “Bo” Collins, chief executive of MotherRock, which oversaw about 400 million USD. The Mother Rock Energy Master Fund, which launched in December 2004, returned 20 percent to its investors in 2005.

        Figure 18. Natural gas prices in USD/MMBtu, 2003 to 2007, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Some investors at the time were aware that Collins and Hunter held opposing positions in March–April and October–January natural gas contracts. In July 2006 the price difference between the gas futures for March and April 2007 reached 2.60 USD. Hunter’s investment decisions assumed that the difference would increase due to the upcoming cold season. In contrast, MotherRock was betting on a correction in the price spread.

        Who Is Brian Hunter?

        Born in 1975, Brian Hunter is a Canadian mathematician and hedge fund manager. From 2001 to 2004, he worked at Deutsche Bank in New York. There, in 2001 and 2002, he achieved a profit of 17 and 52 million USD by trading natural gas futures. However, after losses of more than 50 million USD in just one week, Hunter was released from his job. He moved on to Amaranth.
        Hunter became a legend on Wall Street by earning more than 1 billion USD speculating on natural gas prices after Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. By August 2006 he had achieved a profit of about 2 billion USD. Within a week, however, he had lost three times that, causing serious problems for Amaranth. After his separation from the company, Hunter went on to found a new hedge fund in 2007.
        Amaranth, with about 360 employees, had begun as a company that focused on convertible arbitrage. As those profit opportunities dwindled, it moved on to the energy sector. The firm dominated US natural gas trading on financial markets such as the NYMEX and the Intercontinental Exchange (ICE), as it bought and sold thousands of contracts, sometimes even tens of thousands, on a daily basis. Amaranth held about 100,000 natural gas contracts in one month, which accounted for about 5 percent of the total annual gas consumption of the United States. On the New York Stock Exchange alone, Amaranth controlled 40 percent of all outstanding contracts for the 2006–2007 winter season (October–March) and more than three-quarters of all outstanding November futures contracts.

        Amaranth Advisors and MotherRock had opposite guesses on which way the market would move.

        In June and July 2006, erratic natural gas price movements caused massive losses in the MotherRock Energy Master Fund. Earlier, the US Department of Commerce had reported a 12 percent increase in gas inventories. As a result, the gas price dropped by 12 percent within a week. The redemption of shares by investors aggravated MotherRock’s distress, which increased its losses to more than 200 million USD. However, the hedge fund’s high losses were not primarily due to a “normal” price decline. A subsequent Senate investigation confirmed that the sheer volume of Amaranth purchases of March contracts and sales of April contracts had distorted the price spread of natural gas, which moved up by more than 70 percent by July 31, 2006. MotherRock’s position worsened to the point where the fund was unable to meet its margin requirements. The fund collapsed, and positions were wound up in August 2006. Brian Hunter had triumphed, but his victory would be short lived.

        In late summer, natural gas prices began a downward spiral. The price of natural gas on the NYMEX, with delivery in October, dropped from 8.45 USD in July to below 4.80 USD in September, the lowest price of the previous two and a half years. The difference between futures contracts maturing in March 2007 and April 2007 moved from a high of nearly 2.50 USD in June to below 50 US cents in September—a plunge of around 75 percent!

        Figure 19. Price spread between natural gas March and April 2007 delivery, in USD/MMBtu, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        At the end of August, Amaranth held approximately 100,000 contracts in both the September and October futures on the long and short sides. Taken together, these represented enormous positions, because the movement of only 1 US cent on 100,000 contracts meant a change in value of about 10 million USD. The sheer size of the trades caused significant price movements in natural gas and its future term structure, that is, the price relationship of the different maturities.

        Figure 20. Future Term Structure of natural gas in USD/MMBtu, 2010, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The total positions of the fund added up to approximately 18 billion USD. The 60-cent increase in September contracts and the associated drop in the October–September price spread meant a huge loss for Amaranth.
        On August 29 the profit-and-loss calculation showed a one-day depreciation of natural gas valuation of just under 600 million USD. The next day’s margin obligations would be even worse: They rose to 944 million USD, due to further price depreciation. Two days later Amaranth’s margin commitments were in excess of 2.5 billion USD. A week later, on September 8, the hedge fund’s obligations exceeded 3 billion USD.

        Amaranth’s total positions added up to 18 billion USD. In September the fund’s margin commitments rose to more than 3 billion USD.

        With the price volatility of energy markets remaining high, and because of the cumulative losses, concerns were mounting at Morgan Stanley (one of Amaranth’s important investors, along with Credit Suisse and Deutsche Bank), which forced the fund to return money.
        Funds under management at Amaranth fell from 9 to 4.5 billion USD in just a week. Founder Nicholas Maounis told his investors in a letter that the company would drastically reduce its positions due to the price fluctuations in the US gas market, and that investors could anticipate losses of 35 percent by the end of the year, even though four weeks earlier the fund had posted a 26 percent profit.
        Amaranth got its name from the Greek word for “imperishable,” but it was now painfully clear that the firm’s profits were anything but. In addition to individual investors, injured parties included umbrella hedge funds of Credit Suisse, Morgan Stanley, and Deutsche Bank. On July 25, 2007, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission condemned Amaranth and Brian Hunter for attempted price manipulation of the natural gas market. Hunter, who had left Amaranth, had already established a new hedge fund—Solengo Capital Advisors.
        When Amaranth collapsed in September 2006, investors were told redemptions would be temporarily suspended. Ten years after the blowup, in 2016, Amaranth investors were still waiting to get their money back.

        Key Takeaways
        •Energy markets were a hot topic in 2005–2006. The price of natural gas climbed from 6 to more than 15 USD, but in late summer the market turned sour and a downward spiral began. In September 2006 natural gas fell below 5 USD.
        •Brian Hunter built a position of 18 billion USD in natural gas. By August 2006 his trades had earned him 2 billion USD. But then the market turned against him. Within weeks he had lost 6 billion USD, and Amaranth Advisors collapsed in September 2006.
        •The demise of Amaranth Advisors shook the financial industry. It was the biggest hedge fund collapse since the downfall of Long-Term Capital Management in 1998 and investors haven’t been paid back yet.

        23 Orange Juice: Collateral Damage 2006

        “Think big; think positive. Never show any sign of weakness. Always go for the throat. Buy low; sell high.” That’s the philosophy of Billy Ray Valentine, played by Eddie Murphy in the 1983 movie Trading Places. The film’s final showdown has Murphy and Dan Aykroyd cornering the orange juice market. In reality, the price of frozen orange juice concentrate would quadruple between 2004 and 2006 on the New York Mercantile Exchange—a consequence of a record hurricane season.

        “My God! The Dukes are going to corner the entire frozen orange juice market!” —Dan Aykroyd, as Louis Winthorpe III in Trading Places

        The blockbuster movie Trading Places, from 1983, stars Eddie Murphy and Dan Aykroyd and culminates in a chaotic scene at the New York commodity exchange over trades of orange juice that hinge on data from the US Department of Agriculture. This was not really farfetched, as trading in orange juice, or more precisely frozen orange juice concentrate, on the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) is dominated by the effects of weather. Hurricanes, frosts, or droughts in Florida and the region around São Paulo, Brazil—the main places where oranges are grown—can lead to major price fluctuations that vary with the seasons and also affect other agricultural commodities: High prices are due to risk premiums in May (frost in Brazil) and November (hurricane season in Florida), and lows are more common in February and September. Even light storms can lead to a loss of fruit.

        Some Juicy Facts

        Oranges are cultivated in almost all parts of the world with tropical or subtropical climates, but two countries dominate orange juice production. More than 50 percent of the world’s harvest comes from Brazil (the São Paulo region) and Florida in the United States. At harvest, oranges are typically packaged in boxes of 90 pounds or 40.8 kilograms. Processing fruit into concentrate offers advantages, compared to oranges and orange juice, when it comes to storage, shelf life, and transportation.
        Orange juice is traded in the form of frozen concentrated orange juice futures in New York. A futures contract refers to 15,000 pounds of concentrate, the equivalent of 2,300 to 2,500 boxes of oranges. Under normal conditions, an orange harvest in Florida provides about 200 million boxes, worth about 1.2 billion USD.

        The hurricane seasons of 2004 and 2005 were the most active since weather records were kept in the United States.

        Heavy storms can destroy entire plantations and, at worst, result in lower harvests for several years, because new crops do not bear fruit for three to four years and are most productive only after about eight years. Storms can also make a difference in the spread of pests and diseases, which can greatly impact harvests on monoculture plantations. The years 2004 to 2006 created a “perfect storm” for the price of orange juice, overshadowing even the price spike of crude oil during the 2005 hurricane season.

        Storms to Remember

        The Atlantic hurricane season typically lasts from June 1 to November 30, and an average season sees just six hurricanes. There are exceptions: The year 2004 was one of the most active and costly hurricane seasons since records began. Winds and floods were responsible for at least 3,000 deaths and property damage of approximately 50 billion USD. The most significant storms—Charley, Frances, Ivan, and Jeanne—all crossed the United States. And all four hit Florida.
        But the hurricane season of 2005 stands out even more. It emerged as the most active hurricane season since weather records began, with 28 storms, including 13 hurricanes, of which 4 were Category 5 storms! Category 5 on the Saffir-Simpson scale means a hurricane with wind speeds in excess of 251 km/h. The storms in 2005 cost some 2,300 lives and caused damages amounting to 130 billion USD. Hurricanes Dennis, Emily, Katrina, Rita, and Wilma were responsible for the worst of the devastation that year. Katrina caused massive damage in the southeastern United States in August 2005, hitting the city of New Orleans particularly hard. However, Wilma broke all records and is now considered the strongest storm in history.

        Florida’s orange industry generally has suffered from subsidized overproduction. As a result, in times of good harvests income levels are low. The orange harvest in 2004 was very productive, and consequently in May 2004 the price of orange juice was about 35 percent lower than in the previous year. The US Department of Agriculture was estimating a harvest of 245 million cases in 2004, which would have been well above the crop level of the previous year (203 million cases) and would even have topped the record harvest of the 1997–1998 season (244 million cases). In addition, the Atkins diet, which advocated avoiding carbohydrates (including the sugar in orange juice), was particularly popular in the United States at the time and causing noticeably lower demand. At the end of May 2004, orange juice was trading at only 0.54 USD/lb in New York.

        Figure 21. Frozen orange juice concentrate prices in US cents/lb, 2002–2006. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        But then parameters started to change. The Atkins diet lost popularity, and demand began to pick up. And four hurricanes in 2004–2005—Charley, Frances, Jeanne, and Wilma—would affect the supply of Florida oranges. According to the Florida Citrus Mutual industry association, Hurricane Wilma alone caused a crop loss of around 35 million boxes, or about 17 percent of unharvested fruit.

        From a base of 0.55 USD, the price for frozen orange juice concentrate rose to more than 2 USD. A quadruple increase!

        In 2005 the US Department of Agriculture predicted a harvest of only 135 million boxes, that is, a decline of almost 10 percent compared to the already-below-average harvest of the previous year. Market observers expected the lowest harvest level in the previous 17 years due to storm damage and pest infestation. Starting at just under 0.55 USD in May 2004, the price of orange juice concentrate in New York continued to rise, quadrupling within two and a half years.

        The prices for orange juice rose to levels unmatched since 1990.

        In October 2005 the price rose above 1 USD, breaking a psychological barrier, and the upward momentum continued. Orange juice rose to levels that had not been reached since January 1990, when the price topped 2 USD after a severe frost. In December 2006 the price of orange juice was again trading above 2 USD.
        The orange crop in 2005–2006 began to recover slightly in both the United States and Brazil compared to the previous year. But the supply remained about 30 percent below the 2003–2004 level. Finally, in 2007, the price for orange juice fell back to between 1.20 and 1.40 USD, and in 2008, the price normalized to levels below 1 USD again.

        Key Takeaways
        •Prices of agricultural commodities are very sensitive to extreme weather. As a consequence of a record Atlantic hurricane season, the price of frozen orange juice concentrate quadrupled between 2004 and 2006.
        •In October 2005 prices surpassed 1 USD and continued to climb. In December 2006, the price of orange juice traded above 2 USD, a level that had not been reached since January 1990.
        •A notable fictional cornering of the market for frozen orange juice concentrate—whose plot hinged on weather information from the US Department of Agriculture’s Crop Report—took place in the movie Trading Places (1983), starring Eddie Murphy and Dan Aykroyd.

        24 John Fredriksen: The Sea Wolf 2006

        John Fredriksen controls a corporate empire founded on transporting crude oil. Among the pearls of that empire is Marine Harvest, the largest fish-farming company in the world.

        “You stand on dead men’s legs. You’ve never had any of your own. You couldn’t walk alone between two sunrises and hustle the meat for your belly . . .” —Jack London, The Sea Wolf

        Acomparison with socialite Paris Hilton is inevitable: The twin sisters Kathrine and Cecilie, 26, are young, beautiful, and rich. In the list of Forbes magazine’s “Hottest Billionaire Heiresses,” the twins are next to Ivanka Trump and Holly Branson. The sisters have so far kept their names out of scandals, but they are already following in the business footsteps of their father, John Fredriksen. Forbes rates the private wealth of the 74-year-old Norwegian shipowner—by far the richest Norwegian—at more than 8 billion USD. Due to high taxes in Norway, however, Fredriksen lives in London and holds Cypriot citizenship.
        Fredriksen, born May 11, 1944, near Oslo, became rich in the crude oil business, as have many before him. He was already working in the shipping business when he set up his own company during the oil crises of the 1970s and built up a tanker fleet, today one of the largest in the world. He earned money on risky ventures during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s and delivered crude oil to the apartheid regime in South Africa.
        Today Frederiksen heads a huge corporate empire, directly or through its investment firms. He is the largest shareholder of the Bermuda-registered shipping company Frontline, which controls a fleet of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) tankers with Golar LNG, and is involved in the oil rig operator SeaDrill and the shipping companies Golden Ocean Group and Overseas Shipholding Group. In Germany, Fredriksen is known as a major shareholder of the TUI Group and an advocate of selling the container shipping division Hapag-Lloyd, in order to promote the consolidation of the industry. Prior to 2010 John Fredriksen held the largest stake in TUI Travel and had a significant influence upon its direction and strategy. The Norwegian had already made a name for himself in the world of fish farming and today controls the largest fish-farming company in the world—Marine Harvest.

        Figure 22. Norwegian salmon prices in NOK/kg, 2000–2011. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        In the 1971 German TV adaptation of Jack London’s famous adventure novel The Sea Wolf, Raimund Harmstorf, in his role as Wolf Larsen, crushes a raw potato to illustrate his worldview—eat, or be eaten. It’s an apt metaphor for the dealings of John Fredriksen, the Norwegian Sea Wolf.
        In the first years of the new millennium, the Norwegian fish-farming industry was experiencing financial difficulties due to low prices for fish. In particular, the company Pan Fish, founded in 1992, had been struggling since 2000.

        What’s the Catch?

        By far the world’s largest fishing nations are China, Peru, India, and Japan. In Europe, Norway, Denmark, and Spain haul in the largest harvests. The value of world exports of fish and fishery products in 2015 reached 96 billion USD. Aquaculture deals with the controlled cultivation of fish, mussels, crabs, and algae, and there’s a rapidly growing global market for these products: According to figures from the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), slightly more than a third of the almost 150 million metric tons of fish caught come from aquaculture—and the number is rising. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and FAO estimate that by 2020 the proportion of farmed fish will account for almost 50 percent of the total fishery.
        Farmed fish have the advantage of lower prices, and some argue that fish farms can also counteract the overfishing of the oceans; according to FAO estimates, more than 70 percent of the fishing grounds are already considered “overfished.” However, others point out some disadvantages: Aquaculture’s carnivorous fish, such as salmon and trout, consume many times the body weight of wild-caught fish; and there are particularly negative consequences to keeping fish in unnaturally large and dense pens, especially in countries with low ecological standards, such as in Southeast Asia or South America, because of over-fertilization or the use of antibiotics.
        Fredricksen controlled an almost 50 percent stake in Pan Fish through his investment company Greenwich Holding and the two vehicles Geveran Trading and Westborough Holdings. In June 2005, he bid successfully for the remaining shares of the company. In the second quarter of 2005, Fredriksen also acquired 24 percent of Fjord Seafood through Geveran Trading. His shares would soon amount to nearly 50 percent of the company. Then, in October 2005, Fjord Seafood made an offer to the state fish-farming company Cermaq, but the bid failed due to opposition from the Norwegian government.
        Fredricksen made his next big move in March 2006: Nutreco, today the largest manufacturer of fish feed worldwide, sold 75 percent of Marine Harvest—which had been involved in Chilean fish farming since the mid-1970s—to Geveran Trading for nearly 900 million euros. The remaining 25 percent was acquired by the Norwegian firm Stolt-Nielsen.

        On December 29, 2006, Pan Fish, Fjord Seafood, and Marine Harvest merged to form the new Marine Harvest Group. What was by far the largest fish-farming corporation in the world was now under the control of John Fredriksen.

        Key Takeaways
        •John Fredriksen, a modern version of Jack London’s Sea Wolf, made his fortune in the crude oil market, then became active in oil drilling, the transport of crude oil, shipping, and liquified natural gas. Today he controls an extensive corporate empire.
        •During the first years of the new millennium, the Norwegian fish-farming industry experienced severe financial difficulties due to low salmon prices.
        •By active industry consolidation over two years, Fredriksen built the Marine Harvest Group in 2006. Today it’s the world leader in fish farming and aquaculture.

        25 Lakshmi Mittal: Feel the Steel (2006)

        The dynamic growth of the Chinese economy and its hunger for raw materials rouses the suffering steel industry from near death. Through clever takeovers and the reorganization of rundown businesses, Lakshmi Mittal rises from a small entrepreneur in India to the largest steel tycoon in the world, a position he crowns with the acquisition of his main competitor and the world’s second-largest steel producer—Arcelor.

        “I want to be the Ford of Steel.” —Lakshmi Mittal
        “Aim for the highest.” —Andrew Carnegie

        It was a dream wedding, with a setting akin to the court of ancient maharajahs in India or a tale from 1001 Nights. On June 22, 2004, fireworks illuminated the night sky in Paris, Bollywood stars Aishwarya Rai and Shah Rukh Khan entertained the guests, pop star Kylie Minogue performed, and more than 5,000 bottles of Mouton-Rothschild 1986 were served. The evening festivities were the main attraction of the six-day celebration of the wedding of 23-year-old Vanisha Mittal and London investment banker and founder of Swordfish Investments Amit Bhatia, age 25. Twelve Boeing jets had been chartered to bring more than 1,500 guests from India to France, where they visited the Jardin des Tuileries, Versailles, and the Château de Vaux-le-Vicomte. The silver-wrapped wedding invitations included five-star accommodations at the Hotel Le Grand and the InterContinental, whose 600 rooms had been fully booked. Presents for the guests featured designer handbags filled with jewelry. It is estimated that the cost of this extravaganza was around 60 million USD. The check was signed by the proud bride’s father, Lakshmi Mittal.
        Who is this tycoon who could arrange a fairytale wedding for his daughter and that same year acquire a princely residence in London’s posh Kensington district from the chief executive of the Formula One Group, Bernie Ecclestone, for the equivalent of around 130 million USD?
        Lakshmi Mittal’s father had run a small steel plant in the Rajasthan province of India. The family later moved to Calcutta, where the father took over a major factory and where Lakshmi learned the steel business from scratch.
        After studying business administration in Calcutta, in 1976 Lakshmi was put in charge of modernizing a rundown steelwork in Indonesia that the family had previously acquired for 1.5 million USD. That pattern would continue throughout the Indian mogul’s life, as he bought money-losing or underutilized steel producers and restructured their business through cost reductions, sales orientation, layoffs, and closures. When a steel industry boom was triggered by rapid economic growth in China, Lakshmi Mittal would become one of the richest men in the world in just a few years.

        Lakshmi Mittal forged the world’s largest steel company.

        Gradually he added larger and larger acquisition targets. In 1989 Mittal bought a derelict steel plant in Trinidad and Tobago and renovated it. He had a major success in Mexico in 1992: The state had invested 2.2 billion USD in state-of-the-art steel-production equipment, but the end of the oil boom was forcing the government to sell. Mexican president Carlos Salinas awarded the Indian entrepreneur the contract for just 220 million USD, of which Mittal only had to raise 25 million in cash. He then renamed the company Ispat Mexicana. (Ispat is Hindi for “steel.”)
        The year 1995 marked another turning point for the businessman. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the giant Karmetwerk, which included coal mines, was up for privatization in Kazakhstan. Although Western corporations did not dare invest, Mittal paid 400 million USD, dismissed a third of the workforce, and made the company profitable within a year. Mittal also bought Sidex in Romania after that company was privatized, though it was a controversial deal because of a letter of recommendation written by British prime minister Tony Blair to Romanian president Adrian Năstase after Mittal’s donation to Blair’s party (“Mittalgate”).

        Mittal Steel was created in the spring of 2005.

        In October 2004 Mittal announced the merger of privately held LNM Holding and publicly listed Ispat International with the American International Steel Group (ISG). (ISG arose from the assets of LTV Steel and the assets of former industrial titans Acme Steel and Bethlehem Steel.) In the spring of 2005, the deal—worth 4.5 billion USD—was concluded. Mittal Steel, based in the Netherlands, was born.

        Steel Ups and Downs

        Carnegie and Vanderbilt in USA, or Thyssen and Krupp in Germany—these family names ring a bell in the history of the steel industry. Compared to other industries, the steel industry today is highly fragmented; the 10 largest steelmakers produce less than a third of the world’s supply, compared to a market share of more than 90 percent by the world’s 10 largest carmakers. ArcelorMittal is the industry leader. Nippon Steel, Baoshan Iron & Steel, POSCO, and JFE Steel follow at some distance.
        The 1990s were dark years for steel producers from Western countries. Specifically, the US steel industry slipped into a severe crisis due to overcapacity and cheap imports, and since the late 1990s, more than 30 companies have had to apply for bankruptcy and creditor protection. The situation changed dramatically with the rapid growth of the Chinese economy. The Chinese demand for steel increased from around 15 percent of the world’s market in 2000 to almost 50 percent a decade later. This unbalanced the markets for raw materials like iron ore and metallurgical coal and caused prices for crude steel to rise significantly. At the beginning of the millennium, the price for a metric ton of steel was around 200 USD; by 2008, it had risen to 1,100 USD.
        Mittal had created the world’s largest steel producer, with more than 70 million tons of production capacity. About 90 percent of the company was owned by the family. But Mittal, who wanted to outdo magnates like Andrew Carnegie and Bethlehem Steel’s Charles Schwab, was not yet satisfied.
        In October of the same year, Mittal Steel acquired Ukrainian steel producer Kryvorizhstal at an auction for 4.8 billion USD, after the Ukrainian president decided against a consortium headed by the son-in-law of the former Ukrainian president. But behind the scenes a much larger deal was looming that would profoundly change the steel industry.

        Figure 23. Steel prices in USD/ton, 2000–2010. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        In January 27, 2006, Mittal announced a takeover bid to the shareholders of Arcelor, which was the industry’s second-biggest company. He offered a premium of 27 percent on the closing price of the previous day, a purchase price of nearly 20 billion USD. Arcelor itself had been created by the merger of French, Spanish, Luxembourg, and Belgian steelworks, and in 2005 it had produced almost 50 million metric tons of crude steel. The attempt at the hostile takeover provoked Arcelor’s corporate leadership; the governments of Luxembourg, France, and Belgium also opposed the merger.
        “L’India”—the Indian—“does not fit in with our great culture,” said Guy Dollé, the French head of Arcelor. And, in fact, the takeover battle turned into a war of cultures, during which Arcelor sought to save itself through a merger with Russian steelmaker Severstal. It played out like high-stakes poker. In the course of a month, Arcelor rejected two offers from Mittal as too low. Then, in June 2006, the Arcelor board of directors called for a marathon nine-hour negotiation. For almost 34 billion USD, a further premium of 15 percent on the stock closing price of the previous day—about 45 percent above the original offer—Arcelor finally agreed to the sale.

        With the merger of Arcelor and Mittal, the world’s largest steel producer was created, with a combined production volume of just under 120 million tons of crude steel, a global market share of around 12 percent, 60 billion USD in sales, and more than 320,000 employees. Number two in the industry, Nippon Steel, had less than one-third of ArcelorMittal’s production capacity.
        With the acquisition of Arcelor, the Mittal family reduced its stake in the new company to around 45 percent. Nevertheless, with estimated private assets of around 25 billion USD, Lakshmi Mittal is considered the fifth richest person in the world.

        Key Takeaways
        •The awakening of the Chinese economy, with its dynamic growth and enormous lust for resources, shook up a moribund global steel industry. Between 2000 and 2008, global steel prices increased more than fivefold. One entrepreneur noticed this industry trend faster than others.
        •Lakshmi Mittal became the “man of steel.” The Indian tycoon created Mittal Steel in 2005 by buying ISG and the remaining assets of former US industry giants Acme Steel and Bethlehem Steel. But that was not enough. After a bidding frenzy, in summer 2006 Mittal bought Arcelor and forged the world’s biggest steel company, ArcelorMittal.
        •After the transaction was complete, Lakshmi Mittal was considered the fifth richest person in the world, with estimated private assets topping 25 billion USD.

        26 Crude Oil: The Return of the “Seven Sisters” (2007)

        An exclusive club of companies controls oil production and worldwide reserves. But its influence diminishes with the founding of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the rise of state oil companies outside the Western world.

        “There is no business like oil business.“ —C. C. Pocock, Chairman of Shell

        In 2007 the Financial Times created the term the “New Seven Sisters” to describe the world’s seven most influential energy companies outside the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The original Seven Sisters, a term coined in the 1950s, referred to a consortium of predominantly successor companies to the Standard Oil Company: Standard Oil of New Jersey, Standard Oil Company of New York, Standard Oil of California, Gulf Oil, Texaco, Royal Dutch Shell, and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company.

        For a long time, the Seven Sisters were regarded as the dominant force in the oil business, since, thanks to a framework agreement with the Iranian government, they held a demand cartel over oil producers in the Third World. Producer countries were forced to sell the majority of their production on the basis of long-term contracts and fixed prices to the oligopoly, which also controlled trade and distribution.
        The Seven Sisters were able to set the rules, because until the 1970s the group controlled about 85 percent of global oil reserves. However, early in that decade, more and more important producer countries began to nationalize their oil industry: Algeria was the first country to do so, in 1971, followed shortly thereafter by Libya. In the following year, Iraq nationalized the concessions of Western companies. In 1973 Iran also nationalized its domestic oil industry. The power of the Seven Sisters was dwindling, and OPEC—founded in 1960 and the cartel’s counterpart on the supply side—was gaining in importance.

        The Seven Sisters controlled 85 percent of the world’s oil reserves until the 1970s.

        Today, OPEC countries supply about 40 percent of the world’s crude oil, and according to their own data, member countries together account for about 75 percent of global crude oil reserves, while oil production in Western countries has declined over recent years.

        Four of the Seven Sisters still exist today—ExxonMobil, Chevron, Royal Dutch Shell, and BP.

        To counter strong price fluctuations and a continuous drop in oil prices below 10 USD, the large oil companies used mergers and acquisitions. For example, Exxon (Standard Oil of New Jersey) and Mobil Oil (Standard Oil Company of New York) merged in 1999 to create ExxonMobil, the world’s largest oil company, whose annual revenue exceeds the economic power of many small countries.
        From Standard Oil of California came Chevron, which took over US Gulf Oil in 1985 and in 2001 incorporated Texaco as well. The British Anglo-Persian Oil Company first became the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and then British Petroleum. Following the acquisition of Amoco (the former Standard Oil of Indiana) and Atlantic Richfield, the company finally changed its name to BP in 2000. As a result, four of the original seven dominant companies were left: ExxonMobil, Chevron, Royal Dutch Shell, and BP.

        Big Oil today is made up of BP, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil, Royal Dutch Shell, and Total.

        Further mergers, such as Total and Petrofina (1999), Total and Elf Aquitaine (2000), and Conoco and Phillips Petroleum (2002), have put the US firm ConocoPhillips and the French company Total into the same category as the other four. There are now six super-majors—BP, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil, Royal Dutch Shell, and Total—all often referred to as “Big Oil” in the financial press. However, their influence today is significantly lower than that of the Seven Sisters 50 years ago. Together, Big Oil today controls less than 10 percent of global oil and gas production, and the group’s share of global reserves is again significantly lower.
        In contrast, the “new Seven Sisters” of the oil industry together control about a third of global oil and gas production and global reserves: These include Saudi Aramco (Saudi Arabia), Gazprom (Russia), China National Petroleum Corporation (China; CNPC), National Iranian Oil Company (Iran), Petróleos de Venezuela (Venezuela), Petrobras (Brazil), and Petronas (Malaysia).

        The “new Seven Sisters” are Saudi Aramco, Gazprom, CNPC, National Iranian Oil, Petróleos de Venezuela, Petrobras, and Petronas.

        Aramco, based in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, is the most important of the group. As the world’s largest oil company, it produces 12 million barrels of crude oil daily and has reserves of approximately 260 billion barrels of crude oil—almost a quarter of global reserves. With its Ghawar oil field, Saudi Aramco also operates the largest oil field in the world. After a dramatic drop in oil prices in 2015–2016, the kingdom of Saudi Arabia speculated about an IPO of Saudi Aramco to raise money. But plans have not yet been realized.
        At the end of 2006, Russian Gazprom and Petro China, a subsidiary of CNPC, had left the market value of most Western energy companies far behind. CNPC, the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), and Sinopec are China’s three largest oil companies.
        The power of the former Russian state-owned company Gazprom—the world’s largest producer of natural gas—was felt in Europe in late 2005 due to the gas dispute with Ukraine. (The enterprise also holds a monopoly on the export of gas from Russia.)
        The state-owned National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC), based in Tehran, is part of the Iranian Ministry of Petroleum and is also active worldwide. Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) was the instrument of power of former Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez. Established as part of the nationalization of the country’s oil industry, PDVSA is today the largest oil company in Latin America. In the Campos Basin, the semipublic Petrobras (formally Petróleo Brasileiro) accounts for more than 80 percent of Brazil’s oil production. The company is also a leader in offshore drilling and deep drilling. With the Tupi field, the Brazilians have probably discovered the third-largest oil field in the world. Petronas (full name Petroliam Nasional Berhad), a state-owned petroleum company known for its landmark Petronas Towers in Kuala Lumpur, is one of the largest international oil and gas companies, with more than 100 subsidiaries and representations in more than 30 countries.

        Key Takeaways
        •After the breakup of Rockefeller’s Standard Oil empire, a consortium known as the “Seven Sisters” emerged. Included were Standard Oil of New Jersey, Standard Oil Company of New York, Standard Oil of California, Gulf Oil, Texaco, Royal Dutch Shell, and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. This consortium controlled 85 percent of global crude oil reserves until the mid-1970s.
        •The influence of the Seven Sisters diminished with the founding of OPEC and the rise of state oil companies outside the Western world. OPEC today controls about 40 percent of global oil and gas production.
        •The legacy of the Seven Sisters lives on in a group of super-majors, six integrated oil and gas companies also referred to as “Big Oil”: BP, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil, Royal Dutch Shell, and Total. Compared to the original Seven Sisters, they control less than 10 percent of global oil and gas production.
        •The “new Seven Sisters” are Saudi Aramco, Gazprom, CNPC, National Iranian Oil, Petróleos de Venezuela, Petrobras, and Petronas. Together these seven companies control about a third of global oil and gas production and reserves.

        27 Wheat and the “Millennium Drought” in Australia 2007

        After seven lean years for Australia’s agricultural sector, a Millennium Drought drives the price of wheat internationally from record to record. Thousands of Australian farmers expect a total failure of their harvest. Is this a preview of the effects of global climate change?

        “This is more typical of a 1 in a 1000-year drought, or possibly even drier, than it is of a 1 in a 100-year event.” —David Dreverman, Head of the Murray-Darling Basin Authority

        The Aboriginal term uamby means “where the waters meet,” except that on the Uamby farm, 50 kilometers northwest of the Australian wine-making and sheep-breeding city of Mudgee, no more water was flowing. The year 2006 was one of the hottest since weather records began on this continent and also one with the least rainfall.

        Though the extreme drought had already affected the farm severely, it was only the beginning of the worst summer months—which fall between December and March in Australia. Water reserves were running low, and the animals could no longer find food. The pastures were bare and parched, necessitating purchases of water and food. Of the original 4,800 sheep on the farm, only 2,800 were left; the remainder had to be sold for 5 USD per animal, though the owners had expected about 40 USD.

        The World’s Wheat

        With an annual production of just under 600 million tons, various wheat varieties, together with corn and rice, are among the most widely cultivated cereals in the world. Wheat accounts for around one-fifth of the world’s calorie needs. It’s an important food for livestock and is also used to produce biofuels like ethanol. The average yield per hectare is just under 3 tons worldwide (1 hectare = 10,000 square meters, comparable to a soccer field). Large parts of the harvest are consumed by the producer countries themselves, so that only about 100 million tons of the total amount produced reach the world market—a factor that can affect price fluctuations in times of shortages.
        More than 400,000 people were working in Australia’s agriculture sector, one of the country’s most important industries, and the situation was dire. At the beginning of 2007, due to the adverse circumstances, a farmer was taking his own life every four days. At the beginning of the next year, more than 70 percent of the agricultural land, about 320 million hectares, was affected by lack of rain and high temperatures.

        The “granary” of Australia, the Murray-Darling Basin, produces 40 percent of the country’s wheat.

        The situation was especially tense in the Murray-Darling Basin. The river system spans thousands of kilometers, an area about the size of France and Spain combined, supplying some 15 percent of Australia’s water. Officially, the rivers supplied around 50 percent less water in 2007 than the previous year, and 2006 itself had been a record low-water year. The basin is considered the granary of Australia, because this area alone grows 40 percent of the food on the continent. Meanwhile, small towns like Dimboola, about 330 kilometers from Melbourne, in the Australian wheat belt, were becoming ghost towns.
        For the international market, Australia’s role as the second-largest exporter of wheat was of particular importance. In “normal” times, Australia exports 25 million tons every year. But normal times had not existed in Australia for seven years, making the drought the country’s longest. The year 2006 was the third-driest year since records began in 1900, and the Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics (ABARE) was estimating the 2006–2007 winter harvest at just 26 million metric tons, 36 percent less than the previous year. Even so, 2007 proved to be hotter, and experts began talking about a Millennium Drought. Australian prime minister John Howard declared it “the worst drought in living memory.” The direct cause was the phenomenon known as El Niño—a rise in Pacific Ocean temperature that affects weather patterns, and a phenomenon whose frequency and intensity has increased significantly through global climate change, according to environmental and weather experts.

        El Niño Acts Up

        El Niño (“the boy” in Spanish, referring to the Christ Child, since El Niño usually occurs around Christmastime) describes a weather phenomenon in which the sea surface temperature in the equatorial Pacific rises, wind systems over the Pacific change, and as a result, the cold Humboldt current west of South America weakens. A layer of warm water travels through the tropical East Pacific from Southeast Asia to South America, and water temperatures off Australia and Indonesia drop. The result is a change in global weather patterns: There are usually heavy rains on the South and North American West Coasts and drought, crop failures, and bush fires in Australia, India, and Southeast Asia.
        In contrast, La Niña (“the girl”) is an exceptionally cold current in the equatorial Pacific, whose effects are excessive rain in Indonesia and drought in Peru.
        The Australian harvest was crucial because the global 2006–2007 wheat harvest, at 598 million metric tons, was also significantly lower than the previous year’s 621 and 628 million tons. The 15 largest producing countries provided about 80 percent of that total. Australia, the second-largest exporter after the United States at the time, accounted for about 16 percent of global wheat exports.

        The harvest came at a time of increasing demand, growing prosperity, and robust economic growth. For global wheat consumption, the forecast for this period was 611 million metric tons.
        The collapse of Australian wheat production first hit Asia and the Middle East, since these countries traditionally imported grain from Australia. They were now looking for wheat in the United States and Canada. The Europeans were also affected by the heat. In Ukraine, the 2006 crop had shrunk by half.

        In February 2008 the price for wheat more than tripled, compared to 2006, to almost 13 USD per bushel.

        The price of wheat on the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) soon began an unprecedented rally. The typical trading band for wheat in the years before 2006 was between 2.50 USD and 4 USD. At the beginning of 2004, however, inventories fell to their lowest levels since 1980. Bad harvests in Europe and China meant that the Middle Kingdom had to import wheat for the fourth year in a row. The price of grains was picking up dynamically.
        In October 2006, wheat broke through the 5 USD mark for the first time and remained there. Then, in June 2007, wheat prices rose to 6 USD, climbed to 7 USD in August, 8 USD at the beginning of September, 9 USD at the end of that month, and rose to 9.50 USD at the beginning of October.
        Meanwhile, global inventories continued to fall and reached a 26-year low. In addition, in Canada—another major wheat exporter on the world market—grain reserves plunged 29 percent year-on-year at the end of July, while Egypt, Jordan, Japan, and Iraq placed buying orders for large quantities of wheat.

        Figure 24. Wheat prices in US cents/bushel, 2005–2008, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        After this fast-paced rally, international wheat prices took a breather, but in hindsight that turned out to be just a short break. At the beginning of February 2008, wheat prices broke through the 10 USD barrier, and the price momentum continued. The closing price on February 27, 2008, was 12.80 USD, a dramatic tripling since early 2006!
        The devastating drought had caused losses of around 50 percent in the recent Australian harvest. The situation began to relax slightly with the 2007–2008 harvest of 609 million tons, as the rapid increase in wheat prices had proved an incentive for many farmers to plant previously fallow land. A harvest of 688 million tons worldwide was estimated for 2008–2009. By then the unprecedented Australian drought finally had come to an end. However, weather experts painted a bleak picture for the country’s agriculture in the future.

        Key Takeaways
        •The year 2006 was the third driest in Australia since weather records started in 1900, but 2007 topped it. That year turned out to be the hottest year in history.
        •After several lean years, the Millennium Drought caused devastating damages to Australian agriculture. The national wheat harvest dropped by 50 percent, and global grain markets panicked, since Australia was the biggest global exporter of wheat after the United States.
        •In October 2006, wheat topped 5 USD for the first time. In summer 2007, the rally in wheat prices intensified. In February 2008, wheat prices broke the psychological barrier of 10 USD and closed the month at 12.80 USD. Prices had tripled since early 2006.
        •The Millennium Drought in Australia was caused by El Niño, a weather phenomenon whose strength and frequency could be directly linked to global climate change, according to environmental and weather experts.

        28 Natural Gas: Aftermath in Canada 2007

        The new CEO of the Bank of Montreal, Bill Downe, must report a record loss for the second quarter of 2007 due to failed commodity price speculation. Half a year after Amaranth’s bankruptcy, another natural gas trading scandal shakes market participants’ confidence.

        “How all of a sudden does a USD 450 million loss just materialize like this? Was it a lack of control from a risk perspective or was somebody hiding trades in a desk drawer?” —Leigh Parkinson, Risk Advisory

        It was the middle of April when three of the directors of Optionable, a New York commodity broker, unloaded a share package worth nearly 30 million USD. Just days later, the auditor Deloitte and Touche released a report to its principal, the Bank of Montreal (BMO), stating that there was a 350 to 450 million CAD loss in its natural gas portfolio. This came as a nasty surprise for CEO Bill Downe, who had been in his position for only a month and who was about to announce BMO’s quarterly figures.

        A Canadian Institution

        Founded in 1817, the Bank of Montreal (BMO) is the fourth-largest bank in Canada in terms of deposits and has played a major role in the development of the country, having financed the construction of the first transcontinental railroad in the 1880s. Today BMO’s business activities are divided into private and commercial clients (retail banking), investment banking (BMO capital markets), and wealth management. Tony Comper served as CEO from 1990 to 2007, and during his leadership, in 2000, a small trading scandal occurred in futures trading of natural gas, causing damage of around 30 million CAD. Seven years later, Bill Downe took over.
        The responsible trader at BMO was David Lee, who dealt in natural gas options both on the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) and over the counter. Lee had joined BMO in his mid-20s, coming from the Bank of New York, where he had been involved in building the commodity derivatives business from scratch. Beginning as an analyst, he soon switched to trading and specialized in natural gas options.
        At BMO, Lee handled a large portion of his trades via Optionable. For a broker like Optionable with fewer than 20 employees, these trades represent almost 30 percent of his total revenue. It was no wonder that Lee and Kevin Cassidy, the CEO of Optionable, were close friends.

        BMO’s commodity trading achieved a huge profit in 2006.

        Trading in natural gas delivered an attractive additional income for BMO. Its commodity trading was 15 to 20 times larger than that of the Canadian market leader, the Royal Bank of Canada (RBC). BMO’s energy-trading business had grown to 25 traders. The bank had offices in Houston, New York, and Canadian energy metropolis Calgary, where in March 2006, at BMO’s annual general meeting, Tony Comper had announced excellent results in the investment banking segment, driven primarily by trading profits in oil and gas.

        The commodity business was booming. Due to the damage caused by Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the price of natural gas was rising. In 2004 and the first half of 2005, the price hovered between 6 and 7 USD, but after the hurricane season, corporate clients increasingly were interested in price-hedging transactions. In December 2005, the price of US natural gas went over 15 USD/MMBtu.
        This trend did not go on forever, though. Within weeks benchmark gas prices in New York had lost around two-thirds of their value. A mild winter ensured a sufficient supply of the commodity, which this time was unaffected by hurricanes. Customer interest cooled down significantly, but energy trading at BMO continued to grow.

        The BMO team around David Lee was betting on a rebound in prices.

        BMO’s star trader David Lee got it massively wrong with natural gas options.

        Market participants could see that someone was building massive options positions on the NYMEX and over the counter, but prices continued to fall and volatility declined. The value of call options imploded.
        The trading positions in Lee’s team were getting out of balance, but he was able to disguise his losses with the help of Optionable. Later the law firm Schatz Nobel Izard would accuse Optionable of having helped the BMO trader falsify his book and, among other things, of confirming incorrect trading prices. When Deloitte and Touche examined the upcoming quarterly figures, the loss could no longer be concealed. The auditors estimated the deficit came to 350 to 450 million CAD. BMO canceled collaboration with Optionable immediately, and Optionable stock lost almost 90 percent of its value.

        Figure 25. Natural gas prices in USD/MMBtu, 2003–2007, New York Mercantile Exchange. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        At the end of April 2007, just days before the announcement of its quarterly figures, BMO announced a profit warning and pointed to the bank’s deferred trading positions in the commodity market, namely positions in natural gas, that would weigh heavily on quarterly profits. Companies such as Goldman Sachs and Citadel, a major Chicago hedge fund manager, showed interest in taking over the portfolio. However, BMO’s managers were convinced that they could handle the situation themselves. It turned out, though, that publicizing the trading positions before they could be reduced was the wrong strategy. The losses continued to increase.
        When the quarterly figures came out in May, BMO had upped the losses on its commodity trading book to 680 million USD, the equivalent of about 12 percent of its total annual profit. Gritting his teeth, Downe reported the biggest trade loss of any Canadian bank in history, blaming market illiquidity and lower volatility. His rationale was not wrong, but market participants were skeptical, and analysts asked some unpleasant questions, about both the bank’s business strategy and the quality of its risk management. Bob Moore, executive managing director for commodity products, and David Lee had to leave the company. Lee was fined 500,000 USD and was banned from working in the banking industry. The total cost of the BMO trade scandal added up to around 850 million USD.

        Key Takeaways
        •Half a year after Amaranth Advisors’ bankruptcy, another natural gas trading scandal shook the commodity markets in 2007.
        •David Lee was a celebrated star trader at BMO, and he and his team bet on a rebound of natural gas prices, after prices had declined from a record high of 15 USD due to damages from a record hurricane season.
        •But prices declined further. Natural gas even traded temporarily below 4 USD again. For a while, Lee could disguise his loss of 350 to 450 million USD with the help of his broker Optionable. But auditors uncovered the problem.
        •After earning record profits the year before, Lee’s energy trading imploded. Losses from the trading scandal added up to more than 800 million USD.

        29 Platinum: All Lights Out in South Africa 2008

        Due to ongoing supply bottlenecks of electricity from Africa’s largest energy provider, Eskom, South Africa’s major mining companies restrict their production, and the price of platinum explodes.

        “South Africa needs at least 40 new coal mines to prevent shortages over the long term.” —Brian Dames, Eskom

        “Restoring energy security for the country is an absolute imperative.” —Cyril Ramaphosa, president of South Africa in 2019

        Two years before the World Cup kickoff in June 2010 in South Africa, the country faced its worst electricity supply bottleneck in decades. In spring 2008 the government declared an energy emergency. The national utility company Eskom—the largest electricity provider in Africa—shut down power for several hours every day for weeks, since its capacity lagged far below demand. For 20 years the country’s economy had been growing at a rapid pace. Electricity demand had risen 50 percent since the end of apartheid in 1994, but the South African government and Eskom had failed to provide additional capacity. The electricity company had repeatedly stressed that the nation’s power plants would have to be overhauled and new power plants built, but government agencies ignored these warnings.

        Because there was not enough power available, electricity was rationed at various intervals and in different zones, resulting in two- to three-hour power outages every day. Particularly affected were Johannesburg and the Gauteng region, the center of gold and platinum production. Around half of the mining companies’ energy demand was needed just to maintain infrastructure. Without electricity, the water could no longer be pumped out of the mines, and getting sufficient oxygen several kilometers deep became critical. The impact on actual production was even more dramatic. The Miners’ Union said that the companies sent tens of thousands of workers home or for training. At the end of January, the situation worsened. The energy company operated the world’s largest coal-fired power plant, the Kendal power plant, and Eskom’s coal reserves were being soaked by rainfall. At this point international precious metal prices began to react.

        Eskom turned off the power for the mining companies.

        Precious Platinum and Palladium

        The group of platinum metals (PGMs) includes platinum, palladium, rhodium, iridium, osmium, and ruthenium, but the economically important metals in this group are platinum and palladium, whose trading is overseen by the London Platinum and Palladium Market (LPPM). South Africa and Russia together account for around 90 percent of the world’s platinum metals production. Smaller producer countries are Canada, the United States, and Zimbabwe. The major companies are Anglo American Platinum (Amplats), Impala Platinum (Implats), Lonmin in South Africa, and Norilsk Nickel in Russia. In recent years, Sibanye has also grown into a new player through takeovers and acquisitions.
        Platinum is mainly used for catalysts (50 percent) and jewelry (25 percent); while for palladium, in addition to those applications, dentistry and electronics are important. Price-determining factors for both metals are Russian and South African production, Russian inventories, and global growth rates.
        South Africa had been the center of global gold production since the end of the 19th century, though it had fallen back over the past 30 years to eighth place. However, South Africa still has a dominant position in producing platinum. Around 80 percent of the world’s production comes from that country, with the overwhelming majority being produced in the Bushveld complex. The prices for platinum are correspondingly sensitive to any negative news from South Africa.
        Prices for platinum had been rising steadily since mid-2005, but the momentum increased significantly in late 2007 and early 2008. For the first time in seven years, the multinational firm Johnson Matthey, the world market leader in auto catalysts and thus the largest customer of platinum, expected falling shipments for the entire year.

        Figure 26. Platinum prices in USD/troy ounce, 2004–2009. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        At the end of January 2008, the news that the three largest gold producers in South Africa and the largest platinum producer were reducing production in all mines caused prices to jump. Amplats, with a 40 percent market share, expected production losses of 9,000 ounces per day. The number-two firm, Impala Platinum, claimed to lose about 3,500 ounces per day. Overall, South Africa’s platinum miners feared a 2008 production loss of 0.5 million ounces.

        By March 2008 the price of platinum rose to more than 2,200 USD/oz.

        In addition to gold, the price of platinum in particular rose overnight by almost 100 USD to more than 1,700 USD. At the beginning of March 2008, the price of a troy ounce of platinum closed at more than 2,250 USD, a temporary price maximum.
        Electricity supplier Eskom slowly began to regain control of the situation, but industry production was still running at only 90 percent capacity, and the company predicted that supply problems would continue until at least 2020.
        And the years of mismanagement and corruption continued. In February 2019 the situation escalated again, as Cyril Ramaphosa, the president of South Africa following Jacob Zuma, declared Eskom to be “too big and too important to fail” during the Indaba mining conference in Cape Town. Besides its aging coal-fired plants, the company suffers from a debt level of more than 30 billion USD. A breakup, a government rescue plan, as well as a 15% increase in its tariffs to its industrial customers are in the cards for 2019. At the same time, an ounce of platinum costs 800 USD—a new price rally is about to unfold!

        Key Takeaways
        •In 2008, South Africa faced its worst electricity supply bottleneck in decades, and the government declared an energy emergency. Eskom, the national utility company and the largest electricity provider in Africa, shut down power for several hours every day.
        •Although South Africa’s golden days of gold mining were over, it remained the dominant force in platinum group metals, with about 80 percent of the world’s production.
        •At the end of January 2008, the three largest gold producers and the largest platinum producers all reduced their mine production as a result of continuing power outages.
        •That development spurred prices for platinum, which had been rising steadily since mid-2005 and had already reached 1,000 USD. By March 2008, the price of platinum climbed above 2,200 USD per troy ounce, its highest price ever!

        30 Rice: The Oracle 2008

        The Thai “Rice Oracle,” Vichai Sriprasert, predicts in 2007 that rice will increase in price from 300 USD to 1,000 USD, and he becomes a figure of ridicule and mockery. However, a dangerous chain reaction affecting the rice harvest is about to start in Asia and, with Cyclone Nargis, culminates in a catastrophe.

        “National hoarding really doesn’t help the market.” —Robert Zeigler,
        International Rice Research Institute

        At 65, Vichai Sriprasert was one of Thailand’s largest rice exporters, nicknamed the “Rice Oracle.” Years of experience with the interrelationship between supply, demand, and price development had earned Vichai a lot of money as well as the honorary chairmanship of the Thai Association of Rice Traders. As the world’s largest exporter of rice, Thailand was a determining factor in international trade.
        Disbelief and ridicule were the initial reactions to Vichai’s prediction, in 2007, that rice prices were likely to exceed 1,000 USD per ton in the following year. At the time Thai export rice was priced at around 300 USD per ton. After a rapid increase in the price of oil and dramatically higher prices for wheat and corn, however, the laughter disappeared. In spring 2008, the price of rice actually broke Vichai’s targeted 1,000 USD mark. And it would continue to rise. For Vichai, the situation was comparable to the 1970s, when in the shadow of the oil crisis, rice prices rose to around 2,700 USD per metric ton.

        Rice Realities

        According to figures from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), rice—along with corn and wheat—is one of the most widely cultivated cereals in the world, with an annual production of around 650 million metric tons. The largest producer countries are China, India, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Vietnam, and Thailand. Due to its predominantly wet cultivation, between 3,000 and 5,000 liters of flowing water are needed per kilogram of rice. On the one hand, this has a positive effect in terms of lower pest and weed infestation; on the other hand, this can lead to serious crop failures in periods of dry weather.
        Despite the importance of rice, futures trading is insignificant, with less liquidity than the wheat or corn market. The most important trading place for rice is the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) in the United States. Traded contracts are quoted in US cents per American centner or hundredweight (1 cwt equals 100 lb equals 45.359 kg), with one contract covering 2,000 hundredweights.
        What had happened? Driven by the rising price of crude oil, the prices of many agricultural goods rose sharply in 2007, a condition called “agflation.” The food price index, calculated by the FAO, had risen by 57 percent within just one year, from March 2007 to March 2008. Wheat and soybean prices also doubled, and the price of corn had increased by 66 percent since autumn 2007.

        Figure 27. Rice prices in US cents/cwt, 2000–2010, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        However, the price of rice was still well above that of other agricultural goods and was developing its own momentum in spring 2008. From June 2007 to April 2008, rice prices rose by around 75 percent—even more in Asia. Prices increased from 400 USD per metric ton to more than 1,000 USD.
        The price spike had widespread consequences. Rice is a staple food for around three billion people, and in many countries nearly half of household income is spent on nutrition. The rise in prices threatened political stability in several countries and caused serious unrest around the world. In Haiti several people were killed in protests, and uprisings were reported in Egypt, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Indonesia, Côte d’Ivoire, Mauritania, Mozambique, and Senegal. How did all this happen?

        The globally traded rice volume of 30 million tons was very low compared to the total production of 650 million tons.

        The rice market is generally subject to structural deficits. The average amount of rice traded on the world markets per year—around 30 million metric tons—is very low compared to global production of around 650 million tons. This makes global prices extremely vulnerable to short-term fluctuations in supply and demand. Urbanization, demographics, and the demand for alternative energies and weather conditions all are influential factors and also apply to other agricultural goods to some extent.
        For example, rapid urbanization in Asia has destroyed more and more agricultural acreage, and increasing prosperity on that continent has also led to more meat consumption, increasing the amount of grain needed to feed livestock. The consumption of meat in China alone increased by about 150 percent in the past 30 years. Furthermore, the rice fields of Asia have had to absorb an annual birth rate of about 80 million babies in the region. Indirectly, the high price of oil and a related increase in demand for biofuels are also driving up the price of rice, as many farmers switch to the more profitable cultivation of corn, wheat, and oilseeds.
        Some countries recorded significant losses in their rice harvest due to weather in 2007–2008. Thunderstorms and floods destroyed more than 20 million hectares of fields within one year, twice the total acreage of Thailand. Bangladesh, generally a major exporter of rice, suffered significant crop losses in 2007 from floods and Tropical Storm Sidr, which destroyed almost the entire crop. The rice harvest in Vietnam was also hampered by severe pest infestation and disease. As a result, the price of rice continued to rise, and the situation gradually worsened.
        With panic buying and export restrictions, the dominoes were falling: In Asia, supplies continued to be stretched. The rice-exporting countries of Vietnam and India issued restrictions on the export of rice, while India slowed exports to stabilize prices at home. Other exporting countries, such as China, Egypt, and Cambodia, joined in with quotas and taxes. China was so worried about supplying its own population that it waived exports until further notice, while in Thailand, farmers, traders, and rice mills began to hoard their rice.

        In Asia, hoarding and export restrictions worsened the already tight supply.

        Everywhere in the region there was panic buying. Even in the United States, Wal-Mart rationed its sales to customers. The world’s largest importer, the Philippines, announced massive purchases to forestall further supply shortages. Importing countries like Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Iran were also affected. And then, on the night of May 3, a catastrophe occurred.
        Cyclone Nargis hit the coast of Myanmar, devastating the rice supply region in the middle of the harvest season and leaving between 50,000 and 100,000 people dead. The price of rice shot up again, and the risk of famine and revolts caused by hunger rose. As the price of rice quadrupled, many regions were threatened by unrest. In addition to the tight supply and the unfavorable weather, export restrictions and hoarding had created an artificial shortage, dramatically exacerbating the situation. Even Vichai did not foresee how bad the situation would become.
        In May 2008, however, the supply situation eased. Pakistan, one of the largest rice producers, loosened its export restrictions, and the crop in India was more than 2 million metric tons larger than expected. However, the structural problems of the rice market would remain. Given a comparatively small international market, repeated supply bottlenecks in Asia are to be expected in the future.

        Key Takeaways
        •In the beginning of 2007, Vichai Sriprasert, the “Rice Oracle” of Thailand, predicted a massive increase in the price of rice, a ridiculous thought at that time.
        •Later in 2007, however, prices of many agricultural goods rose sharply, driven by increasing crude oil prices (“agflation”). The situation in the rice market was especially critical.
        •From June 2007 to April 2008, rice prices in Asia increased from 400 USD to more than 1,000. Hoarding and export restrictions worsened an already tight supply.
        •When Cyclone Nargis hit Myanmar in May 2008, it devastated that country’s rice harvest and left as many as 100,000 people dead.
        •The price of rice quadrupled, and many regions were threatened by unrest, causing difficulties that even the Rice Oracle did not foresee.

      4. Torsten Dennin《From Tulips to Bitcoins_ A History of Fortunes Made and Lost in Commodity Markets》1-15

        “The Wheel of Time turns and, Ages come and pass, leaving memories that become legend. Legend fades to myth, and even myth is long forgotten when the Age that gave it birth comes again.”—Robert Jordan (1948–2007), The Wheel of Time

        “Wall Street people learn nothing and forget everything [. . .] to give way to hope, fear and greed.” —Benjamin Graham (1894–1976)

        Contents

        Introduction
        1.Tulip Mania: The Biggest Bubble in History (1637)
        In the Netherlands in the 17th century, tulips become a status symbol for the prosperous new upper class. Margin trading of the flower bulbs, which are weighed in gold, turns conservative businessmen into reckless gamblers who risk their homes and fortunes. In 1637 the bubble bursts.
        2.The Dojima Rice Market and the “God of Markets” (1750)
        In the 18th century, futures contracts on rice are introduced at the Dojima rice market in Japan. The merchant Homma Munehisa earns the nickname “God of Markets” for his market intelligence, and he becomes the richest man in Japan.
        3.The California Gold Rush (1849)
        Gold Rush! Some 100,000 adventurers stream into California in 1849 alone, lured by the vision of incredible wealth. The following year, the value of gold production in California exceeds the total federal budget of the United States. Because of this treasure, California becomes the 31st state in the Union in 1850.
        4.Wheat: Old Hutch Makes a Killing (1866)
        The Chicago Board of Trade is established in 1848, and Benjamin Hutchinson, known as “Old Hutch,” later becomes famous by successfully cornering the wheat market. He temporarily controls the whole market and earns millions.
        5.Rockefeller and Standard Oil (1870)
        The US Civil War triggers one of the first oil booms. During this time, John D. Rockefeller founds the Standard Oil Company. Within a few years, through an aggressive business strategy, he dominates the oil market, from production and processing to transport and logistics.
        6.Wheat: The Great Chicago Fire (1872)
        The Great Chicago Fire of October 1871 leads to massive destruction in the city and leaves more than 100,000 residents homeless. The storage capacities for wheat are also significantly reduced. Trader John Lyon sees this as an opportunity to earn a fortune.
        7.Crude Oil: Ari Onassis’s Midas Touch (1956)
        Aristotle Onassis, an icon of high society, seems to have the Midas touch. Apparently emerging out of nowhere, he builds the world’s largest cargo and tanker fleet and earns a fortune with the construction of supertankers and the transport of crude oil. Onassis closes exclusive contracts with the royal Saudi family, and he is one of the winners in the Suez Canal conflict.
        8.Soybeans: Hide and Seek in New Jersey (1963)
        Soybean oil fuels the US credit crisis of 1963. The attempt to corner the market for soybeans ends in chaos, drives many firms into bankruptcy, and causes a loss of 150 million USD (1.2 billion USD in today’s prices). Among the victims are American Express, Bank of America, and Chase Manhattan.
        9.Wheat: The Russian Bear Is Hungry (1972)
        The Soviet Union starts to buy American wheat in huge quantities, and local prices triple. Consequently, Richard Dennis establishes a groundbreaking career in commodity trading.
        10.The End of the Gold Standard (1973)
        Gold and silver have been recognized as legal currencies for centuries, but in the late 19th century silver gradually loses this function. Gold keeps its currency status until the fall of the Bretton Woods system in 1973. The current levels of sovereign debt are causing many investors to reconsider an investment in precious metals.
        11.The 1970s—Oil Crisis! (1973 & 1979)
        During the 1970s the world must cope with global oil crises in 1973 and 1979. The Middle East uses crude oil as a political weapon, and the industrialized nations— previously unconcerned about their rising energy addiction and the security of the supply—face economic chaos.
        12.Diamonds: The Crash of the World’s Hardest Currency (1979)
        Despite the need for individual valuation, diamonds have shown a positive and stable price trend over a long period of time. In 1979, however, monopolist De Beers loses control of the diamond market; “investment diamonds” drop by 90 percent in value.
        13.“Silver Thursday” and the Downfall of the Hunt Brothers (1980)
        Brothers Nelson Bunker Hunt and William Herbert Hunt try to corner the silver market in 1980 and fail in a big way. On March 27, 1980, known as “Silver Thursday,” silver loses one-third of its value in a single day.
        14.Crude Oil: No Blood for Oil? (1990)
        Power politics in the Middle East: Kuwait is invaded by Iraq, but Iraq faces a coalition of Western countries led by the United States and has to back down. In retreat, Iraqi troops set the Kuwaiti oil fields on fire. Within three months the price of oil more than doubles, from below 20 to more than 40 USD.
        15.The Doom of German Metallgesellschaft (1993)
        Crude oil futures take Metallgesellschaft to the brink of insolvency and almost lead to the largest collapse of a company in Germany since World War II. CEO Heinz Schimmelbusch is responsible for a loss of more than 1 billion USD in 1993.
        16.Silver: Three Wise Kings (1994)
        Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, and George Soros show their interest in the silver market in the 1990s—investing in Apex Silver Mines, Pan American Silver, and physical silver. It is silver versus silver mining. Who would lead and who would lag?
        17.Copper: “Mr. Five Percent” Moves the Market (1996)
        The star trader of Sumitomo, Yasuo Hamanaka, lives two lives in Tokyo, manipulating the copper market and creating record earnings for his superiors but also carrying on risky private trades. In the end, Sumitomo endures a record loss of 2.6 billion USD, and Hamanaka is sentenced to eight years in prison.
        18.Gold: Welcome to the Jungle (1997)
        In the jungle of Borneo, Canadian firm Bre-X supposedly finds a gold deposit with a total estimated value of more than 200 billion USD. Large mining companies and Indonesian president Suharto all want a piece of the pie, but in March 1997 the discovery turns out to be the largest gold fraud of all time.
        19.Palladium: More Expensive Than Gold (2001)
        In 2001 palladium becomes the first of the four traded precious metals—gold, silver, platinum, and palladium—whose price breaks the psychological mark of 1,000 USD per ounce. That represents a tenfold increase in just four years. The reason lies in continuing delivery delays by the most important producer: Russia.
        20.Copper: Liu Qibing Disappears Without a Trace (2005)
        A trader for the Chinese State Reserve Bureau shorts 200,000 tons of copper and hopes for falling prices. However, when copper prices climb to new records, he disappears and his employer pretends never to have heard of him. What sounds like the plot of a thriller shocks metal traders all over the world.
        21.Zinc: Flotsam and Jetsam (2005)
        The city of New Orleans, called The Big Easy, is well known for its jazz, Mardi Gras, and Creole cuisine. Less well known, however, is that about one-quarter of the world’s zinc inventories are stored there. Hurricane Katrina’s flooding makes the metal inaccessible, and concerns over damage cause the price of zinc to rise to an all-time high.
        22.Natural Gas: Brian Hunter and the Downfall of Amaranth (2006)
        In the aftermath of the closure of MotherRock, an energy-based hedge fund, the bust of Amaranth Advisors shakes the financial industry, as it is the largest hedge fund failure since the collapse of Long-Term Capital Management in 1998. The cause? A failed speculation in US natural gas futures. Brian Hunter, an energy trader at Amaranth, loses 6 billion USD within weeks.
        23.Orange Juice: Collateral Damage (2006)
        “Think big; think positive. Never show any sign of weakness. Always go for the throat. Buy low; sell high.” That’s the philosophy of Billy Ray Valentine, played by Eddie Murphy in the 1983 movie Trading Places. The film’s final showdown has Murphy and Dan Aykroyd cornering the orange juice market. In reality, the price of frozen orange juice concentrate would quadruple between 2004 and 2006 on the New York Mercantile Exchange—a consequence of a record hurricane season.
        24.John Fredriksen: The Sea Wolf (2006)
        John Fredriksen controls a corporate empire founded on transporting crude oil. Among the pearls of that empire is Marine Harvest, the largest fish-farming company in the world.
        25.Lakshmi Mittal: Feel the Steel (2006)
        The dynamic growth of the Chinese economy and its hunger for raw materials rouses the suffering steel industry from near death. Through clever takeovers and the reorganization of rundown businesses, Lakshmi Mittal rises from a small entrepreneur in India to the largest steel tycoon in the world, a position he crowns with the acquisition of his main competitor and the world’s second-largest steel producer—Arcelor.
        26.Crude Oil: The Return of the “Seven Sisters” (2007)
        An exclusive club of companies controls oil production and worldwide reserves. But its influence diminishes with the founding of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the rise of state oil companies outside the Western world.
        27.Wheat and the “Millennium Drought” in Australia (2007)
        After seven lean years for Australia’s agricultural sector, a Millennium Drought drives the price of wheat internationally from record to record. Thousands of Australian farmers expect a total failure of their harvest. Is this a preview of the effects of global climate change?
        28.Natural Gas: Aftermath in Canada (2007)
        The new CEO of the Bank of Montreal, Bill Downe, must report a record loss for the second quarter of 2007 due to failed commodity price speculation. Half a year after Amaranth’s bankruptcy, another natural gas trading scandal shakes market participants’ confidence.
        29.Platinum: All Lights Out in South Africa (2008)
        Due to ongoing supply bottlenecks of electricity from Africa’s largest energy provider, Eskom, South Africa’s major mining companies restrict their production, and the price of platinum explodes.
        30.Rice: The Oracle (2008)
        The Thai “Rice Oracle,” Vichai Sriprasert, predicts in 2007 that rice will increase in price from 300 USD to 1,000 USD, and he becomes a figure of ridicule and mockery. However, a dangerous chain reaction affecting the rice harvest is about to start in Asia and, with Cyclone Nargis, culminates in a catastrophe.
        31.Wheat: Working in Memphis (2008)
        The price of wheat speeds from record to record. Trader Evan Dooley bets on the wrong direction, juggling 1 billion USD and dropping the ball. This results in a loss of 140 million USD for his employer, MF Global, in February 2008.
        32.Crude Oil: Contango in Texas (2009)
        The price of West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude oil collapses, unsettling commodity traders around world attention. A 10,000-person community in Oklahoma becomes the center of the world. The concept of “super-contango” is born, and investment banks enter the tanker business.
        33.Sugar: Waiting for the Monsoon (2010)
        A severe drought threatens India’s sugar harvest, and the world’s largest consumer becomes a net importer on the world market. Brazil, the largest exporter of sugar, has its own problems. As a result, international sugar prices rise to a 28-year high.
        34.Chocolate Finger (2010)
        Due to declining harvests in Côte d’Ivoire (the Ivory Coast)—the largest cocoa exporter on the world market—prices are rising on the international commodity futures markets. In the summer of 2010, cocoa trader Anthony Ward, “Chocolate Finger,” wagers more than 1 billion USD on cocoa futures.
        35.Copper: King of the Congo (2010)
        The copper belt of the Congo is rich in natural resources, but countless despots have looted the land. Now Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation (ENRC) is reaching out to Africa, and oligarchs from Kazakhstan aren’t shy about dealing with shady businessmen or the corrupt regime of President Joseph Kabila.
        36.Crude Oil: Deep Water Horizon and the Spill (2010)
        Time is pressing in the Gulf of Mexico. After a blowout at the Deepwater Horizon oil rig, a catastrophe unfolds—the biggest oil spill of all time. About 780 million liters of crude oil flow into the sea. Within weeks BP loses half its stock-market value.
        37.Cotton: White Gold (2011)
        The weather phenomenon known as La Niña causes drastic crop failures in Pakistan, China, and India due to flooding and bad weather conditions. Panic buying and hoarding drive the price of cotton to a level that has not been reached since the end of the American Civil War 150 years ago.
        38.Glencore: A Giant Steps into the Light (2011)
        In May 2011, the world’s largest commodity trading company—a conspicuous and discreet partnership with an enigmatic history—holds an IPO. The former owners, Marc Rich and Pincus Green, have been followed by US justice authorities for more than 20 years. Without mandatory transparency or public accountability in the past, they were able to close deals with dictators and rogue states around the world.
        39.Rare Earth Mania: Neodymium, Dysprosium, and Lanthanum (2011)
        China squeezes the supply of rare earths, and high-tech industries in the United States, Japan, and Europe ring the alarm bell. But the Chinese monopoly can’t be broken quickly. And the resulting sharp rise in rare earth prices lures investors around the globe.
        40.The End? Crude Oil Down the Drain (2016)
        A perfect storm is brewing for the oil market. There is an economic slowdown and too much storage because of contango. The world seems to be floating in oil, whose price falls to 26 USD in February 2016. But the night is always darkest before dawn, and crude oil and other commodities find their multiyear lows.
        41.Electrification: The Evolution of Battery Metals (2017)
        Elon Musk and Tesla are setting the pace for a mega trend: electrification! Demand from automobile manufacturers, utilities, and consumers pushes lithium-based battery usage to new heights. For commodity markets, it is not only lithium and cobalt but also traditional metals like copper and nickel that are suddenly in high demand again. Electrification might prove to be the “new China” for commodity markets in the long term.
        42.Crypto Craze: Bitcoins and the Emergence of Cryptocurrencies (2018)
        Bitcoins, the first modern cryptocurrency, emerged in 2009. The value of bitcoins explodes in 2017 from below 1,000 to above 20,000 USD, attracting worldwide attention. This stellar price rise, followed by a crash of almost 80 percent in 2018, makes bitcoins the biggest financial bubble in history, dwarfing even the Dutch tulip mania of the 17th century. Despite the boom and bust, the future looks bright, as underlying blockchain technology reveals its potential and starts to revolutionize daily life.

        Introduction

        “The price of a commodity will never go to zero . . . you’re not buying a piece of paper that says you own an intangible piece of company that can go bankrupt.” —Jim Rogers

        Commodities came into vogue with the beginning of the new millennium, as investing in crude oil, gold, silver, copper, wheat, corn, or sugar was introduced and marketed massively as an “investment theme” and a “new” asset class by banks and other financial intermediaries. The first investable commodity indices—the S&P Goldman Sachs Commodity Index and the Dow Jones AIG Commodity Index—were developed in the early 1990s, but after the turn of the millennium, every major investment bank offered its own commodity index and index concept. This development opened up a new and attractive asset class for institutional investors and wealthy individuals. We witness today the same development in the cryptocurrency world, making an exotic new asset class investable for the public.
        The rapid growth of the Chinese economy is the key parameter of the commodity boom, which has been evident since around the year 2000, when the “workbench of the world” developed a gigantic hunger for raw materials: Imports of iron ore, coal, copper, aluminum and zinc began soaring, and China became the dominant factor in worldwide demand. The dynamic growth of the Chinese economy catapulted commodity prices sky-high. Like a gigantic vacuum cleaner, China swept up the markets for energy, metals, and agricultural goods, and prices kept rising, since supply growth couldn’t keep up with rising demand.
        At least temporarily, the collapse of Lehman Brothers and the worsening financial crisis caused a break in the skyrocketing prices. Crude oil crashed from its high at 150 USD/barrel during the summer of 2008 to below 40 USD in the spring of 2009. In the course of the year, prices recovered again, to above 80 USD. Industrial metals also benefited from the economic recovery. In the aftermath of the financial crisis, and amid worries about rising public debt as well as the stability of the financial system, the interest of investors in gold rose substantially. In 2009, with the European debt crisis looming, gold surpassed the level of 1,000 USD for the first time, but it climbed as high as 1,900 USD per troy ounce in 2011.
        Exotic agricultural products such as sugar, coffee, and cocoa were also among the goods that experienced significant price increases in 2009, as the ghost of “agflation” returned and spooked markets. Market recovery after the financial market meltdown of 2008/2009 proved not to be sustainable, however. After April 2011, commodity markets entered a severe five-year bear market. A period of sluggish growth, deleveraging, and a slower economy in China worsened a massive imbalance of demand and supply for raw materials. A supply glut caused crude oil to fall back to 26 USD early in 2016. But since then, commodity markets have turned around. In 2016, for the first time in five years, they closed positive.

        The Commodity Market and Cryptocurrencies—Some Basics

        A commodity is any raw or primary economic good that is standardized. Organized commodity trading in the United States dates back almost 200 years, but commodity trading has a much longer history. It goes back several thousand years to ancient Sumerians, Greeks, and Romans, for example. In comparison to commodity trading, the history of the stock market—where you exchange pieces of ownership in companies—is much younger. In 1602 the Dutch East India Company officially became the world’s first publicly traded company on the Amsterdam Stock Exchange in Europe. In the United States, the first major stock exchange was the New York Stock Exchange, created in 1792 on Wall Street in New York City.

        Commodities can be categorized into energy, metals, agriculture, livestock, and meat. You can also differentiate between hard commodities like metals and oil, which are mined, and soft commodities that are grown, like wheat, corn, cotton, or sugar.

        By far the most important commodity sector is crude oil and its products like gasoline, heating oil, jet fuel, or diesel. With the world consuming more than 100 million barrels of crude oil every day, that comes to a market value in excess of 6 billion USD per day, or 2.2 trillion USD per year! About three-quarters of crude oil goes into the transportation sector, fueling cars, trucks, planes, and ships.

        Metal markets are usually divided into base and precious metals. By tonnage, iron ore is the biggest metal market, with more than 2.2 million tons of iron ore mined globally. Nearly two-thirds of global exports go to China; that’s around 1 billion metric tons! At 70 USD per ton, the market value of iron ore, on the other hand, is rather small. The biggest metal market, in value of US dollars, is gold. Around 3,500 tons are mined per year, an equivalent of 140 billion USD. The total aboveground stocks of gold are estimated at around 190,000 tons; that makes gold a physical market of nearly 8 trillion USD. In value terms, copper, aluminum, and zinc are next, whereas other precious metal markets—silver, platinum, or palladium—are rather small.

        In agriculture and livestock, the biggest markets are grains like wheat and corn as well as oil seeds like soybeans, and sugar.

        Bitcoins were released as the first cryptocurrency in January 2009. Since then, more than 4,000 alternative coins (“altcoins”) have been invented. The website coinmarketcap.com tracks prices of about 2,000 of them on a daily basis. After massive price corrections in 2018, the total market capitalization of all cryptocurrencies dropped below 200 billion USD. Bitcoins remain the dominant cryptocurrency, with a market capitalization of almost 70 billion USD and a market share of 40 percent. The next five most traded cryptos are ripple, ethereum, stellar, bitcoin cash, and litecoin. Together these five cryptos amount to a market capitalization of 30 billion USD, less than half of bitcoins.

        Organized commodity trading by itself has a longer history than equity markets, a fact often overlooked in the focus on the dramatic price swings over the past decades. For example, the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) was founded in 1848 to provide a platform for trading agricultural products such as wheat and corn. But trade and the speculation in commodities is much older than that. Around 4000 BCE, Sumerians used clay tokens to fix a future time, date, and number of animals, such as goats, to be delivered, which resembles modern commodity future contracts. Peasants in ancient Greece sold future deliveries of their olives, and records from ancient Rome show that wheat was bought and sold on the basis of future delivery. Roman traders hedged the prices of North African grains to protect themselves against unexpected price increases.

        The history of commodity and crypto trading is colorful and instructive, and my aim with this book is to bring to life the most important episodes from the past up to the present. Some of these are spectacular boom-and-bust stories; others are examples of successful trading. All are worth paying attention to.

        The first six chapters cover major events from the 17th to the 19th century. The Dutch tulip mania of the 1600s is considered one of the first documented market crashes in history and is still a topic of university lectures. In the 18th century, rice market fortunes were earned and lost in Japan, and in the process candlestick charts—which are used today in the financial industry—were invented. In the 1800s, J. D. Rockefeller’s strategies and the rise of Standard Oil marked the beginning of the oil age. At nearly the same time in the midwestern United States, two men were trying to accumulate a fortune by manipulating wheat markets, while in California the Gold Rush broke out, with momentous consequences.

        The episodes of commodity trading in the 20th century read like a “Who’s Who” of business history: Aristotle Onassis, Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, and George Soros are just some of the major players. Meanwhile, crude oil was playing an increasingly important role.

        The 1970s saw a real boom in commodity markets. After a shortfall in its wheat harvest, the Soviet Union went shopping for US agricultural goods, reinforcing an already positive price trend in wheat, corn, and soybeans. It’s no overstatement to say that the rapid rise of crude oil prices during two oil crises in 1973 and 1979 changed the existing world order; the 1990 Gulf War was, in part, an attempt to reverse the clock. During this period the price of oil doubled. Among the collateral damage, the German conglomerate Metallgesellschaft was driven to the brink of insolvency by its crude oil-trading activities.

        In the years that followed, a boom in gold, silver, and diamond prices was followed by a crash, and the Hunt brothers lost their oil-based family fortune because of the collapsing silver price. Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, and George Soros later were also involved in the silver market. And in the jungles of Borneo, the biggest gold scam of all time culminated in the bankruptcy of Bre-X. Another huge speculation in 1996 was caused by the Japanese trader Hamanaka in the copper market. That was repeated almost ten years later by Chinese copper trader Liu Qibing, which also signaled the shift of economic forces from Japan to China.

        The emerging commodity boom of the new millennium attracted additional speculators and led to other boom-and-bust episodes. The collapse of Amaranth Advisors, which accumulated a loss of 6 billion USD within a few weeks by betting on natural gas, hit news headlines worldwide.

        Weather often has played a role. The flooding of New Orleans by Hurricane Katrina led to a price spike in zinc in London, as the majority of zinc warehouses licensed by the London Metal Exchange became inaccessible. An active Atlantic hurricane season in 2006 not only caused oil prices to rise due to damage in the Gulf of Mexico but also pushed the price of orange juice concentrate to new heights.

        A “millennium drought” threatened Australia, resulting in record high wheat prices worldwide. A few years later, a drought in India drove the price of sugar to levels that had not been observed for 30 years. Shortly before that, Cyclone Nargis in Asia caused a human catastrophe. Rice had to be rationed, and the rising prices led to unrest in several countries.

        These fateful events often contrast with individual speculations, in which huge sums of money were involved. For example, trader Evan Dooley lost more than 100 million USD in wheat futures, just a few weeks after the loss of billions by Jérôme Kerviel, in the proprietary trading of French banking giant Société Générale, made world headlines. In 2011, the heritage of Marc Rich, “The King of Oil,” was cashed in: Glencore celebrated its initial public offering, catapulting its CEO Ivan Glasenberg into the list of the top 10 richest people in Switzerland.

        As a new decade began, the trendy themes of commodity markets shifted first to rare earths like neodymium and dysprosium, then to “energy metals” like lithium and cobalt, which are essential for energy storage and the electrification of transportation in the future. Since 2009 blockchain and bitcoins have caught the attention of traders. With tradeable bitcoin futures introduced at COMEX in 2017, the cryptocurrency has now become a commodity. With prices starting the year below 1,000 USD, bitcoins rose to 20,000 USD in 2017; then the cryptocurrency crashed by 80 percent in the first weeks of 2018. In the history of the biggest financial bubbles of mankind, tulip mania was pushed to second place after 400 years at the top.

        The chapters in this book are framed by the biggest and the second biggest financial bubbles in financial history: tulips and bitcoins. In between are the stories of 40 major commodity market events over four centuries. These episodes were accompanied by extreme price fluctuations and individual outcomes, and they demonstrate that each market can be subject to a boom-and-bust cycle due to a change in supply, demand, or other external factors. This holds true for South African–dominated platinum production, sudden frost in coffee or orange harvests, unrest in Côte d’Ivoire that affected the price of cocoa, strikes by Chilean mine workers that pushed copper prices up, and the fluctuation of bitcoin and other cryptocurrency prices because of financial woes.
        Commodity and cryptocurrency markets are now at the crossroads of investment mega trends like demographic revolution, climate change, electrification, and digitalization. Investing in commodities, blockchain, and its applications will remain a thrilling ride.

        1 Tulip Mania: The Biggest Bubble in History 1637

        In the Netherlands in the 17th century, tulips become a status symbol for the prosperous new upper class. Margin trading of the flower bulbs, which are weighed in gold, turns conservative businessmen into reckless gamblers who risk their homes and fortunes. In 1637 the bubble bursts.

        “Like the Great Tulip Mania in Holland in the 1600s and the dot-com mania of early 2000, markets have repeatedly disconnected from reality.” —Tony Crescenzi, Pimco

        At the beginning of the 17th century, the Netherlands were on the threshold of a golden age, a period of economic and cultural prosperity that would last for about a hundred years. The country’s religious freedom attracted a great diversity of people who were persecuted elsewhere because of their faith. At this time, the small and recently founded Republic of the Seven United Netherlands was rising to the rank of world power, becoming one of the leading nations in international trade, while the rest of Europe stagnated.
        As the Hanseatic League (a dominant mercantile confederation in Europe in the Middle Ages) declined in power, the young maritime nation built colonies and trading posts around the world, including New Amsterdam (today’s New York), Dutch India (Indonesia), and outposts in South America and the Caribbean, such as Aruba and the Netherlands Antilles. In 1602 merchants founded the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie—VOC), which was endowed with sovereign rights and commercial monopolies by the government. The VOC was the first multinational corporation and one of the largest trading companies of the 17th and 18th centuries. Merchants from Haarlem and Amsterdam experienced an unprecedented economic boom.
        The new class of rich merchants eagerly imitated the lifestyle of noble lords and ladies by building large estates with gigantic gardens. Tulips—which had arrived in Leiden from Armenia and Turkey in the 16th century by way of Constantinople, Vienna, and Frankfurt am Main—quickly became a luxury good and a status symbol of the wealthy. Upper-class women wore the exotic flowers as hair ornaments or on their clothes for social occasions.

        Tulip Mania on the Silver Screen

        Tulip mania is not only an important topic in economics and finance, but it also frequently surfaces in modern pop culture. In the movie Wall Street: Money Never Sleeps (2010), Michael Douglas explains to Shia LaBeouf what happened during the Dutch tulip mania, and a painting of tulips in his apartment is a mocking reminder of that bubble.
        In 2017 Alison Owen and Harvey Weinstein produced the movie Tulip Fever, whose plot is set against the backdrop of the 17th-century tulip wars. In the movie a married noblewoman (Alicia Vikander) switches identities with her maid to escape the wealthy merchant she married, and has an affair with an artist (Dane DeHaan). She and her lover try to raise money by investing what little they have in the high-stakes tulip market.
        The supply of tulip bulbs, however, grew very slowly since a bulb produced only two to three offspring every year, and the “mother” bulb actually faded away after a few seasons. Thus the supply lagged behind demand, and prices rose, opening up a lucrative niche for intermediaries. Tulips were now no longer sold by growers to wealthy clients but at auctions. And instead of occurring at organized exchanges, trading initially took place in pubs and inns. Later, groups gathered to form trading clubs, or informal exchanges, and they organized auctions according to fixed rules.
        Initially the tulip bulbs were traded only during the planting season. However, as demand rose, traders sold bulbs that were still in the ground: It wasn’t the flowers that were sold anymore, but the rights to buy tulip bulbs. By this time, in the 1630s, tulip trading had become a speculative business because no one knew what the flowers would actually look like. Around 400 painters were commissioned to produce pictures that would entice potential buyers.

        Tulips quickly advanced to become a status symbol. Prices skyrocketed, rising to 50 times the original level between 1634 and 1637.

        Flower experts tried to satisfy their demanding clients with newer and ever more gorgeous creations characterized by particularly uniform petals and striking color patterns. The appearance of the mosaic virus, a plant infestation transmitted by aphids, actually created an extremely rare specimen, a surprising plant with flamed, two-color petals.
        At the height of the boom, tulip contracts changed hands as many as 10 times. Prices skyrocketed and between 1634 and 1637 multiplied by a factor of 50. In individual cases, for example the variety Semper Augustus, buyers paid as much as 10,000 guilders for a single tulip bulb, about 20 times a craftsman’s annual salary. In January 1637 alone, prices doubled in a short period of time. An entire house in Amsterdam could be bought for just three tulip bulbs. The speculative bubble reached its climax on February 5, 1637. Traders from all over the region met in Alkmaar, and 99 tulip bulbs changed hands for 90,000 guilders, the equivalent of one million US dollars today. The excess carried the seeds of the tulip’s downfall since the crash had already begun two days earlier in Haarlem. There for the first time, at a simple pub auction, no buyer was found. The reaction spread rapidly. Suddenly all market participants wanted to sell, resulting in the collapse of the entire tulip market in the Netherlands.

        In 1637, the bubble burst: Prices fell by 95 percent, and trading ceased.

        On February 7, 1637, trading stopped entirely. Prices had fallen by 95 percent, and the number of open contracts referring to tulip bulbs exceeded existing bulb supply by a huge multiple. Both buyers and sellers were hoping for a solution from the Dutch government. In the end, futures trading was prohibited, and buyers and sellers were forced to agree among themselves.
        Large parts of the Dutch population had been infected by tulip fever, from nobles and merchants to farmers and casual workers. Most participants, knowing nothing about the market, started their trading with the tulip bulbs and mortgaged their house or farm to increase their initial capital. However, the booming economy in the Netherlands did dampen the negative economic impact of this speculative bubble.
        Dutch tulip mania is the first documented market crash in history, and the analysis of the process can be applied to the dot-com bubble of 1998–2001 or any other financial bubble. In the decades following the tulip fever, the flower changed from an upper-class status symbol to a widespread ornamental plant, which it still is today, almost 400 years later. And almost 80 percent of the world’s tulip crop still comes from the Netherlands.

        Key Takeaways
        •During the Dutch economic boom of the Golden Age, during the 17th century, tulips became an exclusive status symbol of the new, wealthy upper class.
        •Prices skyrocketed, rising by more than 50 times between 1634 and 1637. Wide segments of the Dutch population were gripped by the speculative fever.
        •Before the bust, tulip bulbs traded for as much as the value of a house in Amsterdam. Then, in February 1637, the bubble burst. Prices fell by 95 percent.
        •The tulip mania is the first well-documented market crash in history. And for almost four centuries, it was known as the biggest financial bubble in history, much larger than the dot-com crash of 2000.

        2 The Dojima Rice Market and the “God of Markets” 1750

        In the 18th century, futures contracts on rice are introduced at the Dojima rice market in Japan. The merchant Homma Munehisa earns the nickname “God of Markets” for his market intelligence, and he becomes the richest man in Japan.

        “After 60 years of working day and night I have gradually acquired a deep understanding of the movements of the rice market.” —Homma Munehisa

        During Japan’s Edo period, which began in 1603, the country enjoyed its longest uninterrupted period of peace, and during this time domestic trade and the agriculture sector strengthened. The Dojima rice market was established in Osaka toward the end of the 17th century, and the city became the center of Japanese rice trading in the hundred years that followed. At the Dojima market, rice was traded for other goods, such as silk or tea. A common currency had not yet been established, but rice was generally accepted as payment (for taxes, for example).
        Due to the financial needs of the country’s feudal lords, warehouses started to accept warrants, which promised future delivery instead of the actual goods, and many landowners pledged their harvests for years in advance. Soon trading warrants were uncoupled from trades of physical rice at Dojima; a lively trade in so-called rice coupons evolved. Over time the rice coupons surpassed rice production levels by far. In the middle of the 18th century, almost four times the quantity of rice produced was traded in rice coupons.

        In 1749 around 100,000 bales of rice were traded in Osaka, but at the same time, there were only about 30,000 physical bales of rice in Japan.

        What Is a Rice Coupon?
        Rice coupons are a standardized form of a promise for the future delivery of rice, in which the price, quantity, and delivery date are fixed. If the market price is above the agreed price, the buyer makes a profit. If the price of rice is lower than the contract price, the buyer suffers a loss. Rice coupons are the first known standardized commodity futures in the world, and the Dojima rice market can be regarded as the first modern futures exchange, predating the introduction of trading in Amsterdam, London, New York, and Chicago.
        In 1750, at the age of 36, Homma Munehisa took over his family’s rice-trading company. As the owner of large rice fields in the northwest of Japan, Homma specialized in grain trading. At first he concentrated his activities in Sakata, where his family was located. Later he moved to Osaka.
        There Homma began to trade rice coupons, and in order to be informed as quickly as possible about the actual harvest in Sakata, he built up his own communication system, which covered about 600 kilometers. His family’s rice fields offered him valuable insider information. But in addition, Homma was probably the first to use analyses of historic price movements. He invented a graph, later known as a candlestick chart, that is still in use today. In contrast to a line chart, the “candles” not only show the opening and closing prices in the course of a day but also track the intraday high and low prices. Homma was convinced that by analyzing historic price movements, it was possible to recognize repetitive patterns that would allow him to make a profit.

        Figure 1. Rice. Candlestick chart in USD/cwt 2016, Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT). Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The following episode is legendary: Over several days Homma, who seemed to have more background information than his competitors, bought more and more rice from local farmers at the rice exchange in Dojima. Again and again he drew a paper out of his pocket and peered at symbols that remotely looked like candles. On the fourth day, a messenger from the countryside arrived in Osaka with reports of harvest losses because of a storm. The price for rice in Dojima jumped up, but there was hardly any rice for sale.
        In just a few days Homma had gotten control of Japan’s entire rice market, and he became rich beyond description. After his success at the Dojima exchange, Homma moved to Edo (Tokyo) and continued his ascent, acquiring the nickname “God of Markets.” Raised to the aristocracy, he served as a financial advisor to the Japanese government. He died in 1803. It was almost 200 years before his invention, the candlestick chart, was rediscovered and popularized by investors and traders alike.

        Key Takeaways
        •The trader Homma Munehisa cornered the Japanese rice market in 1750, buying physical supplies of rice and acquiring rice coupons on the basis of his superior market intelligence.
        •Earning the nickname “God of Markets,” he became the richest man in the country.
        •Homma invented candlestick charts, which are still used today in financial and technical analysis.

        3 The California Gold Rush 1849

        Gold Rush! Some 100,000 adventurers stream into California in 1849 alone, lured by the vision of incredible wealth. The following year, the value of gold production in California exceeds the total federal budget of the United States. Because of this treasure, California becomes the 31st state in the Union in 1850.

        “Gold! Gold! Gold from the American River!” —Samuel Brannan

        It’s hard to imagine today, but before 1848 California was an inhospitable and remote place, populated mainly by Mexicans, descendants of Spaniards, and Native Americans. Among the few European settlers was the Swiss-German émigré John Augustus Sutter, who had left his wife and children in Switzerland after the bankruptcy of his company and moved to the American West. By this time he owned a large piece of land in the Sacramento Valley, a settlement he called Nueva Helvetica. Sutter built a fort at the confluence of the American and Sacramento Rivers, and on the southern arm of the American River, near the village of Coloma, he started to put up a sawmill. It was there, on the morning of January 24, 1848, that one of the workers, carpenter James Wilson Marshall, found a gold nugget in the riverbed. Sutter and Marshall tried to keep the find secret while they gradually bought up more land. But the news of the spectacular discovery couldn’t be concealed for long when Sutter’s employees began to pay for goods with the gold they had found.
        Things soon got out of control. Samuel Brannan, a Coloma shopkeeper, filled a bottle with gold nuggets and traveled to San Francisco. There he rode through the streets, waving the bottle and shouting, “Gold, gold from the American River,” to gain attention for his business, which just happened to include prospecting equipment. The California Gold Rush was on.
        In 1848 only 6,000 people came to search for gold. But the following year gold fever truly took hold. As news of the finds spread, adventurers from all over the world hurried to California. Almost 100,000 people traveled to California in search of wealth and fast fortune in the boom year of 1849. They came from Asia as well. More and more Chinese arrived at Gum San, the “mountain of gold,” as they called California.
        The numbers are staggering. In 1848 California had fewer than 15,000 people. In 1852, four years after the first gold discovery, the population exploded tenfold. San Francisco grew from fewer than 1,000 inhabitants in 1848 to about 25,000 residents in 1850. By 1855 more than 300,000 adventurers were searching for gold, and there were plenty of merchants to service—and take advantage of—them.

        The Gold Rush in the Movies

        With No Country for Old Men, directed by the Coen brothers, and The Hateful Eight, by Quentin Tarantino, recent years have seen a comeback of the Western as a movie genre. The concept of a gold rush was a popular theme in these movies in the past. Perhaps the most prominent is The Gold Rush (1925), a classic silent movie with Charlie Chaplin in his Little Tramp persona participating in the Klondike Gold Rush. Re-released in 1942, the movie remains one of Chaplin’s most celebrated works. More recent is Gold, made in 2013 by Thomas Arslan: The plot focuses on a small group of German compatriots who head into the hostile northern interior of British Columbia in the summer of 1898, at the height of the Klondike Gold Rush, in search of the precious metal.
        Prices for prospecting gear multiplied by 10. In Coloma, Sam Brannan’s business took in 150,000 USD per month. Still, the promise of great wealth kept miners panning for gold in the riverbeds. Success meant they’d earn about 20 times as much as a worker on the East Coast in one day. In many cases six months of hard work in the goldfields earned adventurers the equivalent of six years of “normal” work. Annual gold production in California rose to 77 tons in 1851.
        The value of that amount of gold exceeded the total US gross domestic product at that time. Many miners, though, had a hard time holding on to their earnings. Far from civilization, merchants charged fantastic prices for their goods, while saloonkeepers profited greatly on alcohol and gambling. In truth, the actual winners of the gold rush were businessmen and merchants like Samuel Brannan. The most famous of these is probably entrepreneur Levi Strauss. Born in Germany, he set up shop in San Francisco, and when he realized prospectors needed sturdy trousers to work in, he trimmed tent fabric to meet the demand. Jeans were born.

        Almost 100,000 people came to California in 1849 alone. By 1855 there would be more than 300,000 new migrants.

        With its growth in wealth and population, California’s political weight also increased. In 1850 the “Golden State” was incorporated into the United States. The boom didn’t last forever, though. Around 1860 the easily accessible gold reserves had been depleted, and many cities were abandoned. The population of Columbia, founded just 10 years earlier, dropped from 20,000 people to 500. Boom towns became ghost towns.
        The pattern of the California Gold Rush would be repeated in other places over the next half century. Within a decade, the population of Australia multiplied by 10 in the aftermath of the 1851 gold rush on that continent, which evolved from a British convict colony to a more or less civilized state. In 1886 gold was found on the Witwatersrand south of Pretoria in Transvaal, South Africa. In a few years, Transvaal became the largest gold producer in the world. And in 1896, gold was discovered on the Klondike River in Alaska, leading to boom towns such as Dawson City at the confluence of the Klondike and the Yukon Rivers, which grew from 500 to 30,000 inhabitants within two years.
        As for California, Sutter’s settlement eventually developed into Sacramento, the capital of the state. The huge wave of 19th-century gold seekers is recalled in the name of San Francisco’s football team—the 49ers. And what about John Augustus Sutter? He died in poverty in 1880.

        Key Takeaways
        •The discovery of gold by Swiss-German immigrant John Augustus Sutter and James Wilson Marshall triggered a true global gold rush. More than the prospectors, however, it was the merchants who generally became rich selling equipment and services.
        •The California Gold Rush of 1849 kicked off a huge wave of immigration—with 100,000 new arrivals in that year alone.
        •The discovery of gold accelerated California’s development, leading to statehood in 1850.
        •The pattern of gold rush booms was followed in Australia, South Africa, and the Yukon.

        4 Wheat: Old Hutch Makes a Killing 1866

        The Chicago Board of Trade is established in 1848, and Benjamin Hutchinson, known as “Old Hutch,” later becomes famous by successfully cornering the wheat market. He temporarily controls the whole market and earns millions.

        “Did you hear what Charlie said? Charlie said we were philanthropists! Why bless my buttons, we’re gamblers! . . . You’re a gambler! and I’m a gambler!” —Benjamin Hutchinson

        ACorner in Wheat is a short silent American film, made in 1909, that tells of a greedy tycoon who tries to corner the world market on wheat, destroying the lives of the people who can no longer afford to buy bread. The classic movie, set in the wheat-speculation trading pits of the Chicago Board of Trade building, was adapted from a novel and a short story by Frank Norris, titled The Pit and “A Deal in Wheat,” respectively. In 1994 A Corner in Wheat was selected for preservation in the US National Film Registry by the Library of Congress as being “culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant.”
        Chicago had become the hub for agricultural products in the American Midwest in the 19th century, as large quantities of grains entered the city and more and more warehouses were built to better coordinate supply and demand. Prices regularly came under pressure, and in 1848 the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) was founded.
        Benjamin Peters Hutchinson, nicknamed “Old Hutch,” is famous for being the first person to corner the wheat market. Born in Massachusetts in 1829, he moved to Chicago at the age of 30, started trading in grain, and became a member of the CBOT.
        In 1866 Hutchinson was betting on a poor wheat harvest. From May to June of that year, he grew his position, both in the spot market and in futures contracts. His average realized price was reported to be 88 US cents per bushel. Then, in August, the price began to rise steadily because of below-average harvests in Illinois, Iowa, and other states that delivered grain to Chicago. On August 4, the price of wheat ranged between 90 and 92 US cents per bushel. Short sellers soon realized that there would not be enough wheat to meet their delivery obligations. (The strategy of short sellers is to sell contracts at the beginning of the season; they assume that prices during harvest season will come under pressure, and they’ll be able to close their positions with a profit.)
        By August 18, Hutchinson’s control of the tight physical market had driven wheat prices up to 1.87 USD. He had become a rich man. As a consequence, however, the CBOT declared illegal the practice of acquiring futures contracts and trying to prevent physical delivery at the same time.

        What Is a Commodity Futures Exchange?

        The Chicago Board of Trade, established in 1848, is one of the oldest organized commodity futures exchanges in the world. The function of every futures exchange is to provide liquidity and a central marketplace for buyers and sellers to handle standardized contracts (futures and options) that are subject to physical delivery in the future. At the CBOT, these are mainly agricultural products such as wheat, corn, or pork bellies. In 1864 the CBOT introduced the first standardized exchange-traded futures contracts. In 2007 the CBOT and the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME) merged into the CME Group. Ten years later, the CME introduced bitcoin futures in the commodity segment of the exchange.
        In 1888 Hutchinson saw another opportunity for lucrative speculation. During the spring, he bought wheat in the spot market and acquired more and more futures contracts for maturity and delivery in September. The storage capacity in the city was around 15 million bushels, and Hutchinson controlled most of the wheat available in Chicago through the spot market.

        On September 22 the wheat price broke the psychological level of 1 USD.

        As a few years before, his average realized price was below 90 US cents per bushel. But this time Old Hutch was facing a powerful group of short sellers who included John Cudahy, Edwin Pardridge, and Nat Jones; they would challenge him over future deliveries in September.
        Until August, the price of wheat remained at around 90 US cents per bushel. But Old Hutch again had the right instincts. Frost destroyed a large part of the local crop. And European demand for wheat imports also grew because of an unexpectedly large crop deficit. The price started to rise, and on September 22 it broke the psychologically important mark of 1 USD.

        One day before maturity of the futures contracts, prices climbed to 1.50 USD. Hutchinson set the final settlement price at 2 USD.

        On September 27, three days before the contracts for September expired, wheat prices rose to 1.05 USD, then increased further to 1.28 USD. Market participants caught on the wrong side began to panic, and short sellers were forced to cover their positions in what’s known as a “short squeeze.” With his positions in the physical market, Old Hutch controlled the price. The day before maturity, on September 29, he offered 1.50 USD to the big short sellers and raised the settlement price to 2 USD. Based on his average realized price, Hutchinson must have realized a profit of around 1.5 million USD.
        He wasn’t done speculating, however. Within the next three years, Hutchinson had given up his profit. Later he lost his entire fortune.

        Key Takeaways
        •Benjamin Peters Hutchinson, nicknamed “Old Hutch,” was a grain trader who bought wheat on the spot market and acquired contracts for future delivery at the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT). By cornering the wheat market in Chicago in 1866 and 1888, he was able to double his investments within weeks, earning a fortune.
        •The CBOT was established in 1848 and is today one of the oldest organized commodity futures exchanges in the world. The exchange later declared illegal the practice of cornering a market by buying harvests physically and financially at the same time.
        •The CBOT and the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME) merged in 2007 to become the CME Group.

        5 Rockefeller and Standard Oil 1870

        The US Civil War triggers one of the first oil booms. During this time, John D. Rockefeller founds the Standard Oil Company. Within a few years, through an aggressive business strategy, he dominates the oil market, from production and processing to transport and logistics.

        “Competition is a sin.” —John D. Rockefeller

        The production of petroleum from coal or crude oil as an inexpensive alternative to whale oil for lamp fuel is commonly regarded as the beginning of the modern petroleum industry. On August 27, 1859, Colonel Edwin Drake discovered a lucrative deposit of crude oil near Titusville, Pennsylvania. The onset of the American Civil War two years later sparked the first oil boom in that state. The price of oil rose to more than 100 USD per barrel (measured in today’s prices). Drilling rigs soon spread across farms in northwestern Pennsylvania, as hundreds of small refineries were created near the oil wells and along the transport routes to Pittsburgh and Cleveland, Ohio, cities that were home to major railroad crossroads: The New York Central and Erie Railroad led to Cleveland, while Pittsburgh served as an important east-west junction on the Pennsylvania Railroad. The majority of freight on these railways still consisted of grains and industrial goods, but the volume of oil products was growing rapidly.
        In 1863 John Davison Rockefeller, age 24, founded a small oil refinery in Cleveland together with his brother William. The son of penniless German immigrants, John worked as a dishwasher during his school years and graduated as an accountant. Rockefeller’s company was successful and prospered, despite fluctuations in the market. The oil boom had led to a spike in production, and the price of the commodity fell from 20 USD per barrel in 1861 to only 10 US cents. In 1866, one year after the end of Civil War, however, the price had risen again to more than 1.50 USD.

        Figure 2. Crude oil prices 1861–2018, in USD/barrel (real prices of 2015). Data: BP Statistical Review of Energy, 2019.

        With William, Rockefeller founded a second refinery in 1866, then, in 1870, he reorganized his company, naming it the Standard Oil Company. A year later, Rockefeller and other refinery owners formed an alliance to obtain discounts from railway operators. In addition, this alliance was responsible for railway operators raising prices for competitors, which led to an oil war in 1872.
        At the end of that year, Rockefeller took over the presidency of the National Refiners Association, which represented 80 percent of all American refineries. He would continue to aggressively grow Standard Oil, and by 1873 he had managed to acquire or to control almost all refineries in Pennsylvania.

        From Crude Oil to the Plastic-Wrapped Cucumber at Your Supermarket

        A refinery splits crude oil into its various components, such as light and heavy fuel oil, kerosene, and gasoline. With additional steps, a variety of alkanes and alkenes can also be produced from petroleum. Petroleum remained the most important use of crude oil until the rapid spread of automobiles in the 1920s. Although Henry Ford had intended ethanol to fuel his cars, the Rockefeller family, as founders of the Standard Oil Company, pushed for gasoline to power automobiles and succeeded.
        Today, oil is still by far the most important source of energy, at the core of every industrial society, and the base for numerous chemical products, such as fertilizers, plastics, and paints. Although three-quarters of crude oil production is used in transportation, it will take e-mobility further decades at least to challenge the supremacy of crude oil.
        Between 1875 and 1878, Rockefeller traveled throughout America to convince the owners of the 15 largest refineries to become part of his Standard Oil Company. Smaller companies had to follow suit or perish: For example, the plant of the Vacuum Oil Company, founded in 1866, went up in flames. Other entrepreneurs sold Rockefeller their companies for well below half of their market value. As early as 1882, Standard Oil controlled more than 90 percent of the refinery business in the United States.
        Next, the company turned to pipeline and distribution networks. Rockefeller built his own sales channels, forcing other trading networks out of the market. In late 1882, the National Petroleum Exchange opened in New York to facilitate the trading of oil futures.
        In the end, Standard Oil had a hold over virtually the whole crude oil value chain in the United States—from oil production to processing, transport, and logistics—and began to extend its dominance to the global oil market as well.

        Accumulating a fortune of around 900 million USD by 1913, Rockefeller represented the American Dream, the richest man of all time.

        By transforming his enterprise, Rockefeller was able to postpone the destruction of his empire. But his aggressive company strategy eventually prompted the first antimonopoly legislation in the United States. In 1911, the Supreme Court ordered the dismantling of Standard Oil. As a result, the company’s share price fell like a stone. Rockefeller, nevertheless, was able to buy back large quantities of the stock, which only increased his fortune in the years that followed. World War I, increasing motorization, and advances in the industrialization process all resulted in a rapid increase in the demand for oil.
        Eventually Standard Oil was broken up into 34 individual companies, from which today’s ExxonMobil and Chevron have emerged. Other sections of the original firm were liquidated over time or were absorbed by other oil and gas companies.
        Back in 1913, the total wealth of John D. Rockefeller was estimated at 900 million USD, the equivalent of 300 billion USD today. This is more than twice the private wealth of Jeff Bezos, founder and CEO of Amazon and, according to Forbes, the wealthiest man in the world today (before his divorce).
        The son of John D. Rockefeller, Nelson, almost became president of the United States, but instead served as vice president from 1974 to 1977. David Rockefeller, the last grandson of John D. Rockefeller, died in 2017. Even today, the name Rockefeller is a symbol of vast wealth and also of philanthropy.

        Key Takeaways
        •The American Civil War fueled the first crude oil boom in history. Prices in 1861 soared above 100 USD (in today’s currency).
        •John D. Rockefeller founded the Standard Oil Company, a corporation that not only came to control the US market for crude oil but also dominated the global market.
        •The rise of the automotive industry and industrialization in general propelled all developing countries into the oil age.
        •John D. Rockefeller personified the American Dream par excellence, rising from a dishwasher to a multibillionaire. Even in 2019 his surname remains a synonym for immeasurable wealth.
        •Though Standard Oil was broken up, successor companies like Exxon-Mobil and Chevron are still operating today.

        6 Wheat: The Great Chicago Fire 1872

        The Great Chicago Fire of October 1871 leads to massive destruction in the city and leaves more than 100,000 residents homeless. The storage capacities for wheat are also significantly reduced. Trader John Lyon sees this as an opportunity to earn a fortune.

        “Being a firefighter is not something you do; it’s something you are.” —the TV show Chicago Fire

        The sun burned hot in the American Midwest during the summer of 1871. In and around Chicago, only 3 centimeters of rain fell between July and October. Water resources were nearing depletion, and small fires sprang up regularly. On October 8, a fire broke out in a barn, initiating a disaster that became known as the “Great Chicago Fire.”

        Winds from the southwest fanned the flames and set neighboring houses on fire. Traveling quickly, the fire spread toward the city center and crossed the Chicago River. It took two days to get the conflagration under control, and by then an area of more than 8 square kilometers and 17,000 buildings had been destroyed. Every third inhabitant of the city lost his home. The damage has been estimated at more than 200 million USD. In addition to large parts of the city, the fire destroyed 6 out of the 17 warehouses approved by the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT). The city’s total storage capacity decreased from about 8 to 5.5 million bushels. John Lyon, a large-scale wheat trader, saw the opportunity to make a profit. He joined with another trader, Hugh Maher, and CBOT broker P. J. Diamond, to manipulate the wheat market.

        What’s What with Wheat

        Different types of wheat are traded on futures exchanges. In the United States, wheat is traded on the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) and the Kansas City Board of Trade (KCBT), with the volume of Chicago Soft Red Winter Wheat (soft wheat) outweighing Kansas Hard Red Winter Wheat (hard wheat). Chicago wheat is mainly grown in an area that extends from Central Texas to the Great Lakes and the Atlantic Ocean. Kansas wheat grows primarily in Kansas, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and parts of Texas.

        At CBOT, wheat is traded in US cents per bushel and designated with the abbreviation W plus a letter and number that stands for the current contract month (e.g., W Z9 for wheat delivered in December 2019). A contract refers to 5,000 bushels of wheat, with one bushel corresponding to 27.2 kilograms. Therefore, one contract refers to around 136 metric tons of wheat.

        In the spring of 1872, the group began to buy wheat in the spot and futures market. Wheat prices rose continuously through early July, and contracts specifying delivery in August traded between 1.16 and 1.18 USD per bushel. At the beginning of July an average of just 14,000 bushels of wheat a day reached the city; by the end of the month, prices had climbed to 1.35 USD. In response, however, wheat deliveries to Chicago increased.

        By the beginning of August, 27,000 bushels a day were coming in. But luck was still with Lyon. Another warehouse burned to the ground, and the city’s already stretched storage capacity was reduced by another 300,000 bushels. Rumors about a below-average harvest due to bad weather pushed up prices even more. On August 10 these two factors combined to push wheat contracts for August up to 1.50 USD. On August 15 prices climbed to above 1.60 USD. But then the wheel of fortune started to turn.

        As more and more wheat reached the city of Chicago, Lyon was forced to give up.

        The high prices incentivized farmers to speed up their harvest: Crops were picked into the night. In the second week of August, about 75,000 bushels of wheat reached Chicago each day; a week later that figure had risen to 172,000 bushels. For the rest of the month, daily deliveries increased to nearly 200,000 bushels.

        Wheat that had already been shipped from Chicago to Buffalo returned to the Windy City, because of the high local prices. Newly opened warehouses also added to the storage capacity in the city, bringing it to more than 10 million bushels—two million bushels more than before the Great Fire!

        To secure their profits and stabilize prices, Lyon and his partners had to buy all the wheat coming into Chicago. But they were already leveraged by local banks, and the additional funds they needed soon exceeded the group’s financial options.

        On Monday, August 19, Lyon had to admit defeat. He could no longer afford to buy wheat in the spot market. The price of wheat with delivery in August fell by 25 US cents. The following day prices dropped another 17 US cents. The crash ruined John Lyon, who was unable to meet his margin calls. His attempt at market manipulation ended in financial disaster and bankruptcy.

        Key Takeaways
        •The Great Chicago Fire of 1871 led to massive destruction and left more than 100,000 people homeless.
        •With the number of grain warehouses drastically reduced, a group of speculators around John Lyon saw a big opportunity in the wheat market. Together they tried to corner the wheat market, but rises in price also resulted in increased shipments of wheat to the city. After initially increasing to 1.60 USD, the price of wheat crashed.
        •Lyon and his friends were unable to meet their margin calls. Their attempt at cornering the market ended in bankruptcy and financial disaster.

        7 Crude Oil: Ari Onassis’s Midas Touch 1956

        Aristotle Onassis, an icon of high society, seems to have the Midas touch. Apparently emerging out of nowhere, he builds the world’s largest cargo and tanker fleet and earns a fortune with the construction of supertankers and the transport of crude oil. Onassis closes exclusive contracts with the royal Saudi family, and he is one of the winners in the Suez Canal conflict.

        “The secret of business is to know something that nobody else knows.” —Aristotle Onassis

        At the beginning of December 2005 the youngest billionaire in the world, Athina Roussel, age 20, celebrated her wedding to 32-year-old Brazilian equestrian Álvaro Alfonso de Miranda Neto. A thousand bottles of Veuve Clicquot were ordered for the 1,000 guests at the São Paulo nuptials. Athina was the only heiress to the Onassis fortune, the last of her clan. Her grandfather, Aristotle “Ari” Socrates Onassis, would have been almost 100 years old.

        A central figure in the high society of the 1950s, ’60s, and ’70s, Aristotle Onassis earned his fortune by constructing supertankers and transporting crude oil. Like Rockefeller, Onassis became synonymous with wealth and fortune. But his rise to fame was not a straightforward one.

        The Onassis family initially became wealthy through the tobacco trade. Based in the city of Smyrna, Ari’s father had a fleet of ten ships. Ari himself enjoyed a good education. At 16 he already spoke four languages—Greek, Turkish, English, and Spanish. In 1922, however, when the Turks retook Smyrna (Izmir), which had been under Greek rule since World War I, the family had to flee. They were forced to leave everything behind. Virtually penniless, Onassis migrated to Argentina and earned money by importing tobacco. He also kept himself afloat with occasional jobs.

        In the 1930s the world economic crisis offered Onassis an attractive business opportunity in the form of large-scale transport of crude oil.

        The economic crisis of the 1930s offered Onassis the opportunity to get into the crude oil transport business on a large scale. There were rumors that the Canadian National Steamship Company was in serious financial difficulties and that several of its freighters were for sale. Onassis took all the money he’d accumulated and purchased six rundown ships for 120,000 USD, one-tenth of their value at the time.

        With that bold move, Onassis laid the foundation of his empire. The purchase quickly paid off during the economic recovery that followed. At the beginning of World War II, Onassis’s fleet had grown to 46 freighters and tankers, and he leased them to the Allied forces on profitable terms.

        Ari and the Women

        Aristotle Onassis married into another family of successful Greek shipowners when he wed Athina “Tina” Livanos. They divorced in the 1950s, however, after he began a long relationship with celebrated opera diva Maria Callas, who separated from her husband for Onassis. In 1968 Onassis married Jacqueline Kennedy, widow of President John F. Kennedy. At the time, Onassis was 62 years old; Jackie was 23 years younger. Because of her spending on travel and shopping, Onassis nicknamed her “supertanker,” since he said she cost him just as much as a ship.

        During the war, Onassis’s ships changed their flags to neutral Panama and remained undisturbed by naval battles. As more and more freight ships were lost to the conflict, his own fleet’s rates rose higher, creating a gold mine for Onassis. After the war, he expanded the number of his ships into the largest private commercial fleet in the world, and in 1950, he commissioned the biggest tanker in the world, 236 meters long, to be completed at the German Howaldt shipyard.

        But it was not until spring 1954 that the 48-year-old Onassis made a definite breakthrough. Through shady contacts and friendships, he struck a lucrative agreement with the royal family of Saudi Arabia. Onassis not only received the exclusive right to transport crude oil for King Saud, but he also was to produce a new supertanker for the country almost every month and would participate in the sale of crude oil. Together Onassis and Saudi Arabia set up the Saudi Arabian Tanker Company, with a goal of having 25 to 30 ships that could transport about 10 percent of the country’s crude oil.

        By royal decree the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco) would have had to use Saudi Arabian ships for the tonnage previously shipped in charter ships. Aramco—a joint venture among Standard Oil (New Jersey), Standard Oil of California, Socony Vacuum, and Texas Co.—had had a concession agreement with King Ibn Saud since 1933 and was responsible for nearly 10 percent of the world’s oil production. About half of the oil produced in Saudi Arabia went by pipeline to Lebanon; the other half was transported by tankers. Of the tanker market, 40 percent of crude was shipped in Aramco’s own tankers; for the remaining 60 percent, the company used charters.

        The Suez Canal conflict resulted in enormously profitable opportunities for Onassis.

        By breaking into this system, Onassis made some powerful enemies. The United States tried to block the agreement to safeguard its own influence, and Europe—which in the 1950s derived 90 percent of its oil supply from the Middle East, whose largest producer was Saudi Arabia—was also unenthusiastic. The deal with Saudi Arabia ultimately fell through, and without the new freight orders, Onassis’s ships sat idle in shipyards around the world. The Greek magnate’s empire began to crumble. But he was rescued by the Suez crisis in 1956.

        With the growing economic importance of crude oil, European nations increasingly were dependent on the use of the Suez Canal to bring fuel from the producing countries. But the nationalist policies of the new Egyptian president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, were intensifying conflicts with Israel as well as with France and Great Britain, which controlled the canal. Egypt blocked the Gulf of Aqaba and Suez Canal to Israeli shipping; then on July 26, 1956, Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal.

        Britain’s prime minister, Anthony Eden, responded together with Israel and France with Operation Musketeer. On October 29, Israel invaded the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula and quickly pushed toward the canal. Two days later Britain and France began bombing Egyptian airports. Although the Egyptian army was quickly beaten and the war was over by December 22, 1956, sunken ships continued to block the Suez passage until April 1957.

        The crisis brought salvation to Aristotle Onassis. No other shipowner had the transport capacity to move the oil. With more than 100 idle tankers and virtually no competition, he was able to double his rates, once again earning a fortune. The Six-Day War in 1967 offered a similar opportunity, and later, during the oil crisis in 1973, Onassis’s Olympic Maritime Company posted a profit of more than 100 million USD.

        Aristotle Onassis earned his fortune through the transport of crude oil. He became a society icon through his extravagant lifestyle and his marriage to Jackie Kennedy.

        By then, Onassis’s total private wealth was estimated at more than 1 billion USD. Throughout his career he had diversified into other businesses: He bought banks in Geneva, founded Olympic Airways, built the Olympic Tower on Fifth Avenue in New York, and acquired the Greek island of Skorpios. Onassis became enamored of Monaco, which had been a dull, sleepy little place until he transformed it. In Monte Carlo, Onassis bought beautiful hotels and dozens of houses and villas, built public facilities and beach clubs, and renovated the port and the casino. He held legendary gatherings on his yacht, inviting guests who included President John F. Kennedy and his wife, Winston Churchill, Ernest Hemingway, and other members of high society from business, politics, and Hollywood. Onassis even brought together Prince Rainier of Monaco and American actress Grace Kelly, helping establish Monaco as a paradise for the rich and beautiful in Europe.

        Key Takeaways

        •Aristotle “Ari” Socrates Onassis earned a fortune by transporting crude oil in his huge tanker fleet and through his excellent relationships with the Saudi family.
        •He profited massively from the Suez crisis in 1956 and the oil crises of the 1970s.
        •Onassis was an icon of the international jet set, thanks to his relationship with opera star Maria Callas, and his second marriage to Jacqueline Kennedy, the widow of John F. Kennedy.
        •With his private wealth of more than 1 billion USD, Onassis supported Prince Rainer of Monaco and established the principality as the place to be for the rich and beautiful.

        8 Soybeans: Hide and Seek in New Jersey 1963

        Soybean oil fuels the US credit crisis of 1963. The attempt to corner the market for soybeans ends in chaos, drives many firms into bankruptcy, and causes a loss of 150 million USD (1.2 billion USD in today’s prices). Among the victims are American Express, Bank of America, and Chase Manhattan.

        “You have caused terrific loss to many of your fellow Americans!US federal judge Reynier Wortendyke

        At first glance, it seemed like a plot for a Hollywood movie: Workers deceived warehouse inspectors using oil tanks filled with water to hide one of the largest credit frauds in US history. It was all part of an attempt to corner the soybean market, a fragile house of cards whose collapse caused a loss of more than 150 million USD (the equivalent of about 1.2 billion USD today) and whose effects rippled throughout corporate America.
        At the center of the debacle were Allied Crude Vegetable Oil, a New Jersey company, and its owner Anthony (“Tino”) De Angelis. In the end the unraveling of the scheme was analogous to the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in 2008: On a November evening in 1963, a group of employees of the Wall Street brokerage firm Ira Haupt & Co., including managing partner Morton Kamerman, sat in a conference room and spoke on the phone with Anthony De Angelis. As the conversation heated up, De Angelis accused Kamerman of ruining his company. Kamerman was not responsible for his firm’s commodity trading, but he was aware that De Angelis was one of his biggest customers. The Haupt & Co. partners were desperately looking for someone willing to buy soybean oil in large quantities, but they had no success. The next morning Kamerman understood a lot more about his company’s commodity business. However, the knowledge went hand in hand with the fact that Haupt & Co. was bankrupt due to the insolvency of Allied Crude.

        Some Background About Soybeans

        Soybeans, which are predominantly crushed for soybean oil and soybean meal, are produced and exported mainly by the United States “Corn Belt” (Illinois and Iowa), Brazil, and Argentina. Together these countries account for about 80 percent of the world’s soybean harvest of around 215 million metric tons. In most of the world’s production, the oil is extracted first, and the residual mass is used primarily as a feedstock. Soybeans, soybean meal, and soybean oil are traded on the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) with the symbol S, SM, and BO and the respective contract month (for example, S F0 = Soybean January 2020).

        Figure 3. Prices for soybean oil, 1960 – 1964, in US cents/lb, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        Anthony De Angelis had founded Allied Crude Vegetable Oil in 1955 to buy subsidized soybeans from the government, process them for soybean oil, and sell the product abroad. Born in 1915, he was the son of Italian immigrants and grew up in the Bronx in New York. As a commodity trader, he dealt in cotton and soybeans, and between 1958 and 1962, he built a refinery in Bayonne, New Jersey, and leased 139 oil tanks, many as high as a five-story building. American Express Warehousing, a subsidiary of American Express, was paid by Allied Crude for storage, inspection, and certification of the oil volume. In 1962 De Angelis was responsible for about three-quarters of the total soybean and cottonseed oils in the United States. But in order to finance the rapid growth of the company in a highly competitive industry, he increased leverage by taking more and more credit, which was largely collateralized by the oil he produced.

        And that is where the fraud began: Allied Crude Vegetable Oil never had as much oil as was necessary to secure its loans. A close investigation by American Express Warehousing would have revealed that De Angelis needed to store more oil than was available in the entire United States, according to the US Department of Agriculture’s monthly data. At its peak, De Angelis’s credit volume represented more than three times the amount of oil that could be stored in the tanks in Bayonne. But De Angelis was American Express’s largest customer. And his employees deceived the inspectors who were sent to check the collateral by pumping oil from tank to tank or filling the tanks mainly with water and only a small amount of oil. In this way the company continued to receive new credit lines.
        Instead of expanding operations, however, the company used the credit lines for speculation in soybean futures at Chicago’s commodity exchange. De Angelis placed huge bets on rising prices for soybeans; he had to deposit only about 5 percent of the future purchase sum as a margin. Nevertheless, in his attempt to corner the entire market through further positions, De Angelis needed an even higher credit line.
        He was already trading in futures contracts with Wall Street brokers Ira Haupt and J. R. Williston & Beane, and they agreed to further credit against stockpiles of the nonexistent oil. Both institutions were financed on the basis of their warrants by commercial banks Chase Manhattan and Continental Illinois.
        By mid-1963, De Angelis had accumulated soybean positions equaling about 120 million USD or 1.2 billion pounds. A tick of only 1 US cent in the price of soybeans meant that De Angelis gained or lost 12 million USD. For a while his trades were profitable. In just six weeks in autumn 1963, the price of soybean oil climbed from 9.20 USD per pound to 10.30 USD. But on November 15 the market collapsed because of Russian plans to buy more US grain and the negative reaction to this. Allied Crude Vegetable Oil collapsed with it.

        De Angelis deceived his creditors and caused losses of more than 1 billion USD in today’s prices.

        Within four hours soybean oil had fallen to 7.60 USD per pound, and the Chicago Board of Trade called for additional margins from Ira Haupt, which the company was unable to provide because its main customer, De Angelis, was not in a position to do so. Even another 30 million USD borrowed by American and British banks was not enough to rescue Ira Haupt. Williston & Beane was also forced to merge with Walston & Co. because of dwindling equity.

        The soybean market tumbled and took Allied Crude down with it.

        Allied Crude went into bankruptcy, and as creditors reviewed the company’s tanks more carefully, they confirmed there were just 100 million pounds of soybean oil there instead of 1.8 billion pounds. This difference was worth about 130 million USD.
        Affected by the debacle were banks, brokers, oil traders, and warehouses, huge firms like Bank of America, Chase Manhattan, Continental Illinois, Williston & Beane, Bunge Corp., and Harbor Tank Storage Co., to name just a few. The main loser was the parent company of American Express Warehousing: American Express faced legal suits by 43 companies, to the tune of more than 100 million USD. The share price of American Express dropped by more than 50 percent after the fraud hit the news. The scandal, however, received only limited attention, because two days later President Kennedy was shot in Dallas.
        For Ira Haupt & Co., liabilities amounted to almost 40 million USD, which they were not able to meet, affecting more than 20,000 brokerage customers. Even worse than these financial claims was the damage to the reputation of the US economy. As for Anthony De Angelis, in 1965 he was sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment for fraud.

        Key Takeaways
        •In 1963 Anthony (“Tino”) De Angelis and his company Allied Crude Vegetable Oil were at the epicenter of one of the biggest corporate credit crises before the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008.
        •By cheating on inventories and in a bold pattern of fraud, Allied Crude received immense credit lines for its business and heavily speculated on the rise of soybean and soybean oil futures in Chicago. Eventually the market for soybeans crashed in November 1963 and took Allied Crude Vegetable Oil with it.
        •Affected by the fraud were several banks, brokers, oil traders, and warehouse companies, including prominent names like American Express, Bank of America, and Chase Manhattan.
        •The huge scandal, however, was overshadowed by the assassination of President John F. Kennedy two days later.

        9 Wheat: The Russian Bear Is Hungry 1972

        The Soviet Union starts to buy American wheat in huge quantities, and local prices triple. Consequently, Richard Dennis establishes a ground-breaking career in commodity trading.

        “If you live among wolves you have to act like a wolf.” —Nikita Khrushchev

        In the history of capital markets, 1972 is known as the year of “The Great Russian Grain Robbery.” Because of harvest shortages, Soviet commissioners were traveling all over the United States, buying as much wheat as they could. Their actions affected not only the grain market but also the career of a young commodity trader named Richard Dennis.
        At the beginning of the 1970s, the United States was beginning to abolish the gold standard, and as a result the US currency subsequently weakened. At the same time, wheat was trading close to 1 USD—historically low levels. That was not a surprise, since wheat production was massively subsidized by the government. But the weakening dollar gradually made American products, including many agricultural goods, more competitive. As a result, exports rose, and hand in hand with export volume, prices began to rise as well: That included grain prices, which were slowly awakening from their slumber.

        In the history of capital markets, 1972 is known as the year of “The Great Russian Grain Robbery.”

        Weather is always a key factor for agricultural prices, and after years of good harvests, the world’s grain production started to decline in 1972. Poor weather conditions were responsible for lower yields in important producer nations like the United States, Canada, Australia, and the Soviet Union. In comparison to 1970–1971, wheat stocks in 1973–1974 fell by 93 percent in Australia, 64 percent in Canada, and 59 percent in the United States. Inventories approached critically low levels.

        Figure 4. Wheat prices, 1970–1977, in US cents/bushel, Chicago Board of Trade. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        In July and August 1972, the Soviets bought nearly 12 million metric tons of US wheat—approximately 30 percent of the country’s production—amounting to a net value of about 700 million USD. Because farmers were already facing problems meeting demand, prices increased sharply, from below 2 USD at the beginning of the decade to more than 6 USD in February 1974. Corn spiked at the same time, from less than 1.5 USD to nearly 4 USD, while soybean prices more than tripled, reaching their highest level of more than 12 USD in June 1973.

        Weather Woes

        The harvest of Kansas wheat (Hard Red Winter Wheat), which is mainly exported, can be threatened by climatic fluctuations three times during the year: in late autumn, when it is too hot and dry or too cold and humid for germination; during winter, when sudden temperature changes threaten growth; and finally, in spring, when rain prevents pollination. For these reasons crop quality, quantity, and price are all subject to huge fluctuations.

        The rapid price spike favored young Richard Dennis, who had studied in Chicago and at Tulane University in Louisiana and had worked as a student at the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME) in 1966 at the age of 17. He began speculating with 2,000 USD in initial capital from his family, first with small contracts on the MidAmerica Exchange, and later on the CME.

        In 1972 the 23-year-old Dennis recognized the new agricultural market trend. He bet on rising wheat prices and won. A year later, in 1973, his initial capital increased to 100,000 USD as he took advantage of a trend-following system, aggressively increased his positions, and remained invested. In 1974 he made a profit of 500,000 USD on soybeans alone, and by the end of the year, he’d become a millionaire at the age of 25.

        The Soviet shopping spree of 1972 was repeated in 1977 after another bad harvest in Eastern Europe.

        Three years later history repeated itself. In 1977 Soviet president Brezhnev announced a national wheat harvest of less than 200 million tons, which took the markets by surprise as the US Department of Agriculture and US intelligence both were forecasting a good harvest.
        By this time Soviets had already bought 18 to 20 million tons of wheat from the United States, Canada, Australia, and India. Although worldwide production of wheat was around 600 million metric tons, according to data from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), only a small fraction of that quantity was globally traded. Because large amounts are consumed by the producer countries themselves, world market prices can fluctuate dramatically based on relatively small changes in global trading.
        Meanwhile, Dennis’s career continued to soar. At the beginning of the 1980s, his capital rose to around 200 million USD. At 35 he was known as the “Prince of the Pit” and was one of the most recognized commodity traders in the world.
        In 1983 and 1984 Dennis recruited and trained 21 men and two women in commodity trading. The group later became known as “Turtle Traders,” thanks to an often-quoted comment by Dennis, who said, “You can breed traders like turtles in a laboratory.” Five years later the group had earned him a profit of 175 million USD.

        Key Takeaways
        •After a bad harvest, agents of the Soviet Union quickly and secretly purchased 30 percent of the total US wheat crop. Therefore, 1972 became famous as the year of the “Great Russian Grain Robbery.”
        •Grain shortages and the Soviet actions caused a spike in prices: Wheat prices that traded at 2 USD in 1970 shot up above 6 USD in February 1974, a threefold increase within 24 months. Corn also rose from 1.50 USD to nearly 4 USD, while soybean prices surpassed 12 USD during the summer of 1973.
        •Richard Dennis, age 23, recognized the new trend in agricultural markets and bet on rising wheat prices. He became a millionaire two years later, After a decade he was making a profit of 200 million USD, earning the nickname “Prince of the Pit.”

        10 The End of the Gold Standard 1973

        Gold and silver have been recognized as legal currencies for centuries, but in the late 19th century silver gradually loses this function. Gold keeps its currency status until the fall of the Bretton Woods system in 1973. The current levels of sovereign debt are causing many investors to reconsider an investment in precious metals.

        “Gold and silver, like other commodities, have an intrinsic value, which is not arbitrary, but is dependent on their scarcity, the quantity of labour bestowed in procuring them, and the value of the capital employed in the mines which produce them.” —David Ricardo

        “You have to choose . . . between trusting to the natural stability of gold and the natural stability of the honesty and intelligence of the members of the government. And, with due respect to these gentlemen, I advise you, as long as the capitalist system lasts, to vote for gold.” —George Bernard Shaw

        “Only gold is money. Everything else is credit.” —J. P. Morgan

        In June 2011 the US Mint announced a 30 percent increase in silver coin sales compared to the previous month. With more than 3.6 million silver eagles sold, the US Mint reached its limit of production, so great was the interest of investors in silver coins. Similar figures were reported by the Royal Canadian Mint, the Australian Mint in Perth, and also by the Vienna-based Mint Austria, producer of the Vienna Philharmonic Coin. In March 2011 newspaper headlines proclaimed that the state of Utah was considering once again accepting gold and silver as legal currencies. Utah was not an isolated case in the United States; Colorado, Georgia, Carolina, Tennessee, Vermont, and Washington were also looking to return to the stable value of gold.
        What seems curious at first glance made many investors thoughtful. After all, the use of a paper currency without a tie to precious metals like gold or silver is a relatively recent experiment. Only in the early 1970s, when President Nixon abolished gold convertibility in 1971, and with the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates and the convertibility of all currencies into gold in 1973, was the gold standard abolished and replaced by fiat money.
        Fiat money is a currency without intrinsic value that has been established as money, often by government regulation. Thus, the fiat money experiment has been tested in international financial markets for less than 50 years.

        The international monetary system—detached from gold and silver—has existed in this form for less than 50 years.

        The gold standard was the prevailing monetary system until World War I. Under a pure gold standard, the money supply equals the gold possession of a country. In the wake of the Great Depression in 1929 and the subsequent banking crisis in 1931, however, the gold standard came increasingly under pressure. In Britain, the suspension of sterling’s gold convertibility in September 1931 (the Sterling Crisis) heralded the collapse of the international gold standard. The United States also began to break away from the gold standard as it gradually devalued the US dollar. In 1933 President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared private gold ownership illegal so the government could print more paper money as a way to overcome the Great Depression.

        Gold or Silver?

        In the historical context, the gold standard was just a short transitional period for global financial markets. For many centuries silver was the dominant currency. Most countries used a silver standard or a bimetallic standard. Similar to the gold standard, under a silver standard the total amount of money in circulation is hedged by silver, while a bimetallic standard additionally prescribes a fixed exchange ratio between silver and gold. For many years in the United States, that was 1:16. The gold-silver ratio indicates how many units of silver are needed to buy one unit of gold.
        After both the silver and gold standards ended, the range of this ratio has fluctuated between 1:10 and 1:100. At the beginning of the 1980s, the ratio dropped below 1:20. In the early 1990s, it peaked at just under 1:100. In the years 2009 and 2010, the price of silver rose much more sharply than the price of gold. While 80 ounces of silver had to be paid for 1 troy ounce of gold by the end of 2008, it was just 40 ounces in mid-2011 and fell further to 1:50 by the beginning of 2019. Considering the natural resources and the amount of each metal mined annually, it would imply a long-term ratio of 1:10.
        After World War II the world’s economic and political center shifted toward the United States. The Bretton Woods system reorganized the international monetary system, and the US dollar, backed by gold, became the new global reserve currency.

        Figure 5. Gold-silver ratio, 1973–2013. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        All central banks were obligated to other central banks to exchange currency for gold at a fixed rate of 35 USD per ounce. But since the 1960s, US gold reserves have been shrinking, due to increasing account deficits. Social welfare entitlements and the growing financial burden of the Vietnam War accelerated the US current account deficit, raised inflation, and lowered international confidence in the US dollar. For the first time in 1970, the US money supply exceeded the amount of gold reserves. A year later, in August, President Nixon stopped the conversion of US dollars to gold (an event known as “Nixon shock”), but it was not until 1973 that the Bretton Woods system was officially overruled and replaced by a system of floating exchange rates. After that, the gold standard faded into history.
        Today, central banks and supranational organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) hold 33,000 metric tons of gold, almost 20 percent of all known aboveground stocks of the precious metal.

        Silver Gives Way to Gold

        Silver gradually lost its official payment function in the late 19th century due to several factors. On the one hand, the United Kingdom, as a leading economic nation, was able to prevail with its gold standard against the French-dominated Latin coinage based on the silver standard. On the other hand, gold discoveries in California and Australia led to a tenfold increase in worldwide gold production and thus to lower gold prices. This made the gold standard more attractive. In 1871 Germany also switched to the gold standard. The transition from the silver or bimetallic standard to a pure gold standard led to an oversupply of silver and weighed on the price of silver for several decades.How
        ever, attention again has been focused on the solvency of many countries, including the United States, Japan, and some European economies. Measures taken to combat the financial and economic crisis that started in spring 2007 with the US real estate crash caused the national debt and the money supply to explode.
        Global debt accelerated to 320 trillion USD, whereas global GDP only rose to 80 trillion USD, and the dollar’s purchasing power declined by more than 90 percent since 1971. In addition to some European countries—Portugal, Ireland, Greece, and Spain (known as “PIGS countries”)—the United States was also temporarily threatened by a downgrade of its creditworthiness by international rating agencies. In the face of all this, it is not surprising that gold and silver bullion and coins, even if they are no longer legal tender, are popular with investors, and that bitcoins have emerged as an alternative currency. Gold-backed cryptocurrencies offer another alternative to fiat money. It seems like the gold standard is rising from its ashes through private initiatives instead of by government institutions.

        A sovereign crisis and a lack of trust are attracting investors to gold, silver, and cryptocurrencies.

        Key Takeaways
        •In 1933 President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 6102, which declared private possession of gold bars and coins illegal and punishable by up to 10 years in prison. All private gold holdings had to be turned over to the Federal Reserve in exchange for paper money at 20.67 USD per troy ounce. This prohibition against gold ownership wasn’t lifted until 1975 by President Gerald Ford.
        •After World War II, the US dollar was declared the world reserve currency, pegged to gold at a fixed exchange ratio. All other currencies were then pegged to the US dollar (the “Gold Standard”).
        •As US debt spiraled out of control, President Nixon ended the convertibility of US dollars into gold in 1971 (the “Nixon Shock”).
        •With the end of the Bretton Woods system in 1973, one of the greatest economic experiments began: a system of free and floating exchange rates for currencies that are not backed by any collateral other than the faith in national governments.

        11 The 1970s—Oil Crisis! 1973 & 1979

        During the 1970s the world must cope with global oil crises in 1973 and 1979. The Middle East uses crude oil as a political weapon, and the industrialized nations—previously unconcerned about their rising energy addiction and the security of the supply—face economic chaos.

        “Peak oil is the point in time when the maximum rate of global petroleum extraction is reached, after which the rate of production enters terminal decline.” —“Peak Oil,” Wikipedia

        “Just like global warming, the rationale for peak oil sounds great, it makes sense, but there is just one small problem, the facts don’t support it . . . it is a myth.” seekingalpha.com

        On Sunday, November 25, 1973, highways in Germany were emptied by a driving ban! The same day almost no cars moved in Denmark, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, or Switzerland. A week earlier, on November 19, Germany had introduced a general “Sunday driving ban” for four weeks, combined with a speed limit of 100 km/h on motorways and 80 km/h on ordinary roads. This was noteworthy: Germany—home to Mercedes, BMW, and Audi—is one of the few countries in the world today that does not have a general speed limit on its highways. Germans generally are in love with their cars! But the ban was the reaction of the German government to a sudden spike in energy prices caused by an oil crisis.
        The crisis was due to a conflict in the Middle East, between the Arab countries and Israel, that had been intensifying since the beginning of the 1970s. During the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel had conquered the Golan Heights and the Sinai Peninsula and occupied the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. The Arab countries called for an immediate withdrawal from the occupied territories, and international pressure on Israel increased. But warnings about possible retaliation were ignored, as was the Egyptian offer of a peace treaty if the Sinai Peninsula were to be returned. On October 6, 1973, during the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur, Egypt and Syria together attacked Israel.
        At first Syria achieved some success in the Golan Heights, and Egypt was prevailing on the Sinai Peninsula. However, the United States supported Israel with substantial military resources, and the small country finally changed the course of the war. Subsequently, the Arab countries pursued a different option.

        On October 17, 1973, OPEC decided to limit the supply of crude oil as a political weapon.

        On October 17, 1973, all Arabian crude oil–producing nations retaliated by reducing oil supply by 5 percent compared to September 1973 levels. They also imposed a complete supply boycott for crude oil against the United States and the Netherlands, which were considered Israel’s close allies. The league of exporting countries then announced that they would continue to restrict oil production until all occupied areas were “liberated” and the rights of Palestinian people were restored. The first oil crisis had begun.

        What Is OPEC?

        The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) was established in 1960 in Baghdad by five founding members: Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela. The development of new oil fields and a global oversupply had resulted in steady price declines in the 1950s. In response OPEC’s objective was to establish a common crude oil production level by joint agreement of all OPEC member countries, so that the world market price for crude oil stayed within a defined target corridor. OPEC has also been a driving force to break the power of the “seven sisters,” a group of Western oil companies. As of March 2019 the cartel consisted of 14 members—Algeria, Angola, Ecuador, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Republic of the Congo, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, and the United Arab Emirates, representing about 44 percent of global oil production and about 80 percent of the world’s “proven” oil reserves. Saudi Arabia is by far the largest crude oil producer among all OPEC members, responsible for about 12 million barrels per day in 2018. According to figures from the Energy Information Administration (EIA), the largest non-OPEC producing countries include Russia, the United States, China, Mexico, Canada, Norway, and Brazil.
        Up to this point, Western industrialized countries had been living with the illusion that global energy reserves were inexhaustible and that they needn’t be concerned with the security of the supply. Their addiction to crude oil kept rising, so the sudden embargo triggered an economic shock in many industrialized countries. Germany, for instance, sourced more than 50 percent of its energy demand from imported oil, about three-quarters of which came from the Middle East. It turned out that even with reduced consumption, reserves would have lasted only for three months, which caused people to panic. To limit the use of oil and reduce the degree of dependence, European countries began implementing energy-saving measures. They intensified negotiations with alternative crude oil suppliers, started to develop domestic sources of oil as well as alternative energy sources, and implemented strategic oil reserves.

        Economic Ripples

        In Germany and other industrialized countries, the first oil price shock triggered stagflation, which is economic stagnation combined with rising prices (inflation). Rising energy prices fueled an inflation spiral and at the same time slowed economic growth: Gross domestic output shrank from 5.3 percent in 1972 to 0.4 percent in 1974 and –1.8 percent in 1975. Many industries recorded a massive decline in production; construction fell 16 percent, and the automotive industry declined 18 percent. The stock market value of German companies dropped drastically and recorded a loss at the end of September 1974 of almost 40 percent, compared to July 1972. Unemployment rose from almost-full employment to 2.6 percent in 1974 and 4.8 percent in 1975.
        The impact of the cuts in the crude oil supply was visible immediately: Prices started to rise. At the end of 1972, US crude oil was trading at 3.50 USD per barrel; in September 1973 it rose to 4.30 USD, and at the end of 1973 oil prices traded above 10 USD. Sales in OPEC countries grew from about 14 billion USD in 1972 to more than 90 billion USD in 1974.

        During the first oil crisis in 1973 oil prices spiked from 3.50 USD to more than 10 USD.

        Using oil as a weapon brought quick political results: On November 5, 1973, the European foreign ministers called for Israel to evacuate the areas it had occupied since 1967. OPEC responded by gradually loosening the supply restrictions.
        But the world had changed. Even after the initial relaxation, prices for crude oil remained high. In 1974 alone, the value of German oil imports increased by more than 150 percent compared to the previous year.

        With the second oil crisis in 1979, oil prices jumped from under 15 USD to almost 40.

        Over the following years, crude oil prices stagnated, but they started to rise rapidly again in 1979–1980. After the Iranian Revolution and Iraq’s attack on neighboring Iran, industrialized countries once more became concerned about oil supply security. At the beginning of 1979, crude oil was trading at less than 15 USD per barrel. Within 12 months, prices had risen to nearly 40 USD, causing a second oil crisis. As a side effect, both oil crises marked the most prosperous years in the Soviet Union after discovery of oil in western Siberia and the rise of non-OPEC Western offshore oil production.

        Figure 6. Crude oil prices, 1965–1986, in USD/barrel. Data: Datastream, 2019.

        OPEC raised their basket price—an average of the prices of petroleum blends that are produced by OPEC members—to 24 USD per barrel; Libya, Algeria, and Iraq even asked 30 USD for their crude oil. In 1980 OPEC’s prices reached their peak when Libya demanded 41 USD, Saudi Arabia 32 USD, and the other countries 36 USD per barrel. In the following year, however, sales volume declined due to weaker economic development in the Western industrialized countries.
        As investments in alternative energy sources bore fruit, global crude oil consumption between 1978 and 1983 dropped by 11 percent. OPEC’s global market share of crude oil production fell back to 40 percent and continued to decline because of a lack of cartel discipline. US president Ronald Reagan made an agreement with Saudi Arabia to increase oil production in the 1980s, putting crude oil prices into a slide until the late 1990s. In the late 1980s, oil prices briefly dropped below 10 USD per barrel, bringing the Soviet Union to the brick of insolvency. OPEC’s market share fell during that time to 30 percent of world production.

        Key Takeaways
        •In 1973, because of tension in the Mideast, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) used its oil exports to Western industrialized countries as a political weapon and limited the supply, precipitating the first oil crisis. Crude oil prices soared from 3.50 USD at the end of 1972 to more than 10 USD just 12 months later.
        •The oil crisis came as a shock to most involved nations, strongly affecting economic growth and leading to rising unemployment.
        •During the second oil crisis, in 1979, oil prices jumped from less than 15 USD to almost 40.

        12 Diamonds: The Crash of the World’s Hardest Currency 1979

        Despite the need for individual valuation, diamonds have shown a positive and stable price trend over a long period of time. In 1979, however, monopolist De Beers loses control of the diamond market; “investment diamonds” drop by 90 percent in value.

        “Diamonds are a girl’s best friend.” —Marilyn Monroe,
        as Lorelei Lee in Gentlemen Prefer Blondes

        Precious stones such as diamonds, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, and opals are mainly known for their use in jewelry. Of these, diamonds are by far the largest market segment, and many individual gemstones—for example, the Blue Hope, the Cullinan, the Millennium Star, the Excelsior, the Koh-i-Noor, and the Orlov—have famous histories.

        Global production of rough diamonds generally ranges between 20 and 25 metric tons per year. This represents 100 to 130 million carats and is worth approximately 10 billion USD.

        Only about 20 percent of all diamonds are used in the jewelry industry, however. Industrial diamonds make up a huge market, and within this segment of smaller stones, artificially produced (industrial) diamonds also play an important role. The largest diamond production sites are in Russia, Australia, Canada, and Africa—in particular South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

        The Four Cs in Diamonds

        Unlike other commodities, diamonds do not have a standardized fixed value per unit weight. A diamond’s value is determined by various criteria, of which the “4 Cs” are the best known: color, clarity, cut, and carat. Sometimes, a fifth “C” is included. It stands for certification, which confirms the physical characteristics of a particular stone as certified by an official institution.
        Color grading depends on how close a stone is to colorless. The classification begins at D—which corresponds to very fine white or almost colorless diamonds—and continues through E, F, G, H (simple white), and so on. Colored diamonds (e.g., yellow, red, blue, or green) are particularly rare, so these so-called fancy diamonds are very precious.
        The clarity (purity) of a diamond is determined by the degree of inclusions in the stone. The higher the clarity, the rarer it is. The scale begins with IF (internally flawless) and continues through small to clear and coarse inclusions. Cut refers to the angles and proportions of a diamond. The most popular is the brilliant cut. Finally, traditionally a diamond’s weight is given in carats (1 ct = 0.2 gram).

        The largest diamond exchanges are located in Antwerp, Amsterdam, New York, Ramat Gan (Israel), Johannesburg, and London. Antwerp is the most important market; 85 percent of rough diamonds and about half of global cut stones are traded in the Diamond Quarter of that Belgian city.
        The value chain begins with mining and includes purchasing agents, processing, wholesalers, traders, intermediaries, jewelers, and other retailers, but a valuation is not simply a linear correlation to size: Larger stones are much rarer and thus exponentially more precious. In addition, prices fluctuate from one size class to the next. For example, the price can vary by more than 1,000 USD from a 0.49-carat diamond to a 0.5-carat diamond, though the difference is only 100 mg or less. In December 2018 prices for 1-carat diamonds ranged from 500 USD to 10,000 USD, depending on the degree of purity and colorlessness.
        By far the most important player in the diamond industry—analogous to OPEC in the global oil market—is De Beers. The South African company, part of the Anglo American mining group, is the largest diamond producer and trader in the world.

        Figure 7. Diamond prices, 2003–2016. Prices indexed over different sizes and qualities. Data: PolishedPrices.com, Bloomberg, 2019.

        De Beers has long dominated the global diamond market, similar to the way OPEC dominates global oil.

        De Beers controls about 30 percent of the world’s diamond production, and its influence in marketing and sales is even stronger. The company determines the volume and quality of rough diamonds that traders are able to buy. The Diamond Trading Company (DTC), which is controlled by De Beers, buys most of the world’s raw diamond production, allocates production quotas to mining companies, and manages sales through the Central Selling Organization (CSO), which is also an extended arm of the DTC. The CSO regularly organizes “sights” in London where about 150 authorized sightholders are offered compilations of rough diamonds for sale.
        For years the De Beers Syndicate guaranteed stable prices. At the end of the 1970s, however, the company lost control of the diamond market.

        A De Beers Primer

        De Beers, the largest diamond producer and trader in the world, has been active in the diamond market for more than 100 years. The company’s name goes back to the first mine in Kimberley, which was located on the farm of brothers Johannes Nicolaas and Diederik Arnoldus de Beer. After diamonds were found there in 1871, a group of adventurers transformed the remote place into the world capital of diamonds. British businessman Cecil Rhodes gradually bought up all the mining licenses and founded De Beers in 1888. Today, the company is 45 percent owned by the Anglo American Corporation, with 40 percent owned by the Oppenheimer family.
        Ernest Oppenheimer was born in Friedberg, Germany, near Frankfurt am Main, in 1880, and at age 32 he was pulling the political strings in Kimberley. In 1916, Oppenheimer founded Anglo American, which quickly became one of the most successful mining companies in the world. In 1926, he took over the majority of De Beers.
        De Beers’s entire production was always bought by the London Diamond Syndicate, which was established in 1890. The syndicate was the cornerstone of the Diamond Corporation, precursor to the Central Selling Organization (CSO). In the 1930s, during the Great Depression, Oppenheimer bought up massive quantities of diamonds in order to stabilize prices. Since then, De Beers and CSO have formed an exclusive diamond cartel.
        During that decade the US dollar depreciated significantly against other currencies, due to rising inflation in the United States and a search by investors for nontraditional investment opportunities. Interest in diamonds as a “hard” currency and a stable store for wealth increased, leading to greater demand for high-quality stones. De Beers, however, only moderately expanded the supply at the time, which resulted in further price increases that, in turn, attracted more and more potential investors.

        Diamond hysteria took hold. In 1979, the value of investment diamonds doubled, and prices for a 1-carat diamond of the best quality increased tenfold.

        Meanwhile, in Israel, rough diamonds were also becoming a favorite investment. In order to support Tel Aviv as an emerging center of diamond processing, the government granted large loans to banks under favorable conditions. As a result, a number of diamond investment companies were set up, which were able to sell diamonds directly to private investors.
        The hysteria over investment diamonds fueled a vicious circle. In 1979 the average price for diamonds doubled. Prices for a 1-carat, best-quality diamond multiplied by 10 and for a while traded at around 60,000 USD!
        De Beers attempted to gradually cool the market by expanding the supply, but the strategy was unsuccessful. The result was complete market chaos. The inevitable bust finally began in Japan, where it was common practice to accept diamonds as collateral for loans. When the first bank considered the market overheated and stopped accepting diamonds as collateral, the house of cards collapsed. The first drop in prices kicked off a race to sell stones. As speculators disposed of their stock, more and more borrowers fell below their collateral limits and were forced to raise money. Diamonds flooded the market, which was already oversaturated by De Beers’s efforts to cool it down. Even a cessation of sales and a buyback of diamonds by the cartel didn’t help. Prices crashed, and investors’ net wealth decreased, a downtrend accelerated by global recession.

        Within a year, the prices of investment diamonds fell from 60,000 to 6,000 USD.

        Within 12 months, the price of investment diamonds fell from 60,000 to 6,000 USD, approximately the level before the hysteria started. After that diamond prices recovered slowly, although in the early 1980s, the CSO withdrew diamonds worth more than 6 billion USD from the market, while De Beers cut mining quotas and closed one of its mines in South Africa. De Beers took similar actions to stabilize the price of diamonds after the global financial crisis in 2009, which had lessened the demand for luxury goods.

        Key Takeaways
        •South African company De Beers, today part of the Anglo American mining group, has long dominated international diamond production and sales.
        •In 1979 the company lost control of the diamond market after a market frenzy, during which average diamond prices doubled within a year, and prices for a 1-carat best-quality diamond rose tenfold, only to crash by 90 percent after the bubble burst.

        13 “Silver Thursday” and the Downfall of the Hunt Brothers 1980

        Brothers Nelson Bunker Hunt and William Herbert Hunt try to corner the silver market in 1980 and fail in a big way. On March 27, 1980, known as “Silver Thursday,” the metal loses one-third of its value in a single day.

        “The U.S. government has a technology, called a printing press, that allows it to produce as many U.S. dollars as it wishes.” —Ben Bernanke, Chairman of the Federal Reserve, 2006–2014

        The Hunt clan is one of the most glamorous families in the United States. They have a colorful history. In the 1920s Haroldson Lafayette Hunt (1889–1974), adventurer and professional poker player, won a drilling license in El Dorado, Arkansas, during a round of poker. Hunt, also known as “Arkansas Slim,” struck oil with his initial drilling exploration. With the first profits from El Dorado, he purchased additional drilling licenses in Kilgore, Texas, and discovered the world’s biggest known oil field to that date. In 1936 he founded the Hunt Oil Company, which became the largest independent oil producer in the United States. Fortune magazine estimated his net wealth at between 400 and 700 million USD in 1957, placing Hunt among the top 10 richest Americans. The Hunts also possessed large segments of Libyan oil fields until Muammar Gaddafi expropriated them in the early 1970s.
        H. L. Hunt’s private life was equally notorious: He had six children with his first wife, Lyda Bunker, including Nelson Bunker, Lamar, and William Herbert. Later, he started an affair with Frania Tye, whom he married and with whom he had four children before the couple separated in 1942. Hunt had another four children with one of his secretaries, Ruth Ray, whom he finally married in 1957.
        Unlike the Rockefellers, whose surname has always been associated with wealth, crude oil, and the Standard Oil Company, the name Hunt is forever tied to the largest failed speculation in silver.

        A Precious Metal Primer—A Recap

        The two most significant factors in the past 50 years for precious metals have been the prohibition of private gold holdings in the United States and the collapse of the Bretton Woods system, which was created in 1944. In 1933 President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared private possession of gold of more than 100 USD illegal, and the ban remained in place for more than 40 years. With the Nixon Shock of 1971, the United States declared an end to the official convertibility of the US dollar into gold, due to massive increases of government debt, expansion of the money supply, and rising inflation. In 1973 the Bretton Woods system—the international currency system that established the US dollar as the leading currency, backed by gold (“the Gold Standard”)—fell apart. With the abolition of the silver and gold standards, both metals lost their economic importance, and large quantities became available on the market. As a result, silver fell to 2 USD per troy ounce. But this price level also has had a lasting negative effect on silver production, as only a few countries are able to produce it at this low price level.
        The Hunt brothers’ speculation, which culminated in the collapse of the silver market in 1980, became a legend in commodity trading.
        William Herbert and Nelson Bunker Hunt were the first big investors to recognize the rare opportunities offered by the silver market in the 1970s: There was constant industrial demand, low incentives for subsidies due to low prices, and a small market of available silver.
        Nelson Bunker had made no secret of his aversion to “paper money” after the gold standard was abandoned. “Every moron could buy a printing press, and everything might be better than paper money,” he said. To preserve the family fortune, the Hunt brothers focused their investments on real estate and the silver market.
        Between 1970 and 1973 Nelson Bunker and William Herbert bought about 200,000 troy ounces of silver. Within these three years, the price of silver doubled from 1.5 USD to 3 USD per troy ounce.
        Encouraged by this success, the brothers expanded their activities to futures exchanges and acquired, at the beginning of 1974, futures contracts representing 55 million ounces of silver. Then they waited for physical delivery. Physical delivery was as unusual at that time as it is nowadays, and with constant purchases on the spot markets, the Hunts generated an artificial shortage of silver. Keeping in mind how the United States had appropriated private gold holdings 40 years before, they had the bulk of the precious metal delivered to banks in Zurich and London, where they thought their silver stocks would be safe from US authorities.
        In spring 1974 the price of silver rose to more than 6 USD. Rumors spread that the Hunts—who by now possessed about 10 percent of the world’s silver supply—were targeting a dominant market position. Before 1978 another 20 million ounces of silver were delivered to Nelson Bunker and William Herbert, who tried to convince more investors to partner with them. Together with two Saudi sheikhs, they founded the International Metal Investment Group, and by 1979 they had acquired additional futures contracts for more than 40 million ounces of silver at the Commodity Exchange (COMEX) and the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT). Over almost a decade, the Hunts and their partners had amassed some 150 million ounces of silver, about 5,000 tons.
        This was equivalent to half of US silver reserves, about 15 percent of the world’s total. In addition, the Hunt brothers possessed around 200 million ounces of silver in the form of exchange-traded futures contracts. Global demand for silver rose to around 450 million ounces, while output remained below 250 million ounces, due to the low price level of just a few years earlier.
        In the meantime, the price of silver had risen to 8 USD, then it doubled to 16 USD in just two months, due to a growing physical shortage of silver. The CBOT and COMEX combined were able to deliver only 120 million ounces of silver, since the Hunts’ strategy concerning physical delivery was now being imitated by an increasing number of market participants.

        Figure 8. Silver prices, 1970–1982, in USD/troy ounce. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        At the end of 1979, the CBOT announced that no investor would be allowed to hold more than three million silver contracts. All contracts above that limit had to be liquidated. Nelson Bunker interpreted this as a sign of an imminent scarcity; he continued to buy silver, while Lamar joined him and invested 300 million USD. At that point Nelson Bunker held 40 million ounces of silver abroad and—together with the partners of the International Metal Investment Group—an additional 90 million ounces of silver. The International Metal Group in turn held futures contracts for an additional 90 million ounces, with a delivery date of March 1980.

        At the end of 1979 the price of silver rose to 34.50 USD; in the middle of January 1980 the price jumped above 50 USD (about 120 USD in today’s prices). The Hunt family’s silver stocks surpassed 4.5 billion USD in value!

        The wheel of fortune was about to turn, however. Once COMEX accepted only liquidation orders, prices started to fall. The US Federal Reserve System increased interest rates, and the stronger US dollar began to negatively affect prices for gold and silver. By mid-March 1980, silver prices had fallen to 21 USD. The crash was accelerated by panic selling on the part of smaller speculators who had followed the Hunts’ example. Others cashed in private silver stocks of jewelry and coins because of the record prices, further increasing physical supply of the metal.

        As March 1980 came to an end, the Hunts could no longer meet the margin requirements of their futures positions and were forced to sell more than 100 million USD worth of silver. On March 27, 1980, silver opened at 15.80 USD and closed at 10.80 USD. The day went down in history as “Silver Thursday.”

        On “Silver Thursday,” March 27, 1980, silver opened at 15.80 USD per troy ounce and closed at 10.80 USD. It was a daily loss of more than 30 percent!

        For the Hunts, whose volume-weighted average entry price in silver futures was 35 USD, this meant a debt of 1.5 billion dollars!
        Many investors, including COMEX officials who held short positions, significantly reinforced the downward spiral in silver prices. Although the metal recovered to about 17 USD by the mid-1980s, the Hunts had to file for bankruptcy and were accused of conspiracy to manipulate the market.
        The downfall of the Hunts was caused by extensive leverage. Otherwise they would have been able to weather the crash in silver prices without having to liquidate massive positions in the market. In the media the Hunts became a symbol of market manipulation, and their speculation and the collapse of silver prices, which caused huge losses for private investors, weighed down the reputation of the silver market for decades.

        Key Takeaways
        •Haroldson Lafayette Hunt, known as “Arkansas Slim,” founded the family fortune on oil. Subsequently the Hunts were among the top 10 wealthiest families in the United States.
        •Brothers Nelson Bunker and William Herbert Hunt tried to preserve the family wealth by investing in silver. They attempted to corner the silver market by buying the metal physically and building up large futures contract positions.
        •The price of silver skyrocketed from below 2 USD per troy ounce to above 50 in January 1980. By then, the Hunt family fortune surpassed 4.5 billion USD. But on March 27, 1980—“Silver Thursday”—silver crashed 30 percent. The Hunts had to file for bankruptcy and were accused of conspiracy to manipulate the silver market.

        14 Crude Oil: No Blood for Oil? 1990

        Power politics in the Middle East: Kuwait is invaded by Iraq, but Iraq faces a coalition of Western countries led by the United States and has to back down. In retreat, Iraqi troops set the Kuwaiti oil fields on fire. Within three months the price of oil more than doubles, from below 20 to more than 40 USD.

        “Once [Saddam Hussein] acquired Kuwait . . . he was clearly in a position to be able to dictate the future of worldwide energy policy, and that gave him a stranglehold on our economy and on that of most of the other nations of the world as well.” —Richard “Dick” Cheney, US Secretary of Defense, 1990

        During the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s, Iraq had enjoyed good relations with the United States and Europe. The Western countries supported Iraq, especially militarily, in order to counteract the Khomeini regime in Tehran and the further spread of Islamic and Soviet influence.
        In 1980 Iraq was producing about six million barrels of crude oil per day, and Iran about five million barrels, most of which came from the oil-rich southwestern province of Khuzestan. Combined, crude oil production in the two countries accounted for about 20 percent of the world’s daily consumption. But the eight-year war, which killed a million people on both sides, greatly affected the economy of Iraq, whose main funding came from the Arab states, in particular Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. After the war, the country was heavily in debt to them.
        In addition, Iraq had always denied the legitimacy of Kuwait’s independence, considering it part of Iraqi territory. Conflicts had been smoldering around the border since its independence from the United Kingdom in 1961. Meanwhile Iraq was working to cancel or renegotiate its debt burden with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait and also trying to lower its debt by reducing crude oil production (thus leading to higher prices and higher profits). But Kuwait counteracted that move by increasing its quota and lowering its export price to increase its own market share.
        On July 17, 1990, Iraq accused its neighbors and the United Arab Emirates of producing far more oil than was agreed within OPEC, thereby pushing prices down and resulting in losses of 14 billion USD to Iraq alone. Iraq also accused its neighbors of stealing oil from Iraqi oil fields along their common border.
        Negotiations to ease tensions between Iraq and Kuwait failed on July 31, and Iraq deployed its forces along Kuwait’s border. During a meeting with Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, the US ambassador affirmed that the United States would not take any position in domestic Arab disputes or concerning the border conflict between Iraq and Kuwait. There were no specific defense or security agreements between the United States and Kuwait either. The Iraqi president interpreted this as a toleration of further action: On August 2, 1990, 100,000 Iraqi soldiers marched into Kuwait. The Gulf War had begun.

        A Quick Primer to Three Persian Gulf Wars

        The Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988) was originally referred to as the Gulf War until the Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991 (the Iraq-Kuwait conflict), after which the latter was known as the First Gulf War. Consequently, the Iraq War of 2003–2011 has been called the Second Gulf War.
        In September 1980 Iraq, headed by Saddam Hussein, invaded Iran, triggering an eight-year war that destabilized the region and devastated both countries. The United States supported Iraq during that war, because America was nervous about the potential spread of the Islamic Iranian Revolution by Ayatollah Khomeini, and Iraq longed to replace Iran as the dominant Persian Gulf state.
        The Gulf War of 1990 was waged by coalition forces from 35 nations led by the United States against Iraq, still headed by Saddam Hussein, in response to Iraq’s invasion and annexation of Kuwait. By that annexation, Iraq doubled its known oil reserves to 20 percent of global reserves, and was threatening Saudi Arabia, which controlled another 25 percent of global crude oil reserves, a situation that the United States could not tolerate.

        But it took another Gulf War to overthrow the government of Saddam Hussein. In 2003 a United States–led coalition invaded Iraq on the pretext that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction.

        Today Iran and Saudi Arabia are fighting for regional hegemony in a renewed cold war that is also an Islamic conflict of Sunni against Shiite. The Sunni-Shia conflict has been 1,400 years in the making. The arguments are complicated but essentially boil down to who is the rightful leader of Muslims following the prophet Mohammed after his death. With as much as 90 percent, the majority of the world’s Muslims are Sunni. Iran, Iraq, Azerbaijan, and Bahrain, however, have a majority Shia population.

        Figure 9. Crude oil prices, 1989–1991, in USD/barrel. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The effect on oil prices was obvious. Oil prices marked a low in June 1990 of around 15 USD per barrel, having bounced between 15 and 25 USD in the previous months. At the end of July, on the eve of the war, the price of crude oil was already back at 20 USD. On August 3, West Texas Intermediate (WTI, a trading benchmark for crude oil) was just below 25 USD. Crude closed the month above 30 USD, then, at the end of September, oil traded at 40 USD for the first time. In October 1990 the price of crude oil marked a new high—more than 40 USD per barrel.

        Together, Iraq and Kuwait accounted for about 20 percent of the world’s oil reserves.

        Strategically, Kuwait was extremely valuable to Iraq. Although it is only 20,000 square kilometers, Kuwait has a 500-kilometer coastline, far exceeding the 60-kilometer coastline of much larger Iraq, whose area is almost 450,000 square kilometers. During the invasion, Iraq captured gold worth more than 500 million USD and, more importantly, gained access to Kuwaiti oil resources.
        Saddam Hussein had counted on the United States not to interfere in internal Arab affairs, but he now faced a completely different reaction from President George H. W. Bush. It seemed that US interests not only concerned Kuwaiti oil fields; they touched indirectly on Iraqi oil fields as well. Iraq controlled 10 percent of the world’s oil reserves; the annexation of Kuwait added another 10 percent.
        Moreover, as US Secretary of Defense (and later CEO of Halliburton, a major oil company) Richard “Dick” Cheney noted a few weeks after the Iraqi invasion, “Iraqi troops are only a few hundred kilometers away from another 25 percent of the world’s oil reserves in eastern Saudi Arabia.”
        Just a few hours after the beginning of the invasion, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 660, which called for the withdrawal of the Iraqi troops. Within a week, the Security Council had imposed an economic and financial ban against Iraq (Resolution 661), which was designed to put an end to Iraqi crude oil exports. Meanwhile, the United States formed a military alliance of 34 countries against Iraq under the leadership of General Norman Schwarzkopf. Of the more than 900,000 soldiers deployed, about 75 percent were American troops. On August 8, two US Navy aircraft carriers arrived in the region, and President Bush initiated Operation Desert Shield to protect Saudi Arabia from an invasion.

        The invasion of Iraq began with Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm. Oil prices spiked from 15 USD to more than 40 USD per barrel in October 1990.

        By Resolution 662, the UN Security Council declared the annexation of Kuwait by Iraq void and called for the restoration of its sovereignty. On August 25, the UN Security Council sanctioned the coalition’s embargo under Operation Desert Shield. By then 70 warships were deployed in the Gulf region.
        In occupied Kuwait arrests, abductions, torture, and executions were the order of the day, and the Iraqi government used foreign hostages as human shields. On September 5 Saddam Hussein invoked holy war against the United States in the Persian Gulf and called for the fall of the Saudi Arabian king Fahd. The Kuwaiti royal family had already fled.
        On November 29 the UN Security Council presented Iraq with an ultimatum for withdrawal from Kuwait by January 15, 1991. The US Congress approved military measures on January 12, and five days later, in the early morning hours, coalition forces began a massive air strike against Iraq. Within the first 24 hours of Operation Desert Storm, there were approximately 1,300 attacks.

        It took another Gulf War, in 2003, to overthrow the regime of Saddam Hussein.

        After a further ultimatum expired, the United States initiated a ground war on February 24. Two days later, the war was essentially over, as Iraqi troops officially began a withdrawal from Kuwait. In doing so, however, they set fire to Kuwaiti oil fields and opened the locking bars of many oil terminals to let the oil flow out into the sea. According to Kuwait, about 950 fields were set on fire or were mined by the Iraqi forces. In addition, oil production was interrupted until summer 1991. Only after the last fires were extinguished in November of that year did production increase again.
        Despite the war, American and British aims to eliminate the military power of Iraq, and its claims to supremacy in the region, remained unfulfilled. It took another Gulf War in 2003 to overthrow the regime of Saddam Hussein.

        Key Takeaways
        •The president of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, aspired to hegemony in the Middle East, the most oil-rich region of the world, but he failed to overthrow Iran during eight years of war in the 1980s.
        •Kuwait, despite its small geographic size, was of strategic importance to Iraq, because of its oil resources and its coastal access and harbor.
        •The Gulf War of 1990–1991 began with the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and ended because of the intervention of the United States with Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm. As a consequence of supply insecurity and burning oil fields, oil prices shot up from 15 USD to more than 40 USD.
        •After 9/11, Saddam Hussein was accused of possessing weapons of mass destruction; his regime in Iraq was finally overthrown in 2003.

        15 The Doom of German Metallgesellschaft 1993

        Crude oil futures take Metallgesellschaft to the brink of insolvency and almost lead to the largest collapse of a company in Germany since World War II. CEO Heinz Schimmelbusch is responsible for a loss of more than 1 billion USD in 1993.

        “We’re back, we’ve made it.” —Kajo Neukirchen, CEO of MG

        He was one of the stars of the German business scene: In 1989 Heinz Schimmelbusch became the youngest CEO in German history, the head of German Metallgesellschaft (MG), a huge industrial conglomerate founded in 1881 with a focus on mining and commodity trading. With Schimmelbusch’s arrival, a new wind was blowing through the company. Its traditional dependence on the metal business, which accounted for almost two-thirds of group sales and profit, was about to be reduced. The new growth areas would be engineering, environmental technology, and financial services.
        Schimmelbusch went on a shopping spree, acquiring Feldmühle Nobel, Dynamit Nobel, Buderus, and Cerasiv and creating an empire, valued at 15 billion USD, that included more than 250 subsidiaries. In 1991 Manager Magazine named him “Manager of the Year.” But four years after Schimmelbusch joined MG, his realm would end in disaster.

        The subsidiary of the MG Group in the United States was engaged in risky bets on crude oil prices.

        Under Schimmelbusch the MG Group was not only getting bigger but also more complicated to manage. At the beginning of the 1990s, the German economy cooled down. There was pressure from cheap Eastern European competitors, the car industry weakened, and Metallgesellschaft’s high debt levels began to drag on the company. But the firm’s Sword of Damocles was actually hovering above its subsidiary in the United States.
        Metallgesellschaft Refining and Marketing (MGRM) in New York sold fuel oil, gasoline, and diesel to large customers at long-term fixed rates; the company dealt in contracts of five- to ten-year maturity that promised delivery of a certain quantity of oil at a fixed price every month. MGRM’s customers were hedging against rising crude oil prices. However, MGRM did not have oil through its own sources or inventories. It had to buy the oil itself.

        Understanding the Oil Market

        From 1984 to 1992, the oil market was dominated by what traders refer to as “backwardation.” This means that price of crude oil to be delivered in the future will be traded at a discount to the current (cash) price. For the buyer of oil contracts this means, in addition to interest gained on the capital invested, there’s a gain from the difference between the future price and the spot price. Thus, MGRM’s rollover hedging strategy generated a continuous profit in addition to its hedging fees.
        Due to the volatile price of crude oil, MGRM was facing a market price risk of more than 600 million USD, which corresponded to one-tenth of the balance sheet of the parent company. This market price risk was hedged by futures.
        The company entered into a growing volume of crude oil futures whose sizes would be adjusted just before maturity to the contract volume of its customers and which would be rolled forward into the next contract month.

        A massive price decline in crude oil flipped the future term structure from backwardation into contango, which resulted in massive losses in MGRM’s hedging strategy.

        However, in 1993, these conditions changed as a massive decline in crude oil prices reversed the future term structure from backwardation to “contango,” in which future prices are higher than current ones. While the current oil price was below 18.50 USD per barrel, prices for a year ahead were more than 1 USD per barrel higher. The monthly gain for MGRM was converting into a widening loss. And there was another factor neglected by MGRM: rising cash-flow risks during contract maturity.
        While its delivery obligations matched delivery requirements at maturity, MGRM was now faced with increasing margin payments in the future. This had a direct impact on the balance sheet for MGRM, since realized losses would not be offset by potential future profits.

        Figure 10. Crude oil future term structure in 1993/1994, in USD/barrel. Data: Bloomberg, 2019.

        The situation continued to worsen as MGRM suffered from liquidity problems and poor credit ratings. In the context of declining oil prices, MGRM was caught in a vicious circle.
        Local management staked everything on a single throw of the dice and continued to carry out additional contracts with customers. At the low point of the crisis, MGRM alone was responsible for between 10 and 20 percent of all outstanding one-month-forward transactions in crude oil.

        By terminating all crude oil futures positions, the MG Group realized a loss of more than 1 billion USD.

        Meanwhile, German Metallgesellschaft’s fortunes had also been plunging. As a result of the economic slowdown and a high debt burden, the company could only pay a dividend in 1991–1992 by writing down hidden reserves. The following year the deficit had climbed to almost 350 million Deutschmarks, about 200 million USD. Then the bad news from the United States hit. Under pressure from creditors, MGRM was forced to file for bankruptcy with a loss of 1.5 billion USD. That brought the entire group to the brink of insolvency.

        In February 1993 Schimmelbusch launched an extensive divestment program to redeem 600 million USD. But the US subsidiary’s losses continued to grow and soon exceeded 1 billion USD. Schimmelbusch now had to ask for additional funding by the company’s major shareholders, Deutsche Bank and Dresdner Bank. Startled by the imminent loss, Ronaldo Schmitz, a member of Deutsche Bank’s executive board and chairman of MG’s supervisory board, pulled the trigger. The MG Group realized losses of more than 1 billion USD as a result of the termination of all crude oil contracts, and the group’s total liabilities grew to almost 5 billion USD.
        On December 17, 1993, Schimmelbusch and CFO Meinhard Forster were dismissed by the supervisory board without notice, and Kajo Neukirchen was hired by Schmitz to save the company. With a bailout of 2 billion USD, rigorous cost savings, and the dismissal of 7,500 employees, Neukirchen restructured the MG Group, which now focused on trading, plant construction, chemicals, and construction technology. In February 2000 the company was renamed MG Technologies, and it became the GEA Group in 2005. The MG Group had met an inglorious end.

        Key Takeaways
        •CEO Heinz Schimmelbusch became the youngest CEO in Germany when he headed German Metallgesellschaft (MG Group), a large and venerable industrial conglomerate. Manager Magazine named him “Manager of the Year” in 1991.
        •MGRM—the company’s crude oil refining and marketing subsidiary—followed practices that would adversely affect the entire conglomerate.
        •MGRM was selling petroleum products at a fixed price to customers, hedging its exposure on the futures market. During normal market conditions, the backwardation term structure of crude oil provided a comfortable markup.
        •Things changed when crude oil dropped from more than 40 USD in 1991 to below 20 USD in 1993, and the term structure flipped into contango. Losses mounted to a total of more than 1 billion USD and brought the MG Group to the brink of bankruptcy.

      5. WELLS WILLIAMS《The Middle Kingdom》24-26

        CHAPTER XXIV.  THE TAIPING REBELLION

        The war, which was brought to an end by the treaty of JS anking, left the imperial government astonished and crippled, but not paralyzed or dejected. It had, moreover, the effect of arousing it from the old notions of absolutism and security; and though the actual heads of bureaus at Peking were unable, from their secluded position and imperfect education, to ascertain and appreciate the real nature of the contest, the maritime officials could see that its results were likely to be lasting and serious. A few thoughtful men among them, as Ilipu, Seu Kiyu, Iviying and his colleagues, understood better than their superiors at the capital that the advent of the ‘ Western Ocean people ‘ at the five open ports introduced a permanent influence upon the Black-haired race. They could not, of course, estimate what this influence would become, but a sense of its power and vitality had the effect of preventing them from petty opposition in carrying out the treaty stipulations. With the major part of the officials, on the other hand, life-long prejudice, joined to utter ignorance as to the numbers, position, and resources of foreign nations, led them to withdraw from even such a measure of intercourse with consular and diplomatic officials as they could easily have held. The tone of official society was opposed to having any personal relations with their foreign colleagues, and after the old Emperor Taukwang had passed off the stage in 1850, his son showed—even eight years after the peace—that promotion was incompatible with cultivating a closer acquaintance with them.

        It is not surprising that this reaction took on the form of doing as little as possible, and that its stringency was increased ill reality by the device of making the governor-general at Canton the only channel of correspondence with foreign ministers.

        This magnate was surrounded in that city by ^subordinates whose training had been inimical to extending intercourse with foreigners, because they had reaped the advantages of the old system in their monopoly of the trade. The intendants at the other open ports were directed to refer difficult (piestions relating to foreigners to this high functionary, but as they wero more disposed to let such disputes settle themselves, if possible, few cases were ever sent to him. The animus of the whole governing class gradually assumed a settled determination to keep aloof from those who had humbled them in the e^’es of their subjects, and yet give no handle to these potent outsiders to repeat their descent on the coast. It was a poor policy in every point of view, only serving to hasten the evils they dreaded.

        SIR JOHN DAVIS AND KITING, 577

        Sir John Davis was appointed governor of Hongkong in 1844, and during four years’ service so soon after the war saw much of this proud and foolish spirit. His two volumes, published in 1852 (China during the AVan and since the Peace), contain a digest of the official records and acts of the Chinese government which is highly instructive. It is remarkable that lie should show so much surprise at the mendacity, ill-will, and weakness of the officers in these reports to their master, or at the Emperor’s persistency in wreaking his wrath on those whose poltroonery had done him so much harm. A residence of nearly thirty years in the country should have developed, in his case, an intimate acquaintance with native ideas of honor and mercy, and shown him how little of either are practised in time of war.

        If he blames the Chinese leaders for their ignorance and silly mistakes in its conduct, one can readily see that they never had an opportunity to learn the truth about their enemies. Their struggle against the impossible was not altogether in vain, therefore, if it prepared them for accepting the inevitable. Had Sir John manifested a little sympathy for their plight in such an unequal contest, and shown more humanity for their sufferings under the evils which afflicted them, his opinion of the best remedies would have carried much weiirht. As an instance of the result of Ills own training in the East India Company’s school, he remarks respecting the imperial edicts against opium, that they fell into disuse, and that the subject had never been revived since the war ; adding, ” But at no time was the traffic deserving the full load of infamy with which many were disposed to heap it, for at most it only supplied the poison, which the Chinese were not obliged to take. The worst effect, perhaps, was the piracy it engendered, for this has told against the honest trade.” ‘ In his first interview with Kiying, in May, 1844, he proposed that the Chinese government should legalize the opium trade, for ” such a wise and salutary measure would remove all chances of unpleasant occurrences between the two governments; it might provide an ample revenue for the Emperor, and check to the same extent the consumption of a commodity which was at present absolutely untaxed.’” He, however, brought it more directly to his notice the next year in consequence of the revival of smuggling at Whampoa to as great a degree as in 1839, and the opium vessels all left the Reach.

        Kiying was entirely indisposed to move, or even aid, in this matter, which he knew would be distasteful to the Emperor, other than by a truly Chinese device—that the oflScials of both nations should let it go on by nnitual connivance. Sir John naively remarks on this : ” The only thing wanting was that the Emperor should publicly sanction what he had once publicly condemned. . . . The trade, however, was practically tolerated, and to us this made a great difference. The Chinese government was not sufficiently honest to make a public avowal of this change in its system, but the position in which Great Britain stood became materially altered. China had distinctly declined a conventional arrangement for the remedy of the evil, and expressed a desire that we should not bring the existing abuse to its notice.” ^ With two such men in command, of course nothing was ever done by either side to restrain the evils growing out of this contraband and demoralizing trade, until another war and new treaties changed the national relations.

        ‘ Chimi chning tits War, etc., Vol. I., p. 19.Ubid., Vol. li., p. 44.3/6j«., Vol. n., p. 303.

        At Canton the long-cherished dislike to foreigners was fomented by demagogues and idlers. These worked upon the fears of the people In- telling them that their lands were to be taken to build warehouses upon ; and this rumor was so far believed that it soon became unsafe for foreigners to venture far into the suburbs. In December, 1847, not long after the arrangement with Sir John Davis respecting an entrance into Canton city was made, six Englishmen were attacked by a mob at Hwang-chuh-ki while on a ramble, and all killed, some of them with reiined cruelty. Kiying took immediate measures—extremely creditable to his sense of what he owed to justice and maintenance of peace—to pnnisli these villagers. A mimber of men whom their fellows indicated as leaders in the outrage were arrested ; the prisoners were tried at Canton by the regular courts. Four were presently decapitated in the sight of a military deputation sent from Hongkong, and two others by orders from Peking. This well-timed justice secured the safety of foreigners peaceably going about the city and environs ; but it was creditjly stated afterward that there were numerous placards already posted in that region informing the people that foreigners would perhaps be coming thither to select sites for themselves. These unfortunate Englishmen, indeed, would perhaps have been allowed to return home, if they had been able to speak to the villagers and explain their object.

        DISPOSITION OF CHINESE TOWARD FOREIGNERS. ^70

        This incident makes it proper to notice a common misapprehension abroad in respect to the influence of the treaties which had been signed with China upon the people themselves. It was inferred that as soon as the three treaties with England, France, and America had been ratified, the great body of educated Chinese at least would inquire and learn what were their provisions, and a natural curiosity would be manifested to know something about the peoples of those lands. Nothing could be more likely—nothing was farther from the reality, No efforts were ever made by the imperial officers at the capital or in the provinces to promulgate these national compacts, whose original and ratified copies were never even transmitted to Peking. Consequently, the existence and nature of these Iiaoo yoh, or ‘peace contracts,’ had to be continually taught to the natives, who on their part did not usually feel themselves under much obligation to obey them. In China, as elsewhere, just laws never execute themselves, and it is hardly surprising that not an officer of the Emperor should go out of his way to enforce their distasteful stipulations.

        It was therefore uphill work to see that the treaties did not become a dead letter, and all the hardest part of this labor fell to the lot of the British consuls. They alone stood forth among foreign officials as invested with some power of their own ; and being generally able to use the Chinese language, they came into personal relations with the local officers, and thus began the only effectual mode through which the treaties could become agencies for breaking down the hoary wall of prejudice, ignorance, and contempt which had so long kept China out of the pale of progress. In doing this, no fixed course could be laid down ; though the constant tendency of the consuls was to encroach on the power of the mandarins, these latter were generally able to recur to the treaties, and thus learn the necessity and benefits of adherence to them. Their education was a colossal undertaking, and considering the enormous difficulties, its progress has been as rapid as was consistent with the welfare of themselves or their subjects. In this progress they bear the greatest share of the burden ; its responsibilities and costs, its risks and results, almost wholly come upon them, while foreign nations, with the immense undefined rights of exterritoriality on their side, are interested on-lookers, ready to take advantage of every fauxpas to compel them to conform to their interpretation of the treaties. Very little consideration is given to their ignorance of international law, to their full belief in the power of China, or to their consequent disinclination to accept the new order of things so suddenly forced on them. On the other hand, no one who knows all the features of this period will withhold the praise due to the British authorities in China for their conduct in relations with its functionaries ; it might fairly be added that the improved state of international intercourse is mostly due to them.

        The condition of the Empire at the close of the war was most discouraging to its rulers, who had not dreamed of receiving so crushing a defeat. It is creditable to them that they honorably paid up the $21,000,000 exacted of them by the British, who of course restored Chusan at the stipulated time.

        The name of II. Montgomery Martin, tlien treasurer of Hongkong colony, must be awarded due mention as being the only Queen’s official who endeavored to resist its surrender, on the plea of its great benefit to her eastern empire and influence.

        Sir John Davis speaks of the “political and military considerations” which gave importance to it ; but the proposal of Mr. Martin was promptly rejected by his superiors, and the whole archipelago has since been neglected. At the four northern ports opened by treaty, with the exception of Fuhchau, trade began without difficulty. This city having entirely escaped the ravages of the war, its proud gentry influenced the citizens against foreigners and their trade ; the first European residents there met with some ill-usage, but this bitter feeling gradually wore off as the parties became better known.

        At Canton the case was aggravated by the prejudices of race and the turbulence of the unemployed braves who had flocked into it on the invitation and inducements of Commissioner Lin to enlist against the English. They had been disbanded by Kiying, but had not returned to their homes ; their lawlessness increased till it threatened the supremacy of the provincial government, and required the strongest measures of repression.

        The disorders spread rather than diminished under an impoverished

        treasury and ill-paid soldiery, and prepared the way for

        the rebellion which during the next twenty years tasked the utmost

        resources’ of the nation. The ignorance of one part of its

        people of what was taking place in another province—which

        during the foreign war so greatly crippled the Emperor’s efforts

        to interest his subjects in this struggle—hete did much to preserve them from unitino; against him to his overthrow. It was

        plain to every candid observer that however weak, unprincipled,

        and tyrannical the Manchu rulers might be, they were as efficient

        sovereigns as the people could produce, and no substituted sway

        could possibly’ elevate and purify them until higher principles of

        social and political life had been adopted by the nation at large.

        CAUSES OF THE TAI-PIXG IXSURRECTIOIS”. 58T

        The protracted convulsion, known abroad as the Tai-ping Rebellion, owed much of its duration as well to the exposure of the government’s internal rottenness as to its weakness against foreign nations ; hut many other causes were at work. The body of the Chinese people are well aware that their rulers are no better than themselves in morals, honesty, or patriotism ; but they are all ready to ascribe the evils they suffer from robbers, taxation, exactions, and unjust sentences to those in authority.

        The rulers are conscious that their countrymen consider it honorable

        to evade taxes, defy the police when they can safely do so,

        and oppose rather than aid in the maintenance of law and order.

        There is no basis of what in Christian lands is regarded as the

        foundation of social order and just government—the power of

        conscience and amenableness to law ; nevertheless, from the

        habits of obedience taught in the family and in the schoolroom,

        the people have attained a good degree of security for themselves

        and show much regard to just rulers. The most serious

        evils and sufferings in Chinese society are caused by its disorderly

        members, not its rapacious rulers ; and both can only be

        removed and reformed by the reception of a higher code which

        raises the standard of action from expediency to obligation.

        In giving an account of the rise and overthrow of the Tai-pin Rebellion, it will be necessary to limit the narrative to the most important religious, political, and military events connected with it up to its suppression in ISGT. The phrase ” Tai-ping Rebellion ” is wholly of foreign manufacture ; at Peking and everywhere among those loyal to the government the insurgents were styled Changmaozei or ‘Long-haired rebels,’ while on their side, by a whimsical resemblance to English slang, the imperialists were dubbed imj)s. When the chiefs assumed to be aiming at independence in 1850, in order to identify their followers with their cause they took the term Ping Chao, or ‘Peace Dynasty,’ as the style of their sway, to distinguish it from the Qing Chao, or ‘ Pure Dynasty,’ of the Manchus. Each of them prefixed the adjective Da (or Tai, in Cantonese), ‘ Great,’ as is the Chinese custom with regard to dynasties and nations ; thus the name Tai-ping became known to foreigners. The leader took the style Tien-teh^ or ‘Heavenly Virtue,’ for his reign, thereby indicating his aim in seeking the throne, his own personal name, Hong Xiuquan, was regarded as too sacred to be used by his followers. The banners and edicts used at Nanjing and in his army bore the inscription, Tian-fu, Tian-xiong, Tian-wang Tai-ping Tian-guo, or ‘ Heavenly Father, Heavenly Elder Brother, Heavenly King of the Great Peace [Dynasty] of the Heavenly Kingdom ‘ (i.e., China).

        The incidents of this man’s early life and education were ascertained in 1854, from his relative Hung Jin, by the Rev. Theodore Hamberg, whose narrative’ bears the marks of a trustworthy recital. Hung Siu-tsuen was the youngest son of Hung Jang, a well-to-do farmer living in Plwa hien, a district situated on the North Eiver, about thirty miles from Canton city, in a small village of which he was the headman. The family was from Kiaying prefecture, on the borders of Kiangsi, and the whole village was regarded as belonging to the Hakkas, or Squatters, and had little intercourse with the Pun-tis, or Indigenes, on that account. Siu-tsuen was born in 1813, and at the usual age of seven entered school, where he showed remarkable aptitude for study. His family being too poor to spare his services long, he had to struggle and deny himself, as many a poor aspirant for fame in all lands has done, in order to fit himself to enter the regular examinations. In 1826 his name appeared on the list of candidates in Hwa hien, but Hung Jin says : ” Though his name was always among the first upon the board at the district examinations, yet he never succeeded in attaining the degree of Siu-tsai.” In 1833 he was at Canton at the triennial examination, when he met with the native evangelist Liang A-fah, who was distributing and selling a number of his own writings near the Kung yuen to the candidates as they went in and out of the hall. Attracted by the venerable aspect of this man, he accepted a set of his tracts called Quan Shi Liang Yan, or ‘ Good Words to Exhort the Age.’ He took them home with him, but threw them aside when he found that they advocated Christianity, then a proscribed doctrine.

        ‘ Visions of Hun(j Siu-tshuen and Orifjin. oftlie Kwang-si Insurrectioii, Hongkong, 1854. Mr. W. Sargent in the North American Review for July, 1854,Vol. LXXIX., p. 158.

        THE LIFE OF HONG XIU-QUAN 583

        In 1837 he was again in the provincial tripos, where his repeated disappointment and discontent aggravated an illness that seized him. On reaching his home he took to his bed and prepared for death, having had several visions foretokening his decease, he called his parents to his bedside and thus addressed them: “My days are counted and my life will soon be closed. O my parents ! how badly have I returned the favor of your love to me ; I shall never attain a name that shall reflect lustre on you.”

        After uttering these words he shut his eyes and lost all strength and command over his body, and became unconscious of what was going on around him. His outward senses were inactive, his body appeared as dead, but his soul was acted upon by a peculiar eneigy, seeing and remembering things of a very extraordinary nature.

        At first, when his eyes were closed he saw a dragon, a tiger,

        and a cock enter the room ; a great number of men placing

        upon instruments then approached, bearing a beautiful sedanchair

        in which they invited him to be seated. Kot knowing

        wdiat to make of this honor, he was carried away to a luminous

        and beautiful place wherein a multitude of fine men and women

        saluted him on arrival with expressions of joy. On leaving the

        sedan an old woman took him down to a river, saying : ” Thou

        dirty man, why hast thou kept company with yonder people and

        defiled thyself ? I must now wash thee clean.” After the

        washing was over he entered a large building in company with

        a crowd of old and virtuous men, some of whom were the ancient

        sages. Here they opened his body, took out the heart and other

        organs, and replaced them by new ones of a red color ; this

        done, the wound closed without leaving a scar. The whole

        assembly then went on to another larger hall, whose splendor

        was beyond description, in which an aged man, with a golden

        beard and dressed in black robes, sat on the liighest place. Seeing

        Siu-tsuen, he began to shed tears and said : ” All human

        beings in the world are produced and sustained by me ; they eat

        my food and wear my clothing, but not one among them has a

        heart to remember and venerate me ; what is worse, they take

        my gifts and therewith worship demons ; they purposely rebel

        against me and arouse my anger. Do thou not imitate them.”

        Hereupon he gave him a sword to destroy the demons, a seal to overcome the evil spirits, and a sweet yellow fruit to eat. Sintsueii

        received them, and straightway began to exhort his venerable

        companions to perform their duties to their master. After

        doing so even to tears, the high personage led him to a spot

        whence he could behold the world below, and discern theliorrible

        depravity and vice of its inhabitants. The sight was too awful to

        be endured, and words were inadequate to describe it. So he

        awoke from his trance, and had vigor enough to rise and dress

        himself and go to his father. Making a bow, Siu-tsuen said : “The venerable old man above has commanded that all men shall turn to me, and that all treasures shall ilow to me.” This sickness continued about forty days, and the visions were multiplied.

        ]Ie often met with a man in them whom he called his elder brother, who instructed him how to act and assisted him in going after and killing evil spirits. lie became more and more possessed with the idea, as his health returned, that he had been commissioned to be Emperor of China ; and one day his father found a slip on which was written ” The Heavenly King of Great Heason, the Sovereign King Tsuen.”” As time wore on, this lofty idea seems to have more and more developed his mind to a soberness and purity which overawed and attracted him. ]S’othing is said about his utterances while the war with England was progressing, but he must have known its progress and results. His cataleptic fits and visions seem not to have returned, and he pursued his avocation as a school teacher until about 1843, having meanwhile failed in another trial to obtain his degree at Canton. In that year his wife’s brother asked to take away the nine tracts of Liang A-fah to see what they contained ; when he returned them to Siu-tsuen he urged him to road them too.

        HIS HKLIEF IN HIS DIVINE CALLING. 585

        They consisted of sixty-eight short chapters upon common topics, selected from the Bible, and not exactly fitted to give him, in his excited state and total ignorance of western books and religion, a fair notion of Christianity. As he read them he saw, as he thought, the true meaning of his visions. The venerable old man was no other than God the Father, and his guide was Jesus Christ, who had assisted him in slaying the demons. “These books are certainly sent purposely by heaven to me to confirm the truth of my former experience. If I had received them without having gone through the sickness, I should not have dared to believe in them, and by myself to oppose the customs of the whole world. If I had merely been sick, but not also received the books, I should have had no further evidence as to the truth of my visions, which might also have been considered as mere products of a diseased imagination.”

        This sounds reasonable, and commends itself as wholly unlike the ravings of a madnuin. Nevertheless, while it would be unwise for us to closely criticise this narrative in its details, and assert that Siu-tsuen’s pretensions were all hypocritical, we must bear in mind the fact that he had certaiidy, neither at this time nor ever afterward, a clear conception of the true nature of Christianity, judging from his writings and edicts.

        The nature of sin, and the dominion of God’s law upon the sinner ; the need of atonement from the stain and effects of sin ; Christ’s mediatorial sacrifice ; were subjects on which he could not possibly have received full instruction from these fragmentary essays. In after days his conviction of his own divine calling to rule over China, seems to have blinded his understanding to the spiritual nature of the Christian church.

        His individual penchant was insufficient to resist or mould the

        subordinates who accepted his mission for their own ends. But

        lie was not a tool in their hands at any time, and his personal

        influence permeated the ignorant mass of reckless men around

        him to an extraordinary degree, while his skill in turning some

        of the doctrines and requirements of the Bible as the ground

        and proofs of his own authority indicated original genius, since

        the results were far beyond the reach of a cunning impostor.

        From first to last, beginning with poverty, obscurity, and weakness in II wa, continuing with distinction, power, and royalty at Nanking and throughout its five adjacent provinces, and ending with defeat, desertion, and death in his own palace, Hung never wavered or abated one jot of his claim to supreme rule on earth. When his end was reported at Peking in August, 1864, thirty-one years after his receiving Liang A-falTs tracts, the imperial rescript sadly said : ” Words cannot convey any idea of the misery and dedolation lio caused ; the measure of his iniquity was full, and the wrath of both gods and men was roused against him.”

        N^ A career so full of exceptional interest and notable incidents

        cannot, of course, be minutely described in this sketch. xVfter

        Hung’s examination of the tracts which had lain unnoticed in

        his hands for ten years, followed by his conviction of the real

        meaning of his visions in 1837, he began to proclaim his mission

        and exhort those around him to accept Christianity. Hung

        Jin (who furnished Mr. llamberg with his statements) and a

        fellow-student, Fung Vun-shan, were his first converts; they

        agreed to put away all idols and the Confucian tablet out of

        their schools, and then baptized or washed themselves in a

        brook near by, as a sign of their purification and faith in Jesus.

        As they had no portion of the Sacred Scriptures to guide them,

        they were at a loss to understand many things spoken of by

        Liang A-fah, but his expositions of the events and doctrines

        occurring in them were deeply pondered and accepted. The

        Mosaic account of creation and the flood, destruction of Sodom,

        sermon on the Mount, and nature of the final judgment, were

        given in them, as well as a full relation of Christ’s life and

        death ; and these prepared the neophytes to receive the Bible

        M’hen they got it. Jhit the same desire to find proof of his

        own calling led Siu-tsuen to fix on fanciful renderings of certain

        texts, and, after the maimer of commentators in other lands,

        to extract meanings never intended. A favorite conceit, among

        others, was to assume that wherever the character tsaen, ^,

        meaning ‘ whole,’ ‘ altogether,’ occurred in a verse, it meant

        himself, and as it forms a part of the Chinese phrase for al-

        Qiilghtij, he thus had strong reasons (as he thought) for his

        course. The phrase Tien kwoh, denoting the ‘ Kingdom of

        Heaven ‘ in (Jhrisfs preaching, they applied to China, With

        such preconceived views it is not w^onderful that the brethren

        were all able to fortify themselves in their opinions by the

        strongest arguments. All those discourses in the series relating

        to repentance, faith, and man’s depravity were apparently

        entirely overlooked by them.

        HIS C0:N VERSION AM) EARLY ADHERENTS. 587

        The strange notions, unaffected earnestness, moral conduct, and new ideas about God and happiness of these men soon began to attract people to them, some to dispute and cavil, others to accept and worship with them. Their scholars, one and all, deserted

        them as soon as the Confucian tablet was removed from

        the schoolroom, and they were left penniless and unemployed,

        sometimes subjected to beatings and obloc^uy for embracing an

        outlandish religion, and other times ridiculed for forsaking their

        ancestral halls. The nundjer of their adherents was too few to

        detain them at home, and in May, 1844, Siu-tsuen, Yun-shan,

        and two associates resolved to visit a distant relative who lived

        near the MiaoZu in Kwangsi, and get their living along the road by peddling ink-stones and pencils. They reached the adjoining district, Tsingj’uen, where they preached two months and baptized several persons ; some time after Hung Jin took a school there, and remained several years, baptizing over fifty converts. Siu-tsuen and Yun-shan came to the confines of the Miaotsz’ in Sinchau fu in three months, preaching the existence

        of the true God and of redemption by his Son, and after many

        vicissitudes reached their relative’s house in Kwei hien among

        the mountains. Here they tarried all summer, and their earnest

        zeal in spreading the doctrines which they evidently had found

        so cheering to their own hearts, arrested the attention of these

        I’ude mountaineers, and many of them professed their faith in

        Christ. Siu-tsuen returned home in the winter, and was disappointed

        in not finding his colleague Yun-shan there as well as the other two, nor could he give any account of his course.

        It appeared afterward that Yun-shan had met some acquaintances on his road, and became so much interested in preaching to them at Thistle-mount that he remained there two years, teaching school and gathering churches.

        Siu-tsuen continued to teach and preach the truth as he had

        learned it from the books in his hands. In 1846 he heard of I.

        J. Roberts, the American missionary, living at Canton, and the

        next spring received an invitation to come there and study. He

        and Hung Jin did so ; the former remained with Mr. Roberts about two months, giving him a narrative of his own visions, conversion, and preaching, at the same time learning the nature and extent of foreign mission work in that city. He made a visit home with two native Christians, who had been sent to llwa to learn more about him. They seem to have obtained good reports of his character; but others in Mr. Roberts’ employ were afraid of his influence if he should enter their church, and therefore intrigued to have him refused admission just then.

        IMr. Tl(A)erts appears to have acted discreetly according to the

        light he had respecting the applicant’s integrity, and would no

        doubt have baptized him had not the latter soon after left

        Canton, where he had no means of support. At this time

        the i^olitical distui-bances in Kwangtung seem to have greatly

        influenced Siu-tsuen’s course, and Mhen he reached home he

        made a second visit to his relative, and thence went to Thistlemoimt

        to rejoin Fung Ynn-shan. Hung Jin states that before

        this date he had expressed disloyal sentiments against the Manchus,

        but these are so common among the Cantonese that they

        attracted no notice. On secini; Yun-shan and meeting the two

        thousand converts he luid gathered, it is pretty certain that

        hopes of a successful resistance must have revived in his breast.

        A woman among them also began to relate some visions she had seen ten years before, foretelling the advent of a man who should teach them how to worship God. The number of converts rapidly increased in three prefectures adjacent to the liivcr ^ uh ill the eastern part of Kwangsi, and no serious hindrance was met with from the officials, though there were not wanting enemies, by one of whom Yun shan was accused and then thrown into prison. However, the prefect and district magistrate to whom the case was referred, fiiuling no sutlicient cause for punishment, liberated him; though the new sectaries had made themselves somewhat obnoxious to the idolaters by their iconoclasm —so hard is it to learn patience and toleration in any country. In very many villages in that region the ^-^Shaiigti hwui^ or ‘ Associations for worshipping God,’ began to be recognized, but they do not seem to have quoted the toleration edict obtained in 1844 in favor of Christianity, as that only spoke of the Tun-ehu kiao, or Catholics. The worship of Shangdi is a peculiar function of the Emperor, as has been already explained ; and it is not surprising to 1)C told by Hung Jin that tlic new sect was reiiarded as ti’casonable.

        ORGANIZATION OF THE SIIANGTI IIWUI. ^89

        111 1848 Sill tsueii’s father died trusting in the new faith and

        directing that no Buddhist services be lield at his funeral ; the

        whole family had l)y this time become its followers, and when

        the son and Yun-shan met them soon after, they began to discuss

        their future. The believers in Kwangsi were left to take

        care of themselves during the whole winter, and appear to liavo

        gone on witli their usual meetings without hindranceo In June,

        1849, the two leaders left Uwa for Kwangsi, assisted by tlio

        faitliful, and found much to encourage them in their secret

        plans in the general unit}’ which pervaded the association.

        Some members had been favored with visions, others had become exhorters, denouncing those who behaved contrary to the doctrines; others essayed to cure diseases. Siu-tsuen was immediately acknowledged by all as their leader; he set himself to introduce and maintain a rigid discipline, forbade the use of opium and spirits, introduced the observance of the Sabbath, and regulated the worship of God. No hint of calling in the aid of a foreign teacher to direct them in their new services appears to have been suggested by any member, nor even of sending to Canton to engage the services of a native convert, though Liang A-fah was still living then. The whole year was thus passed at Thistle-mount, and the nucleus of the future force thoroughly imbued with the ideas of their leader, who had, by June, 1850, gathered around him his own relatives and chosen his lieutenants.’

        ‘ The insurgents cut off the tail, allowed their hair to grow, and decided that all who joined the insurrectional movement should leave off the chinig and the Tartar tunic, and should wear the robe open in the front, which their ancestors had worn in the time of the Mings. —Callerv and Yvan, llixiory of the Jimarycctiou in China, translated by John Oxeuford, p. 61. London, 1853.

        The existence of such a large body of people, acting together under the orders of one man, whose aspirations and teachings had gradually filled their minds with new ideas, could not remain unnoticed by the authorities. The governor-general lived at Canton, and received his information through local magistrates and prefects, whose policy was rather to understate the truth. But Sii Kwang-tsin felt that he was not fitted for the coming struggle. His place was therefore filled by the appointment of Lin, then living in Fuhchau, who started to fulfil his new ehai’ge, but died in October, as he entered the province.

        Governor Sii Avas obliged to leave Canton on duty, but he never

        met the enemy nor returned to his post. The po})ulac’e of the

        city made themselves merry over his violent conduct toward a

        poor paper-image maker near the landing, who had just set out

        to di-y some effigies dressed in high ofiicial costume, each one

        lacking a head. Su chose to regard this proceeding as an intentional

        insult, as the artisan must have known that he was to

        pass by that way, and ordered him to be bambooed and his ettigies

        destroyed to neutralize the bad omen. The Peking government

        had just sent three Manchus to superintend operations in

        Kwangsi ; their predecessors, Li and Chau, with the provincial

        governor, Clung, were all degraded, but these new imperial

        officials did no better, nor did those on the spot expect that

        they would succeed. Tahungah was the ruffian who had executed

        one hundred and eighty British prisoners in Formosa

        nine years before ; and Saishangah was the prime minister of

        the young Emperor llienfung, as worthless as he was depraved.

        Cruntai, who had long been in command of the Manchu garrison

        at Canton, was also sent, in May, 1851, to check the growing

        power of the insurgents. They were well posted in Wusiuen

        hien, near the junction of two rivers, and this chieftain

        naively expresses his surprise in his report to the Emperor that

        the rebels should occupy an important })Ost which he had just

        decided to fortify. However, his official rei)oit ‘ explains the

        reasons for the imperial reverses better than anything wliich

        had hitherto appeared. Corruption, venality, idleness, opiumsmoking,

        and peculation had made the whole army a mass of

        rottenness ; no one can wonder that the Tai-pings marched

        without dan<»;er throufrh the land to their ij-oal at Xankiuii;.

        A year previous to this date, however, the conflict had been

        begun by the followers of Siu-tsuen. In tlieir zeal against idolatry

        they had destroyed tem])les and irritated the people, which

        ei-e long aroused a S])irit of distrust and emnity ; this was further

        increased by the long-standing feud and mutual hatred

        * Chinese Reposikn’y, Vol. XX. , p. 493.

        COMMENCEMENT OF THE IJEVOLT. 591

        between the j>un-iis and h<(kk-as (natives and squatters) wlileh

        j-an through society. 8iu-tsuen and his chiefs were mostly of

        the latter class, and whenever villages were attacked and the

        hakkas worsted, they moved over to Thistle-mount and professed

        to worship Shangti with Siu-tsuen. In this way the

        whole population had become more or less split up into parties.

        When a body of imperial soldiers sent to artest him and Yunshan

        were driven off, they availed themselves of the enthusiasm

        of their followers to gather them and occupy Lienchu, a lai-ge

        market-town in Kwei hien. This proceeding attracted to their

        banner all the needy and discontented spirits in that region, but

        their own partisans were now able to regulate and employ all

        who came, requiring a close adherence to their religious tenets

        and worship. This town of Lienchu w^s soon fortified, and the

        order of a camp began to appear among its possessors, wdio, however, spared the townspeople. The drilling of the force, now increased to many thousands, commenced ; its vitality was soon tested when it was deemed best to cross the river and advance on Taitsun in order to obtain more room. The imperialists were hoodwinked by a simple device, and when they found their enemy had marched off, their attack on the rear was repulsed

        with much loss. Like all their class, they turned their

        wrath on the peaceful inhabitants of Lienchu, killing and burning

        till almost nothing was left. This needless cruelty recoiled

        on themselves, and all the members of the Shangti /iwui, loyal

        and disaffected alike, felt that their very name carried sedition

        in it, and they must join Siu-tsuen’s standard or give up their

        faith. lie had induced some recent comers belonging to the

        Triad Society to put their money into the military chest and

        to submit to his rules. One of his religious teachers had been

        detected embezzling the funds while on their way to the commissariat, but the public trial and execution of the man had

        served both as a warning and an encouragement to the different

        classes who witnessed the affair. Most of the Triad chiefs, however,

        were afraid of such discipline, and drew off to the imperialists

        with the greater number of their followers. The defection

        furnished Siu-tsuen an opportunity to make known his settled

        opposition to this fraternity, and that every man joining his party must leave it. At this time the discipline and good order exhibited in the eneaiiipment at Taitsiin nnist have struck the people around it with surprise and admiration, if the meagre accounts we have received are at all trustworthy.

        About one jeai- elapsed between the contiict near Lienchu

        and the capture of Yung-ngaii chau, u city on the liiver j\Iei in

        Pingloh pi’efecture. During this period Siu-tsuen had become

        more and more possessed with the idea of liis divine mission

        from the Tieti-fu, or ‘ Heavenly Father,’ as God was now

        connnonly called, and the Tien-Jiiung, or ‘ Ileaveidy Elder

        Brother,’ as he termed Jesus Christ. He began to seclude

        himself from the gaze of his followers, and deliver to them

        such revelations as he received for the management of the force

        committed to him to clear the land of all idolatry and 0})pression,

        and cheer the hearts of those pledged to the gloiious

        cause. This course was destructive of all those peculiar tenets

        which Christianity teaches, and, so far as can be learned, neither

        lie nor Yun-shan any longer prominently set forth the doctrines

        of salvation by repentance and faith in Christ, as they had done

        in their first journey among the INIiaotsz’, but held their followers

        together by fanaticism and the hope of final triumph. In

        its main features, his course was copied from that of IMoses and

        Aaron when they withdrew into the tal)ernacle, and it was

        easy to impress upon his ujiinstructed followers the repetition

        in his person of the same mode of making known the will of

        Heaven. An adequate reason can also be found in this scheme

        why he never called in the aid of foreign missionaries to teach

        his followers the truth as it is in Christ Jesus, knowing full

        well that none of them w^onld lend any conntenance to such delusion.

        As early as April, 1849, when still in Kwei hien, he began to promulge his decrees in the form of revelations received from the Heavenly Father and Elder Brother, when one or the other came down into the world to tell him what course lie should pursue. In March, 1853, just before capturing Nanking, he issued a book of ” Celestial Decrees,” containing a series of these revelations, from which the I’eal nature of his character can be learned. Two extracts will be sufficient to

        (piote:

        CHAKACTEU OF THE TIEN-WANd’s ATJTHOKITY. 593

        The Heavenly Father addressed the multitude, saying, O my children ! Do

        you know your Heavenly Father and your Celestial Elder Brother ? To which

        they all replied, We know our Heavenly Father and Celestial Elder Brother.

        The Heavenly Father then said, Do you know your Lord, and truly ‘i To

        which they all replied, We know our Lord right well. The Heavenly Father

        said, I have sent your Lord down into the world to l)ecome the Celestial King

        (Tkn-icniuj) ; every word lie litters is a celestial command ; you must be obedient

        ; you must truly assist your Lord and regard your King ; you must not

        dare to act disorderly, nor to be disrespectful. If you do not regard your Lord and King, every one of you will be involved in difficulty.’

        It is only from these official documents that we can learn the real political and religions tenets of the revolutionists now intrenched at Yung-ngan, and soon to burst forth in fury upon their country. It was in vain to expect gospel ligs from such a bramble bush.

        Another extract exhibits their jugglery still more clearly. It is dated December 1), 1S51, and contains the proceedings and sentence in the case of Chan Sih-nang, mIio had been detected holdins intercourse with General Saishan^ah at Taitsun. Four of the kings were that day consulting upon some weighty matters, when suddenly the Heavenly Father came down among them and secretly told them to instantly arrest Chan and two others and bring them to Yang, the Eastern King, while he returned to heaven. They did so, and reported the matter to the Tian Wang, but none of them had any evidence to proceed upon.

        ” Happily, how^ever, the Heavenly Father gave himself the

        trouble to appear once more,” and ordered two of the royal cousins

        to go and inform the several princes of his presence. They

        all attended at court and entreated the Ileavenlv Kino; to

        accompany them. Hereupon, his Majesty, guarded by the

        princes and body-guards, together with a host of officials, advanced

        into the presence of the Heavenly Father. They all

        kneeled down and asked, ” Is the Heavenly Father come down ?

        He replied, addressing the Tien-wang, ” Siu-tsuen, I am going

        to take this matter in hand to-day ; a mere mortal would find

        it a hard task. One Chan has been holdins; collusive commu-

        ‘ This decree bears the date April 19, 1851, at Tung-hiang, a village nea<

        Wusiuen.

        iiication with the enemy yesterday, and has returned to court,

        intending to carry into effect a very serious revolt. Go and

        bring him liere.” The culprit soon came, and the examination

        is reported in full. In answer to tlie question, ” Who is it that

        is now speaking to you ? ” he replied, ” The Heavenly Father,

        the Supreme Lord and Great God (Shangti) is addressing me.”

        He said soon after, ” I am aware that the Heavenly Father is

        omnipotent, omniscient, and omnipresent/’ By a series of

        questions his guilt was proved, and he and his accomplices, with

        his wife and son, were all put to death as a warning to traitors,

        in presence of a large concourse, to whom they confessed the

        justice of their fate.

        When in possession of Nanking, Hung Siu-tsuen was formally

        proclaimed by his army to be Emperor of China, and assumed

        the style and insignia of royalty. Five leading chiefs were

        appointed to their several corps as South, East, West, North,

        and Assistant Kings ; Fung Yun-shan w’as the Southern King.

        Who among them were the efficient disciplinarians and leading

        minds in carrying on their plan cannot be now ascertained, so

        complete was the secrecy which enveloped the whole movement

        from first to last as to the personnel of the force. Dr. Medhurst’s

        translations of their orders, tenets, laws, revelations, and textbooks

        furnish the most authentic sources for estimating its

        character, but they fail to describe its living agents. In so

        large an army, composed of the most heterogeneous elements,

        it cannot be expected that there would be at any time nnicli

        knowledge of the sacred Scriptures, on which its leaders based

        their assumed powers derived from the ‘ Heavenly Father and

        Elder Brother ;

        ‘ but there certainly was a remarkable degree

        of sobriety and discipline among them during the first few

        years of their existence. A most perplexing question, which

        increased in its urgency and difficulty as soon as opposition

        drove the rebel general to intrench himself at Liencliu, was

        temporarily arranged by forming a separate cMcaiu])inent for

        the women, and placing over them officers of their own sex to

        see that discipline was maintained. In doing this he allowed

        the married people as great facilities for the care of their children

        as was possible under the conditions of army life; but

        THE REBEL ADVANCE TO THE YANGTSZ\ 505

        diiriu*^ their progress through the land in 1852 and 1853, much

        suffering must have been endured.

        In 1852 the state and size of the army in Yung-ngan fully

        authorized the leaders of the I’evolt to march northward. Several

        engagements had given their men confidence in each other

        as thev saw the imperialists put to flight ; defeats had furthermore

        shown that their persevering enemy entertained no idea

        of sparing even one of them if captured. The want of provisions

        durino- their fiv^e months’ sieo;e within its walls further

        trained them to a certain degree of patient endurance ; when,

        therefore, they broke through the besieging force in three divisions

        on the night of April T, 1852, they were animated by

        success and hope to possess themselves of the Empire. Marching

        north they now attacked Kweilin, the provincial capital,

        May 15tli, but having no cannon fit to besiege a walled city of

        that size, crossed the border and captured Tau in Hunan, which

        gave them access to the Iliver Siang and means of transportation.

        Their course was thenceforth an easy conquest of the

        towns along its valley. Kweiyang chau, Chin chau, Tunghing,

        ISTganjin, and others were taken and evacuated, one after the

        other, until they reached the capital of this province, September

        18th. Chano-sha and Siangtan together form one immense city,

        and its defenders fully understood their peril, and the probability

        of entire destruction if they allowed it to be captured.

        For eighty days the Tai-pings exerted themselves in vain to

        obtain possession, losing, however, very few men, and doing no

        great harm to their enemy, who kept beyond reach. December

        1st they raised the siege, and by the 13tli reached Yohchau on

        the Yangtsz ‘, which was taken without a struggle. Ten days

        after, replenished and encouraged by the spoil found in Yohchau,

        they occupied Hanyang and Wuchang, the capital of

        Ilupeli province, lying on the other side of the river. Its garrison

        was unable to escape, and many eoldiers were destroyed.

        Hwangchau and Kiukiang, two prefect cities lower down, were

        captured January 12th and February 18th, while Nganking,

        the capital of i^ganhwui, fell a week later. Nothing seemed

        able to resist the advance of the insurgents, and on March

        8th they encamped before Nanking. It was garrisoned by Mancbus and Chinese, who, however, made no better defence than their comrades in other cities ; in ten days its walls were breached, and all the defenders found iii>i(lc put to death, including Luh, the governor-general of the province. Chiidciang and Yangchau soon were dragged to the same fate, thus depriving the imperialists of their control of the (irand Canal.

        This I’apid progress through the land since leaving Yung-ngan eleven months previously had spread consternation among the demoralized officers and soldiers of the Emperor, mIio, on his part, Avas as weak and ignorant as any of his subordinates.

        The march of the insurgents showed the ntter hollowness of the imperial troops, the incapacity of their most trusted leaders, and the little interest taken by the great body of the nation in the conflict. Many causes which might adequately c.\}»lain this extraordinary success cannot now be ascertained, but a national dislike of the Mancbus on the part of the Chinese lay at the bottom of their coldness. They felt, too, that a government wdiich could not protect them against a few thousand foreign troops might as well give place to a native one. The insurgents had perhaps not more than ten thousand adherents, including women and children, when they left Yung-ngan ;’but these went forth in the full conviction of the heavenly commission of their leader to destroy idolatry, set up the worship of the true God, and inaugurate the kingdom of heaven hi the person of the “Heavenly King.”‘ The term SJuDujti was known by every schoolboy to be the name of the God worshipped at Peking by the Emperor in his right as Son of Heaven, and the successor of the ancient sovereigns mentioned in the Ska King ,’ accordingly, when the insurgents set up the worship of the true God as they had been able to learn it from Gutzlaff’s revised version of the Bible, their countrymen immediately recognized the challenge. It was an attack on the religious as well as political position of Taukwang; whoever maintained his side in the gage of battle, with him were undoubtedly the powers above. The progress of the new banner from Yuiig-ngan to banking was like that of a fiery cross, and the sufferings of the people, except in a few large cities, were really more owing to the savage itnperialists than to the Taipings.

        ‘ Though one of their officers told Mr. Meadows, at Nanking, that the force was about three thousand.

        SOUIICKS OI- rilKHl STKENGTir. 597

        The latter grew in strength as they advanced, owing to indiscriminate slaughter on the part of their enemies of unoffending natives, and at last reached their goal with not much less than eighty thousand men.

        Their position was now accessible to foreigners—who had

        been watching their rise and progress under great disadvantages

        in arriving at the truth—and they were soon visited by them

        in steamers. The first to do so was Governor Bonham in

        II. M. S. Ilermes, accompanied by T. T. Meadows, one of the

        most competent linguists in China, who published the result of

        liis inquii-ies. The visitors were at first received with incredidity,

        but this soon gave way to eager curiosity to learn the real

        nature of their religious views and practices. The insurgents

        themselves were even inore ignorant of foreigners than were

        these of the rebels, so that the interest could not fail to be reciprocal,

        nor could either party desire to come into collision with the other.

        About two months after the cities of Nanjing, Chinkiang, and Yangzhou had been taken, garrisoned, and put in a state of defence by their inhabitants, working under the direction of Tai-ping officers, the leaders felt so much confidence in their cause, their troops, and their ability, that they despatched a division to capture Peking. Xo particulars of its size or composition are given, but its course and achievements are recorded in the Peking Gazette. The force landed not far from Kwacliau, where it defeated a body of Manchus, and then proceeded to Liuho and Fungyang fu without finding serious opposition.

        Crossing the province of Xganhwui, they entered that of Honan, and in one month from landing the troops laid siege to Kaifeng, the provincial capital, June 19th. Three days later they were repulsed, and their leaders crossed the Yellow River to Hwaiking fu, about a hundred miles west of Kaifung. For two months they were baffled by an unusual resistance on the part of the imperialists, and were compelled to leave it and go west into Shansi, where they took Pingyang fu and flanked the enemy by turning east and north-east till they crossed the Liiuniing pass and got into Chihli. It was their design to have gone down the River “Wei to Lintsing chau on the Grand Canal, but they were compelled to make a detour of some hundreds of miles to reacli this last place. In doing so they ascended the steep defiles leading from the basin of the Yellow River to the plateau in South Shansi. This march was accomplished in the month of September, and on October9th the prefect city of Shinchau in Chihlf, only two hundred

        miles from Peking, was taken. Their army remained at Shinchau

        for a fortnight, when they marched across the plain northeasterly

        to Tsinghai hien, on the Grand Canal. Here they

        intrenched themselves on October 2Sth, but twenty miles south

        of Tientsin. A detachment sent to attack that city was repulsed,

        and the whole body were blockaded on Xovember 3d by

        the Manchu force, wliicli had followed it from Ilwaiking, and

        other corps ordered from the north to intercept its progress

        toward the capital. In six months this insurgent force had

        traversed four provinces, taken twenty-six cities, subsisted themselves

        on the enemy, and defeated every body of impei’ialists

        sent against thenio The men who performed this remarkable

        march of fully one thousand five hundred miles in the face of

        such odds, would have accomplished even greater deeds under

        better training. Considering all things, it is quite equal to

        General Sherman’s march to the sea in 1861: ; yet so little is

        known of the details of this feat, that we are not even cei’tain

        of its leader’s name—whether Lin Fung-tsiang, spoken of by

        the Gazette as a ‘ Pretended Minister,’ or some other general,

        was in command.

        . It is rather hard to understand why the Tai-pings intrenched

        themselves so near to Tientsin, but the officials of that city, in

        1858, ascribed it to the fact that water covered the plain, preventing

        all operations against the town. Perhaps their want

        of siege guns, and the cavalry now brought from Mongolia, decided

        the leaders to intrench themselves at Tsinghai and send

        to Nanking for reinforcements. The Tai-ping Wang immediately

        despatched an auxiliary force, which also crossed Kganliwui

        to Funghien on the north bank of the Yellow lliver ; this

        THE EXPEDITION AGAINST PEKING. 599

        place was captured March IT, 1854, “after taking city after

        city,” as the Emperor llieiifung expressed it. The ice was gone

        when the army reached Liiitsiiig cliau, April 12th, and that

        city was taken by a tierce assault against the combined resistance

        of its garrison and the imperialists outside, after the insur’-‘

        ciit auxiliary was attacked in force. The other body had

        left Tsinghai in February, starved out rather than driven away,

        and gone to the district town of Ilien, which they left March

        KUh for Fauching, and probably rejoined their comrades somewhere

        between that and Lintsing. They were about a hundred

        miles apart, and the intervening region was no doubt forcibly

        drained of its supplies. This joint army remained in possession

        of their depots as long as they saw lit, and ti-eated the inhabitants

        reasonably well, among whom there were no Manchus,

        The inability to understand each other s speech kept the people

        of this district from mixing with the southerners, and, combined

        with the impossibility of keeping open the road to Nanking,

        decided the Tai-pings to return. This they did in March, 1855,

        by re-entering IS^ganhwui and rejoining the main body whereever

        ordered ; but no details are known of their movements for

        nearly a year before that date. Peking and the Great Pure

        dynasty were saved, however ; while the failure of Hung Siutsuen

        to risk all on such an enterprise proved his ignorance of

        the real point of this contest. lie never was able to undertake

        a second campaign, and his followers soon degenerated into

        banditti.

        The possession of Nanking, Chinkiang, and Kwachau, with

        the large flotilla along the Yangtsz’ River west to Ichang in

        Hupeh, a distance of over six hundred miles, had entirely sundered

        the Emperor’s authority over the seven south-eastern provinces.

        The country on each side for fifty or one hundred and

        fifty miles was visited by the insurgents’ troops merely for supplies.

        Their boats penetrated to Nanchang in Kiangsi, went

        up the Piver Siang even beyond Changsha in Ilunan, ravaged

        one town after another in quest of provisions and reinforcements,

        which were either taken to Nanking or used to support

        the crews ; but nowhere did the leaders set up anything like a

        government, nowhere did they secure those who submitted or pursued their avocations quietly any protection against imperialist

        or other foes. As a revohition involving a reorganizatioTi of the Chinese nation on Christian principles, and a well-defined assertion of the rights and duties of rulers and subjects, it had failed entirely within a year after the possession of Kanking.

        There was no hope that any of the leaders in the movement would develop the ability to initiate the establishment of a consistent and suitable control, since not one of them was endowed either with the experience necessaiy to introduce provisional government over concpiei’ed communities, or with that tact calculated to impress their inhabitants with enduring confidence in them. All their prisoners were compelled to work or fight in their service, and were willing to earn their food and clothes ; while in obeying such orders, and going through such religious ceremonies as were told them, they of course had not much to complain of ; but this conduct did not imply hatred of the mandarins or an abjuiation of Buddhism.

        During the three years after JS’anking had V)een occupied, the people in the Vangtsz* valley had suffered much from the conflict. Both armies lived on the land, and tlu; danger of resisting the demands for food, clothes, and animals was nearly equaled by that of j(,)ining the contending forces ; in either case beggary or loss of life was sure to be the end. As an instance of by no means unexamjilcd suffering, the populous mart of Hankow and its environs was taken by assault six different times during the thirty months ending in May, 1855, and finally was left literally a heap of ruins. In country places the imperialists were, of the two parties, perhaps the more terrible scourge, but as the region became impoverished each side vied with the other in exhausting the people. The Tai-pings were gradually circumscribed to the region around Kaiiking and Nganking by the slow approaches of the government troops, and in 1800 seemed to be near their end. The interest which had been aroused at Shanghai in 1853, upon hearing of their Christian tenets and organization, had been satisfied in the various visits of foreign functioiuiries to Xanking, the intercourse with the leaders and men, perusal of their books, and observation of their policy.

        FAILURE OF THE ENTERPRISE. 601

        One inherent defect in the enterprise, when viewed in its political bearing, ere long showed itself. Nothing could induce Iluiii”: Siu-tsuen to lead his men to the north and risk all ill an attack on Peking. His own conviction of his divine mission had been most cordially received by his generals and the entire b(xly of followers which left Yung-ngan in 1852; but their faith was not accepted by the enormous additit>ns made to the Tai-pings as they advanced to Nanking, and gradually the original force became so diluted that it was inade<juate to restrain and inspirit their auxiliaries. Moreover, the Tien-wang had never seriously worked out any conception of the radical changes in his system of government, which it would be absolutely necessary to inaugurate under a Christian code of laws.

        Having had no knowledge of any western kingdom, he probably regarded them all as conformed to the rules and examples given in the Bible ; perhaps, too, he trusted that the ” Heavenly Father and Elder Brother ” would reveal the proper course of action when the time came. The great body of literati would naturally be indisposed to even examine the claims of a western religion which placed Shangdi above all other gods, and allowed no images in worship, no ritual in temples, and no adoration to ancestors, to Confucius, or to the heavenly bodies. But if this patriotic call to throw off the Manchu yoke had been fortified by a well-devised system of public examinations for office—modified to suit the new order of things by introducing more practical subjects than those found in the classics—and had been put into practice, it is hard to suppose that the intellectual classes would not gradually have ranged themselves on the side of this rising power. The unnecessary cruelty and slaughter practised toward the Manchu garrisons and troops carried more dread into the hearts of the population than stimulus to co-operate with such ruthless revolutionists. The latter had weakened their prospects by destroying confidence in their moderation, justice, and ability to carry out their aim to establish a new sway. There was a large foundation of national aspirations and real dislike to the present dynasty, on which the Tien-wang could have safely reckoned for help and sympathy. But he was far from equal to the exigency of his opportunity. The doubts of his countrymen as to his coiiipeteney were proved by the ^iitisfaction and relief felt when his movement collapsed.

        When the remnants of the two corps which returned from the north in 1855 were incorporated into the forces holding the Grand Canal and the Liang Kiang province, their outposts hardly extended along the Great Eiver beyond Chinkiang on the east and Xganking on the west. In that year dissensions sprung up among the leaders themselves inside of Nanking, which ended in the execution of Yang, the Eastern King, the next year ; a tierce struggle maintained by Wei, the Northern King, on behalf of the Tien-wang, upheld his supremacy, but at a loss of his best general. Another man of note, Shi Dakai, the Assistant King, losing faith in the whole undertaking, managed to withdraw with a large following westward, and reached Sz’chuen. The early friend of Hong Xiuquan, Feng Yunshan, known as the Southern King, disappeared about the same time. Humors of these conflicts reached Shanghai in such a contradictory form that it was impossible to learn all their causes.

        (3ne source of sti’ife arose by Yang assuming to be the Holy

        Ghost. Ileceiving communications from the Heavenly Father

        and Elder Brother, he thus placed himself above the Tien-wang, and, it is said by Wilson,’ ” required him to humble himself and receive forty lashes” for some misdemeanors complained of by the Comforter. The notices of this man which have reached us show that he early took a prominent part in the movement, and perhaps manipulated ”descents of the Heavenly Father,” like the one referred to above as mentioned in the ” Book of Declarations ” in the case of Chan Sih-nang.” Many proclamations were issued in his name (»n the progress to Naidving, which set forth the principles under which the Heavenly Dynasty were trying to conquer. Incentives addressed to the patriotic feelings of the Chinese were mixed up with their obligations to worship Shangdi, now made known to them as the Great God, our Heavenly Father, and security promised to all who submitted.

        ‘ Tfie, ** ?Jrer-Vict<>rums Army,”^ Lt.-Col. Gordon’s Chinrxr Citmpaiqn, p. 43.

        ‘.T. Milton Mackie, Life of Tni-pinfi-Wang, Chief of the Chinese Insurrection^Chap. XXXIV., New York, 1857.

        DISSENSIONS AMONG THE TAI-PING LEADERS. 603

        In one sent forth by liini when nearing Nanking, he thus summarizes the rules which guided the Tai-pings:

        I, the General, in obedience to the royal commands, have put in motion the troops for the punishment of the oppressor, and in everyplace to which I have come the enemy, at the first report, have dispersed like scattered rubbish. As soon as a city has been captured, I have put to death the rapacious mandarins and corrupt magistrates therein, but have not injured a single individual of the people, so that all of you may take care of your families and attend to your business without alarm and trei^idation. I have heard, however, that numbers or lawless vagabonds are in the villages, who previous to the arrival of our troops take advantage of the disturbed state of the country to defile mens’ wives and daughters, and burner plunder the property of honest people. . . .

        I have therefore especially sent a great officer, named Yiien, with some hundreds of soldiers, to go through the villages, and as soon as he finds these vagabonds he is commissioned forthwith to decapitate them ; while if the honest inhabitants stick up the word shun [‘ obedient ‘J over their doors, they will have nothing to fear.

        ‘Such manifestoes could not reassure the timid population of the valley of the Yangtsz’, and the carnage of the unresisting JVLanchus inXanking, Chinkiang, and elsewhere indicated a ruthless license among the followers of the Tien-wang, which made them feel that their success carried with it no promise of melioration.

        In addition, as the vast spoil obtained from these cities and towns up to 1S50 was consumed, the outlook of the rebels was most discouraging. Among their forces, the disheartened, the sick, and the wounded, with the captived and desperate, soon died, deserted, or skulked, and their places Avere filled by forced

        levies. Under these circumstances the dissensions within the

        court at Xanking imperilled the whole cause, and showed the

        incapacity of its leaders in face of their great aim. Yang had

        sunk into a sensual, unscrupulous faction leader who could no

        longer he endured ; by October, 1856, he and all his adherents,

        to the number of twenty thousand, were utterly cut off by Wei.

        But this latter king speedily met with a like fate. Shih, the

        Assistant King, was at this time in the province of Kiangsi. It

        had become a life struggle with Siu-tsuen, and his removal of the

        four kings resulted in leaving him without any real military

        chief on whose loyalty he could depend. The rumors which

        ‘Lindley, Tai-ping Tien-kwoh, \ol. I., p. 94. reached Shanghai in 1856 of the fierce conflict in the city were probably exaggerated by the desire prevalent in that region that the parties would go on, like the Midianites in Gideon’s time, beatinir down each other till they ended the matter.

        The success of the Tai-pings had encouraged discontented leaders in other parts of China to set up their standards of revolt. The progress of Shih Ta-kai in Sz’chuen and Kweichau engaged the utmost efforts of the provincial rulers to restore peace. In Kwangtung a powerful band invested the city, but the operations of Governor Yeh, after the departure of Sii Kwang-tsun in 185i, were well supported by the gentry. By the middle of 1855 the rising was quenched in blood. The destruction of Fatshan, Shauking, and other large towns, had shown that the sole object of the rebels was plunder, though it was thought at first that they were Tai-pings. The executions in Canton during fourteen months np to August, 1856, were nearly a hundred thousand men ; but the loss of life on both sides must be reckoned by millions. A band of Cantonese desperadoes seized the city of Shanghai in September, 1853, killing the district magistrate and some other officials. They retained possession till the Chinese New Year, January 27, 1854, leaving the city amid flames and carnage, when many of the leaders escaped in foreign vessels.’ None of these men were affiliated with the Tai-pings.

        Jn Formosa and Hainan, as well as in Yunnan and Kansuh, the provincial authorities had hard work with their local contingents to maintain the Emperor’s authority. This wretched prince was himself fast bound under the sway of Suhshun and his miserable coterie, devising moans to rej>lcnish his coffers by issuing iron and paper money, and proposing counters cut out of jade stone to take the place of bullion. The national history, however, had many notices of precisely such disastrous epochs in former times, and the nation’s faith in itself was not really weakened.

        THE REBEL SORTIE FROM NANKING. 605

        By 1857 the imperialists had begun to draw close lines about ‘No foreigners here or elsewhere in China were injured designedly during all this insurrection.

        the rebels, when they were nearly restricted to the river banks between Nganking and Nanking, both of which cities were blockaded. Two years later the insurgent capital was beleaguered,

        but in its siege the loyalists trusted almost wholly to

        the effects of want and disease, which at last reached such an

        extreme degree (up to 18G0) that it was said human flesh was

        sold on the butchers’ stalls of Xanking. Their ammunition was

        nearly expended, their numbers were reduced, and their men

        apparently desirous to disperse ; but the indomitable spirit of the

        leader never quailed. He had appointed eleven other ((‘(okj, or generals,

        called Chung TFan^ (‘ Loyal King ‘j, Ylng Wang (‘Heroic

        King’), Kan TH/vi^ (‘ Shield King’), Ting Wang (‘Listening

        King ‘), etc., whose abilities were cpiite equal to the old ones.

        As the siege progressed events assumed daily a more threatening

        aspect. Chang Kwo-liang and Ilo Chun, two imperialist generals,

        invested the city more and more closely, driving the insurgents

        to extremity in every direction. The efforts of these men

        were, however, not aggressive in conseqnence of the war then

        waging with the British and French on the Pei ho. This encouraged

        the beleaguered garrison to a desperate effort to free themselves,

        and on May G, 18G0, a well-concerted attack on the

        armies which had for years been intrenched behind outworks

        about the city scattered them in utter disorder. A small body

        of Tai-pings managed to get out toward the north of Kiangsu,

        near the Yellow Kiver. Another body had already (in March)

        carried Hangchau by assault by springing a mine ; as many as

        seventy thousand inhabitants, including the Manchu garrison,

        perished here during the week the city remained in possession of

        the rebels. On their return to Nanking the joint force carried all before it, and the needed guns and annnunition fell into their hands. The loyalist soldiers also turned against their old officers, but the larger part had been killed or dispei’sed. Chinkiang and Changchau were captured, and Ilo Kwei-tsing, the governor-general, fled in the most dastardly manner to Suchaii, without an effort to retrieve his overthrow. Some resistance was made at Wnsih on the Grand Canal, but Ilo Chnn was so paralyzed by the onslaught that he killed himself, and Sucliau fell into the hands of Chung Wang with no resistance whatever.

        It was, nevertheless, burned and pillaged by the cowardly imperialists before they left it, Ho Kwei-tsiug setting the large suburbs on tire to uncover the solid walls. This destruction was so unnecessary that the citizens welcomed the Tai-pings, for they would at least leave them their houses. AVith Suchau and Ilangchau in their hands, the Kan Wang and Chung Wang had control of the great watercourses in the two provinces, and their desire now was to obtain foreign steamers to use in regaining niasteiy of the Yangzi River. The loss of their first leaders was by this time admirably supplied to the insurgents by these two men, who had had a wider experience than the TianWang himself, while their extraordinary success in dispersing their enemies had been to them all an assurance of divine protection and approval.

        The populous and fertile region of Kiangnan and Chehkiang was wholly in their hands by June, 1800, so far as any organized Mancliu force could resist them. The destruction of life, property, and industry within the three months since their sally from Nanking had been unparalleled probably since the Conquest, more than two centuries before, and revived the stories told of the ruthless acts of Attila and Tamerlane. Shanghai was threatened in August by a force of less than twenty thousand men led by the Chung Wang, and it would have been captured if it had not been protected by British and French troops. Many villages in the district were destroyed, but the flotilla approaching from Sungkiang recoiled from a collision with foreigners, and the insurgents all retired before September. They, however,

        could now be supplied with nnmitions of war, and even began

        to enlist foreigners to help them drill and light. It was an

        anomalous condition of things, possible only in China, that

        while the allied force was marching upon Peking to extort a

        treaty, the same force was encircling the walls of Shanghai, burning its suburbs to destroy all cover, and aiding its rulers to preserve it to Ilienfung— all in order to conquer a trade. It was then the moment for the Tai-pings to have moved rapidly upon Chihli and tried the gage of battle before the metropolis, as soon as possible after Lord Elgin had withdrawn. But they had now very few left to them of the kind of troops which threatened the capital in 1853-54, and could not depend on recruits from Kiangnan in the hour of adversity.

        FOREKiN AID AGAINST THE REBELS. ”><)7

        At this juncture the imperialists began to look toward foreigners for aid in restoring their prestige and power by employing skill and weapons not to be found among themselves.

        An American adventurer, Frederick G. Ward, of Salem, Mass., proposed to the Intendant Wu to recapture Sungkiaiig from the Tai-pings ; he was repulsed on his first attempt at the head of about a hundred foreigners, but succeeded on the second, and the imperialists straightway occupied the city. This success, added to the high pay, stimulated many others to join him, and General Ward ere long was able to organize a larger body of soldiers, to which the name of Cliang-shing Mun, or ‘ Ever-victorious force,’ was given by the Chinese ; it ultimately proved to be well applied. Its composition was heterogeneous, but the energy, tact, and discipline of the leader, under the impulse of an actual struggle with a powerful foe, soon moulded it into something like a manageable corps, able to serve as a nucleus for training a native army. Foreigners generally looked down upon the undertaking, and many of the allied naval and military officers regarded it with doubt and dislike. It had to prove its character by works, but the successive defeats of the insurgents during the year 1862 in Kiangsu and Chehkiang, clearly demonstrated the might of its trained men over ten times their number of undisciplined braves.

        But we must retrace our steps somewhat. In 1860 the possession of the best parts of Kiangsu and Chehkiang led the Tian Wang to plan the relief of Nganking by advancing on Hankow with four separ’ate corps. They were under the leadership of the Chung Wang, and, so far as the details can be gathered, manifested a practical generalship hardly to be expected.

        The Ying Wang was to move through Ng-anhwui from Lucliau westerly to Ilwangchau ; the Attendant King (Shih) was to leave Kiangsi and co-operate with the Chung Wang by reaching the Yangtsz’ as near Hankow as possible, and a smaller force under the Tu AVang was to recover Ilukau at the mouth of Poyang Lake and ascend the Great River in boats. The area through which this campaign was to be carried on may be understood when we learn that the Chung Wang’s march of five hundred miles was over the two ranges of mountains on the frontiers of Kiangsi, and that of the Ying Wang two hundred miles through the plains of Xganhwui. This last king did actually take his force of about eighty thousand men two hundred miles to II wangchau (fifty miles below Hankow) in eleven days, but none of his colleagues came to his aid. The experience of eight years had quite changed the elements of the contest.

        The people now generally realized that neither life, property, nor government was secured under the Tai-pings ; the imperialists had learned how to obtain the co-operation of the patriotic gentry, and the rank and file of the Tai-pings were by this date mostly conquered natives of the same region, as no recruits had ever come from Kwangsi. Moreover, the region was impoverished, and this involved greater privations to all parties. Yet the Chung AVang went from AVuhu south-west to Kwangsin, crossed the water-shed into Kiangsi, defeated a force at Kienchang, crossed the River Kan near Linkiang, and marched north-west to AVuning hien on the River Siu. Here he heard of the defeat of Tu AVang, and the non-arrival of Shih’s force ; and, lest he should be hemmed in himself, as the failure of the campaign was evident, he led his army back across the province to Kwangsin by September, 1861. The particulars of this last great exploit of the Tai-pings are so imperfectly known, that it is impossible to judge of it as a military movement accomplished under enormous difficulties ; but the Loyal King must have been a strategist of no mean rank. In November, 1861, Nganking succumbed to the imperialists. Its defenders and the citizens endured untold sufferings at the last, while its victors had an empty shell ; but the river Avas theirs down to Nanking, On his return east, Chung AVang moved into Chehkiang and overran all the northern half of that province, his men inflicting untold horrors upon the inhabitants, whom they killed, burned, and robbed as they listed.

        THE ” EVER-VICTOKIOUS FORCE.” 609

        Ningpo was taken December 9th and held till May 10th, when it was recaptured by the allies; foreign trade had not been interrupted during this period, and the city suffered less than many others. In September the Tai-pings were driven out of the valley of the Yung River, but the death of General Ward at Tsz’ki deprived the imperialists of an able leader. The career of this man had been a strange one, but his success in training his men was endorsed by honorable dealing with the mandarins, who had reported well of him at Peking. He was buried at Sungkiang, where a shrine was erected to his memory, and incense is burned before him to this day.

        It was difficult to find a successor, but the command rather devolved on his second, an American named Bui-gevine, who was confirmed by the Chinese, but proved to be incapable. He was superseded by Holland and Cooke, Englishmen, and in April, 1863, the entire command was placed under Colonel Peter Gordon, of the British army. During the interval between May, 1860, wdien Ward took Sungkiang, and April 6, 1863, when Gordon took Fushau, the best manner of combining native and foreign troops M’as gradually developed as they became more and more acquainted with each other and learned to respect discipline as an earnest of success. Such a motley force has seldom if ever been seen, and the enormous preponderance of Chinese troops would have perhaps been an element of danger had they been left idle for a long time.

        The bravery of the Ever-victorious force in the presence of the enemy had gradually won the confidence of the allies, as well as the Chinese officials, in whose pay it was ; and when it operated in connection with the French and British contingent in driving the Tai-pings out of jS^ingpo prefecture, the real worth of Ward’s drill was made manifest. The recapture of that city by Captain Dew’s skilful and brave attack in reply to their unprovoked firing at H. M. S. Encounter, brought out the bravery of all nationalities, as well as restored the safety of the port. An extract from Captain Dew’s report will exhibit the dreadful results to the common people of this civil war:

        I had known Ningbo in its palmy days, when it boasted itself one of the first commercial cities of the Empire; but now, on this 11th of May, one might have fancied that an angel of destruction had been at work in the city as in the suburbs. All the latter, with their wealthy hongs and thousands of houses, lay levelled ; while in the city itself, once the home of half a million of people, no trace or vestige of an inhabitant could be seen. Truly it was a city of the dead. The rich and beautiful furniture of the houses had become firewood, or was removed to the walls for the use of soldiers. The canals were filled with dead bodies and stagnant filth. The stonework of bridges and pavements had been nplifted to strengthen walls and form barricades in the streets ; and in temples once the pride of their Buddhist priests, the chaotic remains of gorgeous idols and war gods lay strewn about—their lopped limbs showing that they had become the sport of those Christian Tai-pings whose chief, the Tien-wang. eight years before at Nanking, had asked Sii George Bonham if the Virgin Mary had a pretty sister for him, the King of Heaven, to marry ! It has been my good fortune since to assist at the wresting o; many cities from these Tai-pings, and in them all I found, as at Ningbo, that the same devilish hands had been at work—the people expelled from their houses and their cities ruined.’

        Yet so speedy was the revival from the ruins, that we are told that in one month houses had been refurnished and shops opened ; their owners had mostly fled across the river into the foreign settlement. A larger force was now organized

        —MM. Le Brethon and (iiquel behig in charge of a Franco-Chinese regiment—and an advance made on Yiiyau, which was retaken, and one thousand drilled Chinese left to defend it.

        Tsz’ki, Funghwa, and Sluuigyii were also cleared of rebels, and during the month of March they evacuated the prefect city of Shauhing, never again to return to this fertile valley. Their inroad had been an unmitigated scourge, for they had now given up all pretense of Christianity, and had not the least idea of instituting a regular government ; to plunder, kill, and destroy was their only business. Their sense of danger from the liatred of the people whom they had so grievously maltreated led them at this time to defend the walled cities with a reckless bravery that made their capture more difficult and dangerous. This was shown in the siege of Shauhing fu, within whose walls about forty thousand Tai-pings were well led by the Shi Wang. The possession of cannon enabled them to reply to the balls thrown by Captain Dew’s artillery, while despair lent energy to their resistance ; so that the attack turned into a regular siege of a montlrs duration, when, food and amnumition being exhausted, they retreated en mas.se to llangchau.

        > A. Wilson, The ” Ecer-Vidorious Armi/,” p. U)2, London, 18G8.

        SUCCESSES OF THE FORCE UNDER GOItDON. 611

        While this success relieved the greater part of Chehkiang from the scourge, the failure of the Ever-victorious force to retake Taitsang and Fuslian, under Holland and Brennan, had discouraged Governor Li, who had now come into power, he applied to General Stavely, who, with a full appreciation of the exigencies of the case, and concurrence of Sir Frederick Bruce, aided iti reorganizing Ward’s force and placing Colonel Gordon over it with adequate powers. There were live or six infantry regiments of about five hundred men each, and a battery of artillery; at times it numbered five thousand men. The commissioned officers were all foreigners, and their national rivalries were sometimes a source of trouble ; the non commissioned officers were Chinese, many of them repentant rebels or seafaring men from Canton and Fuhkien, promoted for good conduct. The uniform was a mixture of native and foreign dress, which at first led to the men being ridiculed as ‘ Imitation Foreign Devils ; ‘ after victory, however, had elevated their esprit du corps, they became quite proud of the costume.

        In respect to camp equipage, arms, commissariat and ordnance departments, and means of transport, the natives soon made themselves familiar with all details; while necessity helped their foreign officers rapidly to pick up their language. It is recorded, to the credit of this motle}^ force, that ” there was very little crime and consequently very little punishment; . . . as drunkenness was unknown, the services of the provost-marshal rarely came into use, except after a capture, when the desire for loot was a temptation to absence from the ranks.”‘

        In addition, the force had a fiotilla of four small steamers, aided by a variety of native boats to the number of fifty to seventy-five. The plain is so intersected by canals that the troops could be easier moved by water than land, and these boats enabled it to carry out surprises which disconcerted the rebels. Wilson well remarks concerning Gordon’s force : ” Its success was owing to its compactness, its completeness, the quickness of its movements, its possession of steamers and good artillery, the bravery of its officers, the confidence of its men, the inability of the rebels to move large bodies of troops with nqudity, tlio nature of the country^ the almost intuitive perception of the leader in adapting his operations to the nature of the country, and his untiring energy in carrying them out.*”

        ‘ Wilson, ibid, p. 133.

        The details of this singular troop are worth telling with more minuteness than spaee here allows, for its management will no doubt form a precedent in the future ; hut the good its remarkable chief effected in restoring peace to Kiangsu calls for that recognition which skill, tact, and high moral purpose ever deserve. Being formally put in command on March 24, 18G3, he promptly reinstated the foreign officers belonging to the force, paid their dues, and within a few days was in readiness to march upon Fnshan, a town on the Yangtsz’ above Panshan.

        The fall of this place on April Gth led to the ca}>tu]”e of (“hanzu,

        when preparations wei-e made for besieging Taitsang fu, where

        an army of ten thousand rebels, aided by foreign adventurers,

        presented a formidable imdertaking for his force of two thousand

        eight hundred men, although supported by a large body

        of imperialists. In its capture (May 2d) the killed and wounded

        numbered one hundred and sixty-two officers and men ; the

        boot}- obtained was so large that Colonel Gordon led his men

        back to Sungkiang, in order to reorganize them after this experience

        of their conduct. Finding that their former license

        in appropriating the loot thus obtained tended to demoralize

        them all, he accepted the resignations of some of the discontented

        officers, and adopted stringent measures to bring the

        others to render military obedience. Consequently, when he

        started for Iviunshan with about three thousand men, he had

        liis force in a much better condition. This city occupied an

        important position between Shanghai, Chanzu, Taitsang, and

        other large towns on the east, and Suchau on the Avest. The

        rebels had set up a cannon foundry within its M-alls, and from

        it obtained supplies for the last-named city, with which it -was

        connected by a causeway. By means of the armed steamer

        Ilyson, Colonel Gordon was able to bi-ing up through one of

        the canals a comj^any of three hundred and fifty men and field

        artillery, cutting the causeway and pursuing its defenders, some

        ‘ Ibul, p. 138.

        ENVIRONMENT OF SUCIIAU. 613

        into the town and some toward Sncliau, almost to its veiy

        gates. On the return of the steamer in the night, the commander

        found the imperialists engaged M’ith the garrison in a

        sharp contest, in which the foreigners then aided, and completely

        routed the rebel body of nearly eight thousand men.

        Fully four thousand of them were killed outright, and others were drowned or cut off by the exasperated peasantry before the day was over. This was on May 30th. The captured town was made headquarters by its victors, as a more eligible location than Sungkiang, though against the wishes of the native office’s, who desired to go back there with their booty. The loss of men, material, and position to the rebels was very great, and Colonel Gordon could now safely turn his whole thoughts to the capture of Suchau.

        This city is like Venice in its approaches by canals ; owing to its location it was deemed best, before attempting its capture, to reduce certain towns in the vicinity, from which it derived supplies, so that the Chung “Wang should not be able to co-operate with its garrison. The district towns of AVukiang and Kahpu were both taken in July with comparatively little loss. This rapid reduction of many strong stockades, stone forts, and walled towns, with the panic exhibited by the men, proved how useless to the rebels the foreigners in their service had been in rendering them really formidable enemies, and how incapable the wangs had been to appreciate the nature and need of discipline.

        After these places had been occupied. Colonel Gordon found his position beset with so many unexpected annoyances, both from his rather turbulent and incongruous troops as well as from the Chinese authorities, that he went to Shanghai on August 8th for the purpose of resigning the command. Arriving here, however, he ascertained that Burgevine had just gone over to the Tai-pings with about three hundred foreigners, and was then in Suchau. The power of moral principle, which guided the career of the one, was then seen in luminous contrast to its lack as shown in the other of these soldiers of fortune. To his lasting credit Colonel Gordon decided to return at once to Kiunshan, and, in face of the ingratitude of the Chinese and iealousy of his officers, to stand by the imperialist cause. he uraduallv restored his influence over officers ai\(l men. ascertained that Burgevine’s position in the Tai-ping army did not allow him freedom enough to render his presence dangerous to their foes, and began to act aggressively against ISuchau by taking Patachiau on its southern side in September, Emissaries from the foreigners in the city now reported considerable dissatisfaction with their position, and Colonel Gordon was able to arrange in a short time their withdrawal without much danger to themselves. It is said that Burgevine even then proposed to him to join their forces, seize Suchau, and as soon as possible march on Peking Avith a large army, and do to the Manchus what the Manchus had done, two hundred and twenty years before, to the Mings, (\jlonel Gordon’s own loyalty was somewhat suspected by the imperialist leaders, but his integrity carried him safely through all these temptations to swerve from his duty.

        As soon as these niercenaries among the rebels were out of the

        way, operations against Suchau were prosecuted with vigor, so

        that by Xovember 19th the entire city was invested and carefully

        cut off from comnnmication with the north. The city

        being now hard pushed, the besieging force prepared for anight

        attack upon a breach previously made in the stockade near the

        north-east gate. It was well planned, but the Muh Wang, /rtc^/Ai

        j)rince2)s among the Tai-ping chiefs in courage and devotion,

        liaving been informed of it, opened such a destructive fire that

        the Ever-victorious force was defeated with a loss of about two

        hundred officers and men killed and wounded. On the next

        morning, however (November 2Sth), it was reported that the

        cowardly leaders in the city were plotting against the Muh

        Wang—the only loyal one among their number—^and were talking

        of capitulating, using the British chief as their intermediary.

        This rumor proved, indeed, to be so far true, that after some

        further successful operations on the part of Gordon’s division,

        the Wangs made overtures to General Ghing, himself a foi-mcr

        rebel commander, but long since returned to the impei’ial cause

        and now the chief over its forces in Kiangsu. The Muh Wang

        was publicly assassinated on December 2d by his comrades,

        SURRENDER AXD EXECUTION OF ITS GENERALS. 615

        and on tlie 5th tlie negotiations liad proceeded so far that interviews

        were held. Colonel Gordon had withdrawn his troops a

        short distance to save the city from pillage, hut did not succeed

        in obtaining a donation of two months’ pay for their late bravery

        from the parsimonious Li. IJe therefore proposed to lay down

        his command at tliree o’clock i’.m., and meanwhile went into tlie

        city to interview the Na Wang, who told him that everything was

        proceeding in a satisfactory manner. Upon learning this he

        repaired to the house of the nun-dered Muh Wang in order to

        get his corpse decently buried, but failed, as no one in the place

        would lend him the smallest assistance. While he was thus occupied,

        the rebel wangs and officers had settled as to the terms

        they would accept ; and on reaching his own force, Gordon found

        General Ching there with a donation of one month’s pay, which

        his men refused.

        The next morning he returned into the city and was told by

        Ching that the rebel leaders had all been pardoned, and would

        deliver up the city at noon ; they were preparing then to go out.

        Colonel Gordon shortly after started to return to his own camp

        and met the imperialists coming into the east gate in a tumultuous

        manner, prepared for slaughter and pillage. He therefore

        went back to the Xa Wang’s house to guard it, but found

        the establishment already quite gutted ; he, however, met the

        Wang’s uncle and went with him to protect the females of the

        family at the latter’s residence. Here he was detained by

        several hundred armed rebels, who would neither let him go

        nor send a message by his interpreter till the next morning

        (December Ttli), when they permitted him to leave for his

        boat, then waiting at the south gate ; narrowly escaping, on his

        way thither, an attack from the imperialists, he reached his

        Ijodyguard at daybreak, and with them was able to pi-event

        any more soldiers entei’ing the city. His preservation amid such

        conflicting forces was providential, but his indignation was great

        M-hen he learned that Governor Li had beheaded the eight rebel leaders the day before. It seems that they had demanded conditions quite inadmissible in respect to the control of the thirty thousand men under their orders, and were cut off for their insolent contumacy. Another account, published a* Shanghai in 1871, states that nearly twenty chiefs were exe cuted, and about two thousand privates.

        As Colonel Gordon felttliat his good name was compromised

        by this cruelty, he threw up his command until he could confer

        with his superiors. On the 2*Jth a reply came to Li llungchang

        from Prince Kung, highly praising all who had been

        engaged in taking Suchau, and ordering him to send the leader

        of the Ever-victorious force a medal and ten thousand taels—

        both of w Inch he declined. The posture of affairs soon became

        embarrassing to all pai’tics. The rebellion was not suppressed ;

        the cities in rebel hands would soon gather the desperate men

        escaped from Suchau ; Colonel Gordon alone could lead his

        troops to victory ; and all his past bi-avery and skill might be

        lost. He therefore resumed his command, and presently recommenced operations by leading his men against Ihing hien, west of Suchau.

        Concerning this wretched business of the Suchau slaughter,

        much was said both in the foreign commimities in China and

        later in England. Mr. Wilson, in his book compiled largely

        from Colonel Gordon’s notes on this campaign, discusses the

        question with as great fairness as precision, and concludes—as

        must every well-wisher of China with him—that it was in every

        way fortunate, both for his reputation and the cause to which

        he had lent himself, that this heroic man returned to his thankless

        task. Summing up the arguments of the Chinese and the

        various attendant circumstances that brought about this execution,

        Mr. Wilson points to Li’s not nnnatural desire after revenge

        for his brother’s murder by the rebels before Taitsang;

        to the army still under control of the wangs ; to the almost

        absolute certainty of massacre of those imperialists who had

        already entered the city should he refuse compliance with their

        demands ; as also to the impossibility of arresting these chiefs

        without an alarm of treachery spreading among their troops

        within the walls, and thus giving them time to close the gates,

        cutting off the imperial soldiers inside the city from those who

        were without. ” Li was in a very ditficult and critical position,”

        he says, ” which imperatively demanded sudden, unprcmedilated

        action ; and though, no doubt, it would have been more

        COLONEL OORDON’S FURTHER OPERATIONS. 617

        honorable for liiin to have made the wangs prisoners, he cannot

        in tlie circumstances be with justice severely censui-ed for haviuij;

        ordered the Tai-ping chiefs who were in liis power, but who

        detied his authoi’ity, to be innuediately killed. It is also certain

        that Colonel Gordon need not liave been in a hui-ry to consider

        himself as at all responsible for this almost necessary act,

        because in a letter to him (among his correspondence relating

        to these affairs) from the Futai [Li], dated November 2, 18G3,

        I find the following noteworthy passage, wliich shows that the

        governor did not wish Gordon to interfere at all in regard to

        the capitulation of the Suchau chiefs :

        ‘ With respect to Moh Wang and other rebel leaders’ proposal, I am quite satisfied that you have determined in no way to interfere. Let Ching look after their treacherous and cunning management.’” ‘

        On reaching thing, the dreadful effects of the struggle going on around Gordon’s force were seen, and more than reconciled him to do all he could to bring it to an end. Utter destitution prevailed in and out of the town; people were feeding on dead bodies, and ready to perish from exposure while waiting for a comrade to die. The town of Liyang was surrendered on his approach, and its iidiabitants, twenty thousand in number, supplied with a little food. From this place to Kintan proved to be a slow and irksome march, owing to the shallow water in the canal and the bad weather. On March 21st an attack was made on this strong post by breaching the walls; but it resulted in a defeat, the loss of more than a hundred officers and men, and a severe wound which Colonel Gordon received in his leg— oddly enough the oidy injury he sustained, though frequently compelled to lead his men in person to a charge. Next day he retired, in order, to Liyang, but hearing that the son of the Chung Wang had retaken Fushan he started with a thousand men and some artillery for Wusih, which the rebels had left.

        ‘Wilson, The ” Eccr-Victorioiis Army,” p. 204.

        The operations in this region during the next few weeks conclusively proved the desperate condition of the rebels, but a hopeless cause seemed often but to increase their bravery in defending what strongholds were left them. At the same time a body of Franco-Chinese was operating, in connection with Gen^eral Ching on the south of Suchau, against Kiahing fn, a large city on the (4rand Canal, held by the Ting Wang. This position was taken and its defenders put to the sword on March 20th, but with the very serious loss of General Ching, one of the ablest generals in the Chinese army. Ilangchau, the capital of Chehkiang, capitulated the next day, and this was soon followed by the reduction of the entire province and dispersion of the rebels among the hills.

        Colonel Gordon had recovered from his wound so as to lead an attack on Waisu April Cth, which town fell on the 11th, when most of its defenders were killed by the peasantry as they attempted to escape. His force was also much weakened, and needed to be recruited. With about three thousand in all, he now went to aid Governor Li in reducing Chaiigchau fu, and invested it on the 25th. The entire besieging force numbered over ten thousand ; and as the rebels were twice as many, on the Mhole well provided, and knew that no mercy would be shown, their resistance was stubborn. Several attacks were repulsed with no small loss to Gordon’s force, so that slower methods of approach were resorted to till a general assault was planned on May 11th, when it succumbed. Only fifteen hundred rebels were slain, and the greater part of the prisoners were allowed to go home, the Xwangsi men alone being executed. With this capture ended the operations of the Evervictorious force and its brave leader. Nanking was now the only strong place held by the Tai-pings, and there was nothing for that army to do there, as Tsang Kwoh-fan, the generalissimo of the imperial armies, had ample means for its capture.

        THE EVHU-VICTOllIOns FOUCE DIS;BANDED. 619

        Colonel Gordon, therefore, in conjunction with Governor Li, dissolved this notable division ; the latter rewarded its officers and men with liberal gratuities, and sent the natives home. During its existence of about four years down to June 1, 1804, nearly fifty places had been taken (twenty-three of them by Gordon), and its higher discipline had served to elevate the morale of the imperialists who operated with them. It perhaps owed its greatest triumph to the high-toned uprightness of its Christian chief, which impressed all who served with him. The Emperor conferred on liinitlie bigliest iiiilitarj- rank of t’l-tuJi, or

        ‘ Captain-General,’ and a yellow jacket {ina-k(ca) and other uniforms,

        to indicate the sense of his achievements. Sir Fredei’ick

        Bruce admirably summed up his character in a letter to Earl

        Russell when sending the imperial rescript:

        Hongkong, July 12, 1864.

        My Lord,

        I enclose a translation of a despatch from Prince Kung containing the decree

        published by the Emperor, acknowledging the services of Lieutenant-

        Colonel Gordon, R. E., and requesting that her Majesty’s government be

        pleased to recognize them. This stej) has been spontaneously taken. Lieutenant-

        Colonel Gordon well deserves her Majesty’s favor ; for, independently

        of the skill and courage he has shown, his disinterestedness lias elevated our

        national character in the eyes of the Clnuese. Not only has he refused any

        pecuniary reward, but he has spent more than his pay in contributing to the

        comfort of the officers who served under him, and in assuaging the distress of

        the starving population whom he relieved from the yoke of their oppressors.

        Indeed, tlie feeling that impelled him to resume operations after the fall of

        Suchow was one of the purest humanity. He sought to save the people of

        the districts that had been recovered from a repetition of the misery entailed

        uijon them b/this cruel civil war. I have, etc.,

        F. W. A. Bruce.

        The foreign merchants at Shanghai expressed their sense of

        his conduct in a letter dated November 24th, written on the

        ev^e of liis retui-n to England, in which they truly remark : ” In

        a position of unecpialled difficulty, and surrounded by complications

        of every possible nature, you have succeeded in offering

        to the eyes of the Chinese nation, no less by your loyal and

        disinterested line of action than by your conspicuous gallantry

        and talent for organization and command, the example of a

        foreign officer serving the government of this country with

        honorable tidelity and undeviating self-respect/’ ‘

        ‘ ” The rapidity with which the long-descended hostility of the Chinese government became exchanged for relations of at least outward friendship, must be ascribed altogether to the existence of the Tai-ping Rebellion, without whose pressure as an auxiliary we might have crushed, but never conciliated the distrustful statesmen at Peking.”—Fraser^s Magazine, Vol. LXXL,p. 145,February, 18G5.

        Such men are not only the choice jewels of their own nation(and England may justly be proud to reckon this son among her worthies), but leave beliiiul them an example, as in the case of Colonel Gordon, which elevates (1n-istianity itself in theeyes of the Chinese, and will remain a legacy for good to them through coming years.’

        After the dissolution of the Ever-victorious force, its leader visited Nganking and Nanking to see the governor-general, Tsiing Kwoh-fan, and his brother, mIio were directing operations against the rebels, in order to propose some improvements in their future employment of foreign soldiers and military appliances. They listened with respect, and took notes of important suggestions—knowing at the same time that their subordinates were uiuible to comprehend or adojit many such innovations. The work before’ Ts’anking indicated the industry of its besiegers in the miles of walls connecting one hundred and forty mud forts in their circumvallations. and in various mines leading under the city walls. The Tai-pings at that

        date seldom appeared on the walls, and had recently sent out

        thi’ee thousand women and children to be fed by their enemies,

        proof enough of their distressed condition. The only general

        capable of relieving the Tien “Wang was the Chung Wang,

        whose army remained on the southern districts of Kiangsu,

        while he himself was in the city with the Ivan “Wang (Hung Jin), now the trusted agent of his half-brother. All egress from the doomed city was stopped by flune 1st, when the explosion of mines and bursting of shells forewarned its deluded defenders of their fate. Of the last days of their leader no

        authentic account has been given, and the declaration of the

        Chung Wang in his autobiography, that he poisoned himself

        on June 30th, ” owing to liis anxiety and troul)le of mind,” is

        probably true. His body was buried behind his palace by one

        of his wives, and afterward dug up by the imperialists.

        On Julv 19, 1804, the wall was breaclied hy the explosion of

        forty thousand pounds of powder in a mine, and the Chung

        Wang, faithful to the last, defended until midnight the Tien

        Wang’s family from the imperialists. lie and the Kan Wang

        ‘Compare further Col. C. C. Chesney’s Essays on Modern Military Biograpliy

        (from the Fjliithnnjh Rcdeir), pp. 1G3-213, London, 1874.

        FALL OF NANKING. 621

        then escorted Hung Fu-tien—a lad of sixteen, who had succeeded to the throne of Great Peace three weeks before—with a thousand followers, a short distance beyond the city. The three leaders now became separated, but all were ultimately captured and executed. The Chung AVang, during his captivity before death, wrote an account of his own life, which fully maintains the high estimate previously formed of his character from his public acts.’ lie was the solitary ornament of the whole movement during the fourteen years of its independent existence, and his enemies would have done well to have spared

        him. More than seven thousand Tai-pings were put to death

        in Xanking, the total number found there l)eing hardly over

        twenty thousand, of whom probably very few Mere southern

        Chinese —this element having gradually disappeared.

        After the recaptui-e of Xanking, two small bodies of rebels

        remained in Chehkiang. The largest of them, under the Tow

        Wang, held Iluchau fu, and made a despei’ate resistance until

        a large force, provided with artillery, compelled them to evacuate.

        During this siege the sanguinary conduct of the Taipings

        showed the natural result of their reckless course since

        their last escape from Xanking; the narrative of an escaped

        Irishman, who had been compelled to serve them in Iluchau

        for some months, is terrible enough : ” All offences received

        one puinshment—death. I saw one hundred and sixty men

        beheaded, as I understood, for absence from parade ; two boys

        were beheaded for smoking ; all prisoners of war were executed ;

        spies, or people accused as such, were tied with their hands behind

        their backs to a stake, brushwood put around them, and

        they burned to death.” The rebel force nundjered nearly a

        hundred thousand men, and tlieir vigorous defence was continued

        for a fortnight, till on August 14th their last stockade

        was carried by the imperialists, and about half their number

        made good tlieir escape to the neighboring hills, leavijig the

        usual scene of desolation behind them. This body undertook

        to march south through the hilly regions between Kiangsi and

        ‘ Tlie Autohiofp’dphy of tlie Chung- Wang, translated from the Chinese b^

        W. T. Lay, Shanghai, 1865.

        Clielikiaiig. The best disciplined portion was led by the Shi

        Wan*’, who had joined it witli his men from the former province,

        and arranged an attack on Kwangsin, near wliich they

        were defeated. The remainder managed to march across tlio

        intervening districts south-westerly to the city of Changchau,

        near Amoy, where they intrenched themselves till the next

        spring, subsisting on the supplies found in it and the neighborhood.

        The Shi Wang and Kan Wang then left it April 16th,

        in two bodies, unable to resist the disciplined force of eight

        thousand men brought from the north. Feeling that their

        days were numbered, the}’ seem to have scrupled at nothing to

        show their savagery—as, for example, when they slaughtered

        sixteen hundred imperialists who had surrendered on a promise

        of safe-conduct. No mercy was therefore shown them by the

        iidiabitants ; at Clumping in Kwangtung they even cut down

        their growing rice in order to prevent the rebels using it. The

        last straggling relics of the Tai-ping Heavenly King’s adherents

        were thus gradually destroyed, and his ill-advised enterprise

        brought to an end.

        Fifteen years had elapsed since he had set up his standard of

        revolt in Kwangsi, and now there was nothing to show as a return

        for the awful cariuige and misery that had ensued from his

        efforts. No new ideas concerning God or his redemption for

        mankind had been set forth or illustrated by the teachings or practices of the Tai-ping leader or any of his followers, nor did they ever take any practical measures to call in foreign aid to assist in developing even the Christianity they professed. True the Kan Wang called Mr. Roberts to Nanking, but instead of consulting with him as to the establishment of schools, opening chapels, preparing books, or organizing any kind of religious or benevolent work to further the welfare of his adherents, the Tien AVang did not even grant an interview to the missionary, who, on his part, was glad to escape with his life to Shanghai.

        If this rebellion practically exhibited no religious truth to the educated mind of China, it was not for lack of jniblications setting forth the beliefs its leaders had drawn from the Bible, or for laws sanctioned by severe peiuilties, both of which were scattered throuirh the land. Dj-. Medhurst’s careful translations

        END OF TIIK TAI-1’IN(J IlEBELLION. 6^^’

        of these tracts has preserved them, so that the entire disregard

        manifested hj the new sect of tlieir plainest injunctions may he

        at once seen.’ Tlie strong expectations of the friends of China

        for its regeneration through the success of Ilung Siu-tsuen,

        would not have heen indulged if they liad hetter known the

        inner workings of liis own mind and the flagitious conduct of

        liis lieutenants.

        In his political aspirations the Tien Wang entertained no new

        principle of govermnent, for he knew nothing of other lands,

        their jurispi’udence or their polity, and wisely enough held his

        followers to such legislation as they were familiar with. They

        all probably expected to alter affairs to their liking when they

        liad settled in Peking. But if this mysterious iconoclast had

        really any ideas above those of an enthusiast like Thomas Miinzer

        and the Anabaptists in the early days of the Reformation

        whose course and end offers many parallels to his own—he

        must have lamented his folly as he reviewed its results to his

        country. The once peaceful and populous parts of the nine

        great provinces through which his hordes passed have hardly

        yet begun to be restored to their previous condition. Ruined

        cities, desolated towns, and heaps of rubbish still mark their

        course from Kwangsi to Tientsin, a distance of two thousand

        miles, the efforts at restoration only making the conti’ast more

        apparent. Their presence was an unmitigated scourge, attended

        by nothing but disaster from begimiing to end, without the

        least effort on their part to rebuild what had been destroyed, to

        protect what was left, or to repay what had been stolen. Wild

        beasts roamed at large over the land after their departure, and

        made their dens in the deserted towns ; the pheasant’s whirr resounded

        where the hum of busy populations had ceased, and

        weeds or jungle covered the ground once tilled with ])atient industry.

        Besides millions upon millions of taels irrecoverably

        lost and destroyed, and the misery, sickness, and starvation

        ‘ Pamphlets issued hy the Chinese Tnsnnients at JVan-Kinfj ; to whicJi is added

        a histwy of the Kwangsi liehellion, etc., etc., compiled by W. H. Medhurst,

        Senr., Shanghai, IS”):}. Coinjjare II. J. Forrest in Joirrntd iV. C Br. R. A.

        Soc, No. IV., December, 18G7, pp. 1«7 ff. The China Mail for February 2,1854. which were endured by the survivors, it has heon estimated by foreigners living at Shanghai that, during- the whole period from 1851 to 1905, fully twenty millions of human beings were destroyed in connection with the TaiPing Rebellion.’

        V ‘ The most complete authorities on this conflict are files of the North China lliruld (Slianghai) and the Vhina Mail (Hongkong) during the years from 1853 to 1869 ; a careful summary of these has been made by M. Cordier in his Bibliotheat Sinica, pp. 273-281, wliich will be useful alone to those who can gain access to these newspapers. The number of articles on various phases of the rebellion contained in English and American magazines is exceedingly numerous, and can be readily found by reference to Poole’s Index. Among these compare especially the London Qudrterly, Vol. 112, for October, 1862; Fmser^s Magnzine, Vol. 71, February, 1865 ; Blarktrood’s, Vol. 100, pp. 604 and 683 ; W.Sargent in the North Antcrican Revieir, Vol. 7v’), July, 1854, p. 158. See also the various Blue Books relating to China ; Capt. Fishbourne, Inijiremons of China and the Present Berohttion, London, 1855; Gallery and Yvan, LTnsnrrertion en Chine, Paris, 1853—translated into English, London, 1853; Charles Macfarlane, The Chinese Berohttion, London, 1853 ; T. T. Meadows, The Chinese and their Behellions, London, 1856 ; J. M. Mackie, Life of Tai-piny Wang,N. Y., 1857; Commander Lindesay Brine, Narrative of the Rise and Progress of the Taeping Rebellion in China, London, 1862; “Lin-le,” Ti-Ping Tienkifoh,the History of the Ti-Ping Berolution, London, 1866— a rather untrustworthy record ; Sir T. F. Wade in the Shanghai Miscellany^ No. I. ; Richthofan, Letter on the l^rotince of Shensi.

        CHAPTER XXV. THE SECOND WAR BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND CHINA

        The particulars given in the last chapter respecting the TaiPing Rebellion did not include those details coiniected with foreign intercourse during the same period which have had such important results on the Chinese people and government.

        It is a notable index of the vigor and self-poise of both, that

        during those thirteen terrible years, the mass of inhabitants in

        the ten eastern provinces never lost confidence in their own

        government or its ability to subdue the rebels ; while the leading

        officers at Peking and in all those provinces at no time expressed

        doubt as to the loyalty of their countrymen when left

        free to act. The narrative of foreign intercourse is now resumed

        from the year 1849, when the British authorities waived

        the right of insisting upon their admission into the city of

        Canton according to the terms of the convention with Iviying

        in 1847. The conduct of the Cantonese, in view of the forcible

        entrance of English troops into their city, is an interesting

        exhibition of their manner of arousino; enthusiasm and raisino’

        funds and volunteers to cope with an emergency. The series

        of papers found in Vol. XVIII. of the Chinese Re2)Ository well

        illustrates the curious mixture of a sense of wrong and deep concern

        in public affairs, combined with profound ignorance and

        inaptitude as to the best means for attaining their object.

        A candid examination of the real meaning of the Chinese

        texts of the four earlier treaties makes clear the fact that there

        were some grounds for their refusal ; but more attractive than

        this appears the study of an address from the gentry of Canton,

        sent upon the same occasion, to Governor Bonham at Hongkong,

        dissuading him from attempting the entry. Their conduct was naturally legarded by the British as seditious, and of these many urged their authorities to vindicate the national honor and force a way over the walls into the city. The practice of an unwonted approach toward self-government which this popular movement in defence of their metropolis gave the citizens, was of real service to them in the year 1855, when it was beleaguered by the rebels, since they had learned how to use

        their powers and resources. One result of their fancied victory

        over the British at this time was the erection of six stone j)ailau,

        or honorary portals, in various parts of the city and suburbs,

        on each of which was engraved the sentence, ” Reverently

        to commemorate glory conferred,” together with a copy of

        the edict ordering their establishment, and a list of the w^ards

        and villages which furnished soldiers during their time of need.’

        The outcome of the working of treaty provisions between

        foreigners and natives at the five opened ports during the ten

        years up to 1853, had been as satisfactory to both sides

        as could have been reasonably expected. The influx of foreigners

        had more than doubled their numbers ; and as almost

        none of them could talk the Chinese language, it happened that

        natives of Canton became their brokers and compradores

        rather more by reason of speaking pl(/eon-Migllsh than by their

        wealth or capacity. The vicious plan of marking off a separate

        plat of land for the residence of foreigners at each port was

        adopted, and their development tended to build up concessions,

        or settlements, which were to be governed by the various nationalities.

        In doing this the local authorities vacated their

        rights over their own territory, and these settlements have since

        become the germs of foreign cities, if not colonies. The British

        and French consuls at Shanghai claimed territorial jurisdiction

        over all who settled within the limits of their allotted districts,

        and carried this assumption so far as to exercise authority

        over the natives against their own rulers. The British erelong

        gave up this pernicious system, which had no legal basis by

        treaty or conquest, and yielded the entire internal management

        ‘ The one placed near the southern gate became a target for the British gunners

        in October, 1856, its demolition, most unfortunately, involving the de

        Ptruction and burning of uiiilionii of Chinese books iu the shops on that street

        INFLUENCE OF TREATIES ON THE CHINESE. 627

        of all consular communities to those foreigners which composed

        them. There were not enougli residents elsewliere to raise this

        question of local government to any importance, but the progress

        of the Tai-piiigs and the rapid growth of Shangliai as a

        centre of trade for the Yangtsz’ basin, compelled the preparation

        and adoption of a set of land regulations in order to institute

        some means of governing the thousands of foreigners who

        had flocked thither. George Balfour, the first British consul

        in that port, had sanctioned a seiies of rules in 1845, which

        purported to be drawn up by the tautal, or intendant of circuit,

        and which worked well enough in peaceful times.

        In the year 1853, however, the civil war altered the conditions,

        when certain Cantonese rebels captured Shanghai and

        killed some of its magistrates, driving others into the British

        settlement, to which ground the custom-house was shortly afterward

        removed. The collector of the port, AVu Kien-chang, had

        formerly been a hong merchant at Canton, and he willingl}^

        entered into an arrangement for putting the collection of foreign

        duties into the hands of a commission until order was restored.

        The presence there of the British, American, and

        French ministers facilitated this arrangement. Their respective

        consuls, R. Alcock, R. C. Murphy, and B, Edan, accordingly

        met Wu on June 29, 1854, and agreed to a set of custom-

        house rules which in reality transferred the collection of

        duties into the hands of foreigners. The first rule contains the

        reason for this remarkable step in advance of all former positions,

        and has served to perpetuate the employment of foreigners

        at all the open ports, and maintain the foreign inspectorate

        :

        Rule I.—The chief difficulty experienced by the superintendent of customs

        having consisted in the impossibility of obtaining custom-house officials

        with the necessary qualifications as to probity, vigilance, and knowledge of

        foreign languages, required for the enforcement of a close observance of treaty

        and custom-house regulations, the only adequate remedy appears to be in the

        introduction of a foreign element into the custom-house establishment, in the

        persons of foreigners carefully selected and apjjointed by the tantai, who

        shall supply tlie deficiency complained of, and give him efficient and trustworthy

        instruments wherewith to work.’

        ‘ McLane’s Cornnpondcixr, 1858. Senate Ex. Doc, No. iJ8, p. 154.

        628 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        In. carrying out the new arrangement, each consul nominated

        one man to the intendant, viz., T. F. Wade for the British, L.

        Carr for the American, and Arthur Smith for the French

        member of the board of inspectoi-s, who togetlier were to talce

        charo-c of the new department. The chief responsibility for its

        oro-anization fell on Mi-. Wade, inasmuch as he alone of this

        number was familiar with the Chinese language, and possessed

        other qualifications fitting him for the post. He, however, resigned

        within a year, and the intendant appointed II. X. Lay,

        a clerk in the British consulate, who completed the service organization.

        This proceeding shows the readiness with which

        the Chinese will shirk their own duties and functions in government

        employ, and illustrates as well many peculiar traits in

        their character.

        The city of Shanghai had been in possession of a Cantonese

        chief, Liu Tsz’-tsai, and his rabble since September T, 1853, and

        the position of foreigners at that port in the presence of such a

        body of outlaws developed new points of international law. If

        the foreignei’s had all been of one nationalitv the consul would

        probably have assumed temporary control of the city and j^ort

        to assui’e their safety ; but in this case a naval force under each

        flag lying in the river guaranteed ample protection of life and

        property. As soon as the city was occupied the difficulty of

        restraining the disorderly elements, as well among foreigners

        as nativ^es, became painfully apparent to their rulers. Foreign

        rowdies eagerly purchased the plunder brought to them and

        supplied arms and other things in return—a line of conduct

        very naturally irritating to the officials in charge of the siege

        and inclining them at once toward coercive measures.

        The fact that the French settlement adjoined the moat on

        the north side of the city made its authorities desirous to dislodge

        the brigands, which they essayed to do January 6, 1855,

        b}’ joining the imperialists in breaking the walls ; they were

        repulsed, however, with a loss of fifteen men killed and thii’tyseven

        wounded, out of a rank and file numbering two hundred

        and fifty. Another joint attack, undertaken a month later, was

        likewise unsuccessful, though the attempt seems to have frightened

        the force within the walls, since on the night of February

        WORK or THE REBELS AT SirANGIIAI AND AMOY. 629

        JOtli tliej retired, leaving the })lace in ruins. A like cordiality

        was nevertheless not always maintained between native and foreign

        soldiers, for in the previous year (April 4, 1854) occurred a

        collision with the imperialists, in consequence of their near approach

        to the foreign quarter, in which over three hundred Chinese

        soldiers were killed by the foreigners who landed to resist

        them. This untoward rencontre did not, however, interrupt

        amicable relations with the intendant, and was followed by consular

        notifications that whoever entered the service of the combatants

        in or out of the city would forfeit all protection.

        These notices were nevertheless soon disrefrarded as the struggle

        went on, for the temptation to enjoy a lawless life was too

        strong for hundreds of sailors then found in that port. It was

        an anomalous state of affairs, and the exigency led to some acts

        of violence by consuls in control of men-of-war.

        The city of Anioy had been captured by insurgents on May

        IS, 1852, but no contravention occurred ; the number of foreigners

        residing at this port was small, while the opposite island

        of Kulang su afforded a refuge beyond the range of missiles.

        The city was regained by the imperialists before a jear had

        passed. The districts north of Canton, whence Hung Siu-tsuen

        and many of his adherents originated, began the same year to

        send forth their bands of robbers to pillage the province. These

        gangs had really no affinity with the Tai-pings, either in doctrine

        or plans, and none of them succeeded in gaining even a

        temporary success. When the booty was expended they usually

        quarrelled, and the impei-ialists destroyed them in detail. Every

        part of the province was at one time or another the scene of

        savage conflict between tliese contestants, and it was soon shown

        that no regenerating principle was involved on either side. The

        confidence of the educated and wealthy classes in the just cause

        and final success of their rulers was shown in raising men and

        money for the public service and organizing bodies of local

        police ; but the want of a sagacious leader to plan and execute,

        so that all this mateiial and action should not be frittered away,

        was painfully apparent.

        In the capture of banking by Tai-pings, the restless leaders

        of sedition in Kwangtung saw their opportunity, and gathered

        630 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        their bands of freebooters in tlic southern prefectures. In June,

        185-i, the district town of Tungkvvan neur the JJogue was taken,

        the ricli manufacturing mart of Fuhshan (or Fat-slian) near

        Canton fell a month later, followed by that of Shuntch, Sanf-

        hui, and other lesser places, throwing the southern part of the

        province into a state of anarchy. The theory of the Chinese

        govermnent, that if the capital is preserved the whole province

        is loyal, and its officers can use its revenue, enabled Governor-

        General Yell to concert measures to repress these disorders.

        The City of Hams was environed during August by large bttdies

        of insurgents, whose wants were supplied from Fuhshan. In

        this crisis about one thousand five hundred houses abutting

        outside the city walls Mere destroyed, and the ward police

        strengthened for the better protection of their neighborlioods

        against incendiaries. In all these proceedings the foreigners

        at Canton were ne\er consulted or referred to by the ofiicials,

        l)ut their merchant steamers kept the Pearl River open to the

        sea, while their men-of-war lying off the factories proved a

        safeguard to the crowded city. The rebels had occupied a post

        near Whampoa, and their gunboats prowled through every

        creek in the delta, burning, destroying, capturing, and murdering

        without resti-aint. They would be followed by a band of

        imperialists, whose excesses were sometimes even more dreadful

        than those of their enemies. So terrible was the plight of

        the ^\•retched countrymen that the headmen of ninety-six villages

        near Fuhshan formed a league and armed their people

        to keep soldiers from either side from entering their precincts.

        In September, at a general meeting of the gentry of Canton,

        a pi-oposal to save the city by asking foreign aid was approved

        by Yell, but liappily the project failed of fulfilment and only

        resulted in showing them how nmch better was a reliance upon

        their own resources. The news of this discussion led Chin Uienliang,

        the rebel leader near Whampoa,. to circulate proposals

        aniong the foreigners asking them to help him in capturing the

        city and promising as rewai’d a portion of the island of Ilonan.

        The condition of the peo])le at this time was sad and desperate

        indeed, and their only remedy was to arm in self-defence, in

        doing which they found out how small a ]>ro})ortion of the inTHE

        INSUKRECTION IN KWANGTUNG. 631

        habitants was disloyal. Ko quarter was given on either side.

        and the carnage was appalling Avhenever victory remained with

        the imperialists. During this year the emigration to California

        and Australia became larger than ever before, while the coolie

        trade waxed flonrishing, owing to the multitudes thi’own out of

        employment who wci-e eager in accepting the offers of the

        brokers to depart from the country and escape the evils they

        saw everj’where about them. The terrors of famine, fighting,

        and plundering paralyzed all industry and trade, and enal)led

        one to better understand similar scenes described by ancient historians

        as occurring in Western Asia.

        The exhaustion and desperation consequent on these events

        had almost demoralized society in and around Canton, which

        was overcrowded M’ith refugees, raising food to famine prices.

        It was creditable to these poor and sickly people that their influx

        produced no other fear than that of a higher rate of living—

        none of pestilence or plunder, even in the extremity of

        their sufferings. In Fuhshan, fifteen miles away, no one was

        safe. The rebels had depleted its resources, killed its gentry,

        and oppressed the townsfolk until a quarrel broke out in their

        camp, and they departed about the season of Christmas, leaving

        the whole a smoking ruin. One of the insurgent practices consisted

        in driving great numbers of people into squares and there

        shooting them down by cannon placed in the approaching streets,

        while the houses around them were burning. The flames could

        be seen for two or three days from Canton, and it was estimated

        that during this conflict fully two hundred thousand human

        beings perished. The town was the manufacturing centre for the

        foreign trade, where silks, satins, shawls, paper, fire-crackers,

        pottery, and other staples were made, and their workmen resided.

        After this dreadful act the insui-gents grew more and more desperate,

        feeling that they could not hold out much longer for

        want of booty and supplies to keep their men together. By

        March the force of fifteen thousand men inside the city was

        ready, and on the 6th it went quietly down to attack the fort

        below Whampoa. The onset and resistance were most determined

        ; before the position succumbed, some twenty-five thou-,

        sand men must have perished by battle or flood ; the rebel

        632 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        leader escaped toward lliangslmu. The insurrection was, however,

        scotched, and its victoi-s celebrated their triumph three

        days later in the city to a grateful and applauding concourse.

        When the city of Shanking, west of Canton, was retaken in

        May, its victors boasted that thirty thousand rebels were drowned

        or beheaded.

        Notwithstanding these reverses the insurgents did not yet disappear,

        but maintained themselves along the watercourses in

        lai’ge flotillas during many months. The Portuguese and British

        also fitted out expeditions to pursue the pirates, as the same men

        were now called, desti’oying them and their haunts at Kulan

        Lantao, and elsewhere. In rooting out these land and sea

        brigands, the merciless character of the people was made manifest

        ; every one convicted of rebellion was straightway executed

        by the authorities. At Canton, where prisoners were received

        from all such districts, the executions were on a terribly huge

        scale, as many as seven or eight hundred persons being beheaded

        in a single day. A count taken at the city gate whence they

        all issued on their way to the field of blood near the river, revealed

        the fact that fully eighty thousand were thus executed

        in the year 1855. This did not include thousands who connnitted

        suicide in places provided for them near their homes, from

        which their relatives could take their bodies to the family tomb.

        As might be expected, other thousands left the province for the

        north, or escaped into distant lands as coolies and emigrants.

        I’ublic attention abroad was at this time so engrossed with

        the greater rebellion going on along the Yangtsz’ Tliver that the

        liorrors of that in Kwangtung were overlooked. There were

        many foreigners at Whampoa and Hongkong who sided with

        the leading brigands, reported their successes in the newspapers,

        and supplied them with munitions of war. The inefiiciency of

        a foreign consul to restrain his countrymen thus flagrantly violating

        all their treaty obligations toward China, showed most

        conclusively how easy it is for the stronger party in such cases

        to demand their rights, and shirk their duties if it suits their

        convenience.

        During the year 1856 affaii’S between the Chinese government

        and foreign powers became more and more hampered, while

        flELATIUNS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND CHINA. 633

        all attempts to ai’rangc difficulties as tliey arose wore defeated

        by the obstinate refusal of Yeh Ming-chin, the governor-general

        at Canton, to meet any foreign minister. He intrenched himself

        behind the city gates, and would do nothing. Sir John

        iiowring, the British plenipotentiary and governor of Jlongkong,

        had most reason to be dissatisfied with this conduct, inasmuch

        as there were many questions which could have been easily

        ari’anged in a personal interview. It was ascertained from some

        documents ‘ afterward found in Yeh’s office that this seclusion was

        a })art of the system devised at Peking to maintain a complete

        isolation and keep the dreaded foreigners at a distance. Ko

        coui’se could be more likely to bring upon tlie government the

        evils it feared, and at the same time show more conclusively the

        ignorant and inapt cliaracter of those who carried it on. This

        state of things could not long continue when such powerful

        agencies were at work along the coast to disorganize legal trade

        and thwart the utmost efforts of all officials to resti-ain the

        reckless conduct of their subjects. The ten years now elapsed

        since the opening of the five ports had involved the Chinese in

        more complications, miseries, and disasters than had been known

        since the Mancliu conquest ; nevertheless, neither rebellion nor

        foreign comjdications seem to have impi’essed their lessons upon

        the proud bureaucracy in Peking, which was as unwilling to

        remedy as unable to appreciate the real nature of the difficulties

        that beset the country.

        In the struggle between nations, as between individuals, the

        agony and weakness of one side becomes the opportunity of the

        other ; and these conditions were now open to the British, who

        speedily found their excuse for further demands. In order to

        develop the trade of the free port of Hongkong, its laws encouraged

        all classes of shipping to resort thither, by removing

        all charges on vessels and granting licenses, with but few and

        unimportant restrictions, to Chinese craft to cany on trade

        inider the British flag. This freedom had developed an enormous

        snuiggling trade, especially in opium, which the Chinese

        revenue service was unable to restrain or unwilling to legalize.

        ^ Blue Book, 1857.

        634 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        These boats cruised wlierever they might tiiid a trade to invite

        or reward them, wholly indifferent to their own government,

        which could exercise no adequate control over them, and kept

        from the last excesses only on account of the risk of losing

        their cargoes. To the evils of smuggling were added the worse

        acts and dangers of kidnapping natives to supply baracoons at

        Macao. The Poi’tuguese had many of these lorchas to carry on

        their commerce, and gradually a set of desperate men had so

        far engrossed them in acts of daring and pillage that honest

        native trade about any part of the coast south of Shanghai

        became almost impossible except undei” their con vo3\ The two

        free ports of Macao and Hongkong naturally became their resorts,

        where they all took on the aspect of legitimate traders,

        which, indeed, most of them were—save under great temptations.

        It was not surprising that Chinese rulers should confound

        these two classes of vessels, nor, from the traders’ side, was it a

        wonder that their crews should use the flag which gave them

        the greatest protection when beyond foreign inspection and

        jurisdiction. Few nations have ever been subjected to such

        continuous and prolonged irritation in respect to its connnercial

        regulations as was the Canton government from those two

        alien communities during the ten years ending with 1850 ; few

        nations, on the other hand, have acted more unwisely in exertions

        toward peace and the removal of such difficulties than

        did the unspeakable Governor-General Yeh. That the inevitable

        collision between the Chinese and British was now at hand,

        follows almost as a matter of course, when to our knowledge

        of the commissioner’s character we add Mr. Justin McCarthy’s

        very appropriate estimate of the two Englishmen in whose

        hands well-nigh all British affairs in China were vested : ” Mr.

        Consul Parkes,” says he, ” was fussy. Sir John Bowring was

        a man of considerable ability, but . . . full of self-conceit,

        and without any very clear idea of political principles on the

        large scale.”

        Early in the morning of October 8th, two boat-loads of

        ‘ A Uintonj uf Our Own Times, Chap. XXX.

        THE CASE OF THE LOltCllA AKUOW. 635

        Chinese sailors, Avith their ofiicers, put off from a large war-junk,

        boarded the lorcha Arrow lying’ at anchor in the river before

        Canton, pinioned and carried away twelve of the fourteen natives

        who composed her crew, and added to this unexpected

        ” act of violence,” as Mr. Tarkes stated it, ” the significant insult

        of hauling down the Iji’itish ensign.” One Kennedy, a

        young Irishman who is described as a very respectable man of

        his class, was master of the lorcha, but chanced at the time to

        be on another boat lying in the innnediate neighborhood of his

        own, and could in consequence offer no resistance. It is probable,

        judging from testimony given at the British consulate, that

        the hauling down of the flag was a mere bit of wantonness on

        the part of the junk’s oflicer upon his finding that no foreigner

        was (ni board, and the offence might readily have been followed

        by an apology had the command of negotiations been in any

        other hands than those of Yeh. The Arrow was owned by a

        Chinese, Fong A-ming, her nominal master being engaged by

        Mr. Block, the Danish consul at Hongkong; his vessel was not,

        however, entitled to protection, inasmuch as her British register

        had expired by its own limitation eleven days before the

        episode in Canton lliver, and the lorcha was already forfeited

        to the crown.’ Her papers were then at the consulate, and it

        was contended by Mr. Parkes that under Clause X. of the

        ordinance she retained a right to protection ; a mere quibble,

        since the cause refers to the vessel when upon a voyage, and the

        Arrow had confessedly remained about the ports of Macao and

        Canton during a month.

        Consul Parkes, aftei’ ascertaining the facts connected with

        this high-handed outrage, pushed off to the war-junk—which

        remained the while quietly at anchor—to claim the captured

        sailors and ” explain to the officers, if it were possible that they

        had acted in error, the gi’oss insult and violation of national

        ‘ Sir John Bowring indeed conceded that ” the Arrow had no right to hoist

        the British flag,” but alleged that the Chinese had no knowledge of the expiry

        of the license, and that this ignorance deprived them of the legal value of

        the truth. He quoted, moreover. Article IX. of the Supplementary Treaty,

        requiring tliat ‘• all Chinese malfaisants in British ships shall be claimed

        throui’h the British authorities.”

        636 I’HE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        rights which tlicy had coininitted.” ‘ Tliis was in vain. ^Viiiuiig

        the men was a notorious pirate, he was told, and tlieir orders

        wei’e tliat the suspected crew should be sent to the governor

        for examination. Veh stoutly upheld the act of his subordinate,

        and affii’med that the lorcha had no right to fly the British

        flag, disclaiming, however, any intention of molesting lawful

        traders under the emblem. Katui-ally enough, he would

        not yield the right of jurisdiction over his own subjects, and in

        doing this was asserting precisely what Great Britain and every

        other nation on the globe knew to be the first privilege of an independent

        government. The case was not unlike that much-discussed

        affair of the American Commodore AVilkes, who boarded

        the Trent in 1863 and captured Mason and Slidell—performing

        a right-enough action, but in a wrong and hasty fashion.

        In his reply to Mr. Parkes, Yeh declares that he has held an

        examination of the sailors and finds that three of them M’ere

        implicated in a piracy of the preceding month on St. John’s

        Island, that the officei’s had good reasons for seizing these men,

        that the remaining nine shall ])e sent back to their vessel ; which

        he straightway does, but they are as promptly returned l)y the

        consul because the entire crew is not given up. Sir John Bowring

        now demands, through his representative at Canton (1), ” an

        apology for what has taken place, and an assurance that the

        British flag shall in future be respected ; ” (2) ” that all proceedings

        against Chinese offenders on board British vessels

        must take place according to the conditions of the treaty ; ” “

        in case of refusal the consul is to concert with the naval autliorities

        the measures necessary for enforcing redress. This

        threat extracted from the governor-general a promise that

        ” hereafter Chinese officers will on no account, without i-eason,

        seize and take into custody the people belonging to foreign

        lorchas;” adding very properly, “but when Chinese subjects

        build for themselves vessels, foreigners should not sell registers

        to them, for if this be done, it will occasion confusion between

        native and foreign ships, and render it difficult to distinguish

        ^ Blue Book: Papers relatinri to tlie Proceedings of her Majesty^s Naval Forces

        at Canton, p. 1.

        ‘Blue Book, Ibid., p. 13.

        OPENING or HOSTILITIES. 637

        between them.” ‘ Twelve days afterwuiU (Octoljer 22d) the

        entire crew were returned, but once more refused by Mr.

        Parkes, ostensibly because the apology was not sent with them

        —and this the connnissioner coukl not offer either in justice to

        his government or to the cause of truth.

        Ensconced behind, the walls of Canton city, Yeh resolved to

        stand firm on his rights as he understood them, even should the

        doing so involve the lives and property of thousands of his

        countrymen. To all foreigners in Chiua this affair was intinuitely

        connected with most important possibilities and consequences:

        the inviolability of national flags, protection to

        every one whom they covered, personal intercourse with Chinese

        officers, maintenance of treaty rights. In upholding these

        the British drew to their side the good wishes of all intelligent

        observers for their success in arms, however unhappy their excuse

        for a resort to such means might be. One more word

        from Mr. McCarthy before leaving the initial episode of this

        war. ” The truth is,” he sums up, ” that there has seldom been

        so flagrant and so inexcusable an example of high-handed lawlessness

        in the dealings of a strong with a weak nation,” ^ but

        like many another conflict where strength and justice have been

        ranged on opposite sides, the latter was speedily pushed to the

        wall. The incident of the Arrow” appeared a trifling one ; nevertheless

        on so slight a hinge turned the future welfare and

        progress of the Chinese people in their intercourse with other

        nations, a hinge which, opening outward, unclosed the door for

        all parties to learn the truth respecting the countries of each,

        and, in the end, agree upon the only grounds on which a beneficial

        and intelligent intercourse could be maintained.

        It is hardly necessary to recount in detail the steps by which

        Governor Bowring and Admiral Seymour vainly attempted to

        bring Yeh to their terms. ” Acknowledge that you are in the

        wrong,” was their ultimatum, ” by merely sending the three

        ‘Ibid.., p. 15.

        ‘^ Ifixtory of Our (hen Times, Vol. III., Chap. XXX. Lord Elgin in his journal

        refers frankly enough to ” that wretched question of the Arrow, which is

        a scandal to us, and is so considered, I have reason to know, hy all except the

        few who are personally compromised.”

        Letters and Journcds of Lord EJlgin,

        edited by T. Walrond, p. 209.

        638 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        bUspects to the consulate, and ask that tliey be returned on

        cliarge of piracy.” The long-continued national policy of exclusion

        could not, however, be so easily ovei’thrown ; its reduction

        must be by force. The seizure of a military junk was the

        lirst act of the British, then the capture of the liarrier forts,

        followed by that of all others on the south of Canton, and lastly

        breaching the city wall opposite Yeh’s yamun. This was entered

        by Adnural Seymour with a snudl party of marines.

        Sir John Bowring had already nuide the demand that the city

        gates should be opened to them in accordance with the agreement

        entered into ten years before between Governor Davis

        and Kiying, and expresses his gratification to the consul that now

        one great object of hostile action had been satisfactorily accomplished—

        an object whicli Mi’. Parkes declares was clearly based

        on treaty rights. However, they did not see Yeh, who resorted

        to all manner of petty annoyances, the evils of which mostly fell

        on his own people, without in the least advancing his cause.

        On Xovember 15th, to the complications with the English

        was added a quarrel with the Americans, whose boats had

        been twice fired into and one man killed by the Chinese officers

        in command of the Barrier forts. Commodore J. Armstrong

        had under his connnand the San Jacinto, Poi-tsmouth, and Levant,

        then lying at Whampoa. He ordered the two latter to go

        as near to these forts as possible, and directed Captain A. H.

        Foote of the Portsmouth to destroy them all. Foote accordingly

        organized a large force and attacked them on the 16th,

        20th, and 21st, till they were reduced and occupied. The resistance

        of the Chinese on this occasion was unusually brave

        and ])rolonged, the admirable position of the forts enabling

        each of them to lend assistance to the others. On the part of

        the Americans, seven were killed and twenty-two wounded ;

        perhaps three hundred Cliinese were put hors de comhat ; the

        guns in the forts (one hundred and seventy-six in all) were destroyed,

        and the sea-walls demolished with powder found in

        the magazines.’ This skirmish is the only passage of arms ever

        ‘ One brass gun of eight-inch calibre was twenty-two feet five inches long ;

        the entire armament of these forts was superior in equipment to anything

        before seen in China.

        COLLISION WITH THE AMKltlCANS. 639

        engaged in by American and Chinese forces— one whieli ^cli

        seemed to ix-gard as of slight moment, and for wliich he cared

        neither to apologize nor sympathize, llis unexampled indifference

        in referring to the affair less than two days after the

        demolishment of his forts ‘ was met by an equal frankness on

        the part of Dr. Parker, who at once resumed correspondence

        •witli the commissioner, and, content with the practical lesson

        just administered, said no more about ” apologies and guarantees.”‘

        This episode is interesting chiefly as an example of the

        American course regarding an insult to the national flag, as contrasted

        with the English dealing with an injury not very different

        either in nature or degree.

        Relations between Great Britain and China continued in this

        constrained position until the opening of another year, the conflict

        now being almost wholly restiicted to unimportant collisions

        with village braves on land and voluminous discussions

        with the governor-general on paper. In Xovember the French

        minister withdrew his legation from Canton, there being by

        that time neither French citizens nor interests to watch over.

        Principal among the events during this interval was the burning

        of the foreign factories by order of Yeh, Decend^er 14th.

        They were fired in the night and were entirely consumed with

        all their contents, as well, too, as the contiguous poi’tion of the

        suburbs. The offer of thirty taels head-money for every Englishman

        killed or captured resulted in a few endeavors on the part

        of natives, whereby they kidnapped or slew two or three seamen

        when separated from their ships. These attempts at

        guerilla warfare were so promptly met and rewarded on the

        part of the English, by wholesale punishment of offending

        villages, as to cause little annoyance after the lesson of certain

        retribution had been taken to heart by the Chinese. More important

        than all these was a dastardly attempt, on January 11,

        ‘ ” There is no matter of strife between our respective nations. Henceforth

        let the fashion of the flag which American ships employ be ck^arly defined,

        and inform me what it is beforehand. This will be the verification of the

        friendly relations which exist between the two countries.”—Hoppin, Life of

        Admiral Foote, pp. 110-140. CorrcKpondenrc of McLdue and Parker, Senate

        Document No. 2^, December 20, 1858, pp. lOlo’ff. lUue Book, p. 137.

        640 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        1857, to poison the foreigners at Hongkong, by putting arsenic

        in the bread supplied from a Chinese baker. This, it was afterward

        asce]”tained, was at the instigation of certain officials on

        the mainland, but fortunately even here their villany was

        foiled, owing to the overdose Contained in the dough. It

        ought to be stated, in passing, that such acts are not common

        in China, and, in this case, that the baker’s employers were proven

        entirely innocent.

        Duriner much of this time Canton had been reminded of the

        presence of the British force by intermittent bombarding of the

        city from guns in Dutch Folly Fort. Sir John Bowring had

        demanded an interview wdth Yeh in Xovember, but received a

        prompt refusal, followed by a still more vigorous carrying on of

        the war in his peculiar fashion, and by raising the price on

        English heads. Admiral Seymour had now less reason for remaining

        within the Bogue, as all trade was at an end. Hundreds

        of foreigners had already been thrown out of employment,

        their property destroyed, their plans broken np, and in a

        few instances their lives lost in consequence of tliis quarrel.

        After holding an intrenched position around the church and

        ])arracks of the factories for the s])ace of a month, the uselessness

        of this effort when sustained by so paltry a force seems tf

        have moved the admiral (January 14, 1S5T) to retire from

        Canton, falling back npon Macao Fort nntil reinforcements

        should arrive from India. Before leaving the site of the factories,

        however, he burned down the warehouses of those native

        merchants in the vicinity, their inmates having previously

        beeu warned to leave them. These buildings and their contents

        were private pi’operty, and the intrenched position in the factory

        garden was not endangered by their reniaining. The

        leaders of the British operations had hitherto professed to spare

        private property ; and even if the performance was meant as a

        })arting menace to the governor-general—” to show him,” as

        ]Mr. Parkes remarked, ” that we can burn too “—it Avas one of

        the few acts, on their side, which has left a stigma npon the

        English name in China. The hostile proceedings of the Chinese

        authorities had been both petty and nseless, but as Admiral

        Seymour’s force was inadequate to take and hold Canton,

        PUBLIC SENTIMENT IN ENGLAND. 641

        a more serious cannonading of the imperial quarters might have

        been a more honorable method of taking retribution for outrages,

        and better calculated than this cuunter-incendiarism to increase

        respect for British arms and civilization.

        The news of these operations in China excited great interest

        and speculation in Europe, inasmuch as all its nations were more

        or less interested in the China trade. Parliament was the scene

        of animated argument as to the policy of Sir John Bowring and

        his colleagues ; the moral, commercial, and political features of

        British intercourse with China were discussed most thoroughly

        in all their bearings, the arguments of both parties in the debate

        being drawn from the same despatches. One remarkable

        series of papers was presented to the House of Lords in February,

        1857, entitled Coi’vespoiulence resjpecting Insults in China,

        “containing the particulars of twenty-eight outrages committed

        by the Chinese upon British and other foreigners between the

        years 1812 and 1856.” This publication M’as intended apparently

        to show how impracticable the Chinese authorities were

        in all their intercourse with foreigners, and its contents became

        to members of the House so many arguments for placing this

        intereourse on a better basis at the imperial court. To those

        who had watched since 1812 the results of treaty stipulations

        upon the people of China and their rulers, it was plain that no

        satisfactory political intercourse could be hoped for so long as

        the governor-general at Canton had the power of concealing

        and misrepresenting to his government everything that happened

        between foreign representatives and himself. Xevertheless

        such a series of papers was but one side of the insults

        endured. As long as the British government upheld the

        opium trade, and did nothing to restrain smuggling and the

        awful atrocities of the coolie traffic at MaccO, which were tilling

        the ears of all the world with their sho ‘king tales, these

        few ” outrages •’ seem very petty if put forward as a defence

        of Lord Palmerston’s going to war on account of the lorcha

        Arrow.

        In the vote upon the question of employing force in China,

        the better sense of Parliament protested against the policy

        which had directed recent events ; but the Premier knew his

        642 THE MIDDLE KIXGDOM.

        fouiitiynien, and in forty days from the dissolution (March

        21st) England returned him a House of Commons strongly

        in his favor. He now decided to complete what had been

        wanting in the treaty of Nanking, and obtain a residence for

        a l>ritish n)inister at Peking. The governments of France,

        liussia, and the United States wei’e invited to co-operate with

        England so far as they deemed proper, and their united interests

        were those of Christendom, Xo well-wisher to China

        could j)atiently look forward to a continuation of the past tantalizing

        senjblance of official intercourse at Canton, and the

        Aaried experience of twelve years at other ports proved that the

        Chinese people did not sympathize in this policy. The French

        Emperor had a special grievance against II. I. M. Ilienfung, on

        account of the judicial murder of Pere Chapdelaine, a missionary

        in Kwangsi province, who had been tortured and beheaded

        at Si-lin hien on February 20, 1856, by order of the

        district magistrate. This outrage was in direct violation of

        the rescript of ISII, and some atonement and apology were

        justly demanded. How totally unconscious of all these discussions

        and plans were Hienfung and his counsellors at Peking,

        may be guessed from their blind fright during subsequent

        events, Mdiile their inability to devise a course of action corresponded

        to their childish ignorance of their position and

        duties.

        A j^owerful though nnspoken reflection among these rulers

        }iiust not here be overlooked as a secret motive in deciding

        many of their short-sighted counsels. Pemembering the way

        in Avhich their ancestors had captured the Empire over two centuries

        before, they felt that great risk was run in admitting the

        barbarians to the capital now, since the same game would probably

        be ])layed over again. The visits of foreign ministers to

        the insurgents at Xanking, and their readiness at Canton to

        quarrel about so trifling a point as pulling down a flag and carrying

        off a few natives under its protection, all indicated, in

        their opinion, nothing shoi’t of conquest and spoliation. With

        such tremendous ])ower ari-ayed against so weak an adversary,

        they knew well enough what would ensue. Their miserable

        policy of isolation liad left them more helpless in their ignoBOMBARDMENT

        AND CAPTURE OF CANTON. 643

        ranee than diminislied in their resources, and thoy had to })ay

        dearly for their instruction.

        Tlie appointments of Lord Elgin and Baron Gros as plenipotentiaries

        for Great Britain and France were most foi’tunate

        as a selection of eminent diplomatists and clear-headed men.

        The two ambassadors entered into most cordial relations as

        soon as the land and sea forces placed at their disposal arrived

        on the Chinese coast. Lord Elgin reached Hongkong in July,

        but learning the state of affairs in that region, and that no advances

        had been made from Peking to settle the dispute, concluded

        to take the Shannon to Calcutta, to the assistance of Lord

        Canning against the mutineers ; from this place he proposed

        to proceed in the cold weather, when the force detailed for China

        would all be ready. Returning to Hongkong by September

        20th, he was obliged to tarry yet another mouth before the last

        of his reinforcements, or those of the French, had joined him.

        By the end of November the American minister, W. B. Reed,

        in the fi-igate Minr.esota, and the Russian admiral, Count

        Poutiatine, in the gunboat Amerika, had likewise come.

        Early in December, after a refusal on the part of Yeh of their

        ultimatum, the allied forces advanced up the Canton River. An

        extract from one of Lord Elgin’s private letters illustrates admirably

        the spirit in which he entered upon the work he had been

        chosen to do. ” December 22d.—On the afternoon of the 20th

        I got into a gunboat with Commodore Elliot, and went a short

        way up toward the Barrier forts, w^iicli were last winter destroyed

        by the Americans. When we reached this point, all

        was so quiet that we determined to go on, and we actually

        steamed past the city of Canton, along the whole front, within

        pistol-shot of the town. A line of English men-of-war are now

        anchored there in front of the town. I never felt so ashamed

        of mj’self in my life, and Elliot remarked that the trip seemed

        to have made me sad. There we were, accumulating the means

        of destruction under the very eyes and \vithin the reach of a

        population of about one million people, against whom these

        means of destruction were to be employed !

        ‘ Yes,’ I said to

        Elliot, ‘ I am sad, because, when I look at that town, I feel that

        I am earning for myself a place in the Litany, immediately

        644 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        after “plague, pestilence, and famine.”‘ I believe, however,

        that, as far as 1 am concerned, it Mas impossible for me to do

        otherwise than as I have done. . . . AVhen we steamed up

        to Canton and saw the rich alluvial banks covered with the luxurious

        evidences of nnrivalled industry and natural fertility

        combined—beyond them barren uplands sprinkled Avith a soil

        of reddish tint which gave them the appearance of heather

        slopes in the Highlands, and beyond these again the White

        Cloud mountain range standing out bold and blue in the clear

        sunshine—I thought bitterly of those who, for the most selfish

        objects, are trampling under foot this ancient civilization.”

        On the 2Ttli the British and French, about six thousand in

        all, landed on the east bank a short distance below the walls.

        During the whole of the following day a furious bombardment

        was opened upon the city from tlie ships, driving thousands of

        the frightened natives into the western sul)ur])S and destroying

        considerable portions of the town. By three o’clock of the 20th

        the city was in the hands of the foreigners—almost exactly the

        two hundred and seventh anniversary of its capture and entire

        reduction by the Manclnis (November, 1()50). The A’ictory was

        not a brilliant one, since scarcely any one could be found witli

        whom to fight ; tln-ee or four forts to l)e entei’ed, the wall scaled,

        a loss of one hundred and ten in killed and wounded to the victors,

        perhaps five times as numy to the vanquished—this was alL

        Immediately upon their entry within the hitherto forbidden

        city the chiefs were forced to turn their energy upon their own

        troops and prevent them fi-om bullying and looting the helpless

        Chinese.

        Governor-General Yeh was, after some little search, found

        and captured while attempting an escape from his yamun,° and

        within twenty-four hours the lieutenant-governor, Tartar general,

        and all others in high authority came into possession of the

        invaders. Yeh was carried forthwith on board II. B. M. S.

        Inflexible, a wise step which deprived him of further power of

        ‘ Letters and JoitrnaU, p. 212.

        ‘ Some very cnrions documents were found among his archives ilhistrating

        the character both of tlie man and his government. See Oliphant, Elr/i>i\>t Mis’

        mn to China, Vol. I., Chap. VIII. Reed’s Correspondence, 1858, pp. 443-488.

        TUE CITY OF CANTON AND ADJACENT ISLANDS.

        646 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        resistance and misrepresentation, and left the plenipotentiaries

        free to arrange some method of temporary government for the

        city. This was a difficult problem, ciiietiy owing to the lack of

        competent interpreters, but rendered mure so by the natural irritation

        of the conquered people at the losses they had sustained,

        the flight of the local officers, and the alarming extent of robbery

        by natives, somewhat countenanced by foreign soldiers.

        The skill and tact of Lord Elgin were never better shown than

        in the construction out of such incongruous materials of a mixed

        government whose subsequent easy working abundantly proved

        the master mind of the builder.’ The two Manchus, Governor

        Pihkwei and the connnandant of the garrison-—called also the

        Tartar general—were now brought forward to assist in saving

        tlieir capital from destruction and to form with the allies a joint

        tribunal. Pihkwei became legally (by Yeh’s capture) the governor-

        general of the Liang Kwang, and his functions in that

        capacity were not interfered with ; those of his colleague had

        always been restricted within the city walls. On January 9tli

        they were installed by Lord Elgin and Baron Gros with all possible

        ceremony as rulers of the city, under the surveillance of

        three foreigners. Colonel Ilolloway and Consul Harry Parkes

        for the British, and Captain Martineau for the French. This

        commission had its headquarters in the same extensive yanmn

        with Pihkwei, in whom happily were combined some estimable

        qualities for managing the difficult post he filled. The orderly

        habits of the literati and traders in and around Canton afforded

        a guaranty that no seditious proceedings would be countenanced

        against this joint authority if it gave them the security they had

        asked from the allies. A force of marines and the Fifty-ninth

        Regiment were quartered on Pagoda Hill, on the north side of

        the city, and ere long the commandant’s yaniun was cleared of

        its rubbish and put in order for the commission, leaving the

        other for Pihkwei. The allied chiefs deemed it wisest to attempt

        to govern as little in detail as possible, and their commissioners

        found enough to do in adjusting complaints brought by

        ‘ “You may imagine,” he writes, “what it Is to undertake to govern seme

        millions of people when we have in nil two or three people who understand

        the language ! I never had so difficult a matter to arrange.

        JOINT GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY. 647

        the Chinese against their own men. The Cantonese did not fail

        to contrast the considerate treatment they received irunx their

        foreign captors with the carnage and utter ruin which would

        have followed the occupation of the city by the Tai-pings or

        other insurgents, and during the whole period quietly submitted.

        The greater part of the responsible labor came upon Mr. Parkes,

        because of liis ability to talk Chinese, but before many mouths

        he had taught many natives how to assist in carrying out the

        necessary details. He showed much skill in circumventing the

        designs of the discontented officials at Fuhshan, giving Pihkwei

        all the native criminals to judge, restraining the thievery or

        cruelty of the foreign police, and sending out proclamations for

        the guidance and admonition of the people.’

        The kindness shown by Lord Elgin after the capture of Canton

        infused itself into the minds of those working with and

        under him, and the newly installed governor soon recovered his

        composure as he found himself in possession of his own dignities

        and power. The local and provincial officers under liim

        kept themselves at Fuhshan, now recovering from its destruction

        of three years before. By the end of January affairs were

        put in order, the blockade was taken off the port, foreign merchants

        returned and settled in the warehouses still unharmed

        on llonam, while the native dealers reopened their shops in the

        vicinity.^ Sixteen months had elapsed since the affair of the

        Arrow, and every one felt that a new day had begun to dawn

        on the relations of China with other lands.” Among the papers

        ‘ Blue Book: Lord Elginls Correspondence, July 15, 1859, Despatches Nos. 88,

        94, 108, and 128. Oliphant, ^^//w/’.v ^fimon to China, Vol. I., p. 170.

        ” Oddly enough, among the most earnest appeals for the restoration of commerce

        came one from Fihkwei himself, who wrote to Lord Elgin : “The

        eagerness with which merchants will devote themselves to gain, ii: the trade

        be now thrown well open, will increase manifold the good understanding between

        our nations, and the step will thus, at the same time, enhance your

        excellency’s reputation.”

        Bine Bonk, January 24, 1858.

        ^ The letters of G. W. Cooke, the Times’ correspondent (London, Routledge,

        1858), contain a fairly complete accoiint of the proceedings of the allies at

        Canton ; his conversations with Governor-General Yeh on the way to Calcutta

        are less valuable Compare an article in the Revue des Devr Monde;’. {V JTiillet.

        1859), by C. Lavallee, Un Historiograplie de la Presse anglaise dans la guerre d«

        Chiiui.

        648 THK MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        taken in Yeh’s yamuu were the ratilied copies of the treaties

        between Cliiua and Great Uritriu, France, and the United kStatt l^

        carefully preserved there, it was said, by directions from Peking,

        m order to serve for reference in case of dispute as to the text.

        It was, however, one of the indexes proving the desire of the

        Emperor to keep liiniself aloof from pergonal contact with

        foreigners.

        The allied chiefs, early in the month of February, proposed

        to their American and llussian coadjutors to join them in

        laying their demands before the Peking Court, and affording

        it one more opportunity to amicably settle the pending difficulties

        by sending an officer to Shanghai with full powers

        for that end. Both Russians and Americans were cordially in

        miison with the allies, and their several despatches addressed

        to Yii, the first member of the J^ul JC/i, or “Inner Council,’

        at Peking, were taken up to Shanghai and thence to Suchau,

        where Ho Ivwei-tsing received and forwarded them before the

        end of February. These four letters simultaneously sent to

        the secluded court at Peking contained nothing which could

        alarm its members ; but such was the ignorance of the highest

        officers there, that they knew not M’hat to do—ostrich-like,

        hiding their heads from the approaching danger, simply declining

        to answer any tmpleasant communication, hoping

        thereby to put far off the evil day. Their isolation would remain

        if left to themselves, and to have sent Kiying again to

        the south would only have cherished their stupid pride and

        worked their subjects ultimate injury. Their old-time policy

        of absolute non-intercourse lay like some great frigate sunk

        athwart the mouth of a river ; the obstacle once removed,

        nothing remained to prevent the vast and populous regions

        beyond the barrier from an active and profitable communion

        with the whole world. They could no longer be left in statu

        quo, and few can find fault with the plan proposed to solve their

        difficulties—a })lan which brought the four most powerful nations

        of Christendom in joint consent to set themselves on a

        fair and advantageous footing with the most ancient and populous

        nation of Asia. To those who admit the direct government

        of tiie Almighty lluler in ordering the policy of nations in accord

        ADVANCE OF THE ALLIES TOWARD PEKING. 640

        with His wise plans, this simultaneous approach to Peking will

        always be deemed as one of the waymarks f human progress.

        The letfc”; o presented to tlie Emperor ‘ form in their topics

        and toie a pleasant . >ntrast to the connnunications in past

        years. That of the ll’issian minister was peculiar in bringing

        forwaid the desH’ableness of llowing he profession of (Christianity

        to all natives desirous of embracing it ; but this point

        was made the subject of an address by the British missionaries

        at Xingpo and Shanghai to Lord Elgin, Avliose reply was a

        happy exposition of the dangers and difficulties connected with

        the toleration of Christianity by a government ignorant of its

        precepts. The imperial replies to these advances were, as

        everyone expected, in the strain of non 2)0ssumus. Lord Elgin

        returned his copy to Ho Kwei-tsing at Suchau, and enclosed

        therewith another despatch to Yii, in which he announced his

        intention to proceed to Taku, Mhere he would aw^ait the arrival

        of a commissioner qualified to treat upon the points in dispute.

        The force designed to accompany the allied chiefs was gathering

        at Sha glial, and by t.^.e miv, die vi April most of the ships

        and transports had anchored off the Pci ho, together with the

        American frigates Minnesota and Mississippi and the Russian

        gunboat Amerika, having the legations of those nations on

        board. Xothing could be more dreary than the aspect of the

        rendezvous at this season. The ships were obliged to anchor

        about eight miles from shore, which M’as level, and would have

        been invisible if it had not been for the forts at the entrance of

        the river. The dim, hazy horizon was lurid with the rays of

        the sun shiniiii; throu<:;h the dust that came in clouds from the

        plains of Mongolia and Chihli. Th^ turbid waters were often

        lashed into foam by the conflicting forces of tides and winds

        which acted on it from every quarter, and kept the gulf in a

        turmoil. Xo native boats ventured out to traffic, as would have

        been the case in the south, and the only signs of life were the

        gunboats and launches running in and out of the river, or the

        barges passing from ship to ship. Added to other discommodi-

        ‘ These are all given in the correspondence of IVlr. Reed, printed hy the

        Senate—Despatch No. 9, Ex. Dociuiteitt No. 30, March 13, IbGU, pp. 122-183.

        650 THE MIDDLE KIXGDOM.

        ties, were occasional blasts of hut air which swept over the

        water, charged with fine dust that settled on the decks and rigffin’^

        and insinuated itself into the dress and faces in an uncomfortable

        manner.

        As usual the Chinese had done nothing. The increasing

        number and size of the ships which were anchored off the Pei ho

        luid, however, been duly reported at Peking, and the llussian

        admiral had received a reply to his announcement of arrival.

        On April 23d communications were addressed by the four

        ministers to Yu-ching at Peking, and on the 20th replies came

        from Tan Ting-siang, governor-general of Chihli, informing

        them that he, with Tsunglun and Wu, had been deputed to

        ” receive their complaints and investigate and manage.”‘ The

        governor-general was not empowered to settle upon the terras

        of a treaty, but he desired to have a personal conference to

        learn what was demanded. Upon the day appointed the Russian

        and American ministers met Tan at the Taku forts (April

        30th) at separate hours, when they learned that he had not

        been invested with ” full powers,”‘ like those granted to Kiying

        and tlipu in 18-12, but had authority to discuss all matters preparatory

        to signing a ti-eaty. The truth was that they were

        (juitc ignorant of the important questions raised at Canton ; but

        while willing to discuss them, they were equally set on keeping

        the foreigners away from the capital. Here the allied chiefs

        and their two colleagues took issue. The former held out for

        commissioners to be sent with full powers ; but the latter deeming

        that the governor-general had adequate authority, accordingly

        presented him with the main points of their demands and

        afterward with the drafts of their treaties. The negotiations

        were delayed by the difficulties of the entrance, but they afforded

        a needed instruction to these conceited and ignorant

        men, who were thus enabled at their leisure to prepare for the

        struggle. Not only were the officers themselves brought face

        to face with their dreaded visitors, and made to perceive the

        folly of resisting the armaments at their connuand, but with

        the democratic habits usual in Chinese courts, the hundreds of

        attendants present at the conferences heard all that passed.

        Ere the non-belligerent powers had completed their negoCAPTURE

        OF THE TAKU FORTS. 651

        tiations, tlie allies turned over theirs into the liands of the

        two admirals, MM. Seymour and liigault de Genouilly. These

        advanced up the river on May 20th, forcing the slight boom

        across the stream, and capturing all the forts on both banks,

        with all their stores. Comparatively few Chinese were killed,

        and their defence of the forts was creditable to their courage

        and skill. All the troops fled or w^ere driven from their

        intrenched camps as far as Taku town, and the other defences,

        stockades, and fire-rafts having been destroyed, the

        gunboats proceeded to Tientsin. The losses by shot on the

        part of the Allies were unhappily doubled bj^ the explosion

        of a powder magazine in a fort as a party of Frenchmen entered.

        The news that the foreigners had forced the defences

        at the mouth of the Pel ho was soon spread thi-ough the towns

        along its banks, and myriads of unarmed people flocked to the

        shore to see the gun-boats, whose smoke and masts towering

        above the low land indicated their presence to the amazed inliabitants.

        A house having been prepared at Tientsin for the allied

        chiefs, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros reached the city at daylight

        on May 30th, followed by the other two ministers, all of them

        having come np during the night without mishap or oppo

        siti(m. The inhabitants of the city were highly excited at

        the presence of the vessels and those of whom they had lieard

        fiuch dreadful stories, but their curiosity and fear kept them

        quiet and civil, and they wei-e content with lining the shores in

        dense crowds, to gaze and talk. The general ignorance of each

        other’s lanOsuaOse did not prevent a constant intercourse with IT

        the citizens, all the more agreeable after the confinement on

        board ship. One old man was found managing a ferry-boat,

        who remembered Lord Amherst’s visit in 1816. After his inquiries

        as to the meaning of the flags on board the ships had

        been answered, he exclaimed, “How easily you and we could

        get along if you but understood our language “—to which the

        crowd around reechoed their hearty assent.

        Two higher commissioners now appeared on the scene of action,

        Kweiliang and llwashana, who superseded the discomfited

        Tan, Tsunglun, and Wu, and presented their cards as

        652 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        having been invested with full powers to treat. Negotiations

        were opened witli them, and thus, after months of delay, tlie

        plan which Yeli had so foolishly adhered to at Canton in October,

        to refuse all personal discussion, was accomplished at

        Tientsin under far more promising circumstances. The Chinese

        were obliged to accept almost any terms offered them, for

        negotiations carried on under such conditions were hardly those

        of free agents. The high commissioners were ignorant beyond

        conception of the gravity of their position and the results

        which were to flow from these treaties, whose provisions, linked

        into one compact by the favored nation clause, were, in fact, to

        form the future magna charta between almost the two halves

        of the human race. It was true that the Chinese commissioners

        were not altogether their own masters in making them, but

        owing to their perverse seclusion, they had foolishly shut themselves

        out from the opportunity of learning their rights. They

        had, of course, no desire to learn what they knew nothing

        about, and there was no alternative other than the display of

        force to break down the barriers which pride alone made

        strong. They had some grounds for fear, from their recent

        occupation of Canton, that the British wished for more territory

        than Hongkong ; and the frequent visits of the national vessels

        of Great Britain, the United States, and France to the insur-

        “•ents at Xankini;; indicated serious results in the future, for the

        latter owed all their religious fanaticism to foreign inspiration.

        To the persistent smuggling of opium along the whole coast

        shice the treaties negotiated by Kiying sixteen years before,

        and the many social and financial evils entailed thereby, were

        now added the atrocities of the coolie trade in Kwangtung province.

        Yet the reserve of the officials upon these and other

        topics on which they might be expected to have expressed their

        views or remonstrances, was only equalled by the politeness and

        freedom with which they met their enemies in consultation.

        Never again in the history of nations can functionaries to

        whom were confided the settlement of questions of so great

        moment, be brought together in such honest ignorance of the

        other’s intentions, fears, and wishes. It was high time for

        each of the five powers, now face to face, to have the way

        THE ALLIES AT TIENTSIN—APPEARANCE OF KIYING. t53

        opened for the removal of this ignorance and a better understanding

        substituted.

        Tlie despatches of Lord Elgin and Mr. Reed contain translations

        of many reports and memorials which were found in

        Yeh’s yamun at Canton, and give one a good idea of the sort

        of information furnished to the Emperor by his highest officers.

        It is a wrong view of these papers to regard their extraordinary

        misstatements as altogether designed to deceive the court and

        screen the ill-success of the writers, for they had had no more

        facilities to investigate the real condition of foreign lands and

        the policy of their rulers than had the poor boy Caspar Ilauser

        to learn about his neighbors.

        One untoward event occurred durino; the negotiations. Tliis

        was the sudden arrival of Kiying (June 8th) and his effort to

        force himself into the company of the plenipotentiaries. Since

        his departure from Canton in IS-iT he had filled the premiership

        before the death of the late Emperor Taukwang, after

        which he had been deprived of all power and most of his

        honors. He seemed to have tried to recover them by making

        large promises at court respecting his influence over the harhariatis

        / but when he reached Tientsin he was without credentials

        enabling him to participate, and acted as if his misfortunes

        had in a measure unsettled his reason. The British minister

        was suspicious of his designs, and sent his two secretaries,

        on the 9th, to learn what they could of or from him. These

        gentletnen plainly pointed out to the old man the difficulties in

        the way of settling the present troubles in any other manner

        than by acceding to the demands of Lord Elgin. Kiying had,

        however, put himself in a serious dilemma. Finding very soon

        that he was powerless to change the course of events and get the

        steamers away from Tientsin (as he no doubt had promised to

        do, and thus prove his influence), he returned to Peking on the

        12th, though he had announced the reception of his full powers

        only the day before. His colleagues were not sorry to have

        him depart, but nothing definite was learned of his fate until

        at the end of three weeks, when the Emperor’s rescript ordering

        him to connnit suicide was received. His case was deemed

        of sufficient importance to call for a summation of the principal features in order to prove the righteousness of Iiis sentence, and manifest the Emperor’s extreme desire to be at once just and gracious in his decree. Kiying’s case is rather an unusual one auiung Chinese officials, but the real reasons for his fall are probably not all stated; his prominence abroad, arising from his connection with the ]Sanking treaty, was no criterion of his influence at home or of the loss to the government by his death.’

        Soon after his departure the impertinence of a native crowd

        to a party of British officers while walking through the city,

        lent some strength to the belief that Kiying’s counsel had been

        warlike, and that a coup^ similar to the one made at Canton in

        1841 by Yihshan, had been suggested, and the destruction of

        all the foreigners in Tientsin was hoped for as its result. Their

        relations with the citizens thus far had been amicable on the

        whole, and the interruption in this desirable state of things was

        very brief. Negotiations continued, therefore, but with an

        undercurrent of doubt as to details on some important points

        among the foreign envoys. Lord Elgin had the greatest responsibility,

        indeed, and the task before him was difficult and delicate,

        but he failed in drawing to himself his colleagues and

        learning their views. They hardly knew w^iat to do, for none

        of them wished to thwart his desires for complete and honorable

        intercourse with the central government, though the

        manner of reaching this end might admit of discussion. This

        he never invited. The position of the American and Russian

        envoys, pledged to their instructions not to fight, and having

        the feeling that their nations were to obtain the atlvantages resulting

        from the hostilities of the allies, was not a pleasant one; but it could have been made so, and he himself relieved of his main anxiety as to the result, by an interview. In contrast

        ‘ Oliphant’s Mission of Lord Elgin to China and Japan, pp. 2B8-253 (American edition), N. Y., 1860. It is interesting to note, before leaving this episode,

        u Frenchman’s opinion of the character of this statesman: ” Kiying a

        ote de 1842 a. 1844 le grand nugociateur de la Chine. Les ministres ctrangers ont vautu son habilete, sa finesse, ses fa(^ons aimables et courtoises.

        Son nom sjmbolisait line politiqne nonvelle, bienveillante ponr les ctrangers, tolerante, liberale ; il representait nne sorto de ‘eune Chine.”—M. C. Lavalleo

        in the Eenie des Deux Mondrs, If) Dc’c. IHni), p. (502. The same article contains an interesting account of the first e.\])edilion up the Pei ho and its results.

        iSai ijilii -“eN -r- IMPE^RIS’-. CCN1MIS3I0NER .

        LORD Elgin’s perplexities. 65^

        with Lord Elgin’s general bearing toward those around him, as detailed in his correspondence, his biographer gives an extract from a private letter written the day after signing his treat^, which describes his perplexities:
        June 29th.—1 have not written for some days, but they have been busy ones. We went on lighting and bullying, and getting the poor commissioners to concede one point after another, till Friday the 2″)th, when we had reason to believe that all was settled, and that the signature was to take place the following day. On Friday afternoon, however, Baron Gros came to me with a message from the Russian and American ministers to induce me to recede from two of my demands—1, a resident minister at Feking, and, 2, permission to our people to trade in the interior of China ; because, as they said, the Chinese plenipotentiaries had told them that they had received a decree from the Emperor stating that they should infallibly lose their heads if they gave way on these points.

        The resident minister at Peking I consider far the most important matter gained by the treaty ; the power to trade in the interior hardly less so. I had at stake not only these important points in my treaty, for which I had fought so hard, but I know not what behind. For the Chinese are such fools that it was impossible to tell, if we gave way on one point, whether they would not raise difficulties on every other. I sent for the admiral; gave him a hint that there was a great opportunity for England ; that all the powers were deserting me on a point which they had aH, in their original applications to Peking, demanded, and which they all intended to claim if I got it ; that, therefore, we had it in our power to claim our place of priority in the East by obtaining this when others would not insist on it. Would he back me V This was the forenoon of Saturday, 2Gth, and the treaty was to be signed in the evening.

        I may mention, as a proof of the state of people’s minds, that Admiral Seynour told me that the French admiral had urged him to dine with him, assuring him that no treaty would be signed that day ! I sent Frederick to the imperial commissioners to tell them that I was indignant beyond all expression at their having attempted to communicate with me through third parties ; that I was ready to sign at once the treaty as it stood ; but that if they delayed or retreated, I should consider negotiations at an end, go to Peking and demand a great deal more, etc. Frederick executed this most difficult task admirably, and at six r.M. I signed the treaty of Tientsin. I am now anxiously awaiting some communication from Peking. Till the Emperor accepts the treaty I shall hardly feel safe. Please God he may ratify without delay ! I am sure that I express the wish just as much in the interest of China as in our own. Though I have been forced to act almost brutally, I am China’s friend in all this.’

        ‘ Walrond’s Life and Letters of Lord EUjin , p. 252.

        The importance of these two provisos was not exaggerated in his mind, but lie might have seen that the difficulties with his colleagues were increased by his own reticence.

        However much a different course might have liariuouized these discordant views, the pressure on the city of Tientsin was too near and severe upon the Chinese, and they yielded from fear of worse consequences when no other arguments coukl have induced them. It was not Lord Elgin alone who felt very sensibly, on that occasion, ” the painfulness of the position of a negotiator who has to treat with persons who yield nothing tu reason and everything to fear, and who are at the same time profoundly ignorant of the subjects under discussion and of their own real interests.” Looked at in any point of view, this period of negotiation at Tientsin in 1858 was a remarkable

        epoch. The sole great power of paganism was being bound by

        the obligations of a treaty extorted from its monarch by a

        handful of men in possession of the entrance to its capital. As

        one of the British officers pithily stated it, two powers had China

        by the throat, while the other two stood by to egg them on, so

        that all could share the spoil. Yet the past sixteen years had

        proven most conclusively that, unless this pressure was exerted,

        the imperial government would make no advance, admit no

        opening for learning its real position among the nations of the

        world, but mulishly cherish its ignorance, its isolation, its conceit,

        and its folly, until these causes had worked out the ruin so

        fondly hoped to be avoided. Even the necessity of coming

        into personal official relations with the foreign consuls to promote

        the maintenance of good order between their subjects had

        been hampered or neutralized by the Chinese authorities at all

        the ports ; and there was no hope of introducing a better state

        of things until foreign ministers were received at Peking. Happily, Lord Elgin then saw the question in all its bearings, and no one ever proved to be a truer friend to China than did he in forcing it upon her. He had little idea, probably, of one^’.iOtive for their resistance, namely, the fear of the ManZu rulers, already referred to, that in admitting the enemy to the capital they would be as summarily ejected as had been their predecessors in 1644.

        TIIK TREATIES SIGNED AND RATIFIED. 60?

        However, by the first week in July the four treaties had been signed and ratified by Hienfung, and all the vessels had left the Pei ho, which itself was no doubt the greatest proof to his Majesty that they were valid compacts ; for if the tables had been turned he would not have let them oif so easily, and perhaps wondered that Tientsin had not been ransomed at the same rate that Elliot had spared Canton in 1841. It is difficult to fully appreciate the crass ignorance and singular perversity of the men in whose hands the sway of the Chinese people were now lodc-ed. lie who is unwillinci: to acknowledge the overruling hand of God in this remarkable meeting of nations, would find it very difficult to acknowledge it anywhere in human history.

        The revision of the tariff had been deferred for a future discussion among those qualified for the work. Five Chinese commissioners reached Shanghai early in October for this and other purposes, of whom Kweiliang and Ilwashana were two. In this part of the negotiations the controlling power was properly left in the hands of the British, for their trade was worth more than all others combined. They used this power most selfishly, and fastened on the weak and distracted Empire a veritable remora, which has gone on sucking its resources without compunction or cessation. By making the tariff an integral part of the treaty, they theoretically made every infraction a casus Ijelli, and as no provision was left for revision, it was virtually rendered impossible, since the original four powers could not again be brought to unite on its readjustment with a view to the rights of China. While particular provision was made in it for preventing the importation of salt and the implements and munitions of war, the trade in opium was legalized at a lower rate than was paid on tea and silk entering England, and the brand of itmnorality and smuggling was removed from its diffusion throughout China. The weakness and isnoranee of the Chinese were such as laid them open to the power and craft of other nations, but the inherent wrong of the principle of ex-territorial ity was never more unjustly applied than in breaking down the moral sense of a people by forcing them to legalize this druc;. The evils of smug-o-lino: it were insufferable, but a heavy duty was desirable as a check and stigma upon the traffic. The solution to a statesman in Lord Elgin’s position was exceedingly difficult in relation to this point, and he perhaps took the safest course under the existing circumstances, but it has proved to be fraught with evils to the Chinese.

        One who now reads his biography and learns his nice sense of right and equity in national affairs, will not be surprised to see his doubts as to the best course to take where all were so many moves in the dark.

        The war which arose about the Arrow was now virtually closed, but many things remained to be enforced in can-ying out the treaty stipulations or restraining the irritation they produced. The vastness of the Empire sundered its inhabitants so widely that each felt the troubles it endured only when they came near; but to all of them the obligations of treaty were of the most shadowy nature. It would require years of patient instruction to educate the mass of natives up to the idea that these obligations affected them as individuals. One means of this instruction, which subsequent years have shown to be both practical and profitable, was the extension and reorganization of the administration of the customs under foreign supervision. Its short service at Shanghai had proved it to be easy and safe of operation, and the increased fidelity everywhere in collecting the duties gratified the central and provincial governments exceedingly.

        It was a startling proof of the degrading effects of the opium and smuggling trade upon the honor of the foreign merchants that they generally resisted the transfer of collecting duties from native to foreign hands, and endeavored in a thousand ways to thwart and ridicule the altered system. This feeling, however, disappeared with the incoming of a new set of merchants, and the Chinese government has, since the first, found no difficulty in utilizing the skill, knowledge, and power of their employes, not only in fiscal departments, but where ever they felt the need of such qualifications. Beginning at Shanghai, when the local officers were helpless against their own subjects, mandarins and people alike desired the advantages of an honestly collected tariff to be extended to every port opened for foreign trade.

        CLOSING INCIDENTS OF THE WAR, 659

        The changes formulated in the treaties of Tientsin could receive their accomplishment only after patient efforts on the part of ministers, consuls, and collectors to carry them into effect with due regard to the position of the native rulers. In order to open the way into the country, Lord Elgin visited Hankow in four ships in November, after he had signed the tariff. The rebels in possession of Naidving and other towns, being unapprised of his character, fired at him from some of their forts, for which “they were pounded pretty severely in return.” But a few words afterward proved more effectual than many shots, and no further altercation occurred. The voyage to and return from Hankow occupied seven weeks, and inaugurated a commerce and intercourse which has resulted in much good to the natives by making them rapidly acquainted with foreigners. The right of China to the exclusive navigation of her internal waters was summarily set aside by making Hankow a seaport; on the other hand, the government derived many advantages in the moral assistance given her at the time against the rebels by having them restrained, and, up to the present day, in the stimulus given to internal trade and rapid intercourse between the peoples of remote districts.

        The year 1858 was fraught with great events, involving the welfare of the people of China and Japan and their future position and progress. Much against their will they had been forced into political relations with Europe and America, and in a measure deprived of their independence under the guise of treaties which erected an {77vperiiim in iinpeiHO in their borders.

        Their rulers, ignorant of the real meaning of these principles of ex-territoriality, were tied down to observe them, and found themselves within a few years humbled before those of their own subjects who had begun to look to foreigners for protection.

        The perplexity of the Chinese commissioners at Shanghai in this new position was exhibited in a despatch addressed on November 1, 1858, to the three envoys. In it they discuss the right of foreigners who have no treaties to go into the interior, and insist upon the absolute necessity of restraining them, which their own mercantile consuls could not and would not do. ” Being unacquainted,” they wrote, ” with the usages of foreign nations in this respect, and unwilling of ourselves to lav down preventive regulations respecting issuing passports, \\g desire first to receive the result of your deliberations before we act ill the premises/’ They then proceed tu show how necessary it will be for the future peace between contiicting interests and nationalities that consuls should not be merchants, for” some of those of your respective nations have formerly and often acted in a manner calculated to impede and mar the harmony that existed between their nations and our own; wilfully disregarding everything but their own opinions, they have carried out their own high-handed measures to the ruin of all cordial feeling.”” The writers had no idea how this despatch was an argument and a proof of the need of strong measures to drag them out of their stupid ignorance and childish desires for isolation, and compel them to understand their duties.

        The education then begun was the only means through which to raise the Chinese rulers and people to a higher plane of civilization and liberty. One document like this carries in itself enouo;li to show how ignorant were its writers and their coleso leagues of their own duties, and how hopeless was the prospect of their emergiiiii; voluntarilv from their seclusion. The treaties bound them down to keep the peace, while they opened the channels through which the people could learn whatever was true and useful, without fear of punishment or reproach. The toleration of Christianity, the residence of foreign ministers at Peking, and the freedom to travel through the land were three avenues heretofore closed against the welfare and progress of China which the treaties opened, and through which she has already made more real advances than ever before in her history.’

        ‘ For full details on these important negotiations, see the Blue Book presented to Parliament July 15, IS”)!), containing Lord Elgin’s correspondence; f’. <?. Senate Krerutice Document No. 30, read March i;}, IHGO, containing correspondence of Messrs. Reed, Williams, and Ward, from June, 1857, to September 17, 1859; Oliphant’s Mmioii of Lord Elrjin to China and Japan, London and New York, ISfiO ; Lieutenant-Colonel Fisher, Pers<onal Narrative of Three Years’ Serrire in (lldna, London, 1S(>:}; le Marquis de Moges, liaron. Groups EndxtHny to China and Japan, 1800; Walrond’s Letterx and JoiirnaU of James, Earl of Elfjin, London, 1872; Lieut. J. D. Johnston, China and Japan, Philadelphia, 18C0 ; North American Reriew, Vol. XC, p. 125; BlackwoocPii Magazine. Vols. LXXXVL, p. G47, LXXXVIL, pp. 430, 535, audLXXXIX., p. 37a

        SENTIMENT OF CHINESE TOWARD THE ALLIES. 661

        By the end of December, 1858, the four envoys had left China, as well as most of the small force under their control. Koneof them had reached Peking, so that the Emperor was relieved of his fear that he would be carried off as was his commissioner, Yeh, from Canton; he had, moreover, another year of grace to learn what he ought to do to carry out the treaties. lie was also relieved by the refusal of the allies to join their quarrel with the efforts of the Tai-pings and march together to the conquest of the Empire. In Canton the presence of the allies had been an irritation chiefly to the provincial officers, who busied themselves in stimulating large bodies of braves in its vicinity to assassinate and rob individual foreigners near or in the city, keeping up in this manner a lasting feeling of discontent. Several skirmishes took place, and a large district within the city near the British quarters on Kwanyin Shan Avas burned over to insure protection against sudden attacks.

        The new governor-general, Hwang, had formed a league of the gentry and braves, which chiefly exhibited their power in harassing their own countrymen. He was removed in disgrace at Lord Elgin’s request, and all these puny and useless attacks brought to an end.

        An incident which occurred near Canton about fifteen months after the city had been captured, strikingly shows the character of the people: ” February 11th.—On the 8th a body of troops about one thousand strong started on an expedition which was to take three days. I accompanied, or rather preceded them on the first day’s march, about twelve miles from Canton. We rode through a very pretty country, passing by the village of Shek-tsing, where there was a fight a fortnight ago. The people were very respectful, and apparently not alarmed by our visit. At the place where the troops were to encamp for the night a cattle fair was in progress, and our arrival did not seem to interrupt the proceedings. February 13th.—The military expedition was entirely successful. The troops were everywhere received as friends. Considering what has been of yore the state of feeling in this province toward us, I think this almost the most remarkable thing which has happened since I came here. Would it have happened if I had given way to those uiio wished me to carry tire and swoni through all the country villages ? ” ‘

        These same villages furnished thousands of volunteers in May, 1841, to attack Sir Hugh Gough’s army, and had been engaged in a desperate struggle with their countrymen only three years before, so that this change was owing neither to cowardice nor Bulkiness. It had been brought about chiefly through considerate treatment of the people by the British gari-ison in Canton, by honest payment for supplies, and by regard for the traffic and local government of the city ; the citizens consequently had no complaint to make or revenge to satisfy. Those who from infancy had been brought up to call every foreigner ^fan-lm^ei^ or ‘ foreign devil,’ now slowly appreciated the fact that they had been mistaken—nor were the misconceptions all on their side. During the three years the city was occupied, public opinion there underwent an entire change ; and the Cantonese are now as courteous as they before were ill-mannered.

        At this season of rebellion and foreign war under which China was now suffering, the province of Kwangtung had a special cause for just irritation against all foreigners in the coolie trade. The headquarters of this trade were at Macao, and by 1860 it had become nearly the only business carried on there.

        ‘ Walrond’s Letters and Joxi,rnals of Lord Elgin, p. 308.

        ATROCITIES OF THE COOLIE TRADE. 663

        The population of the colony is perhaps seventy-odd thousand, of whom less than five thousand wear a foreign dress. Traffic and industry are mostly carried on by Chinese, who do all the work. When the trade of hiring Chinese as contract laborers to go to Cuba, Peru, and elsewhere began, there was no difficulty in obtaining men willing to try their fortunes abroad. As rumors of gold diggings open to their labors in California were spread abri)ad and confirmed by returning miners, the coolie ships were readily filled by men whose ignorance of outer lands made them easily believe that they were bound to El Dorado, whatever country they shipped for. The inducement for hiring them was the low rate of wages ($4 a month) at which they were willing to sell their labor, and the profits derived from introducing them into westeirn tropical regions. The temptations of this business became so great that within ten years the demand had far exceeded the supply. Seldom has the unscrupulous character of trade, where its operations are left free from the restraints either of competent authority or of morality, been more sadly exhibited than in the conduct of the agents who filled these coolie ships. The details of the manner in which natives of all classes, scholars, travelers, laborers, peddlers, and artisans, were kidnapped in town and country and sent to Macao, were seldom known, because the victims were unable to make themselves heard. When the rebels at Fuhshan were defeated in 1855, thousands of their followers were glad to save their lives by shipping as coolies, but this lasted only a short time.

        The allied commissioners in charge of Canton took cognizance of these outrages, and upon the representations of Governor-General Lao took vigorous measures for breaking up the trade at Wham]x»a.’ The United States minister, lion. J. E. “Ward, lent his aid in February, 1860, by allowing the Chinese authorities to take three hundred and seventeen men out of the American ship Messenger in order to ascertain whether any of them were detained on board against their will. Every one of them declined to go back to the ship, but it was not proved how many had been beguiled away on false pretences—the usual mode of kidnapping. The report of the commission sent to Cuba a dozen ^-ears later asserts, as the result of careful inquiries, that the majority of the coolies in Cuba ” were decoyed abroad, not legitimately induced to emigrate.”

        The Portuguese rulers of Macao “were unwilling to make thorough investigation into the facts about this business until after the return of the commission sent to Cuba in 1873, whose report disclosed the inevitable evils and wrongs inherent in the traffic. Urged by the British government, they finally (in 1875) closed the barracoons, and thus put an end to it. During the twenty-five years of its existence about five hundred thousand coolies were taken away.

        ‘ Compare Lieutenant-Colonel Fisher, Pfrsomd Nan-ative of Three Years^ Serrke in China, pp. 260-342, where the matter is pretty thoroughly discussed and Lao’s proclamations given in detail.

        To return to the war : throughout the winter no event of note occurred in any part of China, but the imperial government was busily employed in fortifying the mouth of the Pei ho to prevent the entrance of the allies. They demolished the old forts to rebuild new ones of materials gathered on the spot, and constructed somewhat after the manner laid down in foreign authorities on fortification. These books had been translated for them by natives trained in mission schools. Notwithstanding all that Kweiliang and llwashana may have assured them to the contrary, the Emperor and his officers could not divest

        themselves of their fears of serious reprisals, if not of conquest,

        should they pennit the allied gunboats to anchor a second

        time at Tientsin and their embassies to enter the capital. The

        two commissioners awaited at Shanghai the arrival of the British,

        French, and American plenipotentiaries, for the purpose of

        urging them to exchange the ratifications in that city. Nevertheless,

        since Peking was expressly appointed in the first two

        treaties as the place for signing them, Mr. Bruce and M. Bourboulon,

        the English and French ministers, determined to insist

        upon this detail. The poor commissioners, on the other hand,

        knowing more than they dared to tell of the hostile preparations

        going on, steadily declined the offer of a passage to Taku.

        KEPULSE OF THE ALLIES BEFORE TAKU. 665

        Mr. Ward was not tied down to any place or time for exchanging the American treaty, but decided to do so at the same place with his colleagues. The three ministers remained in the south to exchange views and allow the British gunboats to collect off Taku before their arrival, when they all joined them on June 20th. The appearance of the forts was entirely different from last year, and confirmed the reports of the great efforts making to prevent foreigners reaching the capital in large numbers. The river was found to be barred by an elaborate boom of timber and chains; but though no soldiers were in sight on the battlements, it was evident that a collision was intended. The reconnoissance had been carefully made from the ITth to the 2tl:th, and the riiiuese gcnierul, S;nig-k()-lin-siii, felt confident of his ability to hold his own against the shi])s inside of the bar. All official intercourse was refused with Admiral Hope, though he had stated his purpose clearly, because, as was alleged, these forts and men were merely gathered by the conniion people to defend themselves against pirates.

        In order to discover the real state of feeling toward a neutral, Commodore Tatnall took Mr. AVard, in the United States chartered steamer Toeywan, into the river on the 24th, and proceeded toward a jetty near the fort. The steamer ran aground when about half a mile short of it; the minister then sent his interpreters to the jetty, where they were met by a dozen or more miserably dressed fellows who had come from the fort for that purpose. On learning the errand of the foreigners, one or two of the men spoke up in a way which showed that they were officers—probably disguised as coolies—telling the deputation

        that the passage to Tientsin by the Pei ho had been barred, but

        that the governor-general, Ilangfuh, was then at Pehtang, a

        place about ten miles up the coast, where he was ready to receive

        the American minister. They added that they had no

        authority to take any letter or card for him ; that they knew

        very well the nationality of the Toeywan, which would not be

        harmed if she did not attempt to break through the boom laid

        just above the jetty ; and, lastly, that they were not at all empowered

        to aid or advise the Americans in getting up to Pehtang.

        The whole episode was a ridiculous ruse on the part of the Chinese to hide their design of forcibly preventing the ministers from ascending the river; but by so undignified a behavior the general commandino; the works forfeited whatever moral advantage might otherwise have remained on his side. After Admiral Hope had commenced his operations against the barriers, Ilangfuh did indeed send a letter to the British minister—then lying nine miles off the shore—informing him of the arrangements made at Pehtang to take the allied envoys from thence to the capital. These arrangements certainly violated no article of the treaties, nor any promise made to the foreigners, though they neutralized entirely the journey to Peking upon which the British government had determined to send its plenipotentiary.

        One may learn from the letters of Mr. Bruce to Lord Malmesbury(of July 5th and 13th) many details of the impertinent reception accorded to Admiral Hope’s messengers by the rabble and soldiers near the Taku forts, all proving plainly enough their hostile intentions. But the minister overlooks what we, in retracing the history of these years, cannot too attentively keep in mind, namely, the ever-present fear of trickery and foul play with their unknown engines of war which the Emperors counsellors momentarily dreaded from their foreign adversaries.

        On the other hand, what could be done with a government which would never condescend to appreciate its own weakness, would never speak or act the truth, would never treat any other nation as an equal ? These and other despatches from the Blue Book afford a key to the policies of both parties in this remarkable contest, and convince the impartial student of the necessity of personal contact and acquaintance before it was possible to reach a lasting understanding between the holders of so widely separated views.

        During the night of the 23d, after the Toeywan had floated at high water, the British advanced and blew up the first boom, leaving, however, the second and stronger obstruction untouched.

        The attempt to ascend the river in force was commenced by the allies in the following afternoon, when the forts opened fire upon them and by evening had sunk or silenced almost every vessel. In this Hect thirteen small ii’unboats were enji-ased, one of the largest among them, a French craft, carrying six hundred men ; besides these were some six hundred nuirines and engineers

        designed to serve as an escort upon the journey to the

        capital. This guard was now landed in the mud before the

        forts and an attempt made to carry the works by escalade, but

        the effort failed, and by daylight the men were all once more

        afloat. From the gunboats twenty-five men were killed and

        ninety-thi-ee wounded ; the loss among tlie marines was naturally

        heavier—sixty-four killed and two hundred and fifty-two

        wounded, while of the boats four were sunk.’

        Throughout this action the American vessel Toeywan remained inside of the Ijar, being a non-combatant. The gallant energy of Commodore Tatnall, who in the thick of the fight passed through the fleet to visit the British admiral lying

        ‘ One of these afterward lloated of itself and was preserved.

        Upper North Fort

        PLAN OF THE MOUTH OF THE PEI-HO.

        Sheicing the Defences

        and illustrative of the Attack o/25!» June, 1859

        wounded in the Plover, well-nigh cost him his life; a shot from the Chinese guns tore into the stern of his harge, killing the coxswain, and narrowly missed sinking the boat with all on board. Tatnall’s declaration, in extenuation of his technical violation of international law by towing boat-loads of British marines into action, that ” blood is thicker than water,” has indissolubly associated his name with this battle of the Pei ho.’

        The American minister was present as a spectator at this repulse before the Taku forts, but this could not be properly considered as a reason for not making further attempts to reach Peking. He accordingly, though not without some difficulty, notified the governor-general at Pehtang of his arrival, and four days later a pilot was sent off and the Toeywan taken up to Pehtang. Mr. Ward, in his report to Washington, expresses his belief that he would not be allowed to reach Peking, while the Chinese had no other intenti(jn than to escort him there and bring him safely back. On July Sth boats were sent to conduct his party to the place of meeting, which they reached through a line of soldiers in uniform placed along the sides of the streets, and were ushered into a large hall amid a crowd of officials. The recent encounter at Taku was discussed in a sensible manner, without apparent anxiety or bravado, and then the arrangements for taking the whole party of twenty to Peking were made known. Among other topics of inquiry brought forward was the cost of such vessels as had been sunk in the Pei ho by their guns—as if the officials had been estimating the probable expense of their victory when the English brought in their usual bill of damages. But the offer of Commodore Tatnall to place his surgeons at the disposal of the Chinese, to aid in treating the wounded men at the forts, was declined.

        ‘ Lieutenant-Colonel Fisher’s Personal Nmrative of Three Tears” Service in China, Chaps. XIII. and XIV.

        MIJ. WAKD’s visit to PEKING. 660

        Everything being made ready by July 20th, the American minister set out under the escort of Chunghow, now first brought into contact with foreigners. About forty miles of flat, saltish plain was crossed, until the party reached Pelitsang, on the Pei ho, where were lying the boats prepared for their reception. As they proceeded up the river the inhabitants flocked to the banks to behold the dreaded foreigners, but no expressions of vaunting or hostility were heard among the myriads who now gazed for the first time upon them. The

        vast crowd at Tungchau, when the twenty Americans landed,

        comprised apparently the whole population of that city ; clad in

        white summer garments, and preserving a most remarkable

        stillness and decorum as they lined the river banks and highway,

        this silent, gazing multitude produced upon the strangers

        an effect incomparably weird. The day was oppressively hot,

        and many preferred the carts to the mules provided for the

        trip to Peking, where they all arrived on the 2Ttli. A ridiculous

        rumor, illustrated by appropriate pictures, respecting this

        journey was circulated in Paris about a fortnight afterward,

        stating that Mr. Ward and his party were conducted from the

        coast in an innriense ” box or travelling chamber, drawn overland

        by oxen,” and then put ” on a raft to be towed up the river and

        Imperial Canal as far as the gate of the capital. They were

        well treated, and were taken back to the coast in the same

        manner.” This jeux (Tesjyi’it ju-obably expressed the popular

        sentiment in France of what was expected from the Chinese,

        and has ever since been associated with it.

        On announcing his arrival, a meeting was arranged for the 30th between Mr. Ward and Kweiliang and Ilwashana, at which all the time was occupied in discussing the question of the manner of audience. The minister had the advantage in this interesting colloquy, for he had come up at the invitation of the governor-general, had no directions from the President upon the matter, was quite indifferent as to the result of the conference, and had no presents to be rejected as Lord Amherst’s were in 181G. The nature of the hotow and the reasons for requiring it of all who had audience of the Emperor were fully discussed at several interviews in the most amicable and courteous manner. The Chinese were anxious to bring about an audience, and went so far as to waive the ketou or knocking head, from the first, and proposed instead that the envoy should bend one knee as he approached the sovereign. This was even less of an obeisance than English courtiers paid their Queen, and might have been accepted without difficulty—if any eouiproinise were possible—had not one of the party previously declared the religious nature of the ceremony by saying, ” If we do not kneel before the Emperor, we do not show him any respect; it is that or nothing, and is the same reverence which we pay the gods.” Kweiliang further said that he himself would willingly burn incense before the President of the United States if asked to do so.’

        During their whole national history the Chinese rulers and

        people had accepted this ceremony as the inseparable prerogative

        of the Son of Heaven ; and as this discussion in their capital

        was in the hearing of a great crowd of officials, who, doubtless,

        were prompt enough in circulating among the populace a

        report of the disagreement, one may appreciate the feelings of

        the latter when the American embassy was allowed quietly to

        leave the city without enterhig into the “Great Interior” to

        behold the Dragon’s Face. Foreigners have been so ready in

        China to ridicule or depi’eciate whatever partakes of resistance

        to their notions (unless it be backed up by force to make it respected),

        that this remarkable discussion on a vital point in Chinese

        etiquette and theology was generally regarded as silly verbiage

        on their part or ascribed to the effect of fear on the part

        of the Americans. As the time and phice for exchanging ratifications

        were not mentioned in the treaty, there was no insuperable

        difficulty in adjourning the ceremony to another place; yet it seemed a grotesque ending to the four days’ discussion for Kweiliang to seriously ask the minister for what purpose he had come to Peking, he himself being quite at a loss to understand the reason. Mr. Ward replied that it was to deliver the letter from the President, and to exchange the ratifications. It would have been better if he had held him to the promise made by the governor-general at Pehtang to do so in Peking. However, the return trip was concluded by the exchange of ratifications on August 15th at Pehtang, and the departure of the frigate for Shanghai soon after.

        ‘ See Ward’s despatches, pp. 594-617, U. 8. Senate Executue Document No. 30, read Marcli 1;5, 1800; American Eclectic Magazine, New York, Vol. 51, April and May, 18G1 •, North China Br. Ji. A. Society, Vol. I., No. 3, 1859.

        LORD ELGIX AND BARON GROS RETURN TO CHINA 671

        The mortification of having been repulsed at Taku was not concealed by the British public or press, when they ascribed it to the too hasty landing at sunset on a mud flat over which there was no pathway or footing. There certainly was no treachery on the part of the Chinese, as Mr. Swinhoe declares in his JVorf/i China Ca//tj>ai^n, for they plaiidy told what they would do if the passage were attempted.’ Yet it was a grievous disappointment to find that the exchange of ratifications had been interrupted from any cause; and though it will probably always be a debatable point whether it was right for the allied envoys to refuse the offered means of reaching Peking by way of Pehtang, there was no debate now as to the necessity of hastening to the capital at once.

        ‘ Though they told many lies as well. These charges against the Chinese were reiterated until they were believed by all the world; but in the effort to find a good reason for proceeding to Peking in order to exchange the ratifications, it was not needful to say that the forts fired upon the British ships without notice. Mr. Bruce’s despatches to Lord Malmesbury (of Jul}’ i;]th), together with the eufilosures and translations of native documents, discuss this question with much good sense.

        The British and French governments moved immediately in the matter, and M’isely decided to place the settlement of the question in the same hands that had carried it thus far. In April, 1860, Earl Kussell wrote to Lord Elgin that ” Her Majesty resolved to employ every means calculated to establish peace with the Emperor of China, and had determined to call upon him again to give his valuable services to promote this important object.” The indispensable conditions were three, viz., an apology for the attack on the allied forces at the Pei ho ; the ratification and execution of the treaty ; and payment for the expenses incurred by the allies. Lord Elgin’s colleague was Baron Gros, and the two were ready to leave Europe in April. They were supported in making their demands by an army of about ten thousand British troops of all arms, gathered from England, Cape Colony, and Lidia, and nearly seven thousand French sent from France. Their respective naval forces were not largely added to, but the requisite transports increased the fleets to more than two hundred vessels in all, of which thirty-three

        were French. The latter had small iron gunboats, fitted to carry one gun, brought from home hi fifteen pieces each; when screwed together each boat had three compartments, made water-tight with layers of vulcanized rubber at the joinings^

        The British forces gathered at Talien-wan Bay on the southeastern side of Prince llegent’s Sword, and the French at Chifu on the coast of Shantung. The plenipotentiaries had arrived iu July of this year and found the imperial government maintaining its old attitude of conciliation and undue assumption.

        On March 8th the foreigners^ terms had been made known by Mr. Bruce, and a reply shortly afterward transmitted to him through Ho Kwei-tsing at Shanghai. In it the lurking fear of reprisals, so largely actuating its conduct, appears from the conclusion, when the council says : ” If Mr. Bruce will come north without vessels of war and with but a moderate retinue, and will wait at Pehtang to exchange the treaties, China will not take him to task for what has gone by. But if he be resolved to bring up a number of war-vessels, and if he persist in proceeding by way of Taku, this will show that his true purpose is not the exchange of treaties.” ‘ After such a declaration there was but one way left by which to prove to the Emperor how thoroughly in earnest were the allies in their intention of exchanging the treaties. The last bulwark of Chinese seclusion was now to be broken down—never more, we may hope, to be erected against the advancing influences of a more enlightened civilization.

        ‘ Wolseley’s Narrative, p. 14. Fislier’s C/nmi, Chap. XXIII.

        LANDING OF THE ALLIES AT PEIITANG. 673

        After the usual delays incident to moving large bodies of troops with their various equipages, the combined forces left their anchorages on July 26th, presenting with their long lines of ships a grand sight as they went up the smooth waters of the Gulf of Pechele toward the mouth of the Pehtang River. This assemblage was many times larger than the armaments sent to the same region in the two previous years, and the experiences of those years had prepared both parties to regard this third attempt to reach the Court of Cambaluc as decisive of their future relations. The forces found much inconvenience in effecting a landing at Pehtang, where the beach at low tide extends over miles of ooze and sticky mud, but met no forcible opposition. The towns in this region are among the most repulsive-looking on the whole Chinese coast. In consequence of

        the saline soil no trees or grass are to be seen on the wide

        plain ; the only green things being a few fruit trees near the

        Jiouses, or scattering patches of salsola and similar plants. The

        houses are built of mud and chopped straw ; their walls rest on

        layers of sorghum stalks spread on the foundation to intercept

        the saline influences, while the thatched roofs also contain

        much mud. These soon present a scanty covering of grass,

        which, speedily withering in the hot sun, imparts to the dwelling a still more forlorn aspect. Cheerless enough on a bright day, the appearance of one of these hamlets in wet weather—with mud streaming from the roofs, the streets reeking with noisome filth, through which loaded carts and half-naked men wend dolefully their way—is certainly melancholy beyond any description.

        The allies were on shore by the evening of August 2d, and

        in a most pitiable plight in their own eyes. The men had been

        obliged to wade through the mud left by the retiring tide to

        reach solid ground, and then cross a moat that received the

        drainings of the town, a reeking mass much worse, of course,

        than the other. Xo fresh water was to be had, and the time

        which elapsed before the men could be supplied from the boats

        Avas spent in putting themselves up for the night, Avet, dirty,

        and hungry as they were. In the morning it was found that

        the few forts which they were to attack were merely for show,

        and soon the town was occupied by the ti’oops, their generals

        taking the temples for quarters. In less than three days every

        house in it had been pillaged, and whatever was worthless for

        plunder was destroyed as useless, ” the few natives that still

        lingered by their uinisurped domiciles,” adds Mr. Swinhoe,

        ” quietly watching with the eye of despair the destruction of

        all the property they possessed in the world, and the ruin of

        their hopes perhaps forever.” Even the poor wretches who

        were trying to cany off their goods in packs were stopped and

        stripped by the prowling soldiers.

        Ill less than a fortnight the entire force had been brought

        ashore without accident or opposition. There were men, tents,

        guns, horses, provisions, animals, stores, ammunition, baggage, —everything, in short, which an army now needs and which

        steam easily brings to it. Besides these, two thousand live

        hundred Cantonese coolies, each of whom is estimated by

        Colonel Wolseley, with supreme candoi’, to have been of more

        general value than any three baggage animals. They were

        working constantly for ten days, carrying water, landing stores,

        and performing the toil devolving on camp followers, for which

        this author magnanimously praises them by saying: “They

        were easily fed, and when properly treated most manageable.”

        On August 12th the forces were ready to move on the Taku

        forts lying about five miles distant across the plain, now rendered

        miry by the constant rains. A single causeway three

        miles long, flanked by deep ditches, traversed it, and along this

        progress, especially for the heavy artillery, was exceedingly

        slow. Upon their passage of this road the Chinese general,

        Sangkolinsin, yielded the only vantage-ground where he could

        have encountered his enemy with hope of success. This ignorant

        blunder on the part of so energetic a commander seems all

        the more unaccountatle, since a week previously the Chinese

        cavalry had been nnich emboldened by some slight successes

        over a reconnoitring party of the allies, and ” approached our

        outposts with wonderful courage, a few even advancing to within

        a few hundred yards, brandishing the swords and making grotesque

        gesticulations.”

        At last the allies were ready to advance to the attack of the

        Chinese. The Mongol horsemen commenced the engagement

        by rushing fearlessly forward in several irregular lines of

        skirmishers, and bravely received the shot from the Armstrong

        guns, until they charged with a loud, M’ild yell the Sikh cavalry,

        with whom they engaged in close conflict. But ” in less than

        a minute the Tartai’s had turned and were flying for their lives

        before our well-armed irregulars supported b}^ two squadrons

        of the finest dragoons in the British army ; the ])ursuit lasted

        for five miles, and was then only ended by our horses being

        pumped out. Had they been in good working order the vq

        CAPTURE OF SINIIO AXD THE TAKU FOKTS. 675

        suits would have been far more satisfactory, and the worthy tax-payers at home would have had the pleasure of gloating over the account of an immense Mst of slain enemies.”‘

        TliQ allied infantry had already reached the intrenched canjp, near the village of Sinho, and the ” beautifully precise practice” of the Armstrongs, together with the accurate rifled guns of the French, were brilliantly successful in knocking over the Chinese who served their gingalls at the ranges of fourteen hundred or a thousand yards.

        The reader cannot desire further particulars of this unequal

        contest as described by Colonel (now Lord) Garnet “Wolsele^-.

        The various forces of the Chinese M-ere entirely routed by the

        allies ; the plain was speckled for miles l)y native corpses, while

        the care of wounded men called out the sympathies and skill of

        their conquerors. The village of Sirdio was plundered, and its

        inhabitants fled, glad to escape with their lives.^ The next

        morning an advance was made by the entire force upon the five

        forts and intrenched camps at Tangku, three miles ofF, from

        which the imperialists were dislodged with considerable loss on

        their part, the rest retreating across the Pei ho toward Taku.

        Tangku town was occupied by the foreigners, who took under

        their care everybody left in it, and relieved the wounded and

        starving while preparing for the intended attack on the forts.

        This kindness, and the consequent increased acquaintance arising

        between the contending parties in obtaining supplies, did much

        to remove their ignorance and contempt of each other—a result

        far more desirable and useful than the capture of forts and

        prisoners.

        ‘Wolseley, NniTatiir, p. 108.

        ‘ A great collection of official documents disclosing the views of the court upon the struggle was found iu the yamun.

        ” Lieutenant-Colonel Fisher, Personal Narrative, pp. 404-409.

        The French having already- encamped on the further bank of the Pei ho, each army commenced the building of a bridge ^ across the stream, completing the structure so speedily that by the morning of August 21st the whole attackingforce was in position. The twenty-three pieces of artillery now began to fire upon the north fort, from which the Chinese replied with all the alacrity they could, although taken thus in rear. About six o’clock, when the fire waxed hotter and hotter, and the troops were anxiously looking for the signal to advance, ” a tall black pillar, as if by magic, shot up from the midst of the nearest fort, and then bursting like a rocket after it had obtained

        a great height, was soon lost in the vast shower of earth and

        wood into which it resolved itself—a loud, bursting, booming

        sound marking the moment of its short existence.” But the

        fire from the fort only ceased for a minute or two, and the

        gunners served their pieces most manfully, though sometimes

        unprotected in any way from the crushing shell fire opposed to

        them. The attack Ijegan about seven o’clock, nearly four thousand

        men all told forming the advance. A gallant defence was

        made to a still bi-aver onset, but the victoiy naturally fell to

        the disciplined forces of the allies, who had j^ossessed themselves

        of all the defences before noon. A few guns taken from

        the ships destroyed June 25, 1850, were now recovered l)y the

        British, but otherwise the fort contained nothing of Aalue. The

        loss of life on both sides was coni]):iratively slight. The Jh-itish

        had seventeen killed and one hundred and eighty-three wounded ; the French, one hundred and thirty casualties in all; the Chinese lay dead in heaps in the fort, and their total loss probably exceeded two thousand. The interior testified in every part the noble manner in which it had been defended, even after the disastrous explosion had crippled the resources and discouraged the enthusiasm of its garrison. From this position the allies moved on the other n(n-thern fort with their artillery, under a continual fire from its Avails ; but before the guns could open upon it, many white; flags appeared on the parapets; messengei’S were ere long seen to leave the gi’cat southern fort. They were all given up before sunset, and the famous Taku foi’ts, Avhieh had last year witnessed the discomfiture of the allies, now saw them enter as conquerors’—” the tarnished honor of our arms was <i;loriouslv vindicated.”

        ‘ When tlio allied generals came to carefully examine the construction of the walls, casemates, and internal arrangements, with the preparation made outside to hinder the enemy, they declared them to be absolutely impregnabW from seaward if defended as well as the north fort had been.

        THE ADVANCE TO TIENTSIN. 077

        Lord Elgin M-as quietly resting in Tangkn, and refused to jeceive their surrender, or even to hold intercourse with Hangfnh, the governor-general of Chihli, then in command, but turned him over to the commander of the forces. The path heing now open for the troops to march upon Tientsin, the gunboats were sent forward to see that the river was clear. On the ^.^th the two ])loiiipotentiaries wei-e again housed at Tientsin,

        accompanied by naval and land forces amply strong to take

        them to Peking. Xo opposition M’as, howevei”, experienced in

        i-eaching that city, while the pleasing contrast in the surface of

        this country with that of the dreary flats near Pehtang and

        Taku refreshed the men as much as the abundant supplies and

        })eacefulness of the people aided them. Such remarkable contrasts

        in China illustrate the inert character of this extraordinary

        people; and further, also lead one to incpiire what is the

        reason for their loyalty to a government which fails so completely

        in protecting them from their enemies. Mr. Swihhoe

        records’ a conversation held with a M’ell-to-do Chinese, in which

        this inquiry receives a partial answer in the peaceful education

        of a race M’hicli lias no alternative.

        ‘ North China Campairjn, pp. 158-161.

        His intrenchments at Sinho and Tangku being demolished, his vaunted defences upon the liver razed, his enemies’ ships in possession of Tientsin, nothing now remained for Sangkolinsiii save to move his entire army nearer Peking, and there again meeting the invaders, endeavor to preserve the capital from capture. He would not there be able to shift the odium of defeat on the difficulties of the river defences, while the moral effect would be incomparably greater if he were vanquislied near the palace. The aged Jvweiliang, the father-in-law of Prince Kung, was again directed to repair to Tientsin, where he arrived about August 2Sth. He and two others (all of them Manchus) endeavored to negotiate a peace so as to prevent the allies from advancing on Peking with their armies. Finding that they were trifling, Lord Elgin stopped the palaver, and started for Tungchau on September Stli, the British taking the left bank and the French keeping the southern. jS^ear Yangtsun a new cummission of higher rank reported itself, but it was rejected, and the army continued on its M’ay. Further on, at Ilosi-wu and Matau, signs of serious strife began to appear, but the commissioners assured their negotiators, Messrs. Wade and Parkes, that

        everything was or would be ready at Tungchau to conclude the

        convention. Affairs were becoming critical in the matter of

        supplies and transport, for Sangkolinsin’s army prevented the

        people from safely bringing animals and making sales. The commissariat,

        therefore, was obliged to seize what could be found

        to feed the advancing force, and this involved ransacking most

        of the towns and handets lying near the river between Hosi-wu

        and Tungchau. The progress of the force was, therefore, much

        slower than below Tientsin, though the possession of sixty or

        eighty small boats helped to bring on the amnumition and

        other supplies.

        On September 1ith the interpreters, Messrs.AYade and Parkes,

        reached Tungchau, in order to meet Prince I and his colleague

        to discuss the terms for stoj^ping the army and exchanging

        the ratifications. This interview was marked with apparent

        sincerity, and resulted in an order for the army to move forward

        to a place designated near the town of Changkia-wan,

        about three leagues from Tungchau, \vhere the troops were to

        encamp. The camp broke up from IIosi-wu early on the 17th

        to carry this arrangement into effect. Mr. Parkes was again sent

        forward to Tungchau (twentj^ -five miles), accompanied by an escort

        of twenty-six Sikh and other soldiers, to inform the imperial

        connnissioners, and finally arrange terms. The ground pointed

        out was reached, and seemed to be well suited for the j^ui-pose.

        At Changkia-wan the party met an ofiicer at the head of some

        cavalry, who challenged them, but allowed all to go on to Tungchau.

        Mr. Parkes soon met another high official in charge of a

        guard, who treated them with marked courtesy, informing

        them that he had been the general at Sinlio, and let them proceed.

        They were received at Tungchau and conducted through

        the town to a temple by a messenger sent from the prince. At

        one o’clock the discussions began, but instead of entering into

        the details of carrying out the agreement, difficulties were made

        OCCUKRENCES AT TUNGCIIAU. 679

        about Lord Elgin’s delivering his letter of credence to the Emperor.

        The whole afternoon was consumed in this debate,

        which probably was grounded not a little on the recent decision

        of Ilienfung to leave the capital for his summer palace at

        Jeh-ho while the way was yet clear. At eventide the commissioners

        waived the settlement of the audience, and soon agreed

        to all the other points relating to the encampment near Changkia-

        wan. In the morning Mr. Parkes, Colonel Walker, and

        eleven others, leaving the rest of their party in the temple to

        await the arrival of the plenipotentiaries the next day, departed

        to view the designated encampment. Their journey was somewhat

        eventful. As they reached Changkia-wan they met bodies

        of Chinese infantry going south, but no notice was taken of

        them, and the foreigners rode on to reach the appointed spot.

        In doing so they came across a body of a thousand dismounted

        liorsemen concealed in a dry watercourse, or nullah, evidently

        placed there in ambush ; while riding along in front no interruption

        was made to their progress. Further on, in a small

        village, they detected a large force hidden behind the houses

        and in gardens, but still no hindrance to their advance was interposed

        by these men. A short distance ahead they came upon

        a masked battery of twelve guns just placed in position, from

        which they were driven away. It was now phiin that Sangkolinsin

        Avas preparing an ainbushment for the allied forces to

        enter, feeling confident, no doubt, of his success.

        Mr. Loch, who accompained Mr. Parkes thus far, was now

        designated to force his way through the Chinese troops, so as to

        meet the allied generals and tell them the state of things. Sir

        Hope Grant had already noticed some bodies of men on his

        flanks, and was preparing for them when he learned the truth ;

        but in order to give Mr. Parkes and the others a chance to escape

        from Tungchau, he agreed to delay two hours before opening

        upon the enemy. Mr. Loch accordingly started, in company

        with Captain Brabazon and two horsemeu,to return to Tungchau.

        They reached it in a few hours and found their friends, unconscious

        of the danger, wandering through the town. Mr. Parkes

        had learned something of it, and called on Prince I at his

        quarters to claim protection ; this dignitary was in a state of much excitement, and said that ” mitil the question of delivering the letter of credence was settled there coiikl \)c no peace ; there must be war.” On returning to their temple the foreigners immediately started off in a body, but some of their horses were jaded, and the country was filled with moving bodies of troops.

        When about five miles wei”e gone over they came on a brigade

        of matchlock men, and ere long an officer of rank stopped them

        from going further, but offered to accompany two of them to

        obtain from the general a pass allowing the whole party to ride

        around the Chinese army on their way back. Mr. Parkes and

        Mr. Loch and a Sikh accordingly M’ent with him, and he bravely

        looked after their safety. Meanwhile the battle had alreadybcgun,

        as the booming cannon intimated. They had advanced only a

        few rods when the trio found themselves in the midst of a large

        body of infantry, some of whom seized their bridles, but their

        guide rushed in, striking i-ight and left, and thus cleared the

        way. Ten rods in the rear they met the Chinese general, to

        whom Mr. Parkes addressed himself, pointing to the flag of

        truce and asking for a pass for the whole party to return to the

        P>ritish armv. 8aii<rkolinsin ” irave a derisive lau<2;h, and broke

        out into a torrent of abuse, lie accused Parkes of being the

        cause of all the troubles and difficulties that had arisen. Not

        content with attempting to impose conditions which would have

        been derogatory to the dignity of the Empei’or to accept, he

        had now brought the allied armies down to attack the imperial

        forces.” This is only a part of his excited conversation with Mi”.

        Parkes, as reported by Mr. Loch. They were now imprisoned,

        and ordered to l)e taken in an open cart with two French prisoners

        to Tungehau, and delivered over to Prince I. The others,

        twenty-three in all, had also been made prisoners where they

        were waiting, and ere long conducted to Tungehau in charge

        of a guard.

        The five in the cart reached Tungehau after Prince I had

        left his temple, and were therefore hurried on to Peking after

        him, but on the way were turned off near Pa-li-kiau {i.e.,

        ‘ Eight Lt Bridge’) and taken to the quai’ters of Jinlin, a general

        then in command of the Peking gendarmerie, fie ques’

        IMPKISONMENT OF PARKES AND LOCH. 681

        tioned Mr. Parkes upon the strength of the allied foi’ces, until

        the latter ended this catechising under the torture of kneeling

        with the arms twisted behind him, by pretending to faint.

        In the aftei-noon, MJiile again undergoing examination by some

        officials formerly with Prince 1, they were suddenly interru})

        ted b}’ a commotion, and everybody ran off, leaving them

        alone. Soon a number of soldiers rushed in and bound their

        arms, while they were led away to be beheaded in an outer

        court. But just as they crossed the yard a mandarin hurried

        forward, and seizing liold of the soldier, then waving his

        sword over Mr. Loch, rescued them both and hurried them into a cart, where the other three prisoners lay, upon which they immediately started for Peking by the great stone road. The torture and jolting of this ride over the rough causeway were increased by their weariness, hunger, and cramped position, and when they got out of the cart at the Iling Pu, in Peking, they were utterly prostrated. Kevertheless, their misery during the ride of ten miles was transient and light compared with what awaited them inside of the Board of Punishments.

        They were there separated, heavily pinioned, and put with the native prisoners. Mr. Loch justly commends these wretched men for their sympathy, and mentions many little acts of kindness to him in dividing their cakes and giving him a special bench to sit on during the ten days he was quartered with them. Tie was then tai:en to the room with Mr. Parkes, and they were soon driven away to a temple in the northern part of the city, whore rooms had been fitted up for them. As to the party of twenty-three English and thirteen Frenchmen left by Parkes at his capture, they had been taken to Yuan-ming Yuan under a strong guard.

        Meanwhile the allied army had come up to the Chinese

        forces. These, about twenty thousand men in all, had been

        posted with considerable skill betvreen Changkia-wan and the

        Pei ho, showing a front of nearly four miles, nuich of which

        w^as intrenched and presenting a succession of batteries. The

        battle on the 18th died away as the allies reached that town, having driven Sangkolinsin’s troops toward Peking, captured eighty guns, and burned all his camps. The loss of life was much less among his men than at the Taku fort, for here none of them were chained to their guns, and were able to escape when their position was untenable. Changkia-wan was thoroughly pillaged that night by those who could get at it, especially the poor natives who followed the army.

        On the 21st the Chinese forces made another stand near the

        Eight Li Bridge over the Canal, from which the French dislodged

        them without much difficulty. The British came up on

        their flanks and drove them in upon their centre, which of

        course soon resulted in a general dispersion. The artillery

        opened up at long range ; the cavalry riding in upon the

        Chinese horsemen, easily scattered them, often burning the

        separate camps before returning. The contest at the bridge

        was the most serious, and their loss here was estimated at three

        hundred ; on the whole field it probably did not exceed five

        hundred, for neither their cavalry nor infantry often presented

        a solid front. The entire losses of the allies were less than

        fifty killed and wounded. Nothing intei’posed now between

        them and Peking, but they delayed to move until October

        3d, when their entire force had come up, siege guns and

        commissary stoi-es included. Full knowledge had been obtained

        of the environs of Peking, and iiegotiations had been

        going on respecting the return of the prisoners as a preliminary

        to the close of hostilities. These were now conducted with

        Prince Ivung, the next youiiger brother of the Emperor, who

        was himself by this time safe at Jeh-ho.

        TILLAGE OF YUEN-MINU YUEN. G88

        On October Gtli Lord Elgin and the generals M-ere settled in the spacious quarters of the Hwang s//, a lamasaiy near the northwest gate of Peking, and their army occupied much of the open spaces between it and the city. On that day, the outposts of the French army and some of the British cavalry reached the great cantonment of Hai-tien (where the Manchu garrison of Peking was quartered) and the palace of Yuan-ming Yuan near by. This was soon pillaged under circumstances and in a barbarously wasteful manner which will reflect lasting obloquy upon General Montaubon, who, more than any other person, could have interposed to save the hnniense and precious collection of objects illustrating Chinese art, architecture, and literature. Lord Elgin’s journal gives his view of this act in a few words:
        October 7th, 5 o’clock r. M. —I have just returned from the Summer Palace.

        It is really a line thing, like an English park—numberless buildings

        with handsome rooms, filled with Chinese curios, handsome clocks, bronzes,

        etc. But alas ! such a scene of desolation. The French general came up,

        full of protestations. He had prevented looting in order that all the plunder

        might be divided between the armies, etc. There was not a room that I saw

        m which half the things had not been taken away or broken to pieces. I

        tried to get a regiment of ours sent to guard the place, and then sell the things

        by auction ; but it is difficult to get things done by system in such a case, so

        some of the officers are left [there], who are to fill two or three carts with

        treasures, which are to be sold. Plundering and devastating a place like this

        is bad enough, but the waste and breakage are much worse. Out of a million

        pounds’ worth of property, I daresay fifty thousand pounds will not be realized.

        French soldiers were destroying in every way the most beautiful silks,

        breaking the jade ornaments and porcelain, etc. War is a hateful business.

        The more one sees of it the more one detests it.

        Mr. Swinhoe’s account of one room in this palace has now a historical interest—but his description must be condensed:
        Facing the gate (he says) stood the grand reception hall, well adorned outside, and netted with copper wire under the fretted eaves to keep off the birds.

        Entering it we found ourselves on a marble floor in front of the Emperor’s

        ebony throne ; tliis was adorned with carved dragons in various attitudes ; its

        floor was covered with light red cloth, and three low series of steps led up to

        it, on the central and widest of which his subjects made the kotow. The left

        side of the hall was adorned with a picture representing the grounds of the

        palace, and the side tables contained books in yellow binding and ornaments.

        There was somehow an air of reverence throughout this simple but neat hall.

        On an audience day the Emperor here seated himself attired in a yellow robe

        wrought with dragons in gold thread, his head surmounted with a spherical

        crown of gold and precious stones with pearl drops suspended around b}’ light

        gold chains. Eunuchs and ministers in court costume kneel on each side in

        long lines, and the guard and musicians are arranged in the outer court. The

        name of the person to be introduced is called out, and as he approaches the

        band strikes up. He draws near the ” Dragon’s Seat” and kneels before the

        central steji, removes his hat, placing it on the throne floor with the peacock’s

        feather toward the imperial donor. His Ma’esty moves his hand and down

        goes the head, striking on the step three times three. The head is then raised,

        but with downcast eyes the man hears the behests of his great master. Wheii

        ‘ Elgin’s Letters^ p. 361.

        the voice ceases, again the hciul niukes t\w nine knocks, thus acknowledging the sovereign right, and the man withdraws. How different the scene now, adds Mr. Swinhoe. The hall filled with crowds of a foreign soldiery, and the throne floor covered with the Celestial Emperor’s choicest curios, destined as gifts for two far more worthy monarchs. ” See here,” said General Montaubon, pointing to them, ” I have had a few of the most brilliant things selected to be divided between the Queen of Great Britain and the Emperor of the French.” ‘

        On the following day—October Sth—the coniuiaiulers were

        greatly relieved by the return of Parkes, Loch, d’Escayrac de

        Lauture, and five soldiers ; the first two of these gentlemen had

        been comparatively well treated after their terrible experiences

        within the lling Pu. A few days later botli armies were horrified

        by the appearance in camp of eleven wretched men—all who

        had survived from the party of French and English made prisoners

        near Tungchau ; Anderson, Bowlby, de Xornian, and

        others had succumbed to the dreadful tortures caused by the

        cords which bound them. The coffined bodies were all brought

        to camp within a few days, hardly recognizable from the effects

        of lime thrown upon them. On the 16th occurred the impressive

        ceremony of theii* interment in the Russian cemetery near

        Peking, Lord Elgin, Sir Hope (Jrant, Parkes, and Loch being

        chief mourners, while a deputation from every regiment in the

        allied armies followed in the train.

        Two days after this Lord Elgin ordered the destruction of the

        palace of Yuen-ming Yuen ; a sudden though deliberate act.

        Feeling prul)ably that such a decision would be closely criticised

        by those wlio were far removed in time and place from the exciting

        scenes around him, he took occasion to review his position

        in a long despatch. It was impossible in his situation to learn

        whether the responsibility for the capture and savage treatment

        of these men rested with the same Chinese officials.’ This

        ‘ Swinhoe, JVorth China Campairin, pp. 294 fF. —the most detailed and interesting

        account of this palace and its destruction. Compare M. C. Lavalloe in

        the Reciie den Deux MowUs for August 1, 18(io. Other French writers on this

        war are Lieutenant de vaisseau Pallu, lirhitioit (U I’expeditMn de Cliiiic, Paris,

        1803; le Cornte d’Escayrac de Lauture, Memoirex sur hi Ch/’nc, Paris, 18(54;

        Sinnebaldo de Mas, Iai Ghiiie et les ptmsances chretiennes, 18()1.

        •’ I’robably not. The prisoners were in the hands of lictors wliosc habit it

        was to torture in the hope of extorting money on their own account. The

        DESTRUCTION OF THE SUMMER PALACE. 685

        much, nevcrtlieless, was })laiii—that the Chinese were full^

        aware of the obligations of a tlag of truce, inasmuch as they

        had ah’eady often av’ailed themselves of its privileges. Lord

        Elgin makes the Emperor personallj responsible for the crimes

        which had been committed, but specifies Sungkolinsin as the

        real culprit, lie then says

        :

        I had reason to bolieve that it was an act which was calcnlated to produce a

        greater effect in China and on the Emperor than persons who look on from

        a distance may suppose. It was the Emperor’s favorite residence, and its

        destruction could not fail to be a blow to his pride as well as to his feelings.

        To this place he brought our hapless countrymen, in order that they might

        undergo their severest tortures within its precincts. Here have been found

        the horses and accoutrements of the troopers seized, the decorations torn from

        the breast of a gallant French officer, and other effects belonging to the

        prisoners. As almost all the valuables had ah-eady been taken from the

        palace, the army would go there, not to pillage, but to mark, by a solemn act

        of retribution, the horror and indignation with which we were inspired by the

        perpetration of a great crime. Tlie punishment was one which would fall,

        not on the people, who may be comparatively innocent, but exclusively on the

        Emperor, whose direct personal responsibility for the crime committed is establislied,

        not only by the treatment of the prisoners at Ynen-ming Yuen,

        but also by the edict in which he offered a pecuniary reward for the

        heads of the foreigners.

        ‘The work of destruction left hardly a trace of the palace of the ” Round-bright Garden ;” indeed, the provocation for this act was great. The despatch refers only to the palace where Hienfung spent most of his time, and it is probable that Lord Elgin intended to burn that alone. He gave no orders for the destruction of the buildings on Wan-shao shan, Yuh-tsien shau, the Imperial Park near Pih-yun sz’, and other places five to ten miles distant. All of these residences or villas had been erected or enlarged by former Emperors of the present dynasty ; none have since been rebuilt. It is, nevertheless, easy to gather from Colonel Wolseley’s record that his lordship’s satisfaction in this candid spirit of Loch’s narrative is wanting in the more colored accounts of Wolseley and Swinlioe, written in the flush of victory. The charges they make against Prince I of treachery toward Mr. Parkes are not borne out ; the deaths of Captain Brabazon and the Abb; de Luc seem to have been by order of Pao, and not from SSngkolinsin. Compare an article in the Rente den Deux Mondcn (If) juillet, 18G5) by C. Lavallue, UExpedition anglo-francaise en Chine ‘ Elyin”s Letters and Journals, p. 300. ” retribution”‘ was not greatly impaired by its over-zealous performance on the part of the troops. In addition to the loss of the palaces, the Chinese had to pay £100,000 as indemnity to be given to the prisoners and their families, before the victors would consent to sign the convocation.

        On the 13tli the ultimatum had been accepted by Prince

        Kung, who about two hours before noon opened the An-ting or

        northeast gate of Peking, wdiich commanded the whole city.

        Arrangements were gradually completed for the grand entry of

        the plenipotentiaries into Peking. The L’l Pu, or Board of

        Rites, was selected as the place for exchanging the ratifications

        of the treaty of Tientsin and signing the convention, while the

        fa^ or palace of Prince I, had been chosen for Lord Elgin’s residence

        in the city. On October 24th the latter was escorted to

        both these places by many officers, together with a body of four

        hundred infantry and one hundred cavalry, while in all the streets

        leading to them were guards placed. The wdiole city was out to

        witness the unusual parade. The procession passed slowly through

        the wide avenues, the music of the band heralding i’ts approach to

        the dignitaries anxiously awaiting the arrival. The utmost care

        had been taken that no excuse should be ever after brought ft»rward

        that the Emperor had not assented to tlie two documents

        signed that day ; but much besides Mas done to show Prince

        Kung and liis officers that they were in the presence of their

        conquerors.’

        The following day Baron Gros signed his convention and exchanged

        the ratifications of the French treaty under similar

        fornuilities. The principal points in the l>ritish convention of

        nine articles were—the payment of eight million taels ; the permission

        given by imperial sanction for the emigration at will of

        Ciiinese subjects as contract laborers or otherwise ; the cession

        of Kowlung to the crown as part of the colony of Hongkong.

        Without delaying for additional connnent, the insertion here

        of a poi’tion of Lord John Uusseirs despatch to Eord Elgin will

        ‘ The frontispiece of this volume is intended to represent this ceremony.

        Its interest lies chielly iu the fact that it is from the work of one of the ablest

        painters in the capital, and represents from a native’s staud-poiut one of the most remarkable and important events in the history of modern China.

        THE TREATIES SIGNED AT PEKING. 687

        not be uninteresting in connection witli these treaties. His

        lordship’s document reads like the balance-sheet of a London

        merchant at the termination of some successful adventure:

        “The Convention is entirely satisfactory to Her Majesty’s

        Government, it records the reparation made by the Emperor

        of China for his disregard in the previous year of his treaty

        engagements ; it sets Her Majesty’s government free from an

        implied engagement not to insist m all particulars on the fulfilment

        of those engagements ; it imposes upon China a fine

        in the shape of an augmented rate of indemnity ; it affords an

        additional opening for British trade ; it places on a recognized

        footing the emigration of Chinese coolies, whose services are so

        important to Her Majesty’s colonial possessions ; it relieves Her

        Majesty’s colony of Hongkong from a source of previous

        annoyance.”

        ‘The French convention of ten articles contained like demands

        and rewards, but instead of a slice of territor}^, the sixth

        provided that Koman Catholic Christians should be indemnified

        for ” all such churches, schools, cemeteries, lands, and buildings

        as were owned on former occasions by persecuted Christians,

        and the money handed to the French representative at Peking

        for transmission to the Christians in the localities concerned.”

        The fulfilment of this article required over ten years ; and as

        the injuries had been done in some cases as far back as the reign

        of Louis XHL, great irritation was aroused in the minds of the

        natives who had for generations been quietly in possession of

        lands which they had purchased.^

        ‘”The practical result was not very great,” concludes Mr. McCarthy.

        •’ Perhaps the most important gain to Europe was the knowledge that Peking

        was by no means so large a city as we had all imagined it to be. . . . There

        is some comfort in knowing that so much blood was not spilt wholly in vain.”

        —A History of Our (km Times, Chap. XLII., Vol. III.

        ^’An instance is mentioned in No. IV. of the Journal of the N. C. Br. R. A.Soc, 18G7, pp. 21-33, where a Roman Catholic church at Hangchau, which had been confiscated by the Emperor Yungcliing (about 1730), was changed into a temple dedicated to 7Y(7i JLto, the Queen of Heaven, “to serve th« double purpose of extirpating a religion of false gossip and obduracy, and of making an offering to a spirit who really has a beneficial influence over humaa destinies.”

        The i:;reat objects of tlie expedition wei’e now attnined, and

        foi-ei*;n nations conld congi-atulate tl)eniselves n)M»n liaving settled

        their representatives in tlie Chinese caj)ital on terms of

        equality. Two /^«, or palaces, were immediately occupied by

        those from Great Britain and France. Subsecjuently, the niiii’

        isters from other countries have grouped themselves around

        these, and a foreign (piarter has gradually grown up in the

        south-eastern part of the city. The chief agents in this im])ortant

        opening, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros, were well fitted by

        their urbanity, phiUiuthropy, and moderation for the delicate

        task assigned them. Tlie terrified officials and citizens in

        Peking had expected the worst consequences on the capture of

        their city, but besides the destruction of Yuen-ming Yuen, their

        capital and national unity escaped uninjured.

        It was probably a great aid to the policy adopted by Prince

        Kung and his colleagues that the Emperor and his court had

        fied to Jeh-ho, for their influence, as the sequel proved, would

        have opposed any pacification. It was still more important for

        all future co-operation that he never came back at all, and thus

        the real guidance of affaii’s fell into better hands.

        The 24:th day of October saw the ending of the seclusion of

        the Chinese from their fellow-men ; the contest honestly enough

        begun in 1839 by Lin, to rescue his country from the curse of

        opium, was in a manner completed on that day by the admission

        of those regenerating influences which could alone effectually remove that evil. The intermediate twenty years had done much to prepare the Chinese for this concluding act ; and the honorable manner in which they fulfilled their promises and payments will stand as a lasting monument to, their national credit.

        The retirement of the allies from Peking was accomplished

        without impediment from the Chinese army under Sangkolinsin

        ; the money disbursed for boats, carts, supplies, fuel, etc.,

        as the troops went down the river, compensating many natives

        for their losses. By the end of November all had embarked

        except the garrisons left at Tientsin and Taku, which latter

        were removed as soon as the portion of the indemnity involving

        their occupation was paid up. The effectual and salutary work

        OBJECTS OF tup: WAR AC(‘0Mri>I8IIEU. 689

        ing of tlio treaty stipulations for the niutual welfare of all parties

        deiieiided on the di})loiiiatic and consular oflEicers left in the

        capital and open ports. The British fijoverninent alone was

        adequately supplied in this respect, and their consulates hecaine

        the expositors to the local rulers of the manner in wliieli tlie

        treaties were to be interpreted and enforced. The great mass

        of natives knew almost nothing of their provisions, and looked

        upon the struggle chiefly as one between their sovereign and

        the foreigners. The defeat of the latter was in remoter districts

        declared proven by their retirement from Peking ; but

        along the coasts and up the Yangtsz’ the actual sight of steamers

        and contact with foreigners who could talk with them and

        explain the new state of things, really did more than anything

        else to show them that these strangers were by no means overcome.

        What was thus achieved to enlighten the people near

        the trading marts only required time and contact to spread into

        distant regions of the interior. As for the citizens of Peking,

        they met only those foreigners who could talk with them, for

        that city was not open to trade ; and thus one prolific source of

        misunderstanding was removed. The death of the Emperor

        Ilienfung (August 17, 1861) relieved them, too, from any attempt

        he might have made, in his irritation on returning to the Forbidden

        City and seeing his ruined palaces, to vent his wrath on the

        few foreigners then living near him. Christian missionaries

        also began their work in 1861, and thus thousands, who had had

        only vague ideas about the ” barbarians,” could easily learn the

        truth concerning them. Most fortunately, then, circumstances

        were from the first favorable for forming an intelligent public

        opinion in the capital.

        CHAPTER XXVI. NARRATIVES OF RECENT EVENTS IN CHINA

        Twelve months elapsed before the political atmosphere of China was disturbed by any break or change in its condition—a period of qniet which the government sorely needed for an appreciation of its relations with the foreigners who had forced their way into the capital. His Majesty Ilienfung having ascended the Dragon Throne on high, left the Empire in the

        hands of his only son, a child six years old ; whether thixxigh

        incapacity or disease, the debauched sovereign had long before

        his death allowed his courtiers to engross the reins of goveriv

        ment, and these now formed a cotei’ie which at Jeh-lio was ajipowerful.

        At his death the administration i-csted in the hands

        of a council of eight, whose nominal head was Tsai-yuen, Prince

        1, a member of the imj)erial family belonging to the same generation

        with the infant Emperor. The design of this cabal was to

        at once assume the absolute power of a regency, to retain possession

        of the young Emperor’s person at Jeh-ho, to make way

        in secret with his mother and the Empress-dowager, and lastly

        to arrest and destroy his father’s three brothers ; these initiatory

        steps to sovereignty being accomplished, nothing would

        interrupt their complete mastery of the government.

        But in Prince Kung,’ the Emperor’s oldest surviving brother.

        ‘ Kung Tsin-waiig, ‘Prince Respect’—called by the people Wu-ako, ‘Fifth

        Elder Rrother ‘—is the sixth son of Tauk’.vang, and was born about 1S;!1.

        ‘Ihree older brothers died young ; Ilienfung, the fourth, succeeded his father,

        wliile the fifth, being adopted into a branch of the Emperor Kiaking’s faujily,

        was dropped out of Tankwang’s household, leaving Princa Kung. in 18G1 ‘«>

        be the first prince during the minority of Tungchi. His persona’, name, Tih-hii.

        is never employed by those outside his immediate family. He has : roni

        mendable record for an Asiatic statesman trained in habits Ol autocratic .1151.

        mand The background in the i)ortrait ou the opposite page is a bit of ”oxm

        work in the Foreign Office at Peking.

        PRINCE KUNG. THE COUP D’ETAT OF PKINCE KUNG. 691

        the conspirators found an opponent of no ordinary ability, to

        whose astuteness in outwitting their machinations (as may he

        safely affirmed in view of events which followed) is doubtless

        owing the continuance of the present reigning family. The

        prince was in concealment during the autumn of 1860, when

        his brother fled to Jeh-ho, but appearing when the capital was

        surrendered to the allies, he bore the brunt of that impleasant

        task, signing the treaties, and undertook almost alone the management

        of affairs with foreigners while the government was

        recovering from its paralysis of defeat. It was a happy augury

        for the continuance of peace and friendly intercourse that to a

        man so well fitted by temperament for liis difficult position

        should be joined the able and experienced statesman Kweiliang

        ;

        though too old to take an active part in the settlement of the

        succession, this skilful diplomatist lent the greatest aid to his

        son-in-law by giving advice and a much needed support to the

        Empresses-dowager at this critical period.

        Hastily quitting Jeh-ho with the boy—who had been proclaimed

        Emperor under the reign-name of Ki-tsiang, ‘ Lucky

        Omen ‘—the two Empresses availed themselves of their right to

        join the first prince, and repaired to Peking. Once settled in

        the Forbidden City they were able to impart to Prince Kung

        the magnitude of the plot against them, and concert measures

        witli leading members of the impei’ial clan for the general

        safety. The arrest and trial of the traitors was promptly carried

        out ; by a decree of December 2, 1861, Prince 1 and his

        principal coadjutor, Prince Chin, were allowed to commit

        suicide, while their powerful and clever colleague, Suhshun, was

        executed in the market-place, to the unfeigned delight of the

        populace. This conspirator in his machinations and gross assumptions

        had acted like a veritable Tigellinus, and earned for

        himself a hatred and contempt which even members of the war

        party could not conceal. Others of this unsuccessful clique

        were disgraced or banished, but the punishments were not

        numerous or barbarous. The reign-name was now changed

        from Ki-tsiang to Timg-chi, or ‘ Union Rule,’ to mark the successful

        demolition of this conspiracy, while Prince Kung (now

        but thirty years old), the shrewd perpetrator of the couj? cPetat,

        692 THE CUDDLE KINGDOM.

        was \)roc]’dimed T-e/ung-ivamj, or ‘licgeiit I’liiicc,’ mid with the

        Empresses constituted the regency during the iniiK^rity.’

        Considerini>- all the circumstances of this ijalace intriijue, the

        rank of its leading members, and its successful suppression hy

        tlie operation of legal methods alone, it may well deserve the

        attention of those interested in the political and historical

        development of China as an admirable instance of both the

        strength and weakness of her paternal government. To the

        ordinary outlays of the Empire were superadded the innuense

        burdens of a foreign invasion just concluded and a terrible

        struggle with domestic enemies; yet neither the Regent nor his

        colleagues appear during this period of stress to have lost a

        particle of their contidence in the loyalty of the people ; through

        loss and gain, failure of material or resource, treachery in palace

        or camp, abuse or assistance frozn foreigners, this faith in one

        another failed not. The face of China in 1865 was perhaps as

        wi-etchcd as that of Central Europe after the peace of AVest»

        phalia; indeed a more general desolation could hardly be imagined.

        Xevertheless the rapidity with which its iidiabitants not

        only resumed their occupations as best they could but rebuilt

        dwellings and reorganized trade, startled even their habitual

        disparagers into praise and testified to the marvellous recuperative

        powers of this much-despised civilization.

        Pleased with the excellent results of the introduction of

        western drill and ai-ms into their military service, as against

        the Tai-pings, certain of the mandarins at the south proposed

        utilizing foreign war-vessels to the same end. To this scheme

        as at first suggested there was not, perhaps, much to say either

        in its behalf or otherwise. Their purpose was to purchase three

        or four gun and despatch boats, man them with as many scores

        of native seamen, and impart to these the necessary instruction

        by placing them under foreign ofiicers. Mr. Horatio X. Lay

        liad in 1850 proposed the use of armed revenue vessels in the

        customs service, a very similar suggestion. But innocent as

        were these conce])ti()ns, they assumed the gravest proportions

        Wounud N. C. Br. R. A. S., December, 1864, pp. 110-114. Dr. Rennie,

        J’ekiitr/ (iiul the Pekinfjese, Vol. II., passim—an interesting contemporary recorcj

        of this event.

        THE LAY-OSBORNE FLOTILLA. 693

        when in 1861 Mr. Lay was allowed to visit England and there contract

        for the construction of a steam fleet and secure a number

        of British naval officers for three years” service.’ The Peking

        authorities were still laboring under the disadvantages of their

        ignorance, and nothing can illustrate better than this remarkable

        enterprise the good influence which Sir Frederick Bruce had

        acquired in their counsels, and their willingness to follow his

        sufforestions. Their secluded life in Pekinii; had pi’evented thera

        from learning many things in respect to the conduct of affairs

        in their new relations, but they could hardly have had a better

        counsellor than he. The instructions from Prince Ivung sent to

        Mr. Lay in England described the kind of officers and hands

        which the vessels were to carry ; they were to be men able and

        willing to teach ignorant sailors the practice of navigation, the

        management of machinery, and the use of guns of every kind.

        Instead of these he contracted for ei<:;ht gunboats of different

        sizes, one or two of them powerful vessels, able to carry two

        hundred and more men ; they arrived in China early in 1863

        under the command of Capt. Sherard Osborne, H. X. Mr.

        Lay’s disappointment was great and undisguised when, on reachinn;

        Pekingr in June, he found that Prince Kung and his advisers

        were totally unprepared for such a fleet, and unwilling to

        endorse the engagements he had entered into with the Queen’s

        officers ; nor were the funds for their current expenses provided.

        His ideas of his own position were soon modified, for he found

        that the vessels must necessarily be placed under the direction

        of the provincial authorities in operations against the rebels.

        One of the articles in the agreement with Captain Osborne stipulated

        that he should receive all his orders on those matters from

        the Foreign Office through Mr. Lay, and would follow his own

        choice in obeying others. Mr. Lay says himself that he was

        “ambitious of obtaining the position of middle-man between

        China and the foreign powers, because I thought I saw a way of

        solving the problem of placing pacific relations with China upon

        a sure footing. . . . My position was that of a foreigner engaged

        by the Chinese government to perform certain work for

        • Blue Bool; China, No. 2 (1864), p. 7.

        694 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        them, not under them. I need scarcely observe, in passing,

        that the notion of a gentleman acting under aw Asiatic barbarian

        is preposterous.” ‘ Ideas like these quite unfitted him for working

        with the Chinese, either under orfor them, lie could not

        understand that the former days of coercion and bullying had

        passed awa}’, and that time must be allowed for them to graduallv

        learn in their own way how to rise in the scale of nations,

        and adopt such improvements as they pleased.

        In his perplexity and chagrin, he began to blame the British

        minister for lukewarmness in supporting his schemes, and to

        weary the members of the Tsung-li Yamun by his demands.

        The controversy continued to grow warmer after Captain

        Osborne’s arrival at Peking in September, where he first learned

        its real nature. Finally, in October, Prince Kung refused to

        ratify Mr. Lay’s agreement made in England, very properly

        remarking upon the obnoxious article which required the commander

        of the flotilla to act only under orders from Peking.

        Happily for China, the dissolution of the force was decided on.

        The ships were to be sent back, for it was impossible to prevent

        the native officials from selling them after they had full

        control, and persons were already looking at them for their own

        lawless designs. At this juncture Sir F. Bruce came to the relief

        of the Chinese, and took the ships off their hands on

        account of the British government, paying back from the indemnity

        fund due to England all claims for wages, salary, and

        other expenses to officers and men till their arrival in London.

        This settlement involved an outlay of about $525,000, but the

        total cost of the vessels, crews, and outfit from first to last was

        not nnu’h less than a million sterling. The Peking government

        had, therefore, by this arrangement escaped a serious

        imbroglicj with the provincial governors and generals—one

        which would have soon neutralized all responsibility, and perchance,

        even at that late date, entailed the success of the

        Tai-pings.

        Mr. Lay, blinded by his own egotism and ambition, ascribes

        his failure to the negligence, treachery, ignorance, and ill-will

        ‘ Our Interests in China : A Letter to Earl Russell, p. 19.

        COLLAPSE OF THE SCHEME. 695

        of Sir F. Bruce, whose performances in these lines are fully

        detailed in his Letter to Earl RusselV of November 26, 1864.

        This statement of wliat occurred in relation to the Lay-Osborne

        flotilla exhibits the difficulties in the progress of Asiatic nations

        in the path of what we call civilization^ and the ideas which

        such men have as to the way in which they are to be forced

        into this desirable condition. This extraordinary paper is an

        instructive exhibition of British interference in tlie administration

        of Asiatic countries, and how totally alien ” the spirit of

        trade and progress” is to the independence and elevation of a

        pagan people when it alone is the chief agency depended on.

        In no case, nor under the best control, could Mr. Lay’s plan

        liave worked real benefit to China ; but carried out under the

        domineering leadership of such a man, the scheme would have

        not only been humiliating in the last degree to those whom it

        was designed to assist, but would have inevitably resulted in

        the restoration of the conservative party to power and another

        profitless struggle with the foreigners.

        Upon the dismissal of Mr. Lay the management of the Lnperial

        Maritime Customs was placed in the hands of Robert Hart,

        Esq., who for a period of two years had given proof of his discretion

        in this position, and (in the words of Mr. Burlingame)

        had ” by his tact and ability w^on the regard of every one.”

        Already the imperial officers began to appreciate the immense

        material advantages of a regular income from the open ports,

        especially in the practical help it furnished toward the expenses

        of the dviui’ i-ebellion. The contact of native and foreisrn

        rule in the same territory necessarily involved much assumption

        of power and friction of authority growing out of the undefined

        limits of the laws of ex-territorial ity ; but the legitimate working

        of treaty provisions—the prompt reference of grievances

        from complainant to consul, from the consul to his minister at

        Peking—served to enlighten court and country as to the gen-

        ^ Our Interests in China, by H. X. Lay, C.B., London, 1864, pp. 66. See

        also correspondence in Blue Gjok, and letter of Sir F. Bruce, of November 19,

        1863. U. S. Diplomatic Coi^respond^iwe for 1864, Part III., pp. 348-378 ; and

        for 1865, Part I., p. 670. A. Wilson, The ” Erer- Victorious Army,” pp. 260-

        266. Fraser’s Magazine, February, 1865, p. 147.

        696 TIIIO MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        eral honesty of their quoiulaiii enemies, in a fashion whicli

        neither preaching nor fighting conld ever have accomplished.’

        In the year 1866 the arsenals at Fnhchau, Nanking, and Shangliai

        were reorganized and made to inclnde schools for naval and

        military instruction as well as engine and gun works ; the value

        of such works was promptly nndei’stood by the Chinese, and

        has been already the source of a creditable navy.”

        The retirement of the Hon. Anson Bnrlingame from the position

        of United States minister in November, 1867, furnished to

        the Chinese government both an admirable agent and opportunitv

        for an initial step in establishing diplomatic intercourse

        M-ith the treaty powers. Into the hands of this gentleman was

        placed the charge of a general mission to those governments,

        there being added two co-ordinate Chinese ministers, an English

        and French secretary, and six students from the Tung-wiin

        Kwan at Peking. The three ministers were appointed Imperial

        Envoys and furnished with a letter of credence to eleven

        governments. The party left Shanghai February- 25, 1868,

        for San Francisco, which ])ort they reached about a month

        later. Few persons can now appreciate the excitement and

        discussion in China and elsewhere caused by this first diplomatic

        effort of the imperial government to take its place among

        the family of nations. Mr. Bnrlingame, naturally hopeful and

        enthusiastic, described his mission as an earnest of future peaceful

        relations with the Middle Kingdom. AVherever he went he

        elevated the estimate held of that ancient land by his hearers,

        and urged the European courts to l)ut wait in patience until its

        backward people might be pi-epared for the changes it wished

        to adopt. Those changes and improvements were only to be

        ‘ The trial and condemnation of an American, who was hung at Shanghai in

        1804 for the murder of two Chinese, tended to repress lawlessness on the part

        of foreigners and assure the native rulers of theirearnest co-operation in bringing

        tlic guilty to punishment. Tlie enlightened and friendly action of Prince

        Kiing in issuing a proclamation, at re(iuest of Mr. Burlinganie, against allowing

        any American Confederate cruisers to enter Chinese waters, was warmly appreciated

        by this and the other treaty powers as an interesting testimonial of

        tlie genuine friendsliip which was already disarming fear.

        ‘Compare Captain Bridge, 77w; Warlike Power of China, iu Franer^s Magazine,

        Vol. 90, pp. 778 ir.

        THE BI^RLINGAME MISSION. 697

        adopted when China liad become convinced of their need and

        practicability ; but many of Mr. Bnrlingame’s hearers were

        botli more eager and more ambitions than he, regarding the

        introduction of raih’oads, telegraphs, and steamers as opening

        an enormous field for their own innnediate activity and gain.

        The consequent indignation among foreign merchants in China and at hojue upon learning the extent of his exaggeration was universal ; the British merchants especially representing in strong terms the evil consequences of such ” baseless expectations.”

        The different points of view of the two parties will account for their opposite opinions. On the one side, the merchants were vexed that their hopes of a general trade arising all over China, as a result of the treaties of Tientsin, were likely to be disappointed, owing to the increasing attention of native traders in their own internal and external commerce to the exclusion of foreigners ; while on the other, Mr. Burlingame laid great stress on those things which the Chinese government desired

        and intended to do as they became more and more qualified

        to act for themselves, through the agencies and institutions

        which they were inaugm-ating. The merchants seemed to

        think that nothing had as yet been accomplished in the direction

        of ” progress,” inasmuch as their personal expectations of an

        instant and lucrative trade were not realized ; in reply to Mr.

        Burlingame’s ” enthusiastic fictions,” they called for “tangible

        evidence of the existence of this spirit M’hich he celebrates so

        loudly—some tittle of proof to support his sweeping theory.” ‘

        Without dw^elling further upon these discussions, it pertains

        to the present narrative to briefly point out the two salient

        features of China’s initial attempt to knock at the doors of

        ‘ See the letters to the Daily News of J. Barr Robertson, of Shanghai, which have been taken as a fairly characteristic specimen of the mercantile and political view. An article by the same gentleman in the Wedminster Revkic for January, 1870, is rather calmer in language. Other data and opinions may be gathered from a work filling 890 pages, by the late J. von Gumpach, entitled The Biirlinf/ir/ne Miaxion : A Political Disrlostire, etc., 1872. Compare also the English newspapers issued in Shanghai and Hongkong in 1867-70; Bntish ParUamentay Papers ; U. S. Ex. Doc., Foreign IMitions, 1868-71; Harper’s Monthly Maaazine, Vol. XXXVII., p. 592; The Galaxy, Vol. VI., p. 613-

        Other nations. Of these the first may be described as wholly

        sentimental ; but it was the healthy sentiment of justice and

        good feeling towai’d a distant and unknown community, which

        Mr. Burlingame’s tact and ability called forth in behalf of his

        clients’ cause from their recent conquerors. Dui’ing the years

        1SG8 and 1869 he spoke for the right and privilege of the

        Chinese to manage their om’ii affairs, and in America, England,

        France, Prussia, and other countries had already created a more

        healthy feeling of forbearance toward them, when his sudden

        death at St. Petei-sburg (February, 1870) cut short the complete

        achievement of his mission.’

        ‘ His colleagues, Chi-kaiig and Sun Kia-kii, afterward visited Italy, Spain, and other countries, returning to China within the same year. Neither of them was, however, brought forward at the capital as an adviser in relation to foreign ailairs.

        ITS TKEATY BETWEEN CHINA AND AMERICA. 699

        In the United States the passage of this embassy might have made but a transient impression had it not negotiated a treaty of eight articles (July 28, 1868), regarded as an integral part of the Reed, treaty of ten years previous. This, the second feature of the mission, has been attended with consequences whose influence does not yet appear to have ceased. Owing to the surprise of the Chinese government, which had given no express instructions as to treaty-making, the Foreign Office was somewhat tardy in ratifying this compact. This was, however, done in the following year. Its fifth article provides that the contracting powers “cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the nuitual advantage of the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from the one country to the other for the purposes of curiosity, or trade, or as permanent residents. The high contracting parties therefore join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary emigration for these purposes.” At this time the British and French ministers had recently agreed to a convention with Prince Kung respecting the conduct of the coolie trade in accordance with the stipulations made at Peking in October, 1860. The draft of those regulations had been submitted to the American as well as all other foreign legations, but only the Spanish treaty contained an article allowing the engagement of Chinese laborej’s in their own country for service abroad. This traffic had become so infamous

        from the cruelties and wrongs perpetrated on the coolies,

        both in China before they embarked and in Cuba and Peru

        after they had landed, that the American Congress had already

        passed laws against it ; and this article was drawn up almost

        wholly with reference to that trade, and to show the abhorrence

        with which it was regarded. Chinese immigrants had come

        to San Francisco to the number of Hfty-three thousand since

        1855, and had been harshly treated by the miners and others in their common struggle for gold ; the Burlingame treaty simply acknowledged their right to immigrate like other foreigners.’

        Meantime at Peking the foreign ambassadors were in the way

        of learniny; that in their relations with the government to which

        they were accredited they had to deal with men of acute minds,

        whose prejudices and conservatism only needed enlightening to

        bring them quite upon a level with any other body of intelligent

        diplomatists. It was indeed a crucial period with Prince

        Kung and his coadjutors of the Tsung-li Yamun—Wansiang,

        Tung Sinn, Tan Ting-siang, llung-ki—who were placed between

        the two great pressures of a warped and bigoted nuiltitude of

        literati wedded to the old regime and the ministers of the outside

        powers, themselves dwelling complacently in the imperial

        city and representing armies and navies which had been found

        invincible. Tlie pride of the ” Celestial ” was necessarily

        brought low, but the situation was accepted, on the whole,

        both wisely and cautiously ; the good fortune of having men of

        the kindness and honor of Bruce, Ylangali, P>erthemy, and Burlingame as heads of the four chief legations, can hardly be exaggerated in its encouraging and healthful effects upon the impression taking root in the minds of Chinese officers.

        At this juncture occurred the massacre at Tientsin of twenty

        ‘ But notwithstanding its acceptance of their “inalienable right ” to freely change their residence, the clamor against this admission was afterward so great among the people on the Pacific coast that a special embassy of three commissioners was sent to Peking in 1880, which relegated the right of admitting Chinese as immigrants into American territory entirely to Congress.

        French and Eussiaus and destruction ui’ the French consuhite

        L’Uthedral, and uj’phanage, by a niub on June 21, l:?i7U, attended

        by circumstances of great atrocity. The event was a severe

        blow as well to the anxious mandarins at the capital as to

        every honest friend of the new order of things thioughout the

        Empire. The Peking authorities were slow at lirst in opening

        an investigation, but testified to their earnestness and righteous

        indignation at the enormity in disposing troops about the capital

        and summarily examining the criminals, so that by the end

        of a month every fear of a general emeute had vanished.

        The causes which led to this outbreak appear to have been

        almost wholly local, taking their rise in the year 1861, w’hen

        the French occupied as their consvdate a temple in Tientsin,

        where in former times the citizens nsed to promenade ; this and

        other unpopular acts kept the natives at enmity with them.

        A more especial account of the most important of these is contained in Mr. Low’s despatch of June 27th: ”At many of the principal places in China open to foreign residence, the Sisters of Charity have established institutions, each of which appears to combine in itself a foundling lu)spital and orphan asylum. Finding that the Chinese were averse to placing children in their charge, the managers of these institutions offered a certain sum per head for all the children })l;iced under their control given to them, it being understood that a child once in their asylum no parent, relative, or guardian could claim or exercise

        any control over it. It has been for some time asserted

        by the Chinese, and believed by most of the non-Catholic foreigners

        residing here, that the system of paying bounties induced

        the kidnapping of children for these institutions for the

        sake of the reward. It is also asserted that the priests or Sisters,

        or both, have been in the habit of holding out inducements

        to have children brought to them in the last staii^es of illness,

        for the purpose of being baptized in aiilealo /jwrtis. In

        this way many children have been taken to these establishments

        in the last stages of disease, baptized there, and soon

        after taken away dead. All these acts, together M’ith the

        secrecy and seclusion which ap]’)ear to be a part and parcel of

        the regulations which govern institutions of this character

        THE TIENTSIN MASSACRE. 701

        everywhere, have created suspicions in the minds of tlie Chinese,

        and these suspicions have engendered an intense hatred

        agahist tlie Sisters on tlie pai-t of all the common ])e(»ple who

        live anywhere near a mission ; and any rumor concei’ning tlie

        Sisters or their acts, however improbable or absuixl, found thousands

        of willing and honest believers among the ignorant and

        superstitious people. Some time about the end of May or be«

        ginning of June an epidemic prevailed at the Sisters’ institution

        at Tientsin, and a considerable number of the children died.

        In some way the report got abroad that the Sisters were killing

        the children to get their eyes and hearts for the purpose of

        manufacturing some sort of a medical specific much sought

        after in Europe and connnanding a fabulous price. This report

        spread from one to another, and soon the belief became

        general. Crowds of people assembled from time to time near

        the mission buildings, demanding the liberation of the children,

        and on one occasion they became so noisy that the Sisters, fearing

        violence from the mob, consented that an examination

        should be made by a connnittee of five. The consul, hearing

        of the disturbance, made his appearance about this time, and

        although the connnittee had been selected and were then in the

        building, he stopped the whole proceeding and drove away the

        committee Nvith angry w^ords. Subsequently the district magistrate

        took a man who had been industriously spreading the reports,

        who said he could ])oint out the persons who were guilty

        of acts of sorcery and o^her crimes, to question him in the presence

        of the Sisters, and when confronted by them admitted that

        all his stories were without foundation and false. The day

        prior to the outbreak the district magistrate {ch’iJilen) called

        upon the French consul, and stated that unless permission be

        given for a thorough examination of the Sisters’ establishment,

        it was difficult to foretell the result. The consul, construing

        the language into a threat, replied that the magistrate being inferior

        in rank to the consul, no negotiation could take place

        between them for the purpose indicated or any other.”’

        ‘ Foreign Relations of the United States, 1870, p. 355. A private letter quoted in the Westminster Review for April, 1871, says : ” Even then (on the I9th) I think the riot could have been prevented if the consul had earnestly joined

        This very unwise answer turned the popuLir rage against the

        French consuLate as well as the cathedi-al and orphanage, and

        the 21st saw a surging multitude assembled in their vicinity

        ready for any violence. M. Foutanier, the Frent-h ct)nsul, now

        thoroughly alarmed, hurried off to the yannm of Chuughow (the

        superintendent of customs), while stones Hew about the building

        he was quitting. For the rest, this poor man’s fate is involved

        in uncertainty. Eeaching Chunghow’s office in a ” state of excitement

        bordering upon insanity,” he failed, either by persuasion

        or menace, in getting that dignitary to promise the impossible—

        to quell at once the angry }nob. The officials, indeed, by this

        time were as helpless as he, and coidd only urge his renuiining

        in the compound until the streets were clear. But the Frenchman

        and his clerk heeded nothing ; how they were cut down in

        the way, after firing into the angry mob, hoM* the rampant populace

        now attacked and pillaged the three or four French l)uildino-

        s, how the defenceless Sisters were butchered in their orphanaire

        after sufferini^; nameless barbarities, and how the frenzied

        host left the burning ruins to glut their passions upon the

        neighboring houses, has come to the wt)rld solely on Chinese

        authoi-ity, and nnist renuiin always in the obscurity resulting

        from greatly contiicting testimony. The children of the orphanage,

        however, were taken off, and tht)ugh attenq^ts upon

        some of the Protestant buildings were made, nothing serious

        resulted. Among the saddest casualties of this bloody day was

        the death of a Russian, his young bride, and a friend, who in

        esca|)ing toward the foreign settlement of Tsz’-chuh-lin, two

        miles away, were mistaken for Frenchmen and pronq^tly hacked

        to pieces on the road. The total number of victims in the

        massacre amounted to twenty foreigners and as many more

        Chinese servants, acolytes, and others.

        To the joint note of the seven foreign ministers in ‘Peking, calling* for immediate and vigorous measures in the face of this terrible news, Prince Kung replied (on the 25th) that in vindication of the honor and justice of the inq3erial government toward with the local authorities in raakinq a full inquiry, with a number of the gentry, inside of the infirmary and church, to show them again that the rumors of foul deeds therein were groundless.”

        ACTION OF THE PEKING GOVEllNMENT. 703

        foreigners, Tsang Ivvvoli-faii (governor-general of the province)

        and Cliunghow luiJ already been directed to do everything

        in their power to suppress tlie spirit of riot and arrest lawless

        men. An imperial edict was issued for the appiehension

        of Chau, Chang, and Lin, the intendant, prefect, and magistrate

        of Tientsin, for their remissness and complicity in the riot.

        The fact that no foreign armed vessel was there on the 21st

        doubtless had its weight with these officials in carrying ont

        their plans at the moment. They now saw that they had pursued

        their ill-will too far, and that retribution was sure to follow

        for their atrocities. Exaggerated reports of their doings had

        rapidly gone over the world, and as the extent and strength of

        the disaffection in other provinces could not be ascertained, the

        inference was made that all foreigners in China were in tmminent

        jeopardy, and that the people had at last risen in their streno;th to aid their sovereii^n to drive them out of the land.

        When the storm had passed over, and those in authority had examined the criminals and given such justice as they could, the opinions of the best informed observers as to the immediate causes were found to be sustained.

        In a few weeks the naval forces of the leading powers had assembled at Tientsin. The French charge d’affairs, Count E-ochechouart, took the lead and demanded the execution of the prefect and magistrate for having instigated the riot. The Chinese refused to do this until a trial had proved their guilt

        liaving, perhaps, in some measure recovered their composure

        upon learning of the commencement of hostilities between

        France and Germany, The imperial government was unable

        itself to coerce the turbulent populace of Tientsin, for it had no

        troops who could be depended on to punish the rioters, with

        whom the soldiers sympathized. The extravagant statements

        and demands continually put forth in the Shanghai and Hongkong

        newspapers tended to irritate and disconcert those high

        officials, who w^ere already at their wits’ end and were anxious

        to prevent a worse disaster. The foreigners seemed to think

        that they could utter hard charges indiscriminately against the

        Chinese rulers and people, who on their part were not to say a

        word. Minister Low, in his despatch of August 24th, when

        speaking of tlie thousands of fans sold at Tientsin containing

        luc-turco of the riot and murdering of foreigners, sajs : ”These

        fans are made to suit the taste of the people, and the fact that

        such engravings Mill cause a better sale for the fans is a conclusive

        argument that there is no sentiment of regret or sorrow

        among the people over the result of the riot. There is, undoubtedly,

        greater unanimity of opinion in Tientsin in favor of

        the rioters than in Ireland among the peasantry in favor of one

        of their number who shoots his landlord. If this feelinij in

        Ireland is strong enough to baffle all attempts of the English

        government to bring to justice by the ordinary forms of laM’ a

        peasant accused of injuring the person or property of his landlord,

        is it surprising that this feeble central government should

        find it difficult to ascertain and punish the rioters in a city of

        four hundred thousand inhabitants, all of whom either aided

        in the massacre or sympathized with the rioters?”‘

        The judicial investigations in Tientsin were conducted in a

        dilatory manner, but the above indicates some of the difficulties

        in the way of the presiding judges. However, on October 5th

        and 10th II. I. Majesty’s decrees were made known to the foreign

        ministers, stating that the prefect and magistrate had been

        banished to Manchuria, twenty criminals who had killed the

        foreigners sentenced to death, and twenty-one others actively

        aiding in the riot banished. On the morning of October I8th

        sixteen were decapitated in the presence of the foreign consuls

        and others assembled as witnesses. This closing act of the

        tragedy, as a condign punishment of guilt, was, however, unfortunate

        ; it was made rather an occasion of showinic to the

        people that the sufferers had the sympathy of their rulers, while

        many foreigners looked upon the execution as a ghastly farce

        ” a cold-blooded nuu’der.” Many believed that the sixteen men

        M-ere purchased victims; the proofs were ample, however, of

        the complicity of all ; indeed, some of them gloried in what they

        Iiad done, and were escorted by admiring friends to the block.”

        ^Foreifin Jirlntiov!^ of the UnHed StatcK- China, 1871, p. 380.

        ‘ As an instance of some of the bitter sentiment rampant upon this occasion,

        may he quoted tlie open proposition of a British missionary, who insisted that

        one-half of the city of Tieutsiu be razed by a detachment of foreign troops of

        PUNISHMENT OF THE RIOTERS. 705

        It is a pal})al)le exaggeration of the power or desires of a

        Chinese official to affirm that he is capable of buying up candidates

        for ini mediate execution.

        As to the remaining four condemned culprits, M. Ylangali, the

        Tvussian minister, judiciously refused to accept their deaths as a

        proper satisfaction foi- the murder of the three Ilussians until satisfied

        personally of their direct complicity in the deed. A careful

        examination of their case having been made before the consulgeneral

        of the Czar at Tientsin, revealed the fact that only two

        were guilt v of the actual crime ; the minister consented then

        that the punishment of the other two should be commuted to

        banishment. The sum of Tls. 400,000 was paid to the French

        for loss of life and property ; in addition to this the loss done

        to Protestant mission premises was also made good. Chunghow

        was appointed imperial commissioner to proceed to France

        and present to that government a formal apology for the affair.

        This mission left Peking early in 1871 and returned the following

        year. The American missionaries who had in August been

        frightened away from their post in Tangchau’ by the warnings

        and threats of certain evil disposed persons, were taken back from

        their asylum in Chifu two months later in the U. S. S. Benicia,

        and publicly received by the prefect. This was the only instance

        throughout the Empire, connected with the riot of June,

        in which foreigners were interfered with, and here grave doubts

        exist as to the i-eality of danger and need of flight from Tangchau.

        In estimating the conduct of the Chinese in dealing with this

        eruption, the foreign press habitually spoke of them as if they

        were unwilling to grant any redress or take any measures for

        the future safety of those living among their sul)jects. Little

        consideration was made for the enormous difficulties of their

        position. They had been reared in ignorance of the multiplied

        questions and responsibilities involved in the recent treaties

        with other nations ; and though the foreign ministers were

        various nationalities, and that a pillar be erected upon the open space thus

        made, with a suitable inscription as to the occasion and authors of the monument.

        ‘ On the promontory of Shantung.

        really acting most kindly toward them in forcing them to can-v

        out every plain treaty obligation, the fair-minded observer can

        find small excuse for the harsh criticism, not to add abuse,

        which was hurled at everything said or done by Prince Kung

        and his colleagues in their peril and perplexity. The writers in

        newspapers seemed to look upon China as an appanage of

        Europe—one Englishman even going so far as to urge the most

        reckless employment of force to compel her rulers to give up

        the three odious officials to be dealt with and publicly executed.

        Another says that the execution of the sixteen criminals could

        “hardly be viewed as other than cold-blooded murder while

        those men are shielded from the demands of justice.” Yet

        these writers forgot that all the treaties required that ” Chinese

        subjects guilty of criminal acts toward foreigners shall be arrested

        and punished by the Chinese authorities according to

        the laws of China ;” and each nation obliged itself to try and

        punish its own criminals. Chunghow was the object of much

        abuse because he had not prevented or put down the mob,

        though he was merely a revenue officer and had neither territorial

        nor military jurisdiction at Tientsin. Even the members

        of the Tsung-li Yamun were freely charged with complicity

        in the tragedy, if not knowledge or approval. In short, the

        whole history of the riot—its causes, growth, culmination, results,

        and repression—combine as many of the serious obstacles

        in the way of harmonizing Chinese and European civilizations

        as anything which ever occurred.’

        ‘ The records of this event are widely scattered in the local papers published in China and in diplomatic correspondence. See the ^fi’ssio^l(l)•l/ Recorder November, 1870, and January, 1871 ; Jouriuil of N. C. Bnntch of li. A. Soc, No. VI., pp. 18()-1!)0; Eiliiihiir(]h Iier/nr, Jannary, 1871; ]\'(!<tiitiii!itcr Reriew, April, 1871, Art. VI. ; T/te Tiod^in Massacre, kc, by Geo. Thin, M.D., Edinburgh, 1870; Foreitpi Relations of the United States for 1870 and 1871 ; Ij^gation to China ; ParUamentanj Elite Book, 1871 ; H. Blerzy, Les affaires de Chine en 1871, Revue des Deu.r Mondes, 1 juillet, 1871 ; North China Daily News and North China lTer(dd for 1870. One of the most carefully prepared and interesting accounts of the massacre is contained in Baron Iliibner’s Rani’hie Jionnd the World, translated by Lady Herbert, New York, 1875, pp. 526-573.

        KULES SUGGESTED FOR CONTROL OF MISSIONARIES. 707

        As a natural sequence to the judicial proceedings which terminated the Tientsin tragedy, came the inquiry of the imperial counsel into what was briefly summed upas the “missionary question.” More than ten years had now elapsed since the general repeal of all pre-existing edicts against Christianity in the Empire, and the officials were already concerned as to the movements and rumors respecting the new sect which had come to their ears since that time. Accordingly in February, 1871, after an earnest study of the matter from their stand-point, the Foreign Office sent to the various legations the following note and memorandum:

        TuNGCiii, 9th year, 12th moon, 24th day.

        Sir : In relation to the missionary question, the members of the Foreign

        Office are apprehensive lest in their efforts to manage the various points connected

        with it they .shall interrupt the good relations existing between this

        and other governments, and have therefore drawn up several rules upon the

        subject. These arc now enclosed, witli an explanatory minute, for your examination,

        and we hope that you will take them into careful consideration.

        With compliments, cards of Wansiang.

        Shan Kwei-fan.

        The rules proposed (1) that only the children of native Christians be received into Komish asylums ; (2) that ” in order to exhibit the reserve and strict propriety of Christianity,” no Chinese females should enter the chapels nor foreign women propagate the doctrines ; (3) that missionaries should confine themselves to their proper calling, and that they ” ought not to be permitted to set up an independent style and authority ;” (4) that they should not interfere in trials of their native converts when brought into criminal courts ; (5) that passports given to missionaries should not be transferred, but returned to the Chinese authorities when no longer required, “nor should they avail themselves of the passport to secretly go elsewhere,” as the French ofttimes did ; (6) that the missionaries should never receive men of bad character into the church, nor retain

        those of notoriously evil characters ; moreover that quarterly reports

        of the converts be handed in to the provincial officers, as

        did the Buddhist and Taoist houses ; (7) that missionaries

        should not use official seals, nor write official despatches to the

        local authorities, nor otherwise act as if they were officials

        instead of commoners. The last rule complained of the unreasonable demands of the Rouiisli missionaries for lands and houses to be restored to them in accordance with the Peking convention ; it proposed that no more be restored, and that lantis bought for erecting churches be held in the name of the native church members.

        This state paper was remarkable as being the first in which

        the Chinese government had expressed its desire for a satisfactory

        discussion and decision of the difficult questions involved

        in Christian missions, and the quasi independence allowed their

        foreign agents by the treaties. The public sentiment among

        foreigners in China was that these good people had a right to

        do everything not expressly prohibited by treaty until their

        own consular officers notified them to the contrary. The un

        authorized conduct of Romish missionaries in two western

        provinces had already given rise to riots, in which Frenchmen

        had been killed. In such judicial proceedings as that described

        by Abbe Hue in his interesting travels are seen the high-handed

        perversion of justice denounced in the seventh section of this

        paper.’ The writers of these rules were hardly aware of the

        serious import of the questions they had grappled, still less of

        the ignorance they exhibited in their handling of them. All

        the strictures referred exclusively to the Roman Catholics, for

        Protestant missionaries were hardly known to the Chinese

        magistrates, no complaints having been entered against them.

        Most of the foreign ministers long delayed their answers to this

        minute, so that no personal discussion ever took place between

        the parties most interested. The straightforward and eai’iiest reply of Mr. Low, the United States envoy (dated March 20th), carefully went over all the main points, and gave Wansiang

        and Shan Kwei-fan a clear idea of what they might expect from

        other ministers, together Avith manv “‘ood sut^y-estions as to their

        own duties. Nothing practical ever came of the paper, but the

        discussions it caused throughout the country showed the interest

        felt in the whole matter.” A few Protestant missionaries

        themselves indulged in harsh sti-ictures on the native officials,

        ‘ Travels in tJie Chinese Empire, Vol. I., Chap. VI.

        ‘ Forciyn Relations of the United States, 1871, pp. 99-111 ; also for 1872, pp 118-130 and 137-138. Missionary Recorder, Vols. III. and IV. passim.

        THEIR RECEPTION BY FOREIGNERS. 709

        one going the length of saving tliat he “looked upon the document

        rather as an excuse offered beforehand for premeditated

        outrages than as an indication of measures being taken to prevent

        them.” However, no evil results ever came to the converts

        or their teachers from the discussion of the minute, and

        its diffusion gave many i-eaders their first information on the

        whole subject. Differences of opinion led to a comparison of

        facts, and the small number of grievances reported upheld the

        conclusion that the Chinese officials and literati had been, on the

        whole, extremely moderate, considering their limited opportunities

        to examine the question and the irritation aroused by the

        demands and hauteur of the Romish missionaries. The unjust

        manner in which they possessed themselves of the ground

        within the city of Canton on which the governor-general’s yamun

        once stood had made a deep impression on the citizens;

        and when their cathedral, towering above all the temples and

        ofiices of the metropolis, was located upon this site, their indignation

        knew no bounds.

        The year 1873 saw the conclusion of the Mohammedan insurrection

        in the north-western provinces, the exact extent of

        which has never been perfectly made known. The capture of

        Suhchau (near the Kiayii Pass in Kansuh) by the imperial

        troops under General Tso Tsung-tang brought to an end all organized

        rebellion in China Proper.’ As is customary, the central

        government threw the responsibility of promoting the

        peace of the provinces upon their governors, and the welldisposed

        among the people were usually sure of protection.

        The foreign administration of the import customs turned a

        large and certain revenue into the hands of the Peking officials,

        and their development of the defences of the coast in buildingforts,

        launching war steamers, and making war material at the

        new arsenals, indicated their fears of foreign reprisals and

        their unwisdom in deeming such outlays effectual. The same

        money spent in making good wagon roads, working iron, coal,

        and other mines, deepening navigable watercourses, and intro-

        ‘ Foreign Relations of the United States., 1874^ p. 350. Peking Gazette, December 28, 1873. ciuc’ing fimall steamers on them, would have brought more substantial returns. But these were achievements which the future alone coukl accomplish, and the people must be somewhat taught and prepared for them before any permanent advances would ensue.’

        On October 16, 1872, occurred the marriage of the Emperor Tungchi to Aluteli, a Manchu lady. The ceremonies attending her selection, betrothal, and espousal were elaborate and complete in every particular. Such an event had only once before taken place during the Manchu dynasty—when Kanghi was a minor, in 1674—all the other emperors having been

        married during their fathers’ reigns. The occasion, therefore,

        excited great attention, while the attendant expenses were

        enormous ; but all passed off without the least disturbance and

        apparently to general satisfaction. The two Empresses-dowager

        controlled the details, the most important of which were announced

        to the Empire in a series of edicts prepared by members

        of the Li P\i^ or Board of Bites, containing directions for

        every motion of the two principal actors, as well as for those

        who joined the ceremonies during the occasion till the 21st of

        the montli.^

        The young Emperor entered into the spirit of the preparations

        with great interest, and on the day before sending the

        bride her phoenix robes and diadem he ordered three princes to

        offer sacrifice and burn incense on the altar to heaven, ” these

        informing heaven that he was about to marry Aluteh, the wise,

        virtuous, and accomplished daughter of Chung, duke and

        member of the llanlin.” Another prince informed mother

        earth, and a third announced it to the imperial ancestors, in

        their special temple. During the weeks preceding and following

        the happy day, all courts throughout the land were closed

        and a general jail delivery promulgated.

        ‘ Compare a rather enthnsiastic article by Captain A. G. Bridge, The Bciiral vf the Warhke Poirer of China, Fmnrfs Mitfiozinp ior imw, 1879, p. 778.

        * A translation of these papers was made at Shanghai, not long after, by Miss L. M. Fay, an American lady, and furnishes an interesting and authentic account of the whole wedding.

        MARRIAGE OF THE EMPEROR TUNOCIII, 711

        Many of the ceremonies and processions in Peking were not public, for considerations of state and security deuianded great care.’ On the 19tli the wedding was thus announced to the foreign ministers by II. I. Majesty, through Prince Kung : “We having with pious veneration succeeded to the vast dominion founded by Our ancestors, and enjoying in its fuhiess the glorious lot to which We have been destined, have chosen one

        virtuous and modest to be the mistress of Our imperial home.

        Upon October 15th, We, by patent, installed Aluteh, daughter

        of Chung Chi, a sJu-tslany in the Ilanliu College, as Empress.

        This from the Emperor.” The court had not as yet outgrown

        its exclusiveness further than this step of announcing the marriage

        and its completion ; and to those best acquainted with the

        etiquette observed for centuries, even this seemed to be a good

        deal in advance of former times. The great counsellors of

        state soon arranged for closing the regency which had existed

        since 1861. The Emperor Tungchi, though born on April 27,

        1856, was called seventeen at his marriage. The Empressesdowager

        accordingly announced on October 22d that he

        would attain his majority at the next Chinese new year, and be

        inaugurated with all the usual ceremonies. One of his special

        imperial functions, that of offering sacrifices to heaven at the

        winter solstice, would be performed by him in person—a ceremony

        which had been intermitted since December, 1859.

        ‘ For a report of what could be watched of this ceremony, see William Simpson, Meeting (lie Sun, Chap. XV. The bridal procession came off during the night, when a bright moonlight enabled him to see it pass, without molestation, from the shop where he was hidden. This chiaroscuro sort of panorama rather suited the ideas of the people, and was submitted to by the Pekingese crowd without a murmur. Compare K. Bismark in the Galaxy, Vol. XIX., p. 182; CornMl Magazine, Vol. XXVII., p. 83.

        Accordingly, on February 23, 1873, he issued a decree through the Board of Rites, as follows : ” A¥e are the humble recipient of a decree from their Majesties the two Empresses, declaring it to be their pleasure that We, being now of full age, should in person assume the superintendence of business, and in concert with Our officers in the capital and in the provinces, attend to the work of good government. In respectful obedience to the commands of their Majesties, We do in person enter upon the important duty assigned to L s on the 26th day of the 1st moon of the 12th year of the reign Tungclii.”

        This announceineTit was on the same day connnunicated to the

        ministers of Itussia, Germany, tlie United States, Great Britain,

        and France. They returned a collective note the following

        morning, and asked Prince Ivnng to ” take his Imperial Majesty’s

        orders with reference to their reception.”” This intimation

        could not have been nnexpected to him and his colleagues, but

        with their nsual habit of putting off the inevitaljle, they began

        to make excuses. .Vfter deferring the consultation with the envoi’s

        a fortnight on the plea of AVansiang’s illness, they met

        at the Russian legation on March 11th. The question of

        the I’ofoir was the crucial point, as it had Ijeen in 1859 between

        1\ weiliang and Mr. Ward. Then the conrt was willing to accept

        a sort of curtsey instead of a prostration when the American

        minister apjjroached the throne. Xow the court had put the

        strongest argument into the hands of foreign ministers by

        sending the Burlini^-ame mission to their courts, and the ritjhts

        of independent nations could not be waived or implicated by

        the least sign of inferiority. The conference was amicable and

        the matter fully ventilated. The demands n])on the Chinese

        were summarized by the ministers : That a pei-sonal audience

        with the Emperor was proper and needful ; that it should not

        be unnecessarily delayed ; and that they would not kneel before

        him, nor perform any other ceremony derogatory to their

        own dignity or that of their nationalities. These points were

        maintained as their united decision in the weary series of conferences,

        correspondence, and delays which ensued during the

        next four months in Peking. The prince and his colleagues,

        by their discussion of the point, had aroused the resistance of

        the great body of literati and conservative officials in the Empire,

        who had grown u]^ in the belief that its unity and prosperity

        were involved in the [)erf()rnuince of the kotow. The

        discussion in July, 185!), when the Emjieror Ilienfung could

        safely decline to admit Mr. Ward to an audience without it, had

        exhausted their ai’gunu’iits ; but his son had come to the throne

        under the new influences, which were rapidly breaking down

        all those old ideas and safeguards. The prince had, moreover,

        DISCUSSION OF THE AUDIENCE QUESTION. 7J3

        ieariied tiiat the foreign ministers were not very strongly sup^

        ported by tlieir own governments, none of whom intended to

        make the audience question a casus helli, or even a reason for

        withdrawing their legations from Peking. Perhaps the Yannni

        thought that the departure of the Ilussian and German ministers

        would leave the other three less inclined to persist in their

        demand, if serious consequences were likely to result.

        The American minister clearly states the pith of the matter

        in his despatch of March S-ith in his closing words : ” I attach

        importance to the proper settlement of the audience question

        at the earliest time possible. To demand it, and urge compliance

        with the demand, is a duty every western nation owes

        to its own dignity and to the welfare of its citizens and subjects

        residing here ; it is also a kindness to this government to try

        through this moans to improve relations, and thus prevent, or

        at least postpone, what are now likely at any time to occur—hostile collisions, with their dreadful consequences.” ‘ This

        alternative was not a fanciful one, and this canse of chronic

        dispute and irritation between China and other nations during

        many centuries was removed chiefly through the patient pereistance

        of Mr. Low in this discussion. His despatches contain

        every fact and argument of importance in perhaps the most

        serious controversy ever brought before China. One cannot

        but sympathize with Prince Ivung and his colleagues in their

        dilennna, and to this embarrassment Mr. Low gives due weight.

        The Chinese ofhcials took a month to discuss the points

        among themselves, and signs of yielding were apparent both

        in the note of Prince Kung of April IGth and the memorandum

        of the 29th brought forward at an interview with the

        legations. Much of the same ground was gone over again ; a

        vacation ensued, then another protocol on May 15tli appeared,

        followed by notes on the 20th and 29th from both sides,

        all tending to the desired conclusion. At last the audience

        question was settled on June 29th by the Emperor first

        ‘ Forenjn EelatioriH nfllip United Sfiitrs, 1873, p. 160. See also the despatches

        of that year, and compare Pauthier’s ITixUrfrc flea TiiiatioiiH Politique (fe la Cliine, Paris, 1858. Narrative of the American Embassy’s visit to Peking, N. a Br. R. As. Sv., Vol. I, 1859.

        receiving Soyeshima, the ambassador from Japan, by himself; and immediately afterward the five ministers of Russia, the United States, (ireat Britain, J”ranee, and Holland, accompanied only by Mr. Carl Bismarck, the German secretary, who interpreted for them.’ Mr, Low’s despatch of July 10th, giving the details of the ceremonies and the previous discussion in settling them, with the difficulty the prince and others had in swallowing

        the bitter pill, is very valuable as a description of the finale

        of this last struggle of Chinese seclusion to resist the incoming

        wave of w’estern power. The wall of their separation was at

        last broken down. They were really stronger and wiser than

        ever, and every nation interested felt a relief that the days of

        proud assumption were ended. The young Emperor held only

        three more audiences during his short reign of nineteen months ;

        and in all these discussions he seems to have taken no active

        part, nor did he oppose the conclusion. His ignorance of the

        whole question made his opinion a matter of small moment.

        Among other advantages resulting to all parties by the settlement

        of this question was the right adjustment of the Chinese

        government in its relations with other courts. This acknowledgment

        of their equality as independent nations did not in anywise

        interfere with the obeisance of native ofiicials when approaching

        their sovereign ; but it smoothed the way for future

        diplomatic relations. Xo western power could maintain an

        envoy near the TTtrmvjt’i at Peking with the least self-respect

        if he were not allowed to see this potentate unless by prostrating

        himself. While none of the great nations would deem a mere

        matter of ceremony a sufficient pretext for resorting to war

        since war itself often fails to convince—a long, continuance of

        this state of affairs must inevitably have led to complications

        the more unpleasant to diplomatists because sure to be oft-recurring.

        It was probably owing to the personal influence of Prince Kung and Wansiang, the two most enlightened statesmen of this period, that a further insistance upon the kotow was not made, and preparations thus arranged for reciprocal courtesies when Chinese ambassadors appeared at foreign courts.

        ‘ Compare the lUustrated London News for June 23, 1873.

        THE AUDIENCE GRANTED—COOLIE TKADE STOPPED. 715

        But against what tremendous odds of superstition and national

        prejudice these two otiicials were pitted in this curious contest

        those who liave never lived in the Empire can liardly appreciate.’

        The years 1873 and IST-i were marked by the abolition of

        the coolie trade at Macao, which since its rise in IS-iS had been

        attended with many atrocities on land and sea. During these

        twenty-five years attempts had been made to conduct the trade

        with some regard for the rights of the laborers, but experience

        had shown that to do this was practically impossible if the

        business were to be made remunerative. Driven from Hongkong

        and Whampoa, the agents of this traffic had long found

        shelter in the Portuguese harbor of Macao, from which semiindependent

        port they could despatch Chinese crimps on kidnapping

        excursions for their nefarious trade. When at last the

        governor closed this haven to its continuance, the Spaniards and

        Peruvians were the only nationalities whom the action affected ;

        but Spain, falling back on her treaty of 1864, insisted that the

        coolie trade be allowed. The Yanmn was advised not to admit

        this privilege until the harsh treatment of the laborers in Cuba

        had been inquired into. This was done in 1873, by means of a

        commission composed of three foreigners and two Chinese, who

        made as thorough an inquiry as the Cuban authorities would

        permit and reported the results in 1874. Since the dreadful

        disclosures which transpired in their report the trade has never

        revived. Peru, indeed, sent M. Garcia as its envoy to Peking to negotiate a treaty and obtain the right of engaging laborers,

        but tills o-entleinan met with no success whatever. The Chinese iieirotiations on this occasion showed the <rood resulti? of their freer intercourse with foreigners in the improved character of their arguments for maintaining their rights.” Tlic Lamentable condition of Chinese laborers in Peru was fully enough proved, inasmuch as their appeal for relief to their home government had been before the Yannm since 18GS, but it could do nothing effectual to help them.

        ‘ Of Wansiang’s personal history little is known. He was a Mancliu, and a man of uncommonly prepossessing manner, being perhaps most highly esteemed of all the officials who came in contact with the foreign legations. At the termination of hostilities and the organization of the Tsung-li Yamun in 1861, he came prominently forward as a most efficient and sagacious adviser of the government. We have already in this narrative had occasion to note the influence of his name in the settlement of the Lay-Osborne flotilla and in the missionary question, the satisfactory conclusion of which was a meet tribute to his talents and judgment. He died at an advanced age in 1875, at the head of the administration. In his death the Chinese government lost an unselfish patriot and a keen observer of those things which were for the best interests of his country.

        The Japanese government undertook in this year to try the

        issue of war with the Chinese in order to settle its demand of

        redress for the murder, in 18T1, of some fifty-four Lewchewan

        sailors by savages on the eastern coast of Formosa. Japan

        had recently deposed the native authorities in Shudi, and being

        hard pressed for some employment of the feudal retainers of

        the retired daimios, undertook to redress Lewchewan grievances

        by occupying the southern part of Formosa, asserting that

        it did not belong to Cliina because she either -vvould not or

        could not govern its savage inhabitants. This view of the divided

        ownership of the island was promptly rejected by the foreign

        ministers resident at Tokio, but the officials were persuaded

        that all they had to do was to occupy the whole southern

        district, and the Chinese could not drive them out when once

        their intrenchments were completed.

        The Mikado accordingly gathered his forces in Kiusiu during

        the years 18T3-T-4-, placing them under the command of (ieneral

        Saigo, and engaging (qualified foreign military men to assist.

        The expedition was called a High Commission, accompanied by

        a force sufficient for its protection, sent to aboriginal Formosa to

        inquii-e into the murder of fifty-four Japanese subjects, and

        take steps to prevent the recurrence of such ati’ocities. A pi-oclamation

        was issued April IT, 1874, and another May 19th,

        stating that General Saigo was directed to call to an account

        the persons guilty of outrages on Japanese subjects. As he

        knew that Chiiui was not prepared to resist his landing at

        Liang-kiao, his chief business was to provide means to house

        ‘ Foreign Relations of tJie United Stntcn, 1874, pp. 198-232. Westminster

        lievietr, Vol. lUO, p. 75. Customs Hqjort on Cabau Coolie Trade, 1870.

        JAPANESE EXPEDITION TO FORMOSA. 717

        and feed tlie soldiers under his command. Tlie Japanese authorities

        do not appear very creditably in this affair. JSo sooner

        did they discover the wild and barren nature of this unknown

        region than they seemed fain to beat an incontinent and hasty

        retreat, nor did the troops landed there stand upon the order of

        their going. They had in some measure been misled by the fallacious

        arguments of Gen. Charles Le Gendre, formerly United

        States consul at Amoy, who had travelled through these districts

        in 18G5 ; the enormous cost which they had already incurred

        made them hesitate about proceeding further, though they had

        announced their intention of retaining possession of the territorj’.

        The aborigines having tied south after the first rencontre, the

        Japanese leader employed his men as best he could in opening

        roads through the jungle and erecting houses.

        Meanwhile the Peking authorities were making ^^reparations

        for the coming struggle, and though they moved slowly they

        were much in earnest to protect their territory. General Shin

        Paochin having been invested with full powers to direct operations

        against the Japanese forces, began at once to draw together

        men and vessels in Fuhchau and Amoy. The Japanese consuls

        at Amoy and Shanghai were allowed to remain at their posts;

        and during the year two envoys arrived at Peking to treat

        with the Court. Their discussions soon narrowed down to a

        demand on the Japanese ministers, Yanagiwara and Okubo, to

        withdraw from Formosa before treating with them upon the

        outrages there ; which was met by a refusal on the ground that

        the Emperor had voided his sovereignty by having for three

        years taken no steps to punish his subjects, notwithstanding the

        repeated requests made to this end. The Chinese proved that

        the Japanese had violated their ti-eaty, and acted in an underhand

        manner in certain negotiations w^ith their envoy, Soyeshima,

        the preceding year ; but this continued sparring was mere

        child’s play. The probabilities were strong against any settlement,

        when the parties were induced to arrange their quarrel

        by the intervention and wise counsel of Sir T. F. Wade, the

        British minister. The Japanese accepted five hundred thousand

        taels for their outlays in Formosa for roads, hotises, and

        defences ; agreeing thereupon to retire and leave the further punishment of the aborigines to the Chinese authorities. The two envoys left Peking, and this attempt at war was happily frustrated.’

        The history of this affair was exceedingly instructive to those who saw the risks to their best interests which both these nations were running in an unnecessary appeal to force. Never, perhaps, has the resort to arbitration been more happy, when to the difficulty of keeping out of a quarrel which so many fortune seekers were ready to encourage was added the fact that both nations had been eagerly developing their land and marine forces by adopting foreign arms, drill, ships, and defences; every friend felt the uselessness of a disastrous conflict at this

        time and willingly strove to prevent any such result. The civilization

        of all parts of Foi-mosa has since rapidly advanced by

        the extension of tea and sugar culture, the establishment of

        Christian missions, and the better treatment of the native

        tribes. A single incident at this time illustrated the undefined

        position of the parties in this dispute. This was the arrival

        in Peking, after Okubo’s departure, of a large embassy of Lewcliewans

        to make their homage to the Emperor Tungchi. The

        Japanese charge d’affaires was denied admittance to the Lewchewan

        hotel, and the Yamun refused to dismiss the embassy,

        but gave it an audience, as was the usage in former days—probably

        the last in their history. The experience acquired by these

        three natioTis in their quarrel concerning Formosa has not prevented

        considerable bitterness aljout their rights to Lewchew.

        No sooner had the Chinese government escaped from the

        Japanese imbroglio by the payment of half a million taels than

        it foiuid itself involved in another and more troublesome question

        with the British. This arose from the persistent attempts

        of the latter to open a trade through Burmah, along the Irrawadi

        River, with Yunnan and other south-western parts of

        China. The Indian government had sent or encouraged explorers

        to go through the little known regions lying between

        ‘ h Ahorif/inal Formosa a part of tJie Chinese Empire? with eight maps,

        folio, Shangliai, 1874, pp. 20. Foirign Relations of the United States for 1873

        and 1.S74—( liina and Japan, passim. 71ie Japan Herald aud North China

        Herald for those years record all the leading events.

        MAJOR SLADEN’S MISSION TO YUNNAN. 719

        tlie Brahmaputra and Lantsang rivers, but no ti-ade could be

        developed in so wild and thinly settled a region. During the

        Tai-ping Rebellion the Emperor’s authority in Yunnan had

        been practically in abeyance, and over the western half of the

        province it had been superseded by a revolt of the Panthays, a

        Mohammedan tribe long settled in that region. These sectaries

        date their origin from the Tang dynasty, and had been generally

        unmolested by the Chinese so long as they obeyed the

        laws. During the Mongol sway their numbers increased so that

        they began to participate in the government, while ever since

        they have enjoyed more or less the control of affairs.’ The

        differences in faith and practice, however, aided in keeping them

        distinct ; and in Yunnan their numbers were recruited by settlers

        from Ivansuh and Koko-nor, so tliat they were led to

        throw off the Chinese rule altogether.

        They began about the year 1855 to defend themselves against

        the imperialists, captured Tali in 1857, pushing their arms

        as far eastward as the provincial capital Yunnan fu, which was

        seized and held for a brief period ; but in 1867 they proclaimed

        Tu Win-siu as their Imam, and located their capital in Tali.

        With affairs in this condition law and order speedily vanished,

        life and property were sacrificed, and general misrule furnished

        the lawless with an opportunity to burn, kill, and destroy until

        the land became a desert. The Panthays, as the Burmese

        called the insurrectionists, turned their hopes westward for

        succor, and to this end endeavored to keep open the trade with

        Burmah and India, but under the circumstances it could not

        flourish. The British in those countries were, however, quite

        ready to countenance, if not aid, the new ruler at Tali, as soon

        as his power was sufficiently consolidated to keep open the roads

        and protect traders.

        In 1868 a party was ordered to proceed to this city and ” discover

        the cause of the cessation of trade formerly existing by

        these routes, the exact position held by the Kakhyens, Shans, and

        Panthays Avith reference to that traflic, and their disposition or

        ‘ Compare Dr. Anderson, From Mandalay to Momien, p. 323. Du Halde,

        Hutoire, Tome I., p. 199. Grosier, China, Vol. IV., p. 270. Gamier, Voyaye

        d’Explaration, Tome I. Cooper, Travels of a Pioneer of Commerce.

        otherwise to resuscitate it.” This party, iininberiiii;- a hnmlred

        in all, was in charge of Major Sladen, assisted by live qualitied

        men, and guarded by an escort of fifty armed police ; its object

        embraced diplomacy, engineering, natural science, and commerce.

        Their steamer reached IJliamo January 22, ISOS, and

        the party began their travels early in March, arriving after nuicli

        delay at Momcin (or Tuiig-yueh chau), a town on the Taping

        River, one hundred and thirty-five miles from Bhanio and about

        five thousand feet above the sea. Another forced delaj- of near] ,•

        two months convinced them of the impossibility of their getting

        to Tali (nearly as far again) ; in face of the determined opposition,

        therefore, both of the hill tribes and Chinese traders. Major

        Sladen was fain to retire in safety to Bhamo. The retreat of

        this anomalous expedition could be officially ascribed to the

        weakness of the Panthay rulers, the wild region traversed, and

        its yet wilder inhabitants. But to what principles of justice or

        equity can we attribute the action of the British in retaining

        their minister at the capital of an Empire Avhile sending a

        peaceful mission to a rebel in arms at its boundaries ? This

        impertinence seems thinly veiled by dubbing the expedition one

        of inquiry concerning trade ; no trade did or could exist with

        an ill-assorted rabble of wild mountaineers; when these had

        been duly subjected an expedition for purposes of science would

        meet with as ready assistance from the authorities as did that

        of the Frenchman, Lieutenant Garnier, then exploring eastern

        Yunnan. This disregard of the courtesies and i-ights of independent

        nations refiects as little credit upon the powerful luition

        which used her strength thus unfairly as does her similar attempt

        of negotiating with another rebel, Yakub Beg in Ili.

        Major Sladen’s mission, owing to the admirable qualities of

        its leader, made so fair an impression upon the natives along

        his route that upon his return in 1873 his progress was materially

        assisted, instead of retarded, by them as far as Momcin.

        In the years intervening the Imam at Tali, with about forty

        thousand of his followers, had been hemmed in by the Chinese

        forces under the leadership of Li Sieh-tai, or Brigadier Li. The

        Mohannnedans felt their weakness against such odds, and the

        80-called Sultan Suleiman sent his son Hassan to London to

        SECOND BRITISH MISSION TO YUNNAX. 721

        implore recognition and aid from tlie British government ; but

        before lie returned his father had killed himself and the victorious

        Chinese had massacred most of their opponents and regained

        possession of the whole province in 1873. Its western

        half had been virtually inde])endent since 1855, during which

        period the wretchedness of the inhabitants had greatly reduced

        their numbers and resources.

        Trade soon revived. The British appointed an agent to reside

        at Bhamo and learn its amount and character. In 1874 an ex

        pedition—this time provided with Chinese passports—was

        planned to make the trip across China from Burmah to Hankow,

        as Lieutenant Garnierhad done from Saigon. The Chinese

        traders in Burmah set themselves to circumvent it, for its success

        boded disaster to them, as they better knew the resources

        of their competitors. The British plan was to send an accredited

        agent across the country from Hankow to Bhamo, there to

        meet a party under charge of Col. Horace Browne, which was

        to “thoroughly examine the capabilities of the country beyond

        Momein.” As only six years had passed since Sladen’s party

        had reached that town on its way to the Panthays at Tali, there

        had perhaps been hardly time to remove all suspicion among

        the local officials about the objects of this new move. One

        of the consular clerks, Augustus R. Margary, was furnished

        with necessary passports and instructions from her Majesty’s

        legation to go to Bhamo and act as Colonel Browne’s guide and

        interpreter. His journals testify that no better choice could have

        been made, and all who knew him were hopeful of the success

        of this young man.” He left Hankow September 2d and reached

        Bhamo January 17th without molestation or accident, having

        been received with respect by all Chinese officials, whom the

        governor-general of Yunnan had required thus to act. While

        the party in Bhamo prepared the equipment for its journey, Dr.

        Anderson observes that the Chinese ” watched its movements

        with a secret feeling that the objects contemplated were somewhat

        beyond the peaceful pursuits of commerce and scientific inquiry.’”

        ‘ Journals of A. R. Margary, edited by Sir R. Alcock, London, 1877.

        – The report was also circulated that the party was going to lay down a rail road.

        Mr. Margary intimated that lie thought there were intrigues

        going on at Manwyne adverse to the advance of the mission ; but

        Brigadier Li, who treated liim there with great honor, did every

        thing to promote his journey to Bhamo.

        The arrangements as to routes and escorts were at last completed

        so far as to allow the party iinally to leave Bhamo

        February 3, 1875 ; it numbered nearly fifty persons in all, together

        with a Burmese guard of one hundred and iifty. The rivalries and

        deceptions of the Ivakhyen tribes proved to be worse than in 1868,

        and progress was slower from the difficulty of providing animals

        for transport. By the 18th it had crossed the frontier, and the

        next morning Mr, Margary left, with five Chinese, for Manwyne,

        to arrange there for its reception by Brigadier Li. Increased

        dissensions among the tribes as to escort, transport, and pay

        led Colonel Browne to push on after him with a guard so as to

        reach that town and find some competent authority to aid his

        expedition. Many signs of serious opposition had by this time

        manifested themselves ; and when he was preparing to start

        from Seray on the 23d, large bodies of armed men were seen

        on the opposite hills coming to attack the British. A Burmese

        messenger also arrived from Manwyne with letters giving an

        account of the horrid murder of Mr. Margary and his attendants

        by the treacherous officials there on the 20th, The Chinese

        soldiers or robbers were in a manner repulsed by the

        bravery of Browne’s escort and by firing the jungle, but the expedition

        was in face of too powerful an opposition to contemplate

        advancing after such disasters. The return to Bhamo was

        soon made, and the earnest efforts of the Burmese officers there

        to recover everything beloi^ging to the British proved their

        lionesty.

        The disappointment at this rebuff was exceeded by the general

        indignation at tlie treachery which marked the murder. It

        was soon known’ that J^i Sieh-tai was not at Manwyne at tlie

        time, though the real actors in tlie tragedy l)el()nged to his ainiy,

        and must have made him cognizant of the (IcmhI.’

        ‘ MiDiihild]! to Momien : A Narratm’ of Tiro Krjmh’t/ous toWfufcrii (‘fii)ia,

        by T)i .lolm Anderson, contains a most satisfactory narrative of tlu’se attempts;

        the writer’s ojjinion is of the highest value.

        MURDER OF MARGARY AT MANWYNE. 7:^3

        When news of this disaster reached London and Peking, the

        British minister was directed to deinand an investigation of tlie

        facts connected with the outrage in presence of a British

        officer in Yunnan, the issue by the Yaniun of fresh passports

        for a new mission, and an indemnity. After montlis of dehiy

        and correspondence with the Yamun Sir Thomas Wade, the

        British minister, was able to make np his commission and despatcli

        it from Hankow, November 5th, for Yunnan fu. It consisted

        of the Hon. T. G. Grosvenor, second secretary of the

        legation, and Messrs. Davenport and Baber of the consular

        ser\”ice, all of them well fitted by previous training for attaining

        the objects of their expedition. The journey was performed

        in company with a Chinese escort, without danger or

        interference, the city of Yunnan being reached in March. The

        gentlemen found the provinces through which they travelled

        perfectly at peace, and the Emperor’s authority everywhere

        acknowledged—a fact extremely creditable to the Chinese after

        more than twenty years of civil war.

        The Chinese appointed to condnct the inquiry into the

        murder, in connection with Mr. Grosvenor, was Li Han-chang,

        governor-general at Wuchang and brother of Li Ilung-chang.

        He Avas long in making the journey, but the two began their

        proceedings, having Sieh IIwan, an old member of the Yamun

        in 1864, as aid. Those who had any experience or acquaintance

        with similar joint commissions in China anticipated but

        one result from it—an entire failure in proving or punishing

        the guilty parties ; while those who wish to see their character

        should read Mr. Grosvenor’s various reports ‘ to learn how slow

        are the advances of the Chinese in truth-telling. Nevertheless,

        such an investigation had some prospective benefit in that the

        trouble which the British made on account of the taking of one

        life warned the officials to exercise the greatest caution in

        future. In this preventive aspect, the mission doubtless accomplished

        more than can be estimated. Mr. Baber is sure that

        Margary was killed (and his opinion is entitled to great respect)

        by the discontented Chinese trainbands then around Manwyne—

        ‘ Rue Book—China, No. 1 (1876) and No. 3 (1877).

        a lawless set, who were afterward hunted to death.’ Tlie

        weight of evidence obtained at Yunnan fu went to prove that

        the repulse of the British party was countenanced, if not

        planned, by the governor-general, and carried into effect w^ith

        the cognizance of Brigadier Li. Amid so much ii-reconcilable

        evidence, the inference that the officers, ch icily by so doing, intended

        to prevent the extension of trade by the British, offers

        the niost adequate explanation. When the impoverished condition

        of Southwestern China is remembered, the question

        arises, Why should the Indian government strive to open a trade

        where industry and population have been so destroyed ? But

        the expectation that thereby a greater market would be found

        for its opium in all Western China is a sufficient reason, perhaps,

        for undertaking so costly an experiment.

        Xo sooner had Sir Thomas Wade learned of Margary’s

        death than he impressed upon the Chinese government the

        necessity for unremitting and vigorous measures toward the

        arrest and punishment of the guilty. In addition to what has

        been already stated concerning this reparation, he brought forward

        some other matters affecting the intercoui-se between the

        two countries. They were long and painfully debated, and

        those agreed on were embodied in a convention wdiich was

        signed l)y himself and Li Ilung-chang, on the part of Great

        Britain and China, September 13, 1870. The correspondence

        relating to this convention is given, with its text, in the Parliamentary

        Bhie Books,” and is worth perusal by all Avho M-ish to

        learn the workings of the Chinese government.

        The Yunnan case was settled by inmiediate payment of two

        hundred thousand taels (.^280,000), which included all claims

        of British merchants on the Chinese government; by posting

        an imperial proclamation in the cities and towns throughout

        the Empire ; by sending an envoy bearing a letter of regret to

        Queen Victoria for what had occurred in Yunnan ; and by

        ‘ Blue Book—CMna, No. 3, 1878. Beport of Mr. Baher on the route follovxd

        Inj Mr. (rrosveno7’^s luvmion between Tali fit, and Moinein. Reprinted, with his

        other interesting travels and researches in Western Cliina, in Supplementary

        Papers, Vol. I., Part 1, 1882, of Roi/. fM)f/. Sor., London.

        ^Bluc Book— China, No. 1 (1876) and No. 3 (1877).

        THE CTIIFTT CONVENTION. 725

        stationing Untisli officers at Tali or elsewhere in that province

        to “observe the conditions of trade.” The proclamation’ was

        posted very widely (three thonsand copies in Kiangsu province

        alone), and through it the people learned that the safety of all

        foreigners travelling through their countrj^ was guaranteed by the

        Emperor. Other matters agreed upon in this convention were

        the manner of official intercourse between native and foreign

        officers at Peking and the ports, so that perfect equality might

        be shown ; the better administration of justice in criminal cases between their respective subjects, every such case being tried by the official of the defendant’s nationality, while the plaintiffs official could always be present to watch proceedings; the extension of trade by opening four new ports as consular stations, and six on the Yangtsz’ River for landing goods, with other regulations as to opium, transit, and U-km taxes on goods; and lastly, the appointment of a joint commission to establish some system that should enable the Chinese government to protect its revenue without prejudice to the junk trade of Hongkong.

        This final article might well have been omitted. The concessions

        and advantages in it accrued to the British, and through

        them also measurably to other nationalities. But while the

        Chinese under the circumstances had no right to complain

        of paying heavily for Margary’s life, it was manifestly unfair

        to cripple their commerce by sheltering Hongkong smugglers

        under promise of a commission which could never honestly

        agree. In order to better understand the British minister’s

        views regarding the political and commercial bearing of his

        convention, the reader is referred to his labored minute of July

        ‘ Blue R)ok—Chm<i, No. 3 (1877). “^ Ihid , pp. 111-147.

        1-1, 1877,’ in which the fruits of thirty-five years of official experience in China impart much value to his opinions. The singular mixture of advice, patronizing decisions, and varied knowledge running through the M^hole i-ender the paper extremely interesting. The Chinese historian of the next century will read with wonder the implied responsibility of the British minister for the conduct of the Empire in its foreign management, and the enormous development of the principle of ex-ter ritorialitv so as to cover almost every action of every British subject. He may also be instructed by this proof of the ignorance and fears of the former rulers, as well as their conceit

        and hesitation in view of their wants and backwardness to cope

        with the advancing age. lie must acknowledge, too, that the

        sharj) and prolonged discussion of eighteen months between Sir

        Thomas and the Yamun was one of the most protitable exercises

        in political science the high officers of Peking ever had allowed

        them.

        Since the convention of Chifu the progress of China at home

        and abroad has been the best evidence of an improved administration.

        The reign of Hienfung ended in 1861, with the prestige,

        resources, and peace of the realm he had so miserably

        governed reduced to their lowest ebb. During the twelve years

        of his son’s nominal regime, the face of affairs had quite changed

        for the better. Peace and regular government had been for the

        most part resumed throughout the Eighteen Provinces, and even

        to the extreme western frontier of Ivashgar and Kuldja. The

        people were returning to their desolated villages, while their

        rulers did what they could to promote agriculture and trade.

        The young Emperor gave small promise of beconung a wise or

        efficient ruler ; and when he died (January 12, 1875) it was felt

        that an effigy only had passed away, and no change would ensue

        in the administration. In the question of selecting his inheritor

        were involved some curious features of Chinese customs. It

        is a rule that the succession to the Lung-wei, or ‘ Dragon’s

        Seat,’ cannot pass to the preceding generation, since this would

        involve the worship of a lower or younger generation by an

        older one. The line of Jlienfung died out in his childless son ;

        the eldest of his brothers had, as we have seen, been made posthumous

        heir of an uncle in 1854, consequently his son, Pu-lun,

        was ineligible. The elevation of Prince Kung’s son Tsai-ching

        to be Emperor was in the highest degree inexpedient, as this

        would necessitate the retirement of his father from active participation

        in the govermnent, arising from their relationship of

        father and s(mi. The next eligible candidate, Tsai-tien, a child

        of Prince Chun—the seventh son of Taukwang—born August 15j

        ACCESSION OF THE EMPEROR K^\’ANGS^j. 727

        1871, was unanimously chosen by the Empresses dowager and assembled princes of the Manchu Imperial Clan. His parents were brother and sister of those of his predecessors, while the same regency had been reappointed, so that his tender age involved neither difficulty nor alteration during the minority.

        He took the reign-name of Kwang-sl’i., or ‘ Illustrious Succession,’

        having reference to the disturbance in the regular descent.

        By this arrangement the same general set of officials

        was continued on the government, and the risk to its peaceful

        working from the freaks of Tungchi avoided.’

        A most notable event during the last decade has been the recovery of the vast regions of the Tarim Valley to the imperial sway. Their loss took place during the early part of the Tai-ping Rebellion, beginning in Kansuh, where the discontented Moslem population, aided by the reckless and seditious of all clans, arose and drove out the governmental minions even to the eastern side of Shensi. Of this extended revolt little is known in the west save the name of its figure-head and leading character under whose mastery it culminated and succumbed.

        The famous Yakub Beg, whom the jealous attentions of both

        England and Russia had united in raising to the rank of a hero,

        commenced his militarv career as lieutenant of Buzuro; khan,

        a son of the notable Jehangir, kojeh of Ivokand. By the

        year 1866 the energetic lieutenant had made way with his licentious

        and cowardly chief, and possessed himself of a large part

        of Western Kashgaria ; then, turning his attention to the rebellious

        Dunganis north of him, a series of vigorous campaigns

        ended in leaving him undisputed ruler of all Tien- Shan Nan

        Lu. These conquests over, hordes of neighboring rebels nmst

        now be recognized as fatal errors in the policy of Yakub. The

        Atalik Gliazi, or ‘ Champion Father’ as he was now called,

        had not only attracted the distrust of Russia—manifested in

        their taking of Kuldja from the Dunganis before his approach

        was possible—but in annihilating other Moslem insurrectionists,

        ‘ The Eastern Empress-dowager, the legal widow of Hienfung, whose only

        child, a daughter, died early in 1875, followed her to the grave in 1881, leaving

        the regency with her coadjutor, the Empress An, aided by Prince Kung had constituted himself an avenger of Chinese wrongs, and prepared the way of his own enemies whenever the terrible day of reckoning should come.

        The attempt on the part of China to restore its prestige in a

        territory where every hand was tm-ned against her seemed

        indeed liopeless. Her exhausted resources, her constant fear

        of tlie foreigners within lier gates, her suspicions of Russia,

        the immense distances to be traversed, seemed to unite every

        factor against her success. Nevertlieless, by 1871 symptoms of

        disorganization began ah-eady to appear among tlie rebels, wliile

        in the wishes of the common people for a strong power to insure

        order and encourage trade Tso Tsung-tang, the Chinese

        general, found both assistance and men.

        A moment’s attention to the relations l)etwecn the Chinese

        and Mohammedans of this region will throw much light on

        their contest. Since their conquest by Kienlung, the inhabitants

        of Eastern Turkestan had enjoyed an unexampled period of

        tranquillity and prosperous trade. The Chinese, known as

        Kitai, settled in their cities and brought a degree of wealth

        and civilization far ahead of anything previously known, wliile

        the rulers, or ambans, joined to their duties as administrators of

        justice a fostering care of trade routes and methods for developing

        the country. They have at all times been celebrated for

        irrigating their provinces, and now reproduced their wonderful

        canals (says Boulger) ” even in this outlying dependency.

        Eastern Turkestan is one of the worst-watered regions in the

        world. In fact there is only a belt of fertile country around

        the Yarkand lliver, stretching away eastward along the slopes

        of the Tien Shan as far as Ilanii. The few snudl rivers which

        are traced here and there across the map are during many

        months of the year dried up, and even the Yai’kand then

        becomes an insignificant stream. To remedy this, and to

        husband the supply as much as possible, the Chinese sunk dikes

        in all directions. By this means the cultivated country was

        slowly but sui-ely spi’cad over a great extent of territory, and

        the vicinity of the three cities of Kashgar, Yangi llissar, and

        Yarkand ])e(‘ame known as the garden of Asia. Corn and fruit

        grew in abundance, and from Yarkand to the south of the Tien

        TAKUB BEG AND THE REVOLT IX TURKESTAN. 729

        Shan the traveller could pass through one endless orchard. On all sides he saw nothing but plenty and content, peaceful hamlets and smiling inhabitants. These were the outcome of a Chinese domination.” ‘

        In addition to the fields and rivers, mines were worked, mountain passes cut and kept in repair, and the internal government of tribes placed on an equable basis. As to the precise manner in which discontent and rebellion crept into this apparently happy territory, it must always remain a matter of conjecture. The customs of its inhabitants have for ages been based on the tribal principle to such an extent that they found it impossible to assimilate with the Chinese and their methodical government, even though for their advantage to do so. The repeated failures of the United States to introduce a certain degree of civilization among the Indians present an analogous case. Uneasiness among the natives caused by agents from Kokand and Tashkend was speedily followed by larger demands from turbulent Mussulmans, who saw in Chinese moderation an evidence of weakness and decline. Jehangir’s rebellion not unjustly incensed a government which had devoted more than half a century to the building up of a shattered State, and was punished with merciless rigor. Oppression from the Chinese met by resistance, equitable rule alternating with weakness and injustice, trade impeded by illegal imports, ambitious Usbeck chiefs exciting their tribes to rise against their conquerors—these and similar causes had been at work to prevent all permanent progress in Turkestan.

        ‘ Life of Yakoob Beg, London, 1878, p. 59. See also R. B. Shaw, Visiti to High Tartary, Yarkand, and Kashgar, London, 1871, Chaps. II. and III.

        During the lowest ebb of JSIanchu authority in the Empire, when foreigners and Tai-pings were straining the utmost resources of the government in the East, a small village of Kansuh was the scene of a sudden riot. When after two days couriers brought word that the disturbance was quelled with some loss of life, the authorities began to suppose that the affair had already been forgotten; but it proved to be the fuse that lighted an outbreak scarcely smaller than the other civil war within the provinces.’ The Dunganis had arisen and spreaa the infection of revolt wherever they existed—over hirge districts «^tf Slieiisi, but principally toward the west, to Turfan, Ivuche. and Aksu—continuing the weary story of surprise, slaughter,

        and barbarity even to the city of Knldja.’ Allying with

        themselves the Tarantchi, a sort of fellah class which the Chinese

        had imported into the regions from Kashgar, the victorious

        rebels established one of those ephemeral governments over the

        Tien Shan and its adjoining valleys that have so frequently

        arisen in the history of Central Asia. Under their rule ti’avel

        beyond the Kia^’ii Pass was of course impossible, while trade

        diminished throughout the conntry, and Russia, as we have seen,

        wrested Knldja from Abul Oghlan in order to secnre her own

        borders. The first sei’ious check received by this confederation

        Avas its virtnal overthrow, when Yakub advanced npon Aksu

        and from thence cleared the great road eastward to Tnrfan.

        Tso’s first labor, then, was to clear Shensi and Kansuh of the

        rebels, in which his progress was marked by admirable foresight

        and energy in disposition of men, arrangement of conrier

        service, and use of modern arms. Establishing himself by 1876

        in Barknl and Ilami as headcpiarters, by the following spring

        he was prepared for a concerted movement from the north

        (Gutchen and Urumtsi) and east (Pidshan) npon ‘^’akub l>eg at

        Turfan. The redoubtable chieftain was finally caught by the

        tardy but certain power which he had long despised with impunity,

        and driven backward through the towns of Toksnn and llarashar to Tvorla, where he died or was murdered, May, 1877.

        ‘ *’ It is impossible not to connect this event in some degree with that unaccountable revival among Mohammedans, which has produced so many important events during the last thirty years, and of which we are now witnessing some of the most striking results. “—Boulger. Life of Yakooh li’f/, p. 95.

        “^ Which fell in January, 18C0, after the Chinese governor had destroyed himself and his citadel by gunpowder.

        THE REBELLION SUPPUESSED. 731

        During this and the following years the governor-general succeeded in reinstating the authority which had been in abeyance nearly a score of years. His army under two able generals advanced along the parallel roads north and south of the Tien Shan, punishing the rebels without mercy, while ” the Moham-niedaiis who submitted themselves were perm’.lfc<\ to revert to their peaceful avocations.” ‘ When upon the desert the troops were provisioned from Russian territory, but during the early years of the campaign it appears that the soldiers were made to till the ground as well as construct fortifications. The history of the advance of this ” agricultural army ” would, if thoroughly known, constitute one of the most remarkable military achievements in the annals of any modern country.^

        With the fall of Kashgar (December 17, 1877) the reconquest was practically completed, though Yarkand and the neighboring towns held out some months longer, at the end of which the chiefs of the Moslem movement had either fled to Ferghana or succumbed in the light. The Chinese now turned their attention to the occupation of Kuldja, and sent Chunghow in December, 1878, to St. Petersburg upon a mission relating to its restoration. The envoy needed, indeed, but to remind the Czar of Russian promises made in Peking in 1871 concerning the prompt retrocession of the occupied territory when China should have reasserted her authority in those regions; but neither European nor Oriental diplomats seemed to regard the city “held in trust for China by the Russian government” as in the least likely to return to the dominion of the Huangdi, while many were persuaded that Russia would resort to arras before surrendering one of the most prosperous of her possessions in order to keep a rash promise.^

        ‘ Peking Gazette.

        « The Spectator, April 13, 1878, Pall Mall Gazette, June, 1878, and London Times, November, 1878. Boiilger, Life of Yalvol) Bn/, Chaps. XII. -XIV.

        ^ For an excellent illustration of the prevailing sentiment on this question, even after Chunghow’s embassy, see Mr. D. C. Boulger in tVaner’s Magazine fcr August, 1680, p. 104.

        Chunghow—whose capacity had been in some degree tested in the Tientsin riot—was hardly the best choice for envoy even among the still ignorant officers at Peking, inasmuch as to the seemingly apparent defect of an unusually Boeotian temperament was added a profound ignorance of any European language, of modern methods of diplomacy, and of the topography of the territory in question. It is almost needless to add that such an enil)assy was ill-prepared to cope with the astute diplo niatists of an eager court, or that it speedily fell a prey to the designs upon it. A treaty of eighteen articles was signed at Livadia yielding a portion of the Kuldja district to China, Russia retaining, however, the fruitful valley of the Tekes river, all the more important strategic strongholds and passes in the Tian Shan, and the city of Yarkand ; China, moreover, to pay as indenmity five million rubles for the cost of occupying Kuldja.

        Other important concessions, such as a trade route from Hankow through Suhchau to Kuldja and Siberia, the opening to Russian caravans of thirty-six frontier stations, the modification of the Kashgarian frontier, the arming of Muscovite merchants, and the navigation of the Songari River, were apparently added to this compact according as the Russians increased their experience of the “gullability” of these remarkable ambassadors.

        Even officers of the Czar’s army, in referring afterward to this treaty, were prone to add to their remarks some measure of apology. When in January, 1880, Chunghow returned home with the unwise and humiliating document in his possession, he could not have felt wholly certain of a triumphant reception. Nevertheless it is not likely that the luckless ambassador contemplated being at once deprived by imperial edict of all his offices and turned over to a board for trial and punishment. Statesmen of both parties joined in denouncing him, Li Hongzhang and Tso alike presenting memorials to the same effect, while a flood of petitions more or less fierce poured upon the

        govei’ument from mandarins of all ranks. On the 2Sth the

        returned envoy was cashiered for having signed away territory

        and promised indemnity without special authorization, and in

        punisliment was sentenced to decapitation. The actoi’s in this

        movement, which upon the manifestation of such prompt and

        furious measures assumed the phase of an intrigue of the war

        party, were Tso and Prince Chung, who seized upon the popular

        wrath as an opportune moment for a master stroke against

        Prince Kung.

        NEGOTIATIONS RESPECTING THE CESSION OF KULDJA. 733

        With the appearance of danger such as this the party in power recoiled at once from its angry position, depreciated the highly bellicose tone of court officials, and accepted the good offices of the foreign ministers who j(»ine(l in protesting against the unworthy treatment of Chunghow and the monstrous barbarity of his sentence. Possibly the temperance (»f Russia’s attitude in demanding the uncoiuiitiunal pardon of ( liunghow before consenting to receive a second ambassador—the Marquis Tsang, minister to Enghmd, aheady appointed—materially aided in quieting the storm. Fortunately, tuo, amid the rumors of a resort to arms and manifest preparations of the palace discontents to force an issue, Colonel Gordon visited the capital, and in a communication to Governor Li pointed out the folly of attempting a foreign conflict and the peculiar dangers in overwhelming, by courting a certain defeat, the great benefits which nnist come to the Chinese army by its gradual reorganization

        upon modern methods. “Potentially,” said this unpalatable

        but honest critic, “you are perhaps invincible, but the outcome

        of this premature war will show you to be vulnerable at a thousand

        points.” Counsels such as these carried unusual weight

        as coming from a man whom all parties in China respected and

        admired ; there can be little doubt that it sensibly decreased

        the war feeling, and possibly proN^ented the country from rushing

        to certain disaster.

        Chunghow was accordingly reprieved, and in June of this

        year set free. The intelligence and experience of Tsang’

        proved an acceptable contrast to his ^predecessor’s unguarded

        conduct, and resulted in an agreement (May 15th) on the part of

        the Czar’s negotiators to recede nearly the whole of the contested

        district, excepting a narrow strip upon its western edge

        for purposes of colonization or retreat for those inhabitants of

        III who preferred to remain under Russian control.’ In return

        ‘ Upon his return to China the marquis published his diary, some portions of which have found their way into the China Review (Vol. XI., p. 135) and are extremely interesting as the outspoken opinion of an appreciative and enlightened Chinese gentleman.

        ‘-‘ Precisely the extent of this strip depends upon the exact definition of the boundary here under Taukwang. The present line is laid down in that portion of the new treaty quoted in Volume I., p. 218 ; the territory forms approximately a wedge whose a])ex is in the Ala Tau Mountains, and whose base, about three degrees south of this point, lies against the crest of the Tian Shan.

        It meets the old boundary at the Muzart (or Muz-daban) Pass. Since the treaty

        “for military expenses incurred by Ilnssia in lu>](Iing and pro

        teeting Ili on belialf of China since the year 1871, and in satisfaction

        of all claims by Russian merchants for losses previonsiy

        suffered by pillage within Chinese territory, and by Russians

        who have suffered outrage,” the Chinese agreed to pay nine

        million roubles. This appears to have been less repugnant to

        oriental diplomacy than live millions in acknowledgment of

        getting back their borrowed property. As for the other points,

        the treaty does not seem to have been greatly altered, save in

        the Songari River and other more vexatious clauses. This treaty

        was ratified August 19, 1881.

        From domestic wars and political complications, the influences

        of which have hai’dly as yet disappeared fi’om our morning

        newspapers, our attention must be turned to the yet sadder

        spectacle of famine and pestilence. The occasional notices of a

        great scarcity of food in Xorthwestern China which drifted into

        the news items of western countries may still remain within the

        memory of many; those, however, who live under the ascendancy

        of occidental institutions can with difficulty appreciate,from

        any mere description of this scourge, its immense influence as a

        factor in removing somewhat the suspicions of the ignorant and

        apathetic Chinese against their fellow-men in other lands. The

        sympathies and chai’ities of the Chi-istian world, as called forth

        by this terrible visitation, were more effectual in making acceptable

        the distasteful presence of foreigners within their cities

        than had been the miited influence of two wars and a halfcentury

        of trade, diplonuicy, and social intercourse.

        The Great Famine of 1878 was in some measure foretold

        over Sliansi and Shensi by the decreasinir rainfall of the four

        ])revious years. The peculiar nature of this loess-covered

        region, and its absolute dependence for fertility upon a sufficient

        supply of moisture, has been pointed out in another chapter

        of this woj-k. Here, then, and in Shantung the missionaries

        of all denomiiuitions were called upon to organize methods

        strenuous efforts have been made by the officers of both nationalities stationed

        tliere to entice the U.sbeck, Kirghis, and Diinganis of the region to settle per

        manently on their side of the boundary.

        THE GEEAT FAMINE OF 1878. 735

        of relief as early as the summer of 1877. By the opening of

        the following spring a central committee in Shanghai and their

        agents in Chifu and Tientsin—all Protestant and Roman Catholic

        missionaries—had put forth so great energy in their Avelldirected

        efforts as to gain the zealous co-operation of Li Iluugchang,

        governor-general of Cliihli, and active countenance of

        the rulers and gentry in otlier provinces. “At the beginning

        of their labors,” writes the secretary of the committee, ” the

        distributors were received with a degree of prejudice and suspicion

        which utterly frustrated any attempt to prosecute the

        work. They were supposed to have sinister objects in view,

        and not only was their charity refused, but they were even in

        innninent danger of their lives. It required the utmost carefulness

        on their part to carry on their operations with any degree

        of success. They were urged to act in a way that contemplated

        the speedy exhaustion of their funds and their evacuation of

        the pla-ce. So far as we can ascertain, however, the distributors

        conducted themselves in a most connnendable manner,

        and after a time at least bore dow^n the ill-will and aspersions

        of all classes, changing their sentiments and feelings of doubt

        and distrust into those of the deepest gratitude and respect, so

        that they are now regarded as the very saviours of the people.” ‘

        After the experience of some weeks in the destitute regions,

        it was found that only the strictest adherence to a business system

        of distribution could be attended with any mitigation of the

        evil. Tickets representing certain amounts of money were given

        to the houses of each community which appeared on the catalogues

        of needy families furnished by village elders. Food being

        plenty in the south, the means of transportation and storage

        during distribution constituted the chief labor of those concerned

        in this work. When brought to the starving settlements,

        grain was promptly doled out in exchange for the tickets, and

        to the lasting credit of the Chinese character it must here be noticed

        that not a single raid upon the provisions or resort to force

        in any way has been recorded of these famished multitudes.

        ‘ Rev. W. Muirliead, in Report of the China Famine Relief Fund, Shanghai, 1879, p. 4.

        That good-will, affection, an] gratitude should take the place

        of the old mistrust under these conditions was niOst natural.’

        Xevertheless the terrors of their experiences in this awful time

        were hardly lightened by this cheering aspect of the curse.

        Misery and desolation such as this overwhehned every other

        sentiment save that of compassion. The visitor was often met

        hy the solitary remnant of a large household, to hear from him

        a harrowing recital of suffering and death, fitted to shock the

        most callous of humanity. Again, he would come upon the

        corpse of one recently fallen in the vain effort to walk to a

        neighboring town, and about it a lazy pack of wolves squatting

        —gorged and stupid from the fulness of many ghastly meals.

        At other times a silent dwelling might be found giving shelter

        only to the cadaverous bodies of its former inmates ; or anon a

        ruined house would tell M’here the timbers had been plucked

        out and sold for a little bread. Of the last extreme of famine,

        caimibalism, which cropped out here and there, but which in

        most cases met with instant punishment when discovered, it is

        hardly necessary to add notice or description. The remarkable

        patience under suffering exhibited by the people made their

        relief compai’utively easy, though the despair which had rendered

        them insensible to excitement or violence often prevented their

        recuperation from the fever and plague which laid hold upon their

        weakened bodies even after plenty had returned to the land.

        In their report the connnittee at Shanghai acknowledge

        Tls. 204,560 as having passed through their hands, while about

        as much more may safely be said to have been otherwise expended

        by foreigners for the relief of the sufferers.” The

        Chinese government furnished food and supplies amounting to

        ‘ A notable exception to this universal sentiment of kindliness was exhibited

        among the officials and gentry of Kaifung, the capital of Honan, in which city

        foreigners were to the last forbidden to remain, or even to carry on their work in the environs.

        FOREIGlSr EFFOETS TOWARD ITS RELIEF. 737

        ‘•’ About $22,070 were subscribed in the United States—which does not include, however, the donation from the Pacific slope. An effort was made to Induce Congress to return on this occasion the surplus of the Chinese indemnity fund, amounting to nearly $()()(),()()(), but upon this the Committee on Foreign Affairs rcportiul adversely, alleging among other reasons that all the starving people would be dead before the machinery of both nations would admit of this money being exchanged for food I

        more than Tls. 2,000,000, while rich natives contributed very

        lai-gely in their own districts. Sixty-nine foreigners were personally

        engaged upon the work of (listributi(jn in the four

        afflicted provinces, of whom Messrs. Ilall, Hodge, Barradale,

        and AVhiting died in consequence of exposure and overwork.’

        Upon the mortality connected with this frightful visitation

        there exist hut the vaguest figures. ” The destruction as a

        whole is stated to be from nine and a half to thirteen millions,”

        observes the JA^mH^ alreiidy quoted, and its proofs in support

        of this statement are as trustworthy as any that can be compiled.

        Xo famine is recorded in the history of any land which equalled

        this in death-rate. The area at the base of the Tibetan and

        Mongolian highlands will always be subject to great vicissitudes

        of heat and moisture,’ and the future, like the past, cannot but

        suffer from these frightful droughts unless a careful attention

        to the climatic influence of trees and irrigation mitigate in some

        degree the dreadful comings of these plagues.

        The Chinese plenipotentiary in London, T\ woh Sung-tao, gave

        utterance to the sincere sentiments of his government in saying:

        The noble philanthropy wliich heard, In a far-distant country, the cry of

        suffering and hastened to its assistance, is too signal a recognition of the common

        brotherhood of humanity ever to be forgotten, and is all the more worthy

        to be remembered because it is not a passing response to a generous emotion,

        but a continued effort, persevered in until, in sending the welcome rain.

        Heaven gave the assuring promise of returning plenty, and the sign that the

        brotherly succor was no longer required. Coming from Englishmen residing

        in all parts of the world, this spontaneous act of generosity made a deep impression

        on the government and people of China, which cannot but have the

        effect of more closely cementing the friendly relations which now so happily

        exist between China and Great Britain. But the hands that gave also assumed

        the arduous duty of administering the relief ; and here I would not forget to

        offer my grateful thanks and condolence to the families of those, and they are

        not a few, who nobly fell in distributing the fund.’*

        Mr. Whiting was honored by the governor of Shansi with a public funeral

        in Taiyuen, the provincial oaiiital.

        » P. 7.

        ^ Mr. A. Hosi.i in the X 0. Br. E. A. P!. JoHvniil, Vol. XIII., 1878, has

        translated the native lists of more than eight hundred famines and droughts

        occurring in the Yangtsz’ basin and northward on the Plateau during a thousand

        years ending a.d. 1643.

        * Letter of October 14, 1878, to Lord Salisbury.

        One who has been acquainted with Chinese affairs for the last

        fifty years can better than younger persons appreciate from this

        letter the vast stride wliieh has been made by (^hina since the

        withdrawal of the East India Company’s factory in 1834. The

        Empire had then been closed for more than a century, and its

        inhal)itants liad been taught to believe that all mankind outside of

        its b()un(hiries were little better than i<!;norant savaijes. Their

        rulers had maintained that ” barbarians could only be ruled by

        misrule,” and in their honest efforts to keep them fi-om entering

        the gates of the Celestial Empire in order that the people might

        not become contaminated, had faithfully though ineffectually

        endeavored to fulfil the first duty of every government. We

        have seen how small was their success when dealing with the

        iniquitous opium traffic ; no amount of moral or ethical principle

        in the cause which he represented could make up to Connnissioner

        Lin for his ignorance and stiff-neckedness in pushing his

        injudicious methods of reforming this abuse. Had he succeeded

        as he and his imperial master had ])lamied, they would have

        sealed their country against the only possible remedies for those

        evils they were striving to remove—free intercourse, commercial,

        intellectual, and political, with their fellow-men.

        The story of Cliina’s rapid progress from semi-barbarism

        toward her appropriate position among nations is now fully

        known to any whose interests have directed their attention

        thither. It cannot be denied that the advance has been hampered

        by the mass of superstitions, assumptions, and weaknesses

        through which every such stride to reformation nnist push forward

        ; nor is it strange that interested foreigners from their vantage-

        ground of a more perfect civilization should at times bemoan

        the wearisome course and manifold errors of this regeneration.

        Nevertheless, liopeful signs abound on every side ; against a

        few errors may be balanced a multitude of genuine successes,

        and the fact that these latter have come about deliberately

        assures us that they are permanent. In the hands of statesmen

        as far-sighted and ])atriotic as those who now control the government,

        there is little cause to apprehend retrograde steps or a return

        to the exclusive policy of (yonnnissioners Lin and Yeh. As

        for the conservative spirit which yet characterizes the present

        THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL COMMISSION. 739

        regime, in this will be found the safeguard against extravagant

        and premature adoption of western machines, institutions,

        nietliods, dress, and the thousand adjuncts of modern European

        life which, if too rapidly applied to an effete and backward

        civilization, push it rather into bankruptcy and overthrow than

        out into a new existence.

        Before closing these volumes, and as an illustration of these

        observations, it remains to notice the so-called Chinese Education

        Commission—a highly lauded project which is still fresh

        in the minds of many Americans. Soon after the Tientsin

        riot and Chunghow’s mission of apology, Yung Wing, a

        Chinese graduate of Yale College, proposed to Li Ilung-chang

        and others in authority a plan of utilizing certain surplus

        moneys remaining from the fund for military stores, to defray

        the expenses of educating a number of Chinese boys in the

        United States. The scheme found such favor with the governor-

        general and members of the Foreign Office, that early in

        the year 1872 thirty boys were selected by competitive examination

        at Shanghai, and took passage for San Francisco July

        12th, Yung Wing having preceded them to make the necessary

        arrangements. This gentleman’s acquaintance w^ith the

        social life and educational methods in IS^ew England was so

        complete as to enable him readily to place the students—usually

        in pairs—in comfortable households, where they might learn

        English and become initiated into the manner of life among

        western peoples as agreeably as possible.

        The commission established its headquarters in Hartford and

        easily disposed their boys in adjoining towns of Connecticut

        and Massachusetts, where numbers of families welcomed them

        with open arms. Prince Kung’s satisfaction upon learning of

        this friendly reception was expressed in a personal note of

        thanks to Mr. Low at Peking, while the fair prospects of the

        scheme now tended to hasten other parties of students to these

        shores until their number was swelled to one hundred and

        twenty.’ These lads proved themselves almost without excep-

        ‘ The original plan included the sending of one hundred and fifty boys, but the fund laid aside for the purpose was found to be insufficient to cover the cost of the full number.

        tion capable and active in tlie studies set before them, and a8

        their hold upon the language increased, began to outrank all

        but the brightest of their American classmates. As they advanced

        into the higher scientific schools or colleges, greater

        liberty was allowed them, each boy pursuing his inclination as

        to a special course or institution. With the appointment of

        Yung “Wing to the Chinese legation at Washington and the

        arrival of one Wu Tsz’-tang (who knew no English) as commissioner

        in his place at Hartford, the complexion of this enterprise

        seems to have changed. In the spring of 1881 a formal

        memorial, endorsed by Chin Lan-pin, the minister at Washington,

        was addressed to the home government, complaining of

        the course of study pursued by these youths as including Latin

        and Greek and other unnecessary subjects ; of the disrespectful

        behavior of the l)oys when brought before their chiefs ; of

        their deplorable luck of patriotism ; of their forgetting their

        mother tongue, and other sins of omission and commission.

        The memorial seems to have fallen in with the desires of those

        momentarily in power at Peking ; the commission and students

        were all recalled by the return mail, and arrived at Shanghai

        in the fall of the same year.

        Although this action may have been in some degree

        prompted by a spirit of conservatism and distrust, the leading

        motive of the Chinese government cannot be far to seek.

        Had these boys of a dozen years each received his fifteen years’

        instruction in our common-school, classical, and })r(>fessional

        courses, it is impossil)le to believe that the}’ would not at the

        end of this time have been more American than Chinese.

        Their speedy recall was a matter of regret to the many friends

        these interesting lads had made in New England, but from a

        truly Chinese stand-point this foreign popularity would become

        as the flesh-pots of Egypt to them after their return to

        the arid intellectual life in China—and the event in one or two

        instances appears to have proved the shrewdness of this surmise.

        However, this expei’iment can in no wise be considered

        a failure, even if we consider only the knowledge of English

        and elements of a western education obtained by each student; how considerable has been its success will be seen when the

        PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE OF CHINA. 741-

        young incii—now engaged by their government in telegraph

        posts, arsenals, schools, etc.—shall have achieved sufficient distinction

        in their vai-ious professions to prove their fitness for

        the pains bestowed upon them. The organization of scliools

        for other than Chinese methods of education is already begun

        in China—as, for example, tlie Tung-wan Kwan, under charge

        of Dr. Martin, at Peking—and from these a much more

        rational advance to their proper position in scientific knowledge

        may be expected, than by hazardous schemes of foreign

        tuition.

        The pages of this brief compendium of our present knowledge

        of the Chinese Empire were not written in the first place,

        nor have they been revised, with any intent to laud that people

        beyond their just deserts. What there is of weakness, vice,

        narrowness, bigotry, in the national character has been pointed

        out with great frankness, while their blindness and folly after

        the lessons of two warlike visitations from foreign nations

        have not passed unnoticed. The experiences of the last three

        decades will probably prove more momentous for the Chinese

        than those of any previous century in their history, and these

        have not come about without much bitterness and the surly

        traces of misunderstanding and misrepresentation. But the

        great fact must have become apparent, even to the cursory

        reader, that in the Chinese character are elements which in due

        time must lift her out of the terribly backward position into

        which she had fallen and raise her to a rank among the foremost

        of nations. There is a basis of encouragement when we

        keep in mind the literary institutions of tho country and their

        early attention to obtaining a corps of scientific men of their

        own nationality, as in the effort just mentioned.’

        ‘ The reserved force in the Chinese character was very strikingly brought

        out in a new-year’s call at Peking, which the writer remembers, in 1870.

        The topic came up as to how to diminish the expense of getting coal from the

        mines to the city (which up to that time was carried on camels and mules , so

        a.i to put it within the reach ol the poor people. I suggested a tram road

        as the best plan for the fifty miles distance from the mines, and involving

        trifling expense. After listening to the plan, Tan Ting-siang, one of the

        members of the Board of Revenue, and Prince Kung, together exclaimed,

        ” Tieh-lu lai liao! Tkh-la lai Uao!” (‘ Railroads are coming in time’}, Tke ex

        Another ground of hope—and tliese words are as pertinent

        today as when written thirty-five years ago—lies in the matterof-

        fact habits of the Chinese, tlieir want of enthusiasm and dislike

        of cliange, which are rather favorable than otherwise to

        their development as a great community. The presentation

        and reception of the highest truths and motives the human

        mind can realize always excites thought and action ; the chiefest

        fear must be that of going too fast in schemes of reform

        and correction, and demolishing the fabric before its elements

        are ready for reconstruction. The non-existence of caste, the

        weakness of a priesthood which cannot nerve its persecuting

        arm with the power of the State, the scanty influence religion

        has over the ])opular mind, the simplicity of ancestral worship,

        the absence of the allurements of gorgeous temples, splendid

        ritual, seductive music, gay processions, and above all, sanctified

        licentiousness, to uphold and render it enticing to depraved

        human nature, the popular origin of all government holidays,

        and lastly, the degree of industry, loyalty, and respect for life

        and property—these are characteristics which furnish some

        grounds for trusting that the regeneration of China will be accomplished,

        like the operation of leaven in meal, without shivering

        the vessel.

        istence of the treaty principle of ex-territoriality and its consequences is constantly

        before the Chinese high officers, though they appreciate as well the

        fact that their country is preparing and will be the better for such improve*

        ments.

        INDEX.

        ABACUS, or Sioanpan, principle of,

        ii. 60.

        Abeel, Rev. D., i. 134, 835, ii. 240 ; arrives

        in China, ii. 325, 327, 338, 348; memoir,

        ii. 368.

        Abel, Clarke, i. 363, ii. 458.

        Aboriculture, curiosities of, ii. 13.

        Aboriginal races, of China, i. 41 ; of Formosa,

        i. 137 ; in Hunan, i. 148.

        Abulgasi (History of the Tartars), i. 202-

        203.

        Abu Zaid, his work on China, ii. 168

        ;

        generally trustworthy, ii. 414, 425.

        Acupuncture, ii. 123.

        Adams, Hon. John Quincy, his mistaken

        notions of Chinese war, ii. 469.

        Agar-agar, a glue made from seaweed, ii.

        397.

        Agnosticism, Chinese, ii. 201.

        Agriculture, Temple of, Peking, i. 78 ; in

        loess fields, i. 302 ; Chinese works upon,

        i. 686 ; consideration of, ii. 1 ; utensils,

        ii. 3.

        Aksa, town and river of fli, i. 225 ; Yakub

        Bey captures, ii. 730.

        Alabaster’s Wheel ofthe Law, ii. 229.

        Alak. See Tien Siian.

        Alcock. Sir R. , ii. 637.

        Almanac, rectified by Jesuits, ii. 68, 298

        ;

        its importance, ii. 79.

        Altai, i.e., ‘Golden Mountains,’ or Kin

        Shan, i. 9.

        Altars, to Heaven, Agriculture, and Earth,

        Peking, i. 70-78 ; fashion of Romish, in

        China, ii. 31.-).

        Altchuku, or A-shi-ho, town in Kirin, i.

        197.

        Alum, found in Sz’chuen, i. 308 ; an article

        of export, ii. 392.

        Amber, brought to China, ii. 398.

        Amherst, Lord, rebuff of his embassy at

        Ynen-niing Yuen, i. 80 ; his mission to

        the capital, ii. 4.58.

        American, missionaries and the Hangchau

        settlement, ii. 351 ; treaty with China

        respecting toleration of Christianity, ii.

        360 ; trade with China, ii. 460 ; residents

        at Canton and Governor Lin, ii. 514

        1

        embassy to China concludes treaty oi

        VVaiighia, ii. .567 ; homicide of Chinese

        by, in Canton, ii. 568 ; Chinese favorably

        disposed toward, ii. 570 ; fleet destroy

        the Barrier forts, ii. 638 ; government

        asked to co-operate with England,

        ii. 642 ; minister. Sir. Reed, arrives in

        China, ii. 643 ; minister, Mr. Ward, cooperates

        in preventing coolie trade, ii.

        663 ; negotiations with the Chinese

        ofiicials at Taku forts, ii. 665 ; embassy

        escorted to Peking via Pehtang, ii. 669

        ;

        minister refuses to kotow and returns,

        ii. 670 ; sailor hung for murder at Shanghai,

        ii. 696 ; treaty with China negotiated

        )jy Burhngame, ii. 6US ; missionaries

        frightened away from TSugchau, iL 705.

        Amiot, Pere i. 598, ii. 96, 149, SOU.

        Ampere, J. J., i. 715.

        Amoy, climate of, i. 53 ; island, i. 129

        ;

        city, i. 183; its environs, i. 134; lexicon,

        the Shili-wrt Yin, i. 590; dialect,

        i. 611, 612,615; New Year usages at,

        i. 814; infanticide at, ii. 239; sentiment

        toward foreigners, ii. oS8 ; Protestant

        mission at, ii. 348; Chinese and Dutch

        take, ii. 438 ; East India Company trade

        at, ii, 445, 448 ; taken by the English,

        ii. .524, .528 ; not hostile to foreigners, ii.

        573 ; during Tai-ping Rebellion, ii. 629.

        Amulets and charms, to ward off evil, iL

        25.5-257.

        Amusements, at dinner, i. SOS ; out-door,

        i. 825 ; peaceful character of Chinese, i.

        829.

        Amur River (called also Sas^alien, Kwantung,

        Helung kiang), i. 189.

        Analects of Confucius, the Lun Yu, i.

        656.

        Ancestral worship, compatible with

        Buddhism, ii. 223; its antiquity, ii. 236;

        its forms, etc., ii. 250-2.55; allowed by

        Ricci, ii. 292, 299; and Christianity, ii.

        355.

        Anderson, Dr. John, i. 79, 181, 184, 337,

        ii. 719, 721, 732.

        (44 INDEX.

        Anglo-Chinese College <at Malacca, ii. 324.

        Animals, of China, quadiumanous, i. 814-

        317, carnivoious, SlV-^iriO, ruminants.

        320-323, dome stic, 323-320, rodents and

        smaller animals, 32G-o2′.>, cetaceous,

        329-330, four fabulous, 342-34r) ; in the

        Herbal, i. 374-377 ; used as iood, i. 772,

        77() ; pack, ii. 7 ; of the calendar and

        zodiac, ii. fi’.t, 71 ; sculptured, ii. 115.

        Ant-eater, or pangolin, Chinese ideas of,

        i. 328.

        Antelope, hwangyang, or clzcren, of Mongolia,

        i. 321.

        An-ting man, in Peking wall, 1. 63

        ;

        opened to the allied troops, ii. 680.

        Ants, studied by Chinese, i. 354.

        Apple, or haw. of Manchuria, i. 300.

        Arab, merchants introduce the name

        Chhia into Europe, i. 3; travellers in

        China, li. l’;S, 414, 421; name for opium,

        ii, 373.

        Arabdan, khan of the ^ongares, i. 233.

        Architecture, Chinese, compared with Indian,

        i. 72(i, domestic, ‘i28, military,

        758 ; its needs and limitations, ii. 11(1.

        Area of the Eighteen Provinces, i. 272,

        £70.

        Argali, mountain sheep, in China, i. 321.

        Arithiuctic, Chinese knowledge of, ii. GO.

        Arms used in warfare, ii. 88.

        Army of China, pay of, i. 2′.)3 ; laws concerning,

        i. 388 ; memorial as to its condition

        in 1838, i. 494 ; examination

        system in, i. 560 ; in theory and practice,

        ii. SS-93 ; its condition on outbreak

        of Tai-ping Rebellion, ii. 590.

        Arnold’s Light of AfIu, ii. 220.

        Arrow, case of the lorcha, ii. 359,

        035-038.

        Art, Chinese, in book illustrations, i. 080 ;

        in aboriculture, ii. 13 ; in bronze, ii. 31 ;

        porcelain decorations, ii. 25 ; carving,

        etc., li. 59 ; illustrative, iL 105-111

        ;

        symbolic, ii. Ill, 112; caricatures, ii.

        115 ; export of objects of, ii. 393 ; example

        of, ii. 080, note.

        Assam, tea native of, iL 51.

        Ass, wild, of the steppes, i. 212, 323.

        Assembly balls, or club-houses, in Chinese

        cities,!. 70, 122,107,739.

        Astrology and divination, ii. 09, 74.

        Astronomy, Chinese study of, ii, 68, 72

        romance of, ii, 70 ; and Jesuits, ii. 298.

        Atkinson, T, W., i. 331.

        Atlas of China, the Tien Chii, or ‘Heaven’s

        Pillar Mountains,’ i. 13.

        Auber, Peter, on foreign trade with

        China, ii. 4.50. 45;).

        Audience, of officials before Emperor of

        China, i. 801 ; of the Dutch ambassadors

        Goyer and Keyzer,. ii. 435 ; of

        Lord Macartney, ii. 4.55 ; question not

        raised by Gushing, ii. 570 ; question discussed

        by Ward’s embassy at Peking,

        ii. 009 ; Rwinhoe’s descriptin -^f an, at

        Yuen-ming Yuen, ii. 083; _, .uted to

        all foreign ministers, ii. 714.

        Azaleas about Ningpo, i. 370.

        Azure Sea (see Koko-nor), i. 210.

        BABER, E. C, i. 181 ; sent on Gro*.

        venor mission, ii. 723, 724.

        Baldwin, C. C, i. 015.

        Balfour, F. H., li. 212.

        Ball, Samuel, ii. .5.5, 373.

        Ballads, specimens of Chinese, i. 705-714.

        Balls, hollow, how carved, ii. 59.

        Bamboo, beauty and uses of, i. 3.58-.’;00;

        articles exported, ii. 393.

        Bamboo books, the, i. 681 ; their authenticity,

        ii. 149, 15.5.

        Banditti numerous in China, i. 480,

        495, 497.

        Banks and banking system in China,

        ii. 85.

        Baptism, of moribund infants by Catholics,

        ii. 310; discussion among missionaries

        concerning Mord for, ii. 363.

        Baptist Missionary Society in Hong Kong,

        ii. 347.

        Barbers’ establishments in China, i. 7(50;

        their traitment of tlie eye.s, ii. 129.

        Barkul (or Chinsi fu), town and lake of

        Kansuh, i. 214.

        Barkut, or golden eagle, hunting with,

        i. 331.

        Barrier forts, near Canton, destroyed by

        Americans, li. 038.

        Barrow, J., i. 22, 105, 117, 175, 287, 290,

        741, 7.55, 772; ii. 5, 9.5, 97, 104, 240, 455.

        Batang, in Sz’chuen, i. 20.

        Bats, Chinese, i. 316 ; symbol of happiness,

        ii. Ill

        .

        Bayan-kara in the Kwanlun system, i. 11,

        211.

        Bazin, i. 84.5, 714, ii. 213, 217.

        Beal, Samuel, ii. 229.

        Bcal, T., aviary of, at Macao, i. 341.

        Bears, Chinese, i. 317.

        Beggars, on the Tai-shan, i. 91 ; in Canton,

        i. 730 ; how controlled, i. 742 ; condition

        of, i. 835 ; and Buddhist priests,

        ii. 220; alms for, ii. 203.

        Bell, great, of Peking, i. 74 ; temple of, at

        Puking, i. 79.

        Bell, John, his residence at Peking,

        ii. 442.

        Belles-lettres, character and variety of

        Chinese, i. 074.

        Bellew, Dr. II. W., i. 234, 227.

        Bells, rich in tone, ii, 20.

        Belur-tag, Tartash ling, Tstmg ling,

        ‘ Onion ‘ or ‘ Blue Mountains,’ i. 9.

        Benevolent institutions, Chinese, ii. 208-

        20() ; foreign : Morrison’s and Parker’s

        hospitals, ii. 333 ; Society for Diffusion

        of Useful Knowledge, ii. 340 ; Morrison

        Education Society, ii. 341.

        INDEX. 745

        Bentham, Gro., i. 9,<}C>, 355.

        lietel-nut, a masticatory, how used, ii.397.

        Jittiothment, cereniotiies relative to, i.

        785 ; ‘spilling the tea,’ i. T’Jo ; evils attending

        earl J’, i. 7135.

        Bible, translated by Nestorians, ii. 280 ;

        Montecorvino ordered to illustrate the,

        ii. 288 ; withheld from Chinese by

        Ricci, ii. 292 ; Ur. Morrison’s translation,

        ii. lil’.l, o20; revi.sion, ii. SOo, o04 ;

        contains the earliest notice of China,

        ii. 408 ; revision and J. R. Morrison,

        ii. 5(i0.

        Biohe-de-mer, or sea-slug, how eaten,

        i. 780 ; imported, ii. ;)U7.

        Bickmore, A. S., i. 29(>.

        Biographies, numerous in Chinese literature,

        i. (581.

        Biot, Edouard, i. 259, 263, 271, 413, 421,

        482, 521, 543, 554, 559, 590, G3S, 644,

        081, ii. 34. 87, 203.

        Birds, of Tibet, I 243 ; of China, i. 330-

        341 ; under one radical, i. 374.

        Birds’-nest soup, its preparation, i. 780

        ;

        and sharks’ fins imported, ii. 397.

        Birthday fete at Ningpo, i. 814.

        Black-haired race. Li Alin, common term

        for Chinese, i. 5.

        Blacksmith, his shop and tools, ii. 57.

        Blakiston, T. W., i. 21-22, 145, 30.^.

        Blodget, Dr. H., ii. 304.

        Blood of animals used for food, medicines,

        etc., i. 778.

        Boards, Six, in government, i. 415 ; Civil

        Office, i. 421 ; Revenue, i. 422 ; Rites,

        1. 423; War, i. 424 ; Punishments, i. 426;

        Works, i. 427 ; iiresidents of, i. 436

        ;

        subordinate offices in the, i. 559.

        Boats, bridge of, at Ningpo, i. 121 ; variety

        and number of, in China, i. 749-753 ;

        decorated at New Year, 1. 813 ; and internal

        navigation of China, ii. 390.

        Bogue, or Bocca Tigris, near Canton, i.

        100; negotiations v/ith Kishen at, ii.

        517 ; forts taken, ii. 520 ; destroyed

        again, ii. .528 ; supplementary treaty

        signed at, ii. .501 ; Governor Davis retakes

        the forts, li. .573.

        Bonham, Governor, visits the Tai-pings

        at Nanking, ii. .577; advised by gentrv

        of Canton not to enter the city, ii.

        025.

        Bwk of Rites {Li Ki), i. 424, 520, 643-

        047, 805, ii. 33.

        Book of Odes {Shi King), i. 636-643, ii.

        236, 321.

        Book of Records {Shu Kijig), i. 633-636,

        808, ii. 32, 30, 08, 146 ff., 169, 372.

        Book of Chanfies ( Yih Kiiir/), i. 027-033.

        Books, used in schools, i. .520-.541, .574 ;

        manufacture and price of, i. 600-0( 2

        burned by Tsin. B.C. 200, ii. 101 ; Nestorian,

        destroyed, ii. 286 ; circulated in

        the opium traffic, ii. 379 ; destroyed at

        Canton, ii. 026 ; by Protestants, ii. 328»

        331, 340.

        Boone, W. J., ii..^38, 348.

        Bore, or Eagre, of the Tsientang, i. 114,

        ii. 415.

        Borget, A., i. 128, 320, 771.

        Bostang-nor, or Lake Bagarash, i. 24,

        223, 224.

        Botany, of China, i. b’SS-SIO ; of the

        /’lilt tsito, i. 372-374.

        Boulgcr, D. C, i. 237, ii. 137; notice of

        Turkestan, ii. ‘i28 ; of Mohammedan

        revolt, ii. 730, 731.

        Boundaries, of the Chinese Empire, i. 6 ;

        of tlu! Eighteen Provinces, i. 8 ; made

        under Kienlung. i. .59; of 111, i. 215 ;

        of Tibet, i. 237 ; disputes concerning

        the Amur, ii. 441 ; of the Empire near

        Kuldja, ii. 733.

        Bowring, Sir John, i. 459 ; his relations

        with Yeh, ii. 033 ; his character, ii.

        634; action in the Arrow case, ii.

        635 ; opens hostilities with China, ii.

        ‘ 637 ; his conduct discussed in Parliament,

        ii. 041.

        Braam, Andreas van, Dutch ambassador

        to Kienlung, i. 324, ii. 489.

        Bremer, Sir Gordon, attacks Tinghai

        with the fleet, ii. 514; takes the Bogue

        forts, ii. 517, 520 ; sails for Calcutta,

        ii. 521.

        Breton, i. 314, 771.

        Bretschneider, Dr. E., i 84, 345, 651,

        ii. 413.

        Bribes, nature and extent of, among officials,

        i. 474 ; at examinations, i. 569.

        Bricks, Chinese, their shapes and uses,

        i. 728.

        Bridges, construction and variety of, in

        China, i. 7.53-756.

        Bridgman, Dr. E. C, i. .530, 537. ii. 277;

        arrives in China, ii. 327, 333, 335,

        342, 346.

        Bridgman, J. G., i. 43, 209, 316.

        Bronze, beauty and excellence of, ii. 20.

        Bros.set, jeniic, i. 643.

        Brown, Rev. S. R., ii. 342, .344.

        Bruce, Sir Frederick A., and reorganization

        of Ever-Victoiious force, ii. 611 ;

        commendation of (Gordon’s conduct,

        ii. 619 ; sent by Elgin to commissioners

        at Tientsin, ii. 655 ; repairs to Taku

        with the allies, ii. 064, 065, 071, 672 ;

        his good offices in Lay-Oslxime flotilla

        affair, ii. 093, 694 ; his influence in

        China, ii. (i99.

        Buddha, temple and statue of, in Peking,

        i. 71 ; near Si-ngan, i. 151 ; his life,

        ii. 218 ; Chinese expedition to buy

        relics of, ii. 414.

        Buddhism, of the Mougol.s, i. 305,

        ii. 234 ; in Khoten, i. 231 ; the lion and,

        i. 317; ridiculed in the ‘Sacred Commands,’!.

        689; and pagodas in China,

        746 INDEX.

        i. 744; introduced a.b. 05, under

        Ming ti, ii. 163 ; in fourtli century A. d.,

        ii. 165; and the Emperor Wu ti, ii.

        166 ; its growth in China, ii. 217-229

        and Koniaiiism compared, ii. 281,

        315; bibliography, ii. 22′.t, 232, 234;

        and J’uii(/-s/iui, ii. 246.

        Buddhist, name for China, Chin-tan, i 3,

        5; Olympus, i. 12; temples in

        Peking, i. 73-79 ; manufactories at

        Dolon-nor, i. 87; temples in Hangchau,

        i. lis ; on Puto Island, i. 124; at

        Canton, i. I(i4-1()() ; books translateil into

        Mongolian, i. 206 ; temples at Kuldja,

        i. 218; at H’lassa, i. 245; priests

        and snakes, i. 346 ; images in clamshells,

        i. 350 ; c7iaA’*v<»’ar^^i audCliinese

        hwamjt’i^ i. 395 ; arrangement of Chinese

        characters, i. 589 ; tractatG, i. 708 ;

        chanting, ii. 96 ; pilgrims between

        India and China, ii. 413 ; notions of cosmogony,

        ii. 139 ; charm cut in Kiiyung

        kwan gateway, ii. 176; missionaries

        in China, ii. 189 ; priest as rain-maker,

        ii. 203 ; priests oppose Nestorians, ii.

        280, 28(5.

        Buffalo {^hui ni/i), used more than the

        ox. i. 274, 320 ; in rice-fields, ii. 3

        ;

        worshipped, ii. 14.

        Bukur, a town of 111, i. 225.

        Bunge, Alex, von, i. 296, 355.

        Ikirdon, Bishop J., ii. 364.

        Burgevine, succeeds Ward in command

        of the Ever-Victorious force, ii. 609;

        goes over to Tai-pings, ii. 613 ; his proposal

        to (Jordoii, ii. 614.

        Burial, of lamas in Tibet, i. 250 ; places

        in china, i. 275 ; ceremonies attending,

        ii. 243-2.55 ; ceremonies and Christians,

        ii. 3] 3.

        Burkhan-buddha in the Kwanlun system,

        i. 11, 211.

        liiirlingame, Hon. Anson, ii. ()95 ; enters

        upon Ills mission to foreign powers, ii.

        696 ; his death, ii. 698 ; influence in

        China, ii. 699.

        Bushell, Dr. S. W., i. 88, ii. 160, 174.

        (CABINET, or Imperial Chancery, i.

        ; 415-417.

        Callery, J. M., i. 589, 643, 644, 672, 627.

        Cambaluc (Peking), i. 61, 63, 6.5.

        Camellia, a favorite flower, i. 367; akin

        to tea, ii. 40.

        Camels, wild, of Lob-nor, i. 223 ; usefulness

        of, i. 325 ; hair rugs, ii. 39.

        Camphor on Formosa, i. 140; its preparation,

        ii. 55.

        Canals (se<! (Irand Canal, i. 31), i. 37.

        Candida, a Roman Catholic convert,

        establishes hospitals, ii. 265; baptized,

        ii. 292 ; her good works, ii. 294.

        Cangue {Icia), its use as a punishment, i.

        509.

        Canfu (or Kanpu), i. 127, ii. 414 ; Abu

        Zaid concerning, ii. 415.

        Cannon, imitating English, found, ii. 62 ;

        cast b}’ Jesuit missionaries, ii. 298;

        found at Tinghai, ii. 525 ; at Shanghai,

        ii. .536 ; at Barrier forts, ii. 638.

        Canton, climate of, i. 53 ; rainfall, i. 56 ;

        description, i. 160-169 ; environs, i.

        169-170 ; granaries in, i. 295 ; the tankia,

        i. 412, 751 ; location of magistrates

        in, i. 445 ; Gov. Chu’s departure

        from, i. 462 ;

        ‘ Free Discussion Hall

        at, i. 488 ; executions at, in 18.54, i. 513 ;

        prisons, i. 514 ; examinations, i. 550

        ;

        words in dialect, i. 611, 614; shops,

        i. 736; street scenes, i. 740; fire control

        in, i. 743 ; the river craft of, i. 749 ;

        dog-mear, restaurants, i. 778 ; at New

        Year, i.813; at Feast of Lanterns, 1.819 ;

        porcelain painting, ii. 26 ; a cotton

        factory experiment at, ii. 63 ; taken by

        Manchus in 1650, ii. 179; the prefect

        and governor of, pray for rain, ii. 203-

        205 ; infanticide rare in, ii. 239,

        242 ; disposal of the dead at, ii 254 ;

        worship at street shrines, ii. 263 ; Moslems

        in, ii. 268; excitement in, about

        Portuguese, ii. 292 ; Morrison arrives in,

        ii. 318; dies there, ii. 327 ; unpromising

        field for missionarit’s, ii. 34() ; Marcus

        Aurelius’s eiiiliassy enters, ii. 410 ; the

        East India (“onipany established at, ii.

        446 ; homicides among foreigners in, ii.

        451; Lord Napier at, ii. 467-473; foreigners

        detained Ijy Lin at, ii. 498 ; Elliot

        leaves, ii. 503 ; fortified, ii. 513, 521 ;

        Elliot accepts a ransom for, ii. 523 ; dislike

        of foreigners at close of war, ii. 555 ;

        Kiyiiig sent to. ii. 557 ; troubles at, with

        foreigners, ii. .5(i8

        ; question of admittance

        to the city, ii. 573; lawlessness

        at, ii. 580 ; sentiment in. ii. 625 ; rebels

        about, ii. 630 ; their wholesale execution,

        ii. 632 ; Admiral Seymour enters,

        ii. 638 ; French legation withdraws

        from, ii. 639 ; taken by Franco-English

        forces, ii. 644 ; influence of Elgin’s tact

        at, ii. 647, 661 ; coolies with British

        at Taku, ii. 674 ; French missionary

        aggressions at, ii. 709.

        Cantor, Dr. T. E., i. 350, 351.

        Caps, various official, i. 414.

        Cards, visiting, i. 802.

        Caricature in Chinese art, ii. 11.5.

        Carving, delicacy of Chinese, ii. 59 ; exj)

        ort of, ii. :!94 ; horn and ivory, ii. 400.

        Cassia, and cinnamon, ii. .55 ; and cassia

        oil as exports, ii. 392 ; the inalaOatliriDii

        of the Periplus, ii. 412.

        Catalogue, Imperial, i. 626; of ancient

        Chinese books recovered, ii. 149.

        Cathay, a modern Persian name for

        China, i. 4 ; its signification in the Middle

        Ages, ii. 408.

        INDEX. 747

        Cats (kia-li), in China, i. 318 ; eaten, 1.

        777.

        Celestial Empire, derived from 2^ie7i

        C/iiix, ‘Heavenly Dynasty.’ i. 5.

        Celestial Mountains. .See Tien Shan.

        Censorate, its duties and influence, i. 430-

        483.

        Censors, report.s from, i. 4G4, 480, .5(]().

        Censuses of China, i. 2.58-2(54 ; considered

        and compared, i. 2U5-272 ; method of

        taking, i. 2S()-282 ; probable accuracy,

        i. 283-288.

        ‘Century of Surnames ‘ {Pi/i Kia Sing),

        a school-book, i. S^’IO.

        Ceremonies, importance of, in government,

        i. 424 ; (jourt of, i. 43.5 ; the iSiao Ilioh

        upon, i. .540 ; in broader sense mean /t,

        i. G45 ; marriage, i. 787-701 ; of obeisance

        at court, i. 801 ; funeral, ii. 243-

        250.

        Ceylon, Yungloh’s expedition against, ii.

        414.

        Chahar. See Tsakhar, i. 87.

        Chalmers, John, ii. 72, 207, 211.

        Chang-an, in Shensi. See Si-ngan.

        Changchau, in Puhkien, i. 13.5-13G ; bridge

        at, i. 7.55 ; infanticide in, ii. 240

        ;

        taken by Tai-pings, ii. 605.

        Chang-peh Shan, ‘ Long White Mountains,’

        their position, i. 10 ; called Kolmin-

        shanguin alin by Manchus, i. 13,

        188.

        Changsha, capital of Hunan, i. 147

        stormed by Tai-pings, ii. 595.

        Chapu, i. I2(i, ii. 414; captured by the

        British, ii. .533.

        Characters, Chinese, for bee, ant, etc. , i.

        354 ; botanical, i. 372 ; zoological, i.

        874; method of memorizing, at school,

        i. 5-11 ; origin of, i. 580; six classes, i.

        583 ; their number, i. 580 ; classification,

        i. .590-.508.

        Chan, ‘department’ or ‘district,’ term

        explained, i. .58; prefect of, i. 441.

        Chan dynasty, term ‘ Middle Kingdom ‘

        dates from, i. 4 ; and the Kvi-oh-tsz’

        Kien, i. .543 ; King Wan of the, i. 020;

        Duke, i.C37, 643, 808, ii. 157-1(50 ; After

        Chan, ii. 172.

        Chau hu, ‘Nest Lake,’ in Nganhwui, i.

        109.

        Chau-ll, or ‘ Ritual of Chau,’ i. 483; its

        character, i. (543.

        Chau-sm, Emperor of the Shang, ii. 1.56.

        Chehkiang province, climate of, i. 55 •,

        position and water ways, i. 114; trees

        and productions, i. 11.5; the mulberry

        in, ii. 11; silk, ii.34 ; missions in, ii. .)51.

        Chess, the Chinese games of, i. 827-829.

        Chih-li, ‘ Direct rule,’ term explained,

        i. 58.

        Chihli province, position, i. 60; lakes

        and rivers of, i. 88 ; productions, i. 89.

        Children, course of study for, i. 521-541 ;

        how regarded in ancient time.s, i. 640;

        ari’angement of their hair, i. 765

        ;

        names, i. 797 ; how sj)oken of, i. 804 ;

        infanticide, ii. 239ff.; foundling hospitals

        for, ii. 264 ; baptism of, by Catholics,

        ii. 310 ; in the Tientsin Romanist

        orphan asylum, ii. 700.

        Chifu, in Shantung, i. 90, 9.3 ; gold near,

        i. 311 ; French at, ii. 6’i2 ; convention,

        ii. 724.

        Chin dynasty, its trade and intercourse,

        ii. 166.

        Vhi)\ sub-district or department, term

        explained, i. .59.

        Chin Hwa-ching, Chinese general, at

        Wusung, ii. 534 ; his bravery, ii. .53.5.

        China, origin of name uncertain, probably

        from Tuin, i. 2, ii. 161 ; name

        introduced into Europe by Arab traders,

        i. 3 ; native names of, i. 4 ; Buddhist

        and Mohammedan terms for, i. 5 ;

        dimensions of the Empire, i. 5 ; of the

        Eighteen Provinces, i. 8 ; boundaries,

        i. 6 ; its three grand divisions, i. 7 ;

        its mountain systems, i. 9 ; deserts, i.

        15-17; rivers, i. 18; lakes, i. 23 ; coast,

        i. 25; Great Wall of, i. 29; Grand

        Canal, i, 31 ; roads, i. 37; general aspect,

        i. 40 ; aboriginal races of, i. 42 ;

        climate on coast of, compared with

        America, i. .55 ; colonies, i. 185-257

        ;

        population, i. 264; science in, i. 297,

        377; education in, i. .521 ft’.; popular

        ideas concerning, i. 724 ; methods of

        cultivation in, ii. 7 ; its early history

        not without foundation, ii. 135; Christianity

        in, ii. 275 ; surve}^ of, by the

        Jesuits, ii. 308 ; prospects of Christian

        missions in, ii. 354 ; ancient and modern

        commerce of, ii. 372. 390 ft’. ; earliest

        notices of, ii. 408 ; general condition of,

        after first war, ii. .573 ; forcibly opened,

        ii. 656 ; condition in 1865, ii. 6′.)3 ; hopeful

        prospects for the country, ii. 738,

        743.

        Chinchew, or Tsiuenchau, the ancient

        Zayton, i. 129, 136; bridge at, i. 755;

        Portuguese traders at, ii. 428.

        Chin-chin, origin of the word, i. 805.

        Chinese, race types, i. 41 ; women, 1. 42

        ;

        industry and civilization of, i. 46 ; works

        on geography, i. 49 ; people of Shantung,

        i. 93; policy in I’ll, i. 314 ft’.;

        Herbal, i. 370-377 ; political education

        of, i. 384; divisions of society, i. 411;

        advancement aft’ected by their language,

        i. 579 ; philosophy mixed with divination,

        i. 629, 632, ii. 74 ; care of their

        early records, i. 651 ; their notions of

        foreign countries, i. 725 ; popular ideas

        respecting their food, i. 777 ; their social

        customs, i. 782 ; regulations regarding

        marriage, i. 792; names, how written,

        i. 798 ; ceremony and etiquette, i.

        748 IXDEX.

        800 ; a temperate people, i. 808 ; commendable

        traits of the, i. H’d’d ; gardeners

        rather than farmers, ii. o ; societj’,

        industry of, ii. C3 ; their tendency to

        co-operate, ii. 88 ; chronology and cosmogony,

        ii. 13G-144; their origin, it

        144 ; adopt the queue, ii. 17′.) ; causes

        of their remarkable duration, ii. 188 ft”.;

        influence of ancestral worship on, ii.

        ‘2o7 ft”. ; benevolence, ii. SG:! fT. ; Christian

        missions among the, ii. 27.^ ; character

        of, emigrants in the Archipelago, ii.

        3’2:^ ; future influence of newspapers

        among, ii. o41 ; generally irreligious, ii.

        355 ; tluir early isolation and suspicion,

        iL 40t) ; subse<iuent estimate of foreigners

        influenced by early Portuguese traders,

        ii. 4:27 ; maltreated by Spaniards in

        Manila, ii . 432 ; terms for ‘ foreigner,

        ii. 461 ; view of first war with England,

        iL 508 ; national confidence during Taiping

        Rebellion, ii. 604, 625 ; foreigners’

        abuse of, ii. 706 ; character as exhibited

        during the great famine, ii. 735,

        736 ; Education Commission to the

        United States, iL 7’39, 740.

        Chinese Rcj)ository, its origin and object,

        ii. 332 ; on first war with England, ii.

        .550.

        Chinhai, in Chehkiang, L 123 ; capture of,

        ii. 520.

        Ching-hwang miao, of Peking, i. 69 ; in

        Canton, i. 165 ; in Shanghai, i. 107, ii.

        202, 535.

        Chingtih. See Jeh-ho, L 88.

        Chingtu, in Sz’chuen, L 149, 156-157.

        Chinkiang, in Kiangsu, i. 104 ; Nestorians

        in, ii. 285 ; capture by British, ii.

        .540; by Tai-pings, ii. 590; recaptured

        by rebels, ii . 605.

        Cholera and small-pox common, ii. 132.

        Chop (//'(“), meaning of the term, i. 800 ;

        in tea trade, ii. 48.

        Chop-sticks (Av/vji tsz’), how used, L 807.

        Christianity, and the Sabbath in China,

        i. 810; its introduction into China l)y

        Nestorian.s, ii. 275 ; l)y Roman (‘atholics,

        ii. 287 ; confounded with Triad

        Sect, iL 312 ; Protestants commence

        their labors, ii. 318 ; prospects for toleration

        in China, ii. 354 ; jjreached in

        Formosa by the Dutch, ii. 434 ; Hung

        Siu-tsuen accepts, ii. 58(i ; he studies at

        Canton, ii. 588 ; absence of its principles

        in Tai-ping movement, ii. 600- Lord

        Elgin’s reply to missionaries concerning,

        ii. 649 ; and missions in China,

        problem discussed by the officials, ii.

        707.

        Chronology, Chinese, ii. 135 ; its claims

        to belief, ii. 143.

        Chu, (Jovernor, valedictory ode of, i. 462.

        Chu Hi, commentator of Confucius, his

        home in Kiangsi.i. 113 ; his Siau IHolt^

        i. .540 ; commentaries of, i. 652, 654,

        677 ; his philosophy, i. 683 ; on cosmogony,

        ii. 141; on Tablet of Yu, iL

        150, 174, 200.

        Chukiang. See Pearl River, L 22, 159,

        etc.

        Chung-ho tien, ‘ Hall of Central Peace,’

        Palace at Peking, i. 68.

        Chunghow, escorts American embassy to

        Peking, ii. 668 ; in the Tientsin riot, ii.

        702, 703 ; sent to France on a mission

        of apology, ii. 7C.5 ; abused by the

        foreign press, ii. 706 ; sent to Russia,

        ii. 731 ; jjunishmcnt for negotiating

        treaty of Livadia, ii. 732.

        Chungking, in S/.’cliueii, L 155, 158.

        Vhuriij Kiuoh, or ‘ Middle Kingdom,’ name

        for China since B.C. 1150, i. 4, 98.

        Chusan Archipelago, i. 123-126; British

        fleet arrives at, ii. 515 ; restored, ii. 580.

        Chun 2’xiu, or ‘ Spring and Autumn Record,’

        i. 647-651, 663.

        Chu Tsun, a censor, i. 432.

        Cibot, Pere, i. 537, iL 14.

        Cicadas, tricks with, i. 3.52.

        Cities in China, aspect of, i. 40 ; arrangement

        of streets in, i. 738 ; their dull

        appearance, i. 746.

        Civilization, of the Chinese, L 46, 380-

        383 ; the wife in, i. 792.

        Club-houses, in Peking, i. 76 ; Ningpo, i.

        122; Canton, i. 167, 739.

        Clans, in south China, i. 482 ; their customs,

        i. 484 ; secret societies, i. 492 ; in

        the Archipelago, ii. 323.

        Classics, or Chinese canonical books,

        characters in, i. 589 ; the minor, as

        school-books, i. 526-541 ; price of the

        nine, i. 602 ; the five cliief, described, i.

        627-651 •, the ‘Four Books,’ or minor,

        L 652-672 ; Hall of the, i. 74, 730.

        Clientclage in Chinese official ranks, i. 461.

        Climate, of Eighteen Provinces, i. 50 ; of

        Mongolia, i. 201 ; of lli, L 223 ; of Tibet,

        i. 241.

        Cloisonni’, its manufacture, ii. 60.

        Coal, in Chilili, i. 89 ; in Shantung, i. 93 ;

        in Shansi, i. 94-95 ; in Formosa, i. 139;

        in Hunan, i. 147; Kwangtung, i. 174;

        Yunnan, i. 184 ; modeo.f working, i. 305.

        Coast, length of Chinese, i. 7 ; granitic

        mountains of, i. 14; character of, i.

        26 ; climate of, i. 55 ; trade along the,

        ii. 389.

        Cobblers, itinerant, ii. 39.

        Cobdo province, i. 208 ; Tourgouths in,

        i. 220.

        Coffin, C. C, i. 781.

        Coffins, stored in temples, i. 275 ; form

        and value of, ii. 244 ; in larariums, ii.

        2.54.

        Cole, R., i. 604, ii. 325, 350.

        Colledge, Dr. T. R., his hospital at Ma.

        cao, ii. 333, 335.

        INDEX. (49

        Colleges, in Canton, i. 542, 545 ; Anglo-

        Chinese, at Malacca, ii. 324.

        Collie Kev. David, i. 054, ii. o24, 368.

        Colonial Office, Peking, i. 72, 426.

        Colonial Possessions oi Cliina, i. 7 ; genoral

        table of, i. KSi» ; population, i. 284 ;

        governed by the Li Fan Yuen, i. 428.

        Commerce, Chinese, ii. 373^05. See also

        nnder Trade

        Concessions, or foreign settlements at

        trade i)orts, ii. 020.

        Concubines, their position in the household,

        i. 791.

        Confucius, worship of, in ‘ Hall of Intense

        Thought,’ Peking, i. (>’.); temple to, at

        Peking, i. 73. ii. 15!) ; l)irthplace, i.

        90; ‘ bird of,’ the pjacock, i. 337 ; influence

        of, on permanence of Chinese institutions,

        i. 3SL ; family of, ennobled,

        i. 387, 406. 52;), 525 ; and Hiang Toll, i.

        534, 530, 538, (;3t), 637 ; and the Li Ki, i.

        644 ; his Ckiui Tsiii, i. 047 ; Ana ects of,

        i. 6.5() ; his life, i. 058 ; character of his

        philosophy, i. 003 ; worship of, i. 004 ;

        influence in government j)olity, ii. 92;

        on music, ii. 94 ; and early emperors, ii.

        146 ; writings burned, ii. 101 ; worshipped,

        ii. 195 ; on religion, ii. 199 ; tsmples

        to, ii. 203 ; as an example, ii. 206 ; his

        meeting with Lau-tsz’, ii. 212, 218, 237.

        Contrarieties in Chinese and Western

        usages, i. 829-833.

        Cooking among the Chinese, i. 781.

        Cool.e trade, and Kwangting rebellion, ii.

        631 ; its atrocities, and efforts toward its

        suppression, li. 0tj2 ; labor employed by

        the British at Taku, ii. 084 ; convention

        signed respecting, ii. 098 ; is finally

        abolislied, ii. 715.

        Cooper, T. T., i. 43, ii. 719.

        Copper, m Yunnan, i. 184 ; uses and localities

        of, i. 311 ; manufacture, ii. 19.

        Cordier, Henri, i. 034, 781, ii. 318, 024.

        Corea. frontier of, i. 190 ; trade at Ki-iu

        wan fair, i. 194 ; Chinese attempts to

        conquer, ii. 92 ; conquest of, by the

        Tang, ii 109; language, ii. 190.

        Cormorant, fishing with the, ii. 10 ; noticed

        by Friar Odoric, ii. 423.

        Cosmogonj’-, Chinese, ii. 137 ; Chu Hi’s,

        li. 141, 200.

        Cotton cultivati m, ii. 9 ; and manufacture,

        ii. 36, 02.

        Cottrell, C. H., i. 207.

        Council of State, or General Council, i.

        415, 418.

        Couriers, government and post, i. 389, 425.

        Court, of Controllers, Peking, i. 69 ; arrangemont-^

        of imperial, i. 407 ; of Colonial

        Government, i. 428 ; Censorate, i.

        430 , Transmission and Judicature, i.

        433 ; minor court.s, i. 4:!5 ; criminal, i.

        503 ; dialect, i. 013 ; ceremony otkotoii\

        i. 801.

        Creation, Chinese ideas concerning, u

        137.

        Crickets used for gambling, i. 352, 886.

        Crime, laws respecting, in the code, i

        389.

        Crow, the, on Desert of Sha-moh, i. 17

        ;

        about Peking, i. 334.

        Cashing, Hon. Caleb, appointed U. S.

        minister to China, ii. 505 ; concludes

        treaty of Wanghia with Kiying, ii. 567 ;

        correspondence in case of homicide, ii.

        568.

        Customs, management of, i. 444, ii. 402 ;

        internal transit, ii. 391 ; revenue, ii.

        404 ; put into hands of foreigners at

        Shanghai, ii. 027, 658 ; under Mr. Hart,

        ii. 095.

        Cutch, or terra japonica, a dve, imported,

        ii. 398.

        Cuvier, Baron G., i. 343.

        Cycle adopted by Hwangti, ii. 69, 146.

        Cyclopedias in Chinese literature, i. 693.

        DALAI-LAMA of Tibet, i. 245, 256 ;

        the Pope of Shamanism, ii. 3:!3.

        Dancing, or posture-making, ii. 104.

        Daourian Mountains, on north frontier of

        China, i. 9.

        Darwin, Charles R., i. 3.”34.

        Darwin, Erasmus, i. 357.

        Dates, so-called, of China, the jujube

        plum, i. 305, 775.

        D’Avezac, ii. 416, 418.

        David, P.re, i. 157, 343, 290, 314, 317,

        331, 3.52, 355.

        Davis, Sir J., notice of Grand Canal, L

        32 ; of Yuen-mir.g Yuen, i. 80 ; on

        Canal, i. 92 ; Nanking, i. 101 ; Nganking,

        i. HO; tSketches, i. 114, 101,

        290, 297, 434, 5(51, 055 ; Vhinc.ae Poetry,

        i. 703, 714, 715, 719, 722, 745, ii. 19,

        22, 27, 28, .5.5, 05, 79, 118, 137, 1.52,

        179, 200, 214, 220, 233, 349, 3.52, 382,

        400, 42(), 440, 4i9, 454, 458, 404 ; Kiying

        introduced to, ii. 567 ; takes the Bogue

        forts, ii. .573, 574; his China during

        the. W<u\ ii. 570.

        Day, its divisions, ii. 79.

        Debts and debtors, laws and practice concerning,

        i. 515 ; at New Year, i. 811.

        Deer, varieties of, in China, i. 321.

        Degrees, four literary, in China, i. 547-

        500 ; sale of, i. 549, 500 ; value of, i.

        571.

        De Guignes, i. 37, 119, 200, 271, 280, 289,

        291, 292, 081, 724, 735, 794, 800, 812,

        ii. 30, 32, 33, 73, 96, 307, 250, 271, 410,

        439.

        D’Herbelot, on origin of name China, L

        3 ; on Tartar, i. 302.

        Deluge of Yao, probably an inundation,

        ii. 147.

        Dennys, N. B., i. 84, 130, 170.

        ‘ Density of population in China, i. 373.

        750 l^•l)EX.

        Dent, invited to meet liin in Canton, ii.

        4’M ; conducted to consulate by Captain

        Elliot, ii. 5UU ; Liu probably wislies

        him as a liostage, ii. 5U8.

        D’Entiecolks, ii. ^0.

        DeQuincey, Tiiomas, i. 234.

        Desert of Gobi, or Sha-moh, i. 15. See

        Gobi.

        Deshauterayes, Le Roux, i. l’)”)!.

        Dew, Captain, captures Ningpo, ii. GOO

        ;

        before Shauhing, ii. 010.

        Dialects, of the Chinese language, i. 611;

        the Mandarin, i. Gil! ; Canton and Amoy,

        i. ()14-Gia

        Dictionary, of Kanghi, i. 588, 591, 592,

        G02, (u’i ; Dr. Morrison’s, i. 611 ; its

        compilation, ii. o20.

        Dictionaries, used by the Chinese, i. 589-

        591 ; words in various, i. 611 ; of dialects,

        i. 015 ; in the Imperial Catalogue,

        i. 672.

        Dikes, along Yellow River, i. 19 ; the

        Grand Canal, i. o5 ; at Kaifung, i. 99,

        100.

        Dinners, formal Chinese, described, i.

        806.

        Dish-mending by travelling tinkers, ii. 58.

        Diseases prevalent in China, ii. 12U.

        Divination, by the figures of the Yifi

        Jung, i. 632 ; by the horary characters,

        ii. 69 ; at graves, ii. 240 ; Chinese, compared

        with Roman, ii. 201.

        Divisions, of China, i. 7 ; of Mongolia, i.

        202 ; of Tibet, i. 244 ; of society, i. 412 ;

        b}- Yang Kien into chau, hieii, etc.,

        ii. 167.

        Divorce, laws respecting, i. 794.

        Dogs, in China, i. 318 ; eaten, i. 777.

        Dolon-iior, or Lania-miao, i. 87.

        Dominican friars in China, ii. 297; rivalry

        and quarrels with .Jesuits, ii. 299, 300 ;

        persecuted in Macao, ii. 302.

        Doolittle, Justus, i. 480, .550, .5.59, 719,

        7.52, 781, 788, 797, 817, 821, 827, ii.

        14, 7(), 87, 104, 119, 212, 2-Jl, 242, 248,

        255, 2(;i.

        Douc, or Cochinchinese monkey, i. 314.

        Douglas, Dr. C, i. 61.5.

        Douglas, R. K., i. 663, ii. 217, 261.

        Dragon, or funr/, of the Chinese, i. .344

        ;

        imperial enil^lcm, i. 395 ; on Emperor’s

        used as symbol, ii. 112 ; and grave geomancv,

        ii. 246.

        Dragon-boat Festival, i. 148. 696, 816.

        Dramas and plays in China, i. 714 ; resume

        of a plot, i. 822.

        Dress, style and variety of Chinese, i.

        7.59 ; of Chinese women, i. 763 ; at theatrical

        representations, i. 822 ; felts and

        skins as, ii. 39 ; of Tai-pings, ii. .589.

        Drought, action of officials during, ii.

        203-205.

        Drum Tower, Peking, i. 74 ; stone drums

        in Confucian Temple, ii. 159.

        Ducks, numerous, i. 339 ; the mandarin,

        i. 340 ; hatching establishments, i. 77a.

        Dudgeon, Dr. J., i. 770, li. 134, 240, 241,

        44a.

        Dufresse, Romish missionary to China,

        ii. 30(j, 307 ; on infant baptism, ii. 311

        his letters, ii. 317.

        Du Halde, i. 02, 196, 523, ii. 137, 294,

        443, 719.

        Duuganis, Mohammedan tribe of, L 210,

        and Yakub lieg, ii. 727 ; their revolt,

        ii. 730.

        Du Ponceau, P. S., i. 586.

        Dutch, bring tea into Europe, ii. 51

        ;

        tlriven from Formosa by Ko.\inga, ii.

        180; in the Pescadores, i. 141, ii.

        433 ; and missionaries in the Archipelago,

        ii. 320 ; Chinese notice of, ii. 427

        ;

        trade and embassies to China, ii. 434.

        Dutch Folly Fort, at Canton, i. 163,

        170 ; British bombard Canton from, iL

        640.

        Dwellings, in loess, i. 301 ; in cities,

        construction and arrangement, i. 727-

        733 ; boats used as, i. 750.

        Dyer, Samuel, i. (iC»4, ii. 325, 368.

        Dynasties, table of the Chinese, ii. 186.

        Dzaring Lake, in Koko-nor, i. 18.

        EAGLE, or Barkut, in Mongolia, i.

        331.

        East India Company, appoint Morrison as

        translator, ii. 319: oppose his son’s

        press at Macao, ii. 345 ; and the opium

        trade with China, ii. 376, 377 ; its influence

        and character in China, ii. 443,

        4.59, 403 ; attempt to start a trade at

        Fuhchau, ii. 445 ; control the British in

        China, ii. 453; its responsibility, ii.

        458 ; its close, ii. 4.V.), 738.

        Eclip.se.s, of moon at (^antou, i. SI 9 ; Chinese

        observations of, ii. 73 ; noticed in

        the tShii, ii. 149.

        Edicts, style of, and modes of publishing,

        i. 409.

        Edkins, Dr. Joseph, i. 3, 752, ii. 197,212,

        217, 229, 247, 271, 364.

        Education, in China, Chap. IX. ; probable

        extent of, i. 545 ; female, i. 572-

        577 ; character of Chinese, ii. 370 ; of

        Chinese by missionaries, ii. 310, 341 ;

        of Chinese boys in the United States,

        ii. 739-741.

        Egypt, Chinese snuff-bottles found in, ii

        27,

        Eighteen Provinces (or China Proper),

        called Shih-jxih Sing and C’him(\

        Kwoh in Chinese, i. 8; its mountaiu

        system, i. 14 ; boundaries, i. 25 ; coast,

        i. 26; climate, i. .50; topographical

        divisions, i. .58 ; area and population’

        density of. i. 272 ; their government, i

        437-443.

        INDEX. 761

        Eitel, Ernest, ii. 233, 247.

        Elders of villages, their position, i. 483,

        500.

        Elephants at Peking, i. 323.

        Eleuths, tribe uf Mongols, i. 213, 219.

        Elgin, Loid, his opinion of the Arrow

        case, li. 037; arrival in China, ii. (143;

        before Canton city, ii. (144 ; construction

        of municipal control at its capture,

        ii. (;4G ; replies to Shanghai missionaries

        on toleration of Christianity, ii. 049

        ;

        reaches Tientsin, li. Ool ; bearing toward

        the allies in Tientsin, ii. 054 ; and

        the opium question, ii. 057 ; visits the

        rebels at Hankow, ii. 059 ; among native.”?

        near Canton, ii. 001 ; reappointed

        plenipotentiary to ( liina, ii. 071 ; refuses

        surrender of Takii forts and advances

        to Peking, ii. 0’i7; view of the

        pillage of Yuen-miiig Yuen, ii. 683 ; he

        orders its destruction, ii. 684 ; signs

        the treaty of Peking, ii. OsO \ his character,

        ii. 688.

        Elliot, Admiral G., arrives at Chusan,

        ii. 515.

        Elliot, Captain Charles, made superintendent

        of trade, ii. 481 ; his opinion of

        the opium trade, ii. 482 ; . ordered to

        drive away opium ships, ii. 491 ; his

        exertions to stop smuggling, ii. 496 ; returns

        to Canton and oilers co-operation

        with Lin, ii. 499 ; his circular upon surrendering

        the opium, ii. 502 ; leaves

        Canton with the prescribed Englishmen,

        ii. 503 ; retires with them on board

        ship, ii. 506 ; effect upon Lin of his

        protecting Dent, ii. 509 ; arrival off

        Chusan as plenipotentiary, ii. 515 ; interview

        with Kishen at Taku, ii. 510

        ;

        at the Bogue, ii. 518; his humane

        policy, ii. 519 ; reward offered for, ii.

        520; accepts a ransom for Canton, ii.

        523 ; superseded by Sir H. Pottinger, ii.

        524.

        Ellis,’Henry, i. 85, 174, 5(il, ii. 458.

        Embassy, received by Kienlung, ii. 182;

        to China : of Marcus Aurelius, ii. 410 ;

        Ibn Batuta, ii. 423 ; character of an,

        during the Ming, ii. 42() ; the Portuguese

        send four, ii. 438 ; Spanish, ii.

        432 ; Dutch, ii. 438, 439 ; Macartney’s,

        ii. 454 ; Lord Amherst’s, ii. 458 ; Pottinger’s

        question concerning reception

        of an, ii. 5.53 ; the Burlingame, to

        foreign countries, ii. 097.

        Embroidery, on official costume, i. 703

        ;

        on ladies’ dresses, i. 7(55 ; Chinese skill

        in, ii. 36.

        Emigration, restrictions to, from China,

        i. 378, 411 ; character of, to the

        Archipelago, ii. 323 ; of Chinese to

        Amei’ica, treaties respecting, ii. 699.

        Emperor of China, his residence at Peking,

        i. ()6-69 ; country place at Jeh-ho,

        i. 88 ; revenue of, i. 289 ; position, titles,

        etc., i. 393-399; inaugural proclamation,

        i. 399 ; coronation, i. 401 ; authority, i.

        403; family of, i. 404; his escort, i. 410 ;

        relations with ministers, i. 420, 437 ;

        his dress, i. 703 ; worship, i. 801 ; his

        ceremony of ploughing, ii. i;> ; in Chine.

        se annals, ii. 15^ ; tables of Ming and

        Tsing, ii. 1!?6; worships Heaven as

        ‘Tiv)i.-tsz\ ii. 194-199; prays lor rain,

        ii. 305 ; and ancestral worship, ii. 2;.’S ;

        funeral of, ii. 250; worshipped in

        mosques, ii. 370 ; peculiarities about

        succession of the present, ii. 726.

        Empress-dowager, position of, i. 409; death

        of the Eastern, ii. 727.

        Empress-regent, two during Tungchi, ii.

        184 ; their critical position at death of

        Hienfung, ii. 091 ; and marriage ceremonies

        of Tungchi, ii. 710.

        England, compared with China as to population-

        density, i. 273 ; consumption of

        tea in, ii. 51 ; attitude of, at commencement

        of opium war, ii. 510 ; observations

        upon, ii. 572.

        English, manifesto against, at Canton,

        i. 488; caricature of, ii. 116; outrage

        the dead at Canton, ii. 354 ; toleration

        clause in, treaty, ii. 360 ; introduce

        opium into China, ii. 377 ; commerce

        attempted in 1635 and 1664, ii. 444 ; and

        French sailors’ quarrels, ii. 451 ; troops

        at Macao, ii. 456 ; and Chinese expectations

        at Napier’s arrival, ii. 400 ; at

        Canton petition the king regarding

        trade, ii. 470 ; losses during the hrst

        war, ii. 550 ; murder of, near Canton,

        ii. 578 ; consuls at Chinese ports, ii.

        579 ; waive right of entering Canton,

        ii. 573, 025 ; attack pirates, ii. 032

        ;

        insult to flag, ii. 035 ; open hostilities

        at Canton, ii. 638 ; sustain Palmerstoii’s

        war policy at home, ii. 041 ; influ.

        ence of, consular body, ii. 0S9 ; expeditions

        “of trade and exploration” into

        Yunnan, ii. 718-723 ; responsibility foi

        China, ii. 725.

        Erman, A., i. 306.

        Escayrac-de-Lauture, Comte de, ii. 215;

        his return from imprisonment at Peking,

        ii. 684.

        Etiquette, at a court levee, i. 800; of a

        formal call, i. 803.

        Eunuchs in imperial household, i. 407.

        ” Ever-Victorious Force” {Cha)ip-sfn)iff

        Kiuii), its organization under Ward, ii.

        007 ; under Col. Gordon, ii. 009; uniform

        and character, ii. Oil ; takes

        Fushan and other towns, ii. Oil 2 ; before

        Suchau, ii. 013 ; last operations, ii. 617;

        dissolved June 1. 1864, ii. (»18.

        Examinations, Hall of, at Canton, i.

        106 ; riot, i. 498 ; system of, founded, i.

        521 ; mode of conducting, i. 547 ; ar752

        IXDEX.

        rangements, i. 551 ; example of an es-

        Si.j , i. 554 ; statistics of, i. 55S ; army,

        i. 560 ; practical merits and demerits of

        system, i. 5t»2-573.

        Execution, of criminals, i. 511 ; attempted,

        in front of factories, ii. 405 ; of rebels

        in Canton, ii. 632 ; of Shushun, ii. 691

        ;

        of Tientsin rioters, ii. 704.

        Exports, of silk from China, ii. ‘SH ; items

        of, from China, ii. 373, 3112 ; table of,

        ii. 405 ; duties on, in eighteenth century,

        ii. 447.

        Ex-territoriality, its inherent wrong, ii

        657 ; Chinese officials inquire concerning,

        ii. 659; its indirect influence, ii.

        695 ; assumption of, by British minister,

        ii. 72(; ; anecdote illustrating Chinese

        dislike of, ii. 741.

        Extortions practised by officials, i. 475.

        Eyelet-hole ware, called ‘ rice-China,’ how

        made, ii. 25.

        FABER, Ernst, i. 603, ii. 25.5.

        Fabulous animals of the Chinese, i.

        342.

        Factories, the, at Canton, i. 107 ; Chinese

        troops placed over, ii 474 ; mob attack

        the, ii. 495 ; Lin confines foreigners in,

        ii. .500 ; occupied by British troops, ii.

        521 ; brawl and fire at, ii. 556 ; burned

        by Yeh, ii. 639.

        Fairs, on frontiers of Corea, i. 194 ; at

        Peking, i 817.

        Falcons in Peking, i. 332.

        Families, cluster together in China, i.

        277 ; Confucian, ennobled, i. 387 ; in

        tea cultivation, ii. 41 ; and ancestral

        worship, ii. 2:>6 ff’.

        P’amine of 1878, Chinese benevolence

        during, ii 266 ; its extent and terrors,

        ii. 734 ; efforts of foreigners toward its

        relief, ii. 73 5.

        fan River, in .Shansi, i. 94.

        J<^au kuiei, ‘ foreign devils.’ reason for

        name, i. 42 ; use at Canton, ii. 346,

        347 ; influence of the term, ii. 461

        gradual disappearance, ii. (i(i2.

        Farce, a Chinese, i. 715.

        Farms in Cldna, generally small, i. 276,

        278.

        Feet, compressed, origiti and extent of

        practice, i. 776 ; its appearance and effects

        ujjon women, i. 768 ; noticed by

        Friar Odoric, ii. 423.

        Pelt, poorly m;ide, ii. 39.

        Female, education in China, i. .57:2-577

        ;

        dress, i. 763 ; position in society, i. 784

        privileges and misfortunes, i. 794-796

        ;

        parts in theatres, i. 821 ; missionaries,

        ii. 36i.

        Fergusson, James, i. 726, 727, 745, 758,

        ii. 176, 232.

        Festivals, of Dragon-boats, i. 696, 816

        numerous and popular, i.809; New Year,

        i. 810-816 ; of lanterns, i. 817, 818 ; of

        ploughing and the first of spring, iL 13.

        Fiction (see also Novels), character of

        Chinese, i 694.

        Field. Dr. H. M., on Chinese justice,

        i. .510.

        Fi-fi, Chinese monkey, i. 31.5.

        Filial Duty, the ‘ Canons of,’ or Ifiao

        King^ i. 536 ; notable examples of, i

        .

        .538 ; taught in the JJoolc of liitvs, i.

        646.

        Finn, James, ii. 271, 274.

        Fires, how controlled in cities, i. 743 ; in

        pawnshops, ii. 87.

        Fire-wells in Sz’chuen, i. 312.

        Fire-works, in Peking, i. 817; a- id gunpowder,

        ii. 90.

        Fischer, Heinr., i. 309.

        Fisher, Lieut. -Col, ii. 600, 663, 667, 608,

        675.

        Fishes, immense supply of, in China, i.

        276 ; of the Empire, i. 340-350 ; shellfish,

        i. 350-351 ; in (“Janton m.arkets, i.

        780; models of, carried in procession, i.

        818; and fishermen, ii. 14; fins and

        maws eaten, ii. 397.

        Fishing, various methods of, i. 779, ii.

        14.

        Five Sovereigns, the, of Chinese legendary

        history, ii. 142-148.

        Flag, Chinese national and private, i. 7.52.

        Flint, his efforts to establish a trade, ii.

        448 ; imprisoned, ii. 449.

        Flogging, a common punishment, i. .509.

        Flowers, much esteemed, i. 368 ; worn

        upon the head, i. 704 ; at New Year, i.

        811 ; culture of, ii. 12 ; used in scenting

        tea, ii. 48.

        Food, of Tibetans, i. 241 ; in use in China,

        i. 274 ; supplies of palace, i. 408 ; Chinese,

        i. 771-778.

        Foreigners, how classified, i. 429; ideas

        of Cliiuese society, i. 782 ; thought to

        have no surnames, i. 798; tricks playi’d

        on, i. 799 ; establish free hospitals, ii.

        333 fi”. ; Morrison Education Society, ii.

        340; Chinese contempt for, ii. 450-4.5-1 ;

        Chinese terms for, ii. 401 ; in Canton

        kept like animals, ii. 477; imprisoiu’il liy

        Lin in the factories,’ ii. 500 ; how looked

        uj)on by the Chinese, ii. 538 ; in general

        included in terras of English treaty of

        Nanking, ii. oCd ; continued hatred of,

        at Canton, ii. .578,-580; and the Taipings

        at Nanking, ii. 597 ; none injured

        by Tai-pings, ii. 604 ; enlisted by

        the rebels, ii.OOO ; by imperialists under

        Ward, ii. 007; and the Ever-Victorious

        force, ii. (ill ; and collection of duties

        at Shanghai, ii. 627 ; Chinese opinjpn

        of, after the war of ISliO, ii. <iS9 ; phm

        of employing, on war vessels, ii. 692 ;

        their abuse of China, ii. 70() ; admitted

        to audience of Emperor, ii. 714 ; efforts

        INDEX. 753

        toward relief of the famine of 1878, ii.

        735.

        Formosa Island, or Taiwan, i. 27, 44

        ;

        position, character, and products of, i.

        137-141 ; hog found in, i. 324 ; pheasant

        of, i. 337 ; camplior on, ii. .55 ; Dutch

        driven from, ii. 180 ; missions in, ii.

        349 ; history of the Dutch occupation of,

        ii. 433^38 ; massacre of shipwrecked

        crews on, ii. 554 ; during the Tai-ping

        Rebellion, ii. (i()4 ; Japanese descent

        upon, ii. 710 ; its recent growth and

        improvement, ii. 71S.

        Ports, their construction in China, i. 758 ;

        at the Bogue. ii. 520; at Taku, ii. 676.

        Fortune, R., i. 107, 136, 29e”., 370, 733, ii.

        10, 12, 29, 38, 55, 2.53.

        Fortune-tellers, and the cabala of the Yih,

        i. 632 ; and astrology, ii. 74 ; their

        methods, ii. 260.

        Fox, localities of, ideas concerning, i. 320.

        French, studies in Chinese silk-culture,

        ii. 32, 34 ; toleration clauses in, treaty,

        ii. 361 ; relations with China, ii. 441 ;

        and English sailors, their quarrels at

        Canton, ii. 451 ; treaty of Whampoa

        with China, ii. 571 ; attack on rebels at

        Shanghai, ii. 028 ; legation withdraws

        from Canton, ii. 639 ; grievance against

        China, ii. 642 ; convention of Peking,

        ii. 087 ; massacre of consul and Sisters

        of Charity at Tientsin, ii. 700 ; action

        of the, charge’, ii 703.

        Fritsche, H., i. 52, 57.

        Frogs, how caught, i. 778.

        Fruits, of China, i. 366 ; common table,

        i. 774 ; at dinner, i. 807.

        I^’u, ‘ department ‘ or ‘ prefecture, ‘ term

        explained, i. 58 ; government, i. 441.

        Fuhchau (Hokchiu), description of, i.

        130-133 ; its dialect, i. 611 ; bridge at,

        i. 754 ; nunneries abolished in, ii. 230 ;

        missions at, ii. 349 ; van Hoorn lands

        at, ii. 438 ; East India Company commence

        trade at, ii. 44.5 ; treatment of

        foreigners at, ii. 580 ; arsenal established

        at, ii. 61)6.

        Fuh-hi, the inventor of writing, i. 580 ;

        and the Yih King, i. 627-628 ; the first

        monarch, ii. 142 ; confounded with Fuh

        (Buddha), ii. 217.

        Fuhkien province, temperature of, i. .55 ,

        description of, i. 127-13’t; dialect, i.

        614-616 ; marriage customs of, i. 78.5,

        7S7; experiment in coinage, ii. 84;

        Taoist priests in, ii. 215_; infanticide

        in, ii. 240 ; funeral customs, ii. 243 ;

        missions in, ii. 348.

        Fuh-niu shan, in Honan, i. 98.

        Fuhshan (or Fat-shan), a mart near Canton,

        i. .59 ; taken by rebels, ii. 630 ; their

        brutalities in, ii. 631.

        Funerals, ceremonies attending, ii. 343-

        255.

        Vol. II.—48

        Fung-hmang, or phoenix, i. 343 ; as an

        emblem, ii. 111.

        Fuiig-shui, founded on the Yih King^ i.

        628 ; a system of geomancy, ii. 246.

        Fung Sien tien, temple in Emperor’s

        Palace, Peking, i. 09.

        Fung Yun-shan, an early follower of

        Hung Siu-tsuen, ii. 586 ; made the

        ‘ Southern King,’ii. 594 ; he disappears,

        ii. 602.

        Furniture, in country houses, i. 733

        materials, i. 734.

        Furs used for winter garments, i. 763.

        Futai^ orfuyen^ governor of a province,

        i. 438.

        Fuyin, or mayor of Peking, i. 82.

        GABEL, or Salt Department, its im^

        portance, i. 443.

        Gambier, an import, ii. 400.

        Gamble, VV., i. 604, ii. 325.

        Gambling, modes and extent of, i. 825.

        Games, morra {cliai rnri)^ at dinner, L

        808 ; out-door, i. 825 ; chess, i. 827.

        Gang-<lis-ri, Zang, or Kailasa Mountains,

        i. 13.

        Gardens, style of private, in China, i. 734;

        in Shanghai, ii 202.

        ” Gates of China,” perhaps Straits of Luichau,

        i. 26 ; probably at Canfu, i. 127,

        ii. 415.

        Gaubil, Pore, i. 63.3, 634,0.36, 809.

        Gegen, at Wu-tai shan, in Shan si, i. 96.

        Geography, Chinese knowledge of foreign,

        i. 49 ; native topographies, i. 50, 185

        ;

        popular ideas of, in China, ii. 80,

        Geology of China, i. 297-312.

        Gerbillon, Pere, i. 88, ii. 181, 441.

        German representative sent to China in

        1843, ii. .565.

        Genghis khan, i. 726 ; takes Peking, iL

        175 ; and Pres^r John, ii. 286.

        Gill, Capt. \V., r21.

        Ginseng, localities of, i. 367.

        Glass, manufacture of, ii. 21.

        Gobi, or Sha-moh, Great Desert of, the

        Olympus of Buddhist and Taoist myths,

        i. 12 ; its position and area, i. 15; sandhills,

        i. 16 ; called Peh hai and Hah hai,

        i. 2.5, 201, 216 ; grasses of, i. 357 ; its influence

        on Chinese civilization, ii. 189.

        God, word for, in Chinese, ii. 154; discussion

        concerning, among Romanists, ii.

        297 ; among Protestants, ii. 304.

        Goddard, Josiah, i. 015.

        Goes, Benedict, i. 310 ; his journey to

        Cathay, ii. 424.

        Gold, found in Shensi, i. 151 ; in Khoten,

        i. 230 ; in Tibet, i. 244 ; uses of, i. 311,

        ii. 19 ; never coined, ii. 83, 84.

        Golden Island (Kin Shan), in Kiangsu, i

        10.5.

        Gold-fish, methods of rearing, i. 348.

        Gon9alves, J. A., i. 591.

        IND1′:X.

        Gongs, how made, ii. 20 ; their use, ii.

        103.

        Gordon, Colonel Peter, ii. 91 ; takes command

        of the ‘ Ever-Victorious force,’

        ii. 609, i’Al ; captures Fushan, ii. 012;

        before Suchau, ii. Clo ; efforts to protect

        life after its surrender, ii. CIS;

        indignation, ii. (510; wounded before

        Kintan, ii. 017 ; dissolves the ‘ Ever-

        Victorious force,’ ii. 018; his honorable

        conduct appreciated, ii. 019 ; visits

        the works before Nanking, ii. 020; his

        advice to Peking officials as to a war

        with Russia, ii 7c!3.

        Gough, Sir Hugh, arrives to command

        English land force, ii. 521 ; invests Canton,

        ii. 522 ; at Ningpo, ii. 529 ; his

        foroe at taking of Chapu, ii. 5:>) ; at the

        capture of Chinkiang, ii. 542; before

        Nanking, ii. 545 ; his rewards after the

        war, ii. 556.

        Gould, Dr., ii. 340.

        Gould, John, i. 330.

        Government, of Peking, i. 82-83 ; of Mongolia,

        i. 199 ; of Ili, i. 231-233 ; of Tibet,

        i. 255-;357 ; revenue of imperial, i. 289-

        292 ; Chinese, its theory patriarchal, i.

        380 ; laws and departments of, i. 381-

        384; cabinet and boards of, i. 415; provincial,

        i. 437-447 ; influence upon literature,

        i. 719.

        Grain, Commissioner of, i. 443.

        Grains, in the Herbal, i. 372 ; eaten by

        the Chinese, i. 772; how sown, ii. 5.

        Grammar of the Chinese language, i.

        617-021 ; MoiTison’s, ii. 321.

        Grand Canal, Chah ho, or Yun ho, i. 31 ;

        Davis’s description of, i. 32; present

        condition, i. 35, .52, 89, 92, 108, 119;

        deepened by Kublai, ii. 17() ; Tai-pings

        control, ii. 590.

        Grasshoppers, edict for destruction of, i.

        409.

        Graves, in China, i. 275 ; legend concerning

        the false, ii. 107; geomancy in selecting,

        ii. 240 ; pai shan at, ii. 252

        ;

        prayers before, ii. 262.

        Gray, Archdeacon J. H., i. 413, 573, 715,

        778, 788, 790, 821, ii. 14, 231, 355, 201,

        271.

        Gray, Mrs., i. 752, 788.

        Great Plain of China, i. 14 ; extent, i. 27 ;

        pojjulation of, i. 28 ; climate, i. 52.

        Great Wall. Waii-li Chang Ching, i. 29;

        construction, i. 30; aspect, i. 31, 152,

        203; built by Tsin, ii. 100; Arch of

        Mongol dynasty in, ii. 170.

        Greece, and China, infanticide in, ii. 242 ;

        China known as Q\v in, ii. 408 ; communication

        with China in the dark ages,

        ii. 412.

        Griffis, W. E., ii. 78.

        Gros, Baron, arrives in China, ii. 043 ; at

        capture of Canton, ii. 646 ; arrives at

        Tientsin, ii. 6.51 ; leaves China, ii. 661 ;

        reappointed envoy with Lord Elgin, ii.

        671 ; signs the treaty of Peking, ii. 686

        ;

        well fitted tor his task in China, ii, 688.

        Grosier, Abbe, ii. 38, 5(), 90, 104, 719.

        Grosvenor, Hon. T. (I., sent as commissioner

        to Yunnan, ii. 723.

        Gully, Robert, his shipwreck and murder

        on Formosa, ii. .554.

        (iunpowder, invention and use of, ii. 89.

        Gutzlaff, Rev. Charles, i. 100, 193, ii. 137,

        180, 325 ; his three voyages, ii. 328, 350,

        303 ; at Chusan during the war, ii. 515

        at Shiinghai, li. 530, 542, 548, 556.

        Gypsum, uses of, i. 306.

        HAAS, Joseph, i. 033.

        Hailing, General, at Chinkiang, ii.

        2.’)5 ; his devotion, ii. 540 ; posthumous

        honors to, ii. .557.

        Hainan Island, aborigines on, i. 44 ; notice

        of the island, i 175.

        Hair, how dressed and worn, i. 701 ; of

        women, i. 704.

        Hai-tien, near Peking, i. 80 ; British and

        French troops at, ii. 083.

        JIai-tuh, or khi-doc, a Chinese monkey,

        i. 31.5.

        Hakkas, in Formosa, i. 138 ; in Kvvangtung,

        i. 486 ; and the Tai-pings, ii. 582,

        591.

        Hales, Dr., chronology of, ii. 143, 145.

        Hanbury, Daniel, i. 3.53, 3.55, ii. 134.

        Hamberg, Rev. Theodore, his Life of

        Ilnnq SUi-Uncn, ii. ,582.

        Hami, or Kamil, in Kansuh, i. 213, 224.

        Han dynasty, Latin name of .SVjv.s originated

        during, i. 4; Hau (or ‘After’ Han)

        at Chingtu, i. 1.54 ; censuses under, i.

        260 ; its historians, ii. 159 ; its founder

        Kautsu, ii. 162; and Eastern Han, ii.

        164 ; After Han, XXth dynasty, ii. 172.

        Hance, Dr. H. F., i. 3.”)5, 305.

        Hangchau, capital of Chehkiang, i. 115;

        its temples and manufactures, i. 117-

        119 ; pagoda at, i. 744 ; Moslems in, ii.

        268, 270 ; Nestorians in, ii. 285 ; missions

        in, ii. 251 ; Abu Zaid on, ii. 415;

        retaken by imperialists, ii. 618; Romanist

        church confiscated at, ii. 087.

        Hanchuug, in iShensi, i. 151.

        Han hai, ‘ Mirage Sea,’ or Desert of Lobnor,

        i. 16.

        llan-jin^ JIa7i-tiiz\ ‘Men,’ or ‘Sons of

        Han,’ terms used by Chinese for themselves,

        i. 4. ii. 102.

        Hankow, in Hupeh, i. 144; its fortune

        during the reljellion, ii. 000, 007 ; visited

        by Lord Elgin, ii. 0.59.

        Hanlin Yuen, National Academy, Peking,

        i. 72 ; its character, i. 434 ; membership

        a degree of literary rank, i. 559.

        Han River, in Hupeh, i. ]4’2.

        Han-sing Pass, in Shansi, i. 97.

        INDEX. 755

        Hao-king, ancient name of Si-ngan, i. 3.

        Harashar (or Karashar), town and district

        of I’ll, i. 234

        Hardy, R. S., i. 395, 413, ii. 217, 218, 2:30,

        224, 2J6, 232.

        Hare, alpine and others, i. 327.

        Harem, imperial, i. 407 ; and Board of

        Revenue, i. 422 ; Sung’s daughter in, i.

        45().

        Harland, Dr., ii. 123.

        Hart, Sir Robert, takes management of

        customs service, ii. G95.

        Hats, official, i. 414 ; laborers’ and other,

        i. 762.

        Hayton, king of Armenia, vists Mangu

        khan. ii. 420.

        Heaven, Altar to, Peking, i. 76; ideas

        concerning the creation of, ii. 138

        ;

        worship of, ii. 194-198 ; and the term

        tifii, ii. 300.

        Hedde, Isidore, ii. 34.

        Heeren, A. H. L., i. 196, 238, 343, 398, 413,

        44(i, 482, 503, ii. 410, 412.

        Hemp, four kinds of, ii. 10.

        Henderson, Dr. James, ii. 127.

        Hepburn, Dr., ii. 131.

        Jferbnl, Chinese (see Pii?i tsao)^ i. 370,

        etc.

        Herdsman and weaver-girl, fable of the,

        ii. 76.

        Hereditary local officers of «.?’ districts,

        i. 59.

        Hervey-Saint-Denys, Marquis d’, i 703,

        701, ii. 14.

        Hia dynasty, founded by Yu, ii. 148 ; its

        early annals, ii. 152 ; its period, ii. 158.

        Hia, Tartar tribe, ii. 173, 174.

        Hiao, Emperor, B.C. 909. confers Tsinchau

        on Prince Feitsz’, i. 2.

        Hiao Kinf], or ‘Canons of Filial Duty,’

        a school-book, i. 536.

        Hieii, ‘district,’ term explained, i. 58;

        its fAi, or ‘ district magistrate,’ i. 441.

        Hienfung, Emperor, his reign, ii. 184;

        attitude toward foreigners, ii 575 ; imbecilifcv

        during Tai-ping revolt, ii. 604 ;

        childish ignorance during war with

        England, ii. 642 ; signs treaty of Tientsin,

        ii. ()5() ; escapes to Jeh-ho, ii 679 ;

        his death, ii. 689.

        Hieroglyphics, Chinese and Assyrian, L

        581 ; early Chinese, i. 583-586 ; erroneous

        ideas concerning Chinese, i. 605,

        606.

        Himalaya Mountains, i. 10 ; the fourth

        mountain system of China, i. 13.

        Hindu name for China, ‘ Ma-chin,’ i. 3.

        Hing-an mountain system, i. 13.

        Hingking (Yenden), in Shingking, i. 193.

        Hinkai-nor, in Kirin, i. 24.

        History, of ili, i. 233-237; of Tibet, i.

        254-255 ; in Chinese literature, i. 675

        ;

        and chronoloj^y of China, ii 136 ; period

        of fable, ii. 1 37 ; of legend, ii. 143 ; of

        the twenty-six dynasties, il. 148-187″

        worth of Chinese, ii. 413.

        iriston/ of the Tlirie States, a Chinese

        historical novel, i. 603, 677-680, ii. 164.

        H’lassa, capital of Tibet, i. 245-247.

        Ho, Duke, i. 80 ; career of, i. 452.

        Hobson, Dr., i. 776, ii. 125, 137, 337.

        Hohson, B. H. E., ii. 180, 346.

        Hodgson, B. H., i. 243, 254.

        Hog, a[)i)earance and usefulness of, i. 334

        ;

        much eaten, i. 777 ; for sacrifices, i. 781.

        Ho Kwei-tsing, governor-general of Kiangsn,

        his cowardice at fall of Chinkiang

        and Suchau, ii. 605; receives letters

        of the allies, ii. 648 ; sends reply

        to Mr. Bruce at Shanghai, ii. 672.

        Homicides, foreign, at Canton, ii. 451-454,

        460 ; of Lin Wei-hi at Hongkong, ii.

        505 ; of Sii A-mun at Canton, ii. 568 ; of

        Englishmen near Canton, ii. .578.

        Honam, or Honan Island, opposite Canton,

        i. ir)4-165, 169.

        Honan province, its position and people,

        i. 97-99.

        Hong, explanation of term, i. 167 ; merchants

        : their garden.s, i. 736 ; their integrity,

        i. 834 ; monopoly established,

        ii. 447 ; relations with foreign traders,

        ii. 450 ; their position between Governor

        Lu and Napier, ii. 469, 473 ; and

        Chinese shopkeepers, ii. 477 ; expostulate

        with foreigners concerning opium

        smuggling, ii. 493, 494 ; a last attempt

        to squeeze, ii. 559.

        Hongkong, climate of, i. 54 ; description

        of city, i. 171-173 ; botany of, i. 355 ;

        Triad Society prohibited in, i. 493 ;

        missions remove to, ii. 347 ; homicide

        of Lin Wei-hi at, ii. 50.”) ; taken possession

        of b}’^ British, ii. 557 ; influence as

        a free port on smuggling, ii. 633 ; attempt

        to poison foreigners at, ii. 640 ;

        British encouragement to smuggling at,

        ii. 725.

        Honorary Portals, or Pai-lati, i. 83, 756.

        Hoorn, Van, Dutch ambassador to Peking,

        ii. 438.

        Hoppiu, Prof. J. M., ii. 639.

        Horse, new wild, found by Prejevalsky

        in Khoten, i. 231 ; little used, i. 274,

        320 ; appearance, i. 323 ; notices of, in

        the Herbal, i. 375 ; shoeing, ii. 4.

        Hospitals, native foundling, at Shanghai,

        ii. 2(i4 ; established by Candida, ii. 295 ;

        by Dr. Parker at Canton, ii. 333, 334

        fF.; versus itinerary practice, ii. 340; at

        Tinghai and Shanghai, ii. 351.

        Howqua, a Canton merchant, his son.

        created kn-Jin, i. 567; and Parker’s

        hospital, ii. 334 ; his death, ii. 559.

        Hue, Pere Evariste Re’gis, i. 88, 144, 156,

        195, 210, 313, 246. 257, 336, 343, 644, ii.

        50, 331, 332, 277, 386, 390, 293, 299, 42:3,

        708.

        7.”iG INDEX.

        Hiimlioldt.’s theory of hills in Mongolia,

        i. 11; Sx’chucn springs, i. 81o; on the

        plantain, i. 362.

        Hume, David, on infanticide in Rome, ii.

        242.

        Himan province, i. 140-14S; inscription

        of Yu in, ii. 149.

        Hung Jin, brother of the Tien Wang, ii.

        58:i ; is converted, ii. 58G ; teaches and

        baptizes, ii. 587 ; at the capture of Nanking,

        ii . 620 ; subsequent efforts, ii.

        Hung Siu-tsuen, the Tim Wang, leader

        of the Tai-jnng revolt, ii. .582 ; his

        vision, ii. 58o ; belief in his divine calling,

        ii. .58.5 ; goes to Mr. Roberts, ii.

        .588 ; commencement of military movement,

        ii. 5′.t0 ; his opposition to the

        Triad Society, ii. .501 ; his ‘ Celestial

        Decrees,’ ii. 5y:3 ; proclaimed Emperor

        at Nanking, ii. 594 ; failure to reach

        Peking the death of his movement, ii.

        .500 ; dissensions among his generals, ii.

        602 ; his indomital)le sfiirit, ii. 605 ;

        his death at Nanking, ii. 620 ; character

        of his political aspirations, ii.

        623.

        Hungtsih Lake, in Kiangsu, i. 24, 100, 100.

        Hungwu, Emperor, tomb of, at Nanking,

        i. 101, ii. 115 ; inaugural proclamation

        in 1644, i. 395 ; founds the Ming, ii.

        177.

        Huns, driven back by Tsin, ii. 161 ; inroads

        during third century A.D., ii.

        165 ; their kingdom of Wei in fifth and

        sixth centuries a.d., ii. 166; go West

        instead of East, ii. 169.

        Hunter, W. C, ii. 560.

        Hupeh ]n-ovince, i. 142-140.

        Hurun Lake, in Manchuria, i. 24.

        Hwaiking, in Shansi, i. 01.

        Ilira Hill, ‘ Glorious Hia,’ an ancient

        term for China, i. 5.

        Ilwai-ngan, in Kiangsu, i. 108.

        Hwang Ching, ‘ Imperial Citj-,’ Peking,

        i. 60.

        Hwang ho. See Yellow River.

        Hwangti’, an appellation of the Emperor,

        i. 303 ; a jjrimeval monarch, tlie pos.sibleinventor

        of writing, i . 580 ; of clothing,

        ii. 32; of the si ^tj -year cycle, ii.

        60, 146; importance of audience before

        the, ii. 714.

        JIuHUKj gang (AnlrJnpc gnlluroaa), i. 321.

        Hwang sz’, monument to Teshu Lama,

        Peking, i. 70 ; Lord I’^lgin at, ii. 682.

        Hwashana, Commissioner, at Tientsin, ii.

        651 ; at Shangliai, on tai ill’ revision, ii.

        657, 664 ; discusses audience question

        with Ward at Peking, ii. 660.

        Hwuichau, in Nganhwui, i. 110.

        Hwui, kwan, cluh-houses at Peking, i. 76 ;

        ‘clubs,’ variety and extent of, ii. 87.

        Hyacinthe, Pere, i, 63.

        I

        ‘BARBARIAN,’ a term for foreign

        ^ ers, ii. 461.

        I, Prince, and the British interpretei-s at

        Tungchau, ii. 67!-!, (i70 ; the ])risoners

        sent to, ii. 680 ; Elgin located in palace

        of, ii. 686 ; his conspiracy, ii. 600

        ;

        death, ii. 691.

        Ibn Batuta, ii. 271, 373 ; his travels iu

        Cathay, ii. 421.

        Ibn Wahab, an Arab traveller, ii. 414, 425.

        Ice in Peking, i. 52 ; the coast towns, i.

        .53.

        Tchang, in Hupeh, i. 145.

        Iching, on the Yangtsz’, reception of the

        English at, ii. 544.

        Ides, E. Ysbrandt, envoy of Russia to

        Peking, ii. 442.

        Idols, how carved, ii. 115; iu Buddhist

        temples, ii. 235 ; ])atronage of, general,

        ii. 2.59 ; allowed by Ricci, ii. 202.

        Ifung hien, in Ilonan, waste-wier at, i.

        Tlchi, capital of Khotcn, i. 230.

        lli province, i. 21.5 ; its recent boundaries,

        i. 215; physical features, i. 216; its

        two circuits — Songaria, i. 218-220;

        Eastern Turkestan, i. 221-231 ; its government,

        i. 231-233 ; historical notice

        of, i. 233-237 ; Mohammedans of, ii.

        271

        .

        Ilipu, Governor-General and Commissioner,

        i. 464 ; truce with Elliot at

        Chusan, ii. 517 ; his banishment, ii.

        529 ; thanks the English for care of

        prisoners, ii. 534 ; associate commissioner

        with Kiying, ii. 537; concludes

        and signs treaty, ii. 547, 553 ; death, ii.

        557.

        Imitation a Chinese national trait, ii. 6.3.

        Imperial, City, Ibi’ang Ching, I’eking, i.

        69 ; clan and its government, i. 40.5

        family, i. 407 ; Academy, or Hanlin

        Yuen, i. 434.

        Imports, of opium into China, ii. 388

        ;

        from the Archipelago, ii. 306.

        Infanticide, female, in Fuhkien, i. 136

        prevalence of the practice in China, ii.

        239-241 ; comparison with Greece and

        Rome, ii. 242.

        Ink, materials of India, i. 500.

        Inner Council, or Cabinet, i. 41.5.

        Inscription, of Yu, in Kau-lau shan,

        Hunan, ii. 140; in gateway at Kii-yung

        kwan, ii. 176; on Nestorlan Tablet of

        Si-ngan, ii. 277.

        Insects of China, i. 351-3.54.

        Intercourse, social, among the Chinese, i.

        800; between China and Western Asia,

        ii. ICiC) ; ancient, with foreign nations,

        ii. 408; mediaeval, ii. 414. See also

        under Trade.

        Iron, in Shantung, i. 93 ; in Shansi,

        al)undant, i. 95-‘J6 ; its manufacture,

        ii. i’J,

        INDEX. 757

        Irrigation, various morlos of, ii. 6.

        Islaniisni. Sec Moliaiiinietlan.

        Issik-kul, or Lnkr ‘rciniiitu, i. 24, 217.

        Isolation of the (“hinesi’, its influence on

        their character, i. 5^3, Soo ; its causes

        and results, ii. lSS-100, 642, 648, 660.

        Isothermal lines of China, L 51.

        Ivory imported from Africa, ii. 400.

        JADE, or yuhs found in Khoten, i.

        22.3, 220 ; description of, i. 309 ; feU

        txui, or jadeite, i. 312.

        Janiho, food used in Tibet, i. 241.

        Japan, tea shrub.s, ii. 41 ; character symbols

        and sounds in, ii. 190 ; expedition

        to Formosa, ii. 716.

        Jauchau, in Kiangsi, i. 113.

        Jehangi’r, kojeh of Kashgar, i. 235, 454

        ;

        his end, ii. 184, 727, 729.

        Jeb-ho, or Chingtih, Emperor’s summer

        retreat, i. 88, 312; thermal springs at,

        i. 313 ; Sung at, i. 455 ; expense of, L

        566 ; Hienfung retires to, ii, 682 ; palace

        conspiracy at, ii. 690.

        Jenkins, Dr. B., i. 530, ii. 90.

        Jesuit missionaries, correct the Chinese

        calendar, ii. 68 ; their map-making, ii.

        80; enter China in 1.580, ii. 177; and

        ancestral rites, ii. 2.52, 293, 299 ; and

        other Catholics, ii. 294, 297 ; obnoxious

        to Yungching, ii. 443.

        Jewels, of China, i. 310 ; imported, ii. 400.

        Jews in China, ii. 271 ; visited by Dr.

        Martin, ii. 272.

        Jones, Owen, ii. 107.

        Johnson, Samuel, his Oriental Religions,

        i. 691, ii. 211, 217,255.

        Johnson, Rev. Stephen, ii. 349.

        Judicial proceedings, character of, i. .500-

        508 ; cruelty and mercy of, i. 510 ; in

        cases of foreign homicides, ii. 451 flF.,

        460.

        Julien, Stanislas, i. 345, 590, 674, 714, iL

        22, 32, 33, 62, 207, 212, 229.

        Junks, Chinese, 1. 7.5.3; coast trade in,

        decreasing, ii. 389.

        ‘Just Medium,’ the, Vliunfj Yung, i. 053.

        KAIFUNG (Pien-liang), capital of

        Honan, i. 99 ; Jews in, ii. 271 ff.;

        stormed by Tai-pings, ii. 597 ; surly

        spirit in, during the famine, ii. 736.

        Kailasa, mountain in Tibet, i 239.

        Kalgan, town in Northern Chihli, i. 203.

        Kalkas, Mongol tribc’S. i. 20.5, 206, 209.

        _ Kan River, tributary of the Yangtsz’, L

        21, 112; boats upon, i. 751.

        Kanchau, in Kiangsi, i. 113.

        Kane, Dr. H. H,, ii. 388.

        Kang. or brick bed. i. 53, 306.

        Kanghi, Emperor, singular festival of, i.

        08 ; abolishes capitation tax, i. 266

        ;

        dictionary of, i. 588-591, 602, 672, etc.;

        orders copper types, i. 603 ; his ‘ Sacred

        Commands,’ i. 687; tries to suppress

        fashion of compressed feet, i. 770 ; and

        the calendar, ii. 68 ; introduces foreign

        music, ii. 103; and Koxinga, ii. 180;

        against strange religions, ii. 227; prevents

        immolation of women, ii. 250

        ;

        and Father Schaal, ii. 297, 298 ; memorialized

        by Jesuits, ii. 299 ; counter decree

        agaiiist the Pope, ii. 302 ; Portuguese

        embassy to, ii. 429 ; letter of

        Louis XIV. to, ii. 441 ; sends Tulishen

        to the Czar, ii. 442 ; his prophecy

        quoted, ii. 484.

        Kanpu, or Canfu, i. 127.

        _

        Kansuh province, climate, i. 55 ; description

        of, i. 152-154 ; Mohammedan insurrection

        in. ii. 269, 7;>0.

        Kaolin, a constituent of jjorcelain, ii. C3.

        Kara-korum, Mountains, their position,

        i. 13 ; town, Carpini’s mission to Kuyuk

        at, ii. 416.

        Kashgar, government and town, i. 227-

        228, ii. 728 ; its reconquest, ii. 731

        .

        Katshe, or Korkache, a district of Tibet,

        i 238.

        Kantsu. or Lin Pang, founder of the Han,

        ii. 162.

        Kautsung, Emperor of Tang dynasty, iL

        170.

        Kerr, Dr. J. G., i. 164, ii. 337, 339, 340.

        Khoten, district of 111, i. 230-231.

        Kiakhta, trading post on Russian frontier,

        i. 207 ; apples of, i. 366, ii. 443.

        Kiaking, the Emperor, i. 431, 453, 465,

        466 ; his reign, ii. 182 ; prohibits import

        of opium, ii. 378.

        Kiang, ‘river.’ See Yangtsz’.

        Kialing River, in Sz’chuen, i. 1.55.

        Kiangnan—the two Kiang, fertility of

        the region, L 100.

        Kiangning (see Nanking), i. 100.

        Kiangsi province, its surface, i. 111.

        Kiangsu province, i. 99 ; watercourses, i.

        100 ; its towns, etc., i. 101-108. _

        Kiao, ‘sect,’ meaning of term, ii. 193,

        194; its vagueness, ii. 358.

        Kiayii kwan. on Great ^V’aU in Kansuh, L

        1.52, 211, ii. 14.5, 189.

        Kieh Kwei, last Emperor of the Hia, ii.

        1.53.

        Kienlung, Emperor, festival of, i. 67-68

        ;

        effusion on Mukden, i. 193, 5V»8 ; revives

        census, i. 260, 285, 291 ; upon naming

        his successor, i. 404 ; casts lead types,

        i. 603 ; bronzes made under, ii. 20 ; his

        reign, ii. 181 ; treatment of Catholics,

        ii. 305 ; Van Braam’s embassy to, ii.

        439, 447, 449.

        Kicn Tsing Kung, ‘ Palace of Heavenly

        Purity,’ Peking, i. 68.

        Kihngan, in Kiangsi, i. 112.

        Ei-lin, or unicorn, i. 342 ; Sz’ma Kwang

        and the pretended, i. 676.

        758 INDEX.

        Kilung, on Formosa Island, i. 1 “7.

        Kin, or Niu-chih (or Nu-chih), Tartars, i.

        202; established in Pi’king, ii. 174;

        inscription at Kii-yung kwan, ii. 176 ;

        overthrow tlie Mings, ii. 178.

        Kinchau, in Shingking, i. I!t3, 195.

        King, Kiiig-tu, Ki>i(/-s.z\ Chinese terms

        for the capital, i. CO, (il.

        King Shan. Prospector Coal Hill, Peking,

        i. 70.

        Kingsmill, T. W., i. 296, 298, 299, 304,

        ii. 159, 40().

        Kingteh chin (Kiangsi), porcelain works

        at, i. lis, ii. 22, 394.

        Kin-sha. ‘ River of Golden Sand,’ a name

        of the Yangtsz’, i. 20, 155.

        Kin Shan, or Altai Mountains, i. 9.

        Kircher. i. 79, 257, ii. 277, 284, 286.

        Kirghis, and Prutli Kirghis, tribes of Ili,

        i. 22() ; in Kashgar, etc., i. 2o(‘), “31.

        Kirin. province of M.anchuria, i. 19()-198;

        town, called Chiien Chwang, i. 197.

        Kishen. governor-general of Cliihli’, interview

        with Captain Elliot at Taku, ii.

        .516 ; apologizes for attack on flag of

        truce, ii. 517 ; negotiation with Captain

        Elliot at the Bogue, ii. 518 ; ordered to

        Peking, ii. 521 ; reprieved and associated

        with Yihlcing, ii. 529.

        Kitai, a Russian form of Ca/Iiai/, i. 4;

        term for (‘hinese in 111, i. 224.

        Kitan, or Liautiing Tartars, oppress the

        After Tsin, ii. 172.

        Kites, flying, a favorite amusement, i.

        820.

        Kiukiang, on the Yangtsz’, captured by

        Tai-pings, ii. .595.

        Kiu-tiao shan, in Shensi, i. 151

        .

        Kiying, Commissioner, his life, i. 459,

        570 ; obtains toleiation for Christians,

        ii 356, 358 ; grants privileges to Macao,

        ii. 430; joint commissioner with llifiu,

        ii. 537; writes to Pottinger, ii. 546;

        signs Nanking treaty, ii. 549; exchanges

        ratifications, ii. .557 ; his proclamation,

        ii. 558 ; includes all foreigners

        under terms of Nanking treaty, ii.

        561 ; interviews with representatives of

        other foreign power.s, ii. 5(15 ; reappointed

        commi.^sioner to meet Mr.

        Gushing, ii. 566; his correspond 3nce on

        case of homicide, ii. 56^ ; concludes a

        treaty with M. de Lagrene’, ii. 571 ; interview

        with Governor Davis on opium

        question, ii. 577 ; action regarding murder

        of l]nglislim(!ii near Canton, ii. 57S;

        disbands companies of braves about

        Canton, ii. 58() ; his sudden apjiearance

        at Tientsin, ii. 6.53 ; his untimely end,

        ii. 654.

        Klaproth, .[., derives name of Tsung ling

        from onions found there, i. 9 ; on (irand

        Canal, i. 3(>-37 ; Peking, i. 62 ; Afemoircs^

        12<.», 141, 188, 193, 204, 213, 226; on

        Tibet, i. 245, 2.54, 285 ; deluge of Yao

        ii. 147; on Tsin, ii. 160, 163, 20.5, 232,

        233,411, 421, 442.

        Koeppen, C. F., on IJuddhism, i. 249, 250,

        ^ii. 229, 259.

        Koko-nor, Tsing hai, or ‘ Azure Sea,’ i.

        35, 209-213.

        Kopi. See Gobi.

        Koro-s, Cosma de. Hungarian author o*

        Tibet, i. 244, 353.

        Kotow, or prostration, Ceremonial Court

        and the, i. 435 ; described, i. 801 ; at

        funerals, ii. 245 ; performed by Dutch

        ambassadors, ii. 435 ; by Ides, ii. 442

        ;

        discussed before Ward’s embassy at

        Peking, ii. 669 ; its importance in audience

        of the Emperor, ii. 712; the ceremony

        yielded in case of foreign minister.

        s, il. 714.

        Ko-tsing shan, in Western Nganhwui, i.

        12.

        Koulkun. See Kwanlun.

        Kowlung, opposite Hongkong Island, i.

        172 ; allVay at, in 1839, ii. 506; ceded to

        the British, ii. 558, ()86.

        Koxinga, his descendants ennobled, i. 406;

        takes Formosa, ii. 180, 435.

        Kreitner, Lieutenant G.,i. 151, 1.58, 213,

        214, 357, 300, 715.

        Kublai khan, i. 176, 181, 281, 318, 3-30;

        his pai)er money, ii. 85; his reign, ii.

        175; receives Montccorvino, ii. 3S7;

        and the Polos, ii^ 420.

        Kuche, a town of Ili, i. 225, ii. 730.

        Kil-jhi, ‘promoted men,’ second degree of

        literary rank, i. 550 ; their number, i.

        5.58 ; military, i. 560, 5()().

        Kuldja (Goul(lja), Kuren, or Hwuiyuen

        ching, capital of Ili, i. 218 ; it^ capture,

        i. 219; occupation by Russia, i. 236,

        ii. 727, 730 ; Friar Pascal at, ii. 289

        ;

        negotiations respecting its cession, ii.

        731-734.

        Kung. Princp, Kunr/ tshi-waiir/ his proper

        title, i. 405; appointed a regent, ii. 184;

        rewards Colonel Gordon, ii. 616; conducts

        negotiations with Elgin at Peking,

        ii. 682 ; signs the treaty, ii. 686 ; iiis coup

        cCttat, ii. 691 ; refuses to ratify Lay’s

        agreement, ii. 694; signs convention respecting

        coolie trade; ii. 698.699; inTicntsin

        riot correspondence, ii. 702, 705

        discusses audience question, ii. 712, 715;

        his son and the succession, ii. 726, 739.

        Ku-peh kau Pass, in Great VV’all, i. 39, 89.

        Kuren (see Urga). i. 204.

        Kur-kara usu (Kingsni ching), town and

        district of Ili, i. 2.iO.

        Kuro-siwo, ocean current, i. 55.

        Kutuktu, lama high-priest in Urga, i. 204.

        Kuyiik khan, Piano Carpiiii’s embassy to,

        ii. 415.

        Kuzupchi, sand-hills on Desert of Gobi, i

        16.

        INDEX. 759

        Kii-V’ing Kwan, gateway at,, ii. ITfi.

        Kwangsi, an unhealthy province, i. 55 ;

        its position and proilucts, i. 17(5; rise of

        Tai-ping Rebellion in, ii. 5′.’0-595.

        Kwangsii, his succession to the throne, i.

        398, 404 ; his reign, ii. 185, 186 ; his accession,

        ii. 7′.iC.

        Kwaiigtung, considered unhealthj’, i. 5.^ ;

        description and towns of, i. 158-1 Tfi;

        revenue of, i. 290 ; resists the Manchu

        conquest, ii. 179; missions in, ii. o48 ;

        rebels in, ii. (i04, C;JO.

        Kwanlun, or Koulkun Mountains, position

        and extent, i. 11 ; mineral treasures,

        i. 12 ; source of Yangtsz’, i. 20.

        Kwanyin, (Joddess of Mercy, temple to,

        in Kwangtung, i. 175.

        Kweichau province, 1. 55 ; description of,

        i. 1 78-180.

        Kweiliang, Commissioner, meets allies at

        Tientsin, ii. (iSl ; sent to Shanghai to

        revise tariff, ii. 057 ; refuses to accompany

        the allies to Taku, ii. Wi ; discusses

        the audience question with Minister

        Ward, ii. (i()9; sent to intercept-

        Elgin at Tientsin, ii. 677 ; his support

        to Prince Kung, ii. (>91.

        Kweilin, capital of Kv/angsi, i. 177; attacked

        by Tai-pings. ii. 595.

        Kn’oh hao, national designation, period,

        or reign name of Emperor, i. 398.

        LACHARME, Pere, 1. 643.

        Lacquered-ware, Hwuichau, i. 110;

        its manufacture, ii. 30 ; export, ii. 394.

        Ladak not a Chinese possession, i. 13.

        Lagrene, French envoy to China, ii. 309 ;

        obtains toleration for Christians through

        Kiying, li. 355, 357 ; his mission in

        1844, ii. 441 ; concludes treaty of

        Whampoa with Kiying, ii. 571.

        Lakes, of China, i. 23 ; of Hupeh, i. 143 ;

        of ill’, i. 216-317 ; of Tibet, i. 240.

        Lama, mausoleum to a, Peking, i. 79.

        Lamasary ( Yumj-lio Kung) at Peking, i.

        to.

        Lanchau, capital of Kansuh, i. 154.

        Land, how held, ii. 1-3.

        Landscape, appearance of, in China, i. 40.

        Land tax in China, i. 294, 739.

        Language, of Tibet, i. 253 ; proportion of

        readers in China, i. .544 ; Chinese, its

        groups of natural objects, i. 372 ; labor

        of learnin;,^ its characters, i. .541 ; an obstacle

        to progress, i. 568 ; its influence

        upon people and literature, i. 579, ii. 190;

        origin of, i. 581 ; misaj>prehciision regarding,

        i. 605 ; dialects, Mandarin and

        local, i. 611-616 ; its grammar, i. 617 ; defects,

        i. 621 ; methods of studying, i. 623 ;

        an obstacle to missions, ii. 370 ; ignorance

        of, by earlj’ traders, ii. 450, 453.

        Lange, Laurent, his residence at Peking,

        IL 442.

        Lanterns, feast and variety of, i. 817.

        Lantsan River, in Yunnan, L 181.

        Larks as song birds, i. 333.

        Lau-tsz’, founder of Taoism, i. 684 ; hifl

        life, ii. 2U6 ; and teaching.s, ii. 207-214.

        Lavallc’e, C, ii. 647, 654, 684, 685.

        Laws, of China, i. 384 ; reports pf, 385 ;

        Penal Code, 3S5-393 ; their administration.

        Chap. VIII.; as a profession, i.

        ‘(83 ; controlling marriage, i. 793.

        Lav, C. T., i. 60.5, 606, 715, 822, ii. 102,

        103, 117, 330.

        Lay, H. N., appointed intendant of customs,

        ii. 62.S ; his tiotilla fiasco, ii. 692.

        Lay, W. T., ii. 621.

        Leather, quality and uses of, ii. 39.

        Le Comte, i. 289, 509, ii. 285, 295.

        Le (iendre, C. W., i. 140, ii. 717.

        Legge, Dr. James, i. 398, 537, 627, 639,

        633, 634, 635, 636, 638 ff., 648, 603, 671,

        674, 681, 703, 809, ii. 73, 143, 144, 147,

        198, 213, 237, 347. 372.

        Legislation, general features of, i. 391-

        394.

        Li Hung-Chang, Governor-General, concurrence

        in reorganizing the ‘ Ever-Victorious

        force,’ ii. 611 ; executes surrendered

        wangs at Suchau, ii. 615 ; his

        position there, ii. 616 ; dis.solves the

        ‘ Ever- Victorious force,’ ii. 618; and

        Sir T. Wade in the Chifu convention,

        ii. 734 ; denounces the treaty of Livadia,

        ii. 733 ; co-operates with foreigners

        in relief of Great Famine, ii. 735.

        Li Tai-peh, a poet of the Tang dynasty,

        story of, i. 696-703 ; extent of his collected

        poems, i. 704.

        Liang dynasty, the Xlllth, ii. 166 ; After

        Liang, XVIIth dynasty, ii. 171.

        Liang A-fah, Morrison’s first convert, ii.

        321 ; his labors and persecution, ii. 328,

        347, 371 ; his tracts fall into the hands

        of Hung Siu-tsuen, ii. .582, 589.

        Liau River (?>ira-muren), in Manchuria,

        i. 190.

        Liau, Tartar tribe, ii. 173, 174.

        Library at Peking, i. 69 ; its catalogue, i.

        62().

        Li E . or ‘ Book of Rites,’ i. 643-647, 805,

        ii. 196.

        Li-kilt., or ‘ cash a catty’ tax, i. 444.

        Lilies, varieties of, i. 361 ; eaten, i. 773.

        Li Miu, ‘ Black-haired Race,’ common

        name for Chinese, i. 5 ; a tribe on Hainan

        Island, i. 176.

        Lime, made from shells, i. 307 ; use in

        building, i. 729 ; how burned, ii. 56.

        Li-mn, aboriginal tribe, i. 41 ; iu Hainan,

        i. 44 ; mountains, i. 1.59.

        Li shui River, in Hunan, i. 147.

        Lin Tseh-si), Commissioner, geography of,

        i. 50 ; and the rhubarb trade, i. 365

        ;

        career of, i. 457, 4()4, 473, ii. 184 ; ar*

        rives at Canton, ii. 497 ; demands sur«

        760 IlS^DEX.

        render of opirnn, ii. 40S; imprisons

        foreigners in factories, ii. 50() ; an example

        of his i)nl)lic writings, ii. 501 ;

        visits Macao, ii. oO(i ; his reason for demanding

        Mr. Dent, ii. 508 ; reply to

        American request, ii. 514 ; offers rewards

        for British, ii. 510 ; his recall, ii.

        510; memorializes the P^mpcror against

        peaceful measures, ii. 518; recalled from

        hanishmcnt, ii. 5rJ9 ; his death, ii. S’JO.

        Lindsay, H. H., i. 481.

        Lintin, Sir G. Robiuson among opium

        smugglers at, ii. 479 ; Captain Elliot ordered

        to send opium smugglers away

        from, ii. 491.

        Lin-tsing-chau, in Shantung, i. 93.

        Lion, tlie, in China, i. ol7.

        Liquor little used in China, i. 808.

        Literati, or literary class, the gentry of

        China, its influence, i. 520, 5()”2 ; and

        religious sects, i. (391 ; persecuted by

        Tsin, ii. 1()2 ; their opposition to Buddhism,

        ii. 2;2o, 237 ; to Christianity, ;J69.

        Literature, Chinese geographical, i. 50

        ;

        classical, size and importance, i. 020

        five greater, i. 027-052, and four lesser

        classics, i. 052-072 ; works on history, i.

        075; historical novels, etc., i. 077; fiction,

        i. 094, ballads and impromptu

        verses, L 705; dramas, i. 714; its limits

        and deficiencies, i. 718; of Chinese

        music, ii. 98; flourishes under the

        Hans, ii. 164; foreign missionary, ii.

        367.

        Ljilngstedt, Sir A., i. 171, ii. o33, 428;

        his liistory of Macao, ii. 4o().

        Lob-nor, Desert of, i. 16 ; Lake, 1. • 24,

        222-223.

        Lobscheid, Rev. W., i. 271, 615.

        Loch, Captain G. G., i. 105, ii. 302, .53(),

        541, 543, .547, .5.50.

        Loch, Henry, experiences at Tungchau,

        ii. 678 ; capture and imprisonment at

        Peking, ii. ()80, CSl ; is returned to the

        English, ii. 084, 085.

        Lockhart, Dr. Wm., ii. 123, 139, 134,300,

        336, 339, 350, 354.

        Locusts, occasional ravages of, i. 351

        edict against, i. 460 ; character for, i.

        587 ; Father Faber’s miracle of the, ii.

        290.

        Loess, roads in, i. .38, 97; of Shanst, i.

        95; of Shensi, i. 149; extent of, in

        China, i. 297; its nature, i. 298-300;

        dwellings in, i. 301 ; Richthofen’s theory

        of origin, i. 303; terraces, ii. 0;

        great famine in the region, ii. 734.

        Loll (or Fo Loll) River, in Sz’chuen, i. 15,5.

        Lohyang, made the capital by Siangkwan,

        i.’S, ii. 159, 102, 104, 108, 174; and

        Buddhism, ii. 218, 411.

        Lolos race, in Sz’chuen, i. 43, 158 ; in

        Yunnan, i. 183.

        Longevity, Temple of, at Canton, i. 104.

        Loomis, Rev. A. W., i. 703, ii. 350.

        Lotus, highly esteemed, i. 308.

        Low, Hon. P. F., United States Ministef

        to China, ii. 700 ; concerning sentiment

        toward foreigners at Tientsin, ii. 704

        ;

        his reply to Wansiang’s note, ii. 708 ; on

        audience question, ii. 713, 714 ; thanked

        bv Prince Kuiig, ii. 739.

        Lowrie, \V. M., i. 7.55, ii. 287, 350, 368.

        Lu, governor of Kwangt>ung, opposes Napier’s

        coming to Canton, ii. 464 ; rejects

        iiis letter, ii. 467 ; stops the trade, ii.

        471, 473 ; his succes.sor Tang, ii. 481.

        Luhchau, on female education, i. .574 ; instance

        of reproving a mother-in-law, i.

        795.

        Lukan Gorge, on Yangt-sz’, i. 146.

        Ltinfi, or dragon of the Chinese, i. 344;

        carried in procession, i. 818.

        Lung River, in Fuhkien, i. 129.

        Lung-tsiien, in Shansi, i. 95.

        Lute, or kln^ a favorite instrument, ii. 99.

        “\ r A TSUPU, marine goddess, temple

        ItL to, at Ningpo, i. 123; and the Virgin,

        ii. 316.

        MaTwan-lin, his Antiquarian Rcsearclies,

        i. 259-205, 081 ; list of comets, ii. 73.

        Macao, climate of, i. 54 ; description of,

        i. 170; governor of Canton retires to,

        from pirates, ii. 183; Ricci in, ii. 390;

        Tournon imprisoned in, ii. .302 ; Mrs.

        Gutzlaft”s school at, ii. 345 ; smuggling

        trade in opium at, ii. 378 ; origin of the

        settlement and name, ii. 438 ; recent

        history, ii. 4oO ; the Dutch repulsed before,

        ii. 433 ; English man-of-war at, ii.

        448 ; their troops occupy, ii. 4.5(i ; Lord

        Napier reaches, ii. 404; Elliot and the

        English retire to, ii. .500 ; Lin’s soldiers

        repiiLsed at, iL 51(j ; Kiying goes to, ii.

        507 ; becomes a resort of smugglers, ii.

        034 ; of coolie traders, ii . 002 ; finally

        closed to the coolie trade, ii. 715.

        Macartney, Lord, i. 402, 431, 452, 454;

        his embassy to Peking, ii. 4.54.

        Macgowan, Dr. D. J., ii. 3.50, 388.

        Ma-chin, from Mah<i-china, ‘ Great

        China,’ its Hindu name, i. 3.

        Mackie, J. Milton, ii. 002, 624.

        Macy, Wm. A., ii. 344.

        Magaillans (Magalhaens), Pere Gabriel, i.

        04, 289, 473, 589, 817, ii. 297; his embassy,

        ii. 429.

        Mahdbhdrata, name China occurs in the,

        i. 2.

        Mail I a, J-A-M. de M., ii 34. 7.3, 137, 152,

        309, 413.

        Maimai chin, of Urga, i. 204 ; of Kiakhta,

        i. 207, ii. 443.

        Malacca, Protestant missions in, ii. 323i

        324.

        Malte Brun, estimate of Eighteen Prov

        inces, i. 8, 296.

        INDEX. r6i

        Manchu, physical traits, i. 44 ; Empprors

        pul>lish the I’eiial Code, i. 385 ; nobility,

        i. 3S7; and education system, i. 521,

        5()0 ; and Chinese poem, i. 598 ; alter

        the Chinese head-dress, i. 761 ; names,

        how written, i. 79S ; military endeavors

        of their Emperors, ii. 9:3 ; peculiar dread

        of foreign invasion, ii. 6-1;*.

        Manchuria, one of the three grand divisions,

        i. 7 ; extent of, i. LS7 ; watercourses

        and mountains, i. 188-191

        ;

        three provinces, i. 191-‘2O0; climate, i.

        195; adndnistration of government, i.

        199; by native nobles, i. 40().

        Manchus, their ancestors the Kins, ii.

        174 ; overthrow the Mings, ii. 178 ; their

        government better than the Mings, ii.

        185; and the Triad Society, ii. 2(57;

        close China to foreign trade, ii. 420

        ;

        terrible destruction of, at Chinldang,

        ii. 542 ; as rulers of China, ii. 580 ; national

        dislike of, and Tai-ping revolt,

        ii. 596.

        Mandarin ducks, fidelity of, i. 340 ; as an

        emblem, ii. 112.

        Mandarin, derivation of word, i. 417.

        Mandarin (or court) dialect, the kwan

        hwa, i. 613; the Bible in, ii. 364.

        Mangu khan, successor of Kuyuk, mission

        of Rubruquis to, ii. 418 ; of King

        Hayton to, ii. 420.

        Manji, tribes in Yunnan, i. 4.

        Manning, T., mission of, to Tiljet in

        1811, i. 246.

        Mausoleum, of Grand Lama at Peking, i.

        79 ; at Teshu Lumbo, i. 252 ; of Chinese

        Emperors, ii. 248.

        Munu, Laws of] mention of China in, i.3.

        Manures, preparation of, ii. 8.

        Marble, uses of, i. 307; slabs, etc., exported,

        ii. 394.

        Marco Polo. See Polo.

        Margary, A. R., i. 184; sent from Hankow

        to Bhamo, ii. 721 ; his murder, ii.

        722 ; its subsequent investigation, ii.

        723, 734.

        Marriage, customs in Tibet, i. 251 ; in

        Puhkien, i. 785-791 ; good sense of the

        laws controlling, i. 793 ; and ancestral

        worship, ii. 239 ; of Emperor Tungchi,

        ii. 710.

        Marshall, Thos., ii. 287, 307, 318.

        Marshman, J., i. 657, ii. 320; his term

        for baptism, ii. 363.

        Martin, R. M., i. 120, 285, ii. 406, 443,

        562 ; his proposition regarding Chusan,

        ii. 580.

        Martin, Dr. W. A. P., i. 20, 435, 550, 551,

        559, ii. 217, 372, 741.

        Match-makers employed in marriages, i.

        785, ‘586.

        Matting, grass grown for, i. 357 ; manufacture

        and uses of, ii. 61 ; export of,

        ii. 395.

        Mavers, W. F., i. 438, 753, ii. 90, 185,

        217, 348.

        Maximo witch. CarlJ., i. 296, 355.

        McCarthy, Justin, ii. 565; estimate of

        Bowring and Parkes, ii. 6:34, 637 ; on

        results of the w.ar, ii. 687.

        McCarty, Dr. D. B., ii. 350.

        McClatchie, Rev. Canon T., i. 633, 633;

        ii. 142, 200.

        McCulloch’s area of China, i. 5 ; of the

        Eighteen Provinces, i. 8 ; population on

        Plain, i. 28 ; Mongols, i. 45 ; popula-»

        tion, i. 285.

        Meadows, T. T., i. 192, 494, ii. 3, 596.

        597. 624.

        Measures of length, weight, etc., ii. 81.

        Meats seen upon Chinese tables, i. 776.

        Mechanical arts, and implements, ii. 18;

        attainments in, ii. 117.

        Medhurst, W. H., i. 12.5, 2(15, 271, 278,

        290, 530, 615, 634, 636, 685, 755, 809.

        ii. 28, 151, 214, 258, 295, 321, 336, 329,

        330, 352, .354, 3(i3, 369; his Tai-ping

        translations, ii. 594, 623.

        Medicine, practice better than theories

        of, i. 377 ; its profession in Chinese

        society, i. 783 ; attainments in, ii. 118-

        134.

        Mei ling, in Kwangtung, i. 12.

        ]VIoi Shan, or ‘ Coal Hill,’ Peking, i. 70.

        Mencius, birthplace of, i. 90 ; praises the

        Chiui Tsiu, i. 649 ; life of, i. 666 ; his

        doctrines, i. 66S-672 ; and early Emperors,

        ii. 146; writings burned, ii. 161 ;

        a saint, ii. 201, 237.

        Mendacity of the Chinese, i. 834.

        Metals and metallurgy, ii. 1 S ; knowledge

        of, ii. lis.

        Metaphysics of Chu Hi and tendency of

        Chinese thought, i. 6S3-(i85.

        Meteorology of China, i. 51-.55.

        ATi’ao hao, or ancestral name of Emperor,

        i. 399.

        Miaotsz’, i. 41 ; sa?:.ff and sliuh, i. 43, lli},

        177, 179-180; tankla descendants of, at

        Canton, i. 412 ; songs, ii. 95 ; Hung

        Siu-tsuen among, ii. 587.

        Michie, A., i. 20.5.

        Middle Kingdom, Chung Kwoh, a name

        for China since B.C. 11.50, i. 4.

        Military, control of, in provinces, i. 444 ;

        examinations among the, i. 560 ; architecture

        in China, i. 758 ; science, ii. 88.

        Milk little used, i. 77(5.

        Millet, Italian {Setaria”, in Shingking, L

        191 ; much eaten in the North, i. 772.

        Milne, Rev. Wm. C, i. 121, 494, .508, 686,

        744, 745, 746, il 132, 339, 231, 265, 369,

        350.

        Milne, Dr. W.. ii. 325 ; arrives in China,

        ii. 319; at Malacca, ii. 323, 368.

        Min River, in Fuhkien, i. 128; in Sz’chuen,

        i. 154, 155.

        Minerals, probably abundant in Kwan’

        r62 INDEX.

        lun, i. 12; of Shantung, i. 93; of

        Yunnan, i. 183 ; of the Empire, i. 304-

        310.

        Ming dynasty, its period, ii. 177-179; table

        of Emperors, ii. 1S6 ; trade during,

        ii. 373.

        Ming ti, Emperor, ii. 163 ; introduces

        Buddhism, ii. 21 S, 229.

        Mint, its management, i. 428 ; one in

        every province, ii. 83.

        Mirrors, Chinese magic, ii. 20; to cure

        maniacs, ii. 2.50.

        Missionaries, letter from Romish, concerning

        Chinese boat life, i. 751 ; they teach

        mathematics at Peking, ii. 07 ; under

        Kanghi, ii. 181 ; Buddhist, their influence,

        ii. 189 ; Mcsiem, ii. 268 ; Nestorian,

        ii. 275, 2Sr) ; Roman Catholic, ii.

        287 ; their conduct in China, ii. 305

        ;

        the first Protestant, ii. 318 ; female,

        their influence, ii. 304 ; information derived

        from French, ii. 440 ; French, beheaded

        ia Kwangsi, ii. 642 ; British,

        address to Lord Elgin, ii. 649 ; their

        influence in Peking, ii. 689 ; massacre

        of French, at Tientsin, ii. 700 ; American,

        frightened away from Tangchau,

        ii. 705 ; Chinese grievances against, ii.

        701) ; their devotion during the great

        famine, ii. 736.

        Missions, earliest Christian, to China, the

        Nestorians, ii. 275-286 ; Roman Catholic

        : first period, ii. 287-289 ; second period,

        ii. 289-304 ; decrease after edict of

        Yuiigching, ii. 394 ; statistics of Catholic,

        ii. :)07 ; their literary and educational

        labors, ii, 309 ; Protestant, introduced

        by MorrLson, ii. 318; among

        Chinese emigrants in the Archipelago,

        ii. 323 ; their hospital practice, ii.

        333-340 ; condition of Protestant, at

        Morrison’s death, ii. 340 ; conference

        of, in 1877, ii. 3(;5 ; ob.stacles and encouragements

        to, ii. 3fi8 ; Russian, established

        at Peking, ii. 443 ; problem

        of foreign, in China, rules suggested, ii.

        707.

        Mobs, fear of, in Peking, i. 84; attack

        British troops before Canton, ii.

        523 ; attack tiie factories, ii. 495, 556,

        50S.

        Mohammedan, name for China, Timg

        Tu, i. 5 ; mosque in Peking, i. 74

        in Hangchau, i. 119; rebellion in 1865-

        73, i. 149, 154, 2(i9 ; sect in China, ii.

        268-271 ; insurrection in Kansuh suppressed,

        ii. 709; uprising in Yunnan

        province, ii. 719 ; rebellion in Eastern

        Turkestan, ii. 727-731.

        Mohammedans, in Kuldja, i. 219; in

        B ikur, i. 225 ; first come to China, ii.

        268; the sect in tlie Empire, 270; found

        by Ibn Batuta, ii. 422 ; universal uprising

        of, ii. 730.

        Monetary system of the Chinese, ii. 83,

        Mongol, race characteristics, i. 144;

        derivation of name, i. 202 ; dynasty

        (Yuen) and paper money, ii. 8.5, 177;

        regime, ii. 175; Buddhists, ii. 229,

        233.

        Mongolia, position and climate, i. 200-

        202 ; divisions—Inner Mongolia, i. 202-

        204 ; Outer Mongolia, i. 204-209 ; Kokonor,

        i. 209-213 ; outljing towns, i.

        213-21.5.

        Mongols, their number, i. 45; religion.

        Shamanism, ii. 233 ; tolerate the Nestorians,

        ii. 280 ; and first period of

        Catholic missions, ii. 288 ; their conquests

        in Europe, and the embassies to,

        ii. 415.

        Monkeys of China, i. 314-316.

        Monsoons on coast, i. .53-54.

        Moutecorvino, John of, ii. 271 ; goes to

        Cathay, ii. 287, 421 ; found in Peking

        by Friar Odoric, ii. 423.

        Moon, an eclipse at Canton, i. 819; symbols

        of, ii. 73, 74.

        Morals of the Chinese stage, i. 824.

        Morrison, J. R., ii. 332, 342, 345, 363 ; revi’ard

        offered for, ii. 520 ; services as an

        interpreter, ii. 547, 548, 556 ; his death,

        ii. 560

        Morrison, Dr. Robert, i. 230, 265-269,

        282, 284, 523, 524, 5:^0. 559, 603, 622,

        624, 074, 801, 817, ii. 227; his life, ii.

        318; and-Ricci compared, ii. 322,333,

        333, 303, 453, 458, 459.

        Morrison Education Society, ii. 341.

        Mosques, at Kuldja, i. 218 ; near Moslem

        pagoda in C;inton, i. 745 ; notice of, at

        Ningpo, ii. 269.

        Mountains, of China, its frontier, i. 9

        ;

        its four great ranges, i. 10; Pnmpelly’s

        ” Sinian Sy.stem,” i. 14 ; passes

        in, i. 39 ; of Manchuria, i. 188.

        Mourning, cards, i. 802 ; customs in

        China, ii. 249, 250.

        Mukden, capital of Shingking, i. 87

        desci-iption of, i. 192 ; money remitted

        to, i. 295 ; Kienlung’s elegy on, i.

        598.

        Mulberry and silk worms, ii. 10.

        Mules, fine, in China, i. 323.

        2TuH-pai, or ‘ door-tablet ‘ for the census,

        i. 283, 388.

        Murray, Hugh, i. 309, ii. 137, 1.52, 400,

        410.

        Murui-ussu, ‘Tortuous River,’ i. 20.

        Music, in Tibet, i. 25:1; Board of, i. 424 A

        works on, in the ratalogue, i. 072; style

        j and principles of Chinese, ii. 93-98 ; m-j

        • strumcnts of, ii. 99-104. /

        Musk, and mu.sk-deer in China, i. 332 ;

        exporte<l, ii. 395.

        Myths and legends, of the Chinese, ii.

        70; of the creation, ii. 138-142 ;TaoiBt,

        ii. 210 ; Buddhist, ii. 222.

        llSTDEX. 763

        NAILS worn long on fingers, i. TOO.

        Names, for China, i. 2-5, ii. 408 ; ancestral,

        of Emperor, i. ;!99; how inilicated

        in books, i. fJ’il ; changed at marriage,

        i. 788 ; several, during life, i. T’.IT

        ; periphrases

        in use for. i. )S0o ; for jiorcelain,

        ii. ‘2’i ; for tea, ii. 45 ; for opium, ii. 87o.

        Nanchang, cajjital of Kiaugsi, i. 113;

        Ricci in, ii. 2W.

        Nanhiung, in Kwangtimg, i. 174.

        Nan-kan, ‘South Gate,’ in Great Wall,

        i. 14, 81.

        Nankeen, a cotton cloth, ii. 37 ; decrease

        in export of, ii. o95.

        Nanking, climate of, i. 52 ; description of,

        i. 100; Porcelain Tower of, i. 102; its

        iKiiikce/i cloth, ii. 37 ; stone animals at,

        ii. 115; capital of one of the ‘Three

        States,’ A.D. 211, ii. 1(54; pillaged by

        the Kin, ii. 175; capital of the Ming,

        ii. 177 ; Ricci in, ii. ~90 ; the English

        before, ii. 545 ; treaty of, ii. 549

        ;

        Hung Siu-tsuen proclaimed Emperor

        (Tien-teh) at, ii. 584 ; rebel capture of,

        ii. 59*’) ; their stress in, ii. (505 ; taken by

        imperialists, ii. 020.

        Nan ling, ‘Southern Mountains,’ a continuation

        of the Yun ling, i. 12.

        Nan shall, in Kwangtuiig, i. 159; in

        Koko-nor, i. 211.

        Napier, John, mentioned in a Chinese treati.

        se, ii. 07.

        Napier, Lord, superintendent of trade,

        his arrival, ii. 4(54; letter to (Governor

        Lu rejected, ii. 407; contest with the

        governor, ii. 471 ; retires from Canton

        and dies suddenh-, ii. 474.

        Nari ( A-li), a division of Tibet, i. 244, 2.56.

        Navarette, a Dominican friar, and the

        Jesuits, ii. 300.

        Natural history, study of, in China, i.

        290 ; geology, i. ‘297-313 ; zoology, i.

        313-340 ; ichthyology, i. 340-351 ; insects,

        i. 351-354; botany, i. 355-370;

        the Pun-tsao, or Herbal, i. 371-376

        ;

        condition of the science in China, i.

        377-379.

        Niu-chih, or Kin Tartars, i. 202 ; ancestors

        of Manchus, ii. 174.

        Navy, control of, interchanged with army,

        i. 445, 496, 502 ; Lay’s flotilla fiasco, ii.

        ()92.

        Nestor’an, monument at Si-ngan, i. 151,

        ii 27(i ; missionaries at court of Taitsung,

        ii. 1(J9 ; during the Yuen, ii. 280 ;

        oppose Corvino, ii. 287 ; missionaries

        come with traders, ii. 411 ; priest and

        Rubruquis, ii. 418.

        Nevius, J. L., i. 810, ii. 217.

        Newspapers (see also I’ck’uKj Gazette) and

        chea]) type.s, i. 005 ; edited by Protestant

        missionaries, ii. 341.

        New Year, festival and ceremonies, i. 810-

        810 ; its date, ii. 70,

        Nganhwui province, i. 108.

        Nganking, or Anking, in Nganhwui, i.

        110; taken by Tai-pings, ii. .595 ; their

        march to relief of, ii. 007 ; captured by

        imperialists, ii. 008.

        N)ng[)o, tempeiature at, i. 53; description

        of, i. 120-123; the to niin of, 1.

        412; l)irthday fete at, i. 814; spring

        festival, ii. 14 ; cannon found at, ii.

        02; the cholera at, ii. 132; nunneries

        at, ii. 231 ; foundling hospital, ii. 205 ;

        its mosque, ii. 269 ; missions at, ii. 350 ;

        Portuguese at, ii. 428 ; its capture by

        the British, ii. 527 ; attemi)t at recapture,

        ii. 531, ii. 573; during Tai-ping

        Rebellion, ii. 008, 009.

        Nieuwhof (or Nieuhoff), J., ii. 3, 428;

        account of the fall oi Fort Zealandia,

        ii. 436.

        Nitre common in China, i. 308.

        Niu Kien, Governor-General, conduct at

        Wusung, ii. 535, 537 ; British offer, opj)

        ortanity of ransoming Nanking, ii.

        544 ; joint letter to Pottinger, ii. 546.

        Niuchwang (Yingtsz’), in Shingking, L

        194, 751.

        Nobility, Manchu and Chinese, i. 387

        ;

        orders of, i. 406.

        Notation, Chinese arithmetical, ii. 66

        musical, ii. 94.

        Novels, Tibetan, i. 251 ; and tales in Chinese

        literature, i. 692; character of

        Chinese fiction, i. 095.

        Nui Hing-an ling, or Sialkoi Mountains,

        west of the Amur, i. 1 3.

        Numerals, Chinese, i. 619 ; limitations to

        use of, ii. 60.

        Nuns, Buddhist, at Canton, i. 105 ; and

        nunneries, ii. 230.

        Nii-rh Yu, ‘ Words for Women and

        Girls,’ a school-book, L 577.

        OBEISANCE, sundry degrees of, i.

        801.

        Observatory at Peking, i. 72; and the

        Jesuit missionaries, ii. 298.

        Odes, the Book of (see Shi Kinrj, i. 686,

        etc.), ‘for children,’ the Yin Hioh Shitlrh,

        i. 533 ; in Nestorian inscription at

        Si-ngan, ii. 282.

        Odoric, Friar, i. 302 ; on casting out

        devils, ii. 314; his journey to Cathay,

        ii. 422.

        Officers, in China, their extortions, i. 278 ;

        nine ranks, i. 413-415 ; and Board of

        Civil Office, i. 421 ; provincial, i. 438-

        448; checks upon, i. 449; their character

        and position, i. 451 ; their establishments,

        i. 503 ; compelled to e.xtortion,

        i. 510 ; of education, i. 548 ; dresses, i.

        703 ; formalities of meeting, i. 805

        ;

        their religious duties, ii. 201-205 ; instance

        of their functions, ii. ‘230 ; of

        their corruption, ii. 378 ; of theil

        764 INDEX.

        methods, ii. 557; attitude toward foreigners

        at close of the opium war,

        ii. 575.

        Oling Lake, in Koko-nor, i. 18.

        Oliphant, Lawrence, i. 400, ii. 644, 647,

        654, 0()0.

        Olives (the Pimela), so-called, of China,

        i. o()5, 775.

        Olyphant & Co., their assistance to missionaries,

        ii. o2S, hiSO, 342.

        Oineto Fiih, Buddhist prayer, i. 125.

        Om maiu padiiii hum, its meaning, i.

        349.

        Opium, smuggling incident, i. 477 ; its

        increase under Taukwang, ii. 184; introduction

        and names of, ii. 37y ; cultivation

        in India, ii. o74 ; preparation

        and sale, ii. o76 ; manner of smoking,

        ii. 381 ; its effects, li. 384 ; value of the

        trade, ii. 3S7, 430 ; Robinson’s paper

        on smuggling, ii. 479 ; proposal to

        legalize, ii. 48’3 ; the matter referred to

        Canton, ii. 480 ; prohibitory laws severely

        enforced, ii. 490 ; increase of smuggling,

        ii. 492 ; demanded by Lin, ii.

        498 ; surrendered, ii. 502 ; and destroyed,

        ii. 504 ; sales recommence, ii. 506 , Pottinger’s

        position regarding, ii. 538 ; his

        discussions on, with commissioners, ii.

        5.50 ; smuggling and the port of Hongkong,

        ii. 558 ; laissez fairc policy of

        British and Chinese after first war. ii.

        501, 577 ; increase of smuggling, ii. 033 ;

        legalized in revised tariff, ii. 0.57.

        Oranges, many varieties of, at Canton, i.

        774.

        Osbeck, Peter, his voyage to China, ii.

        461.

        Onchterlony, Lieutenant J., his Chinese

        \Vio\n. .551, 574.

        Oysters common along the coast, i. 350

        ;

        their quality, i. 780.

        PAGODA, Porcelain, at Nankin* i.

        1 02 ; and dagoba in China, i. 743 ;

        purpose and construction, i. 745 ; plain,

        at Canton, ii. 209.

        J’ai-laii, in Peking, i. 83 ; their purpose

        and construction, i. 7.50-7.58 ; to commemorate

        British retreat from Canton,

        ii. 620.

        Painting, as a fine art in China, ii. 105

        examples of illustrations, ii. 100-116

        on pith paper, ii. 113. For reproductions

        of Chinese, see the two frontispieces

        of these volumes.

        Pakhoi, port in Kwanj^tung, i. 175.

        Palace, of Emijcror, at Peking, i. 65-69 ; of

        Yuen mitig Yuen, i. 80; life and arrangements

        of, i. 407.

        Palafox, Bishop, i. 162.

        Palisade boundary between Chihli and

        Shingking, i. 25, 187.

        PalladiuB, Archimandrite, ii. 277, 285.

        Palms, fan, cocoanut, etc., i. 300.

        Palti, or Yamorouk Lake, in Tibet, i. 25.

        Panthay insurrection in Yunnan province,

        ii. 719.

        Pao-ho tien, ‘ Hall of Secure Peace,’ in

        Peking, i. 68.

        Pao-tch, on Yellow River, and chief anticlinal

        axes of Sinian system, i. 14.

        Paper, in China, history and varieties of,

        i. 599 ; used for window glass, i. 732

        ;

        collected by priests, ii. 257 ; burned for

        spirits, ii. 257.

        Paper monej’, in Fulichan, i. 132 ; Polo’s

        delight over, ii. 85 ; and Yuen dynasty,

        ii. 177; mentioned by Ibn Batuta, ii.

        422.

        Parker, Admiral Sir William, arrives

        from England, ii. 524.

        Parker, Dr. P., i. 706, ii. 124, 325; his

        hospital at Canton, ii. 333-337, 567,

        639.

        Parkes. Sir Harry, ii. 29 ; McCarthy’s

        estimate of, ii. 634 ; action in the Arrow

        case, ii. 635-637, 040; one of

        commission to govern C.mton, ii. 046 ;

        his ability, ii. 047; experiences _ at

        Tungchau, ii. 078 ; his capture and imprisonment,

        ii. 080.

        Pascal, a Spanish friar, missionary to

        Kuldja, ii. 289, 424.

        Patriarchal feature of government, i. 381.

        Panting, in Chihli, i. 85.

        Pauthier, G., i. 05, 84, 043, 003, 674, iL

        34, 85, 87, 137, 149, 150, 101, 307, 210,

        212, 280, 413, 419, 713.

        Pauying Lake, in Kiangsu, i. 100.

        Pavif. T., i. 096.

        Pavilion, prominent feature of Chinese

        architecture, i. 730.

        Pawnbrokers’ establishments, ii. 86.

        Peacocks reared throughout China, i. 337.

        Pearl River, in Kwangtung, i. 22, 1.59;

        duck-hatching on, i. 778 ; pirates on,

        during this century, ii. 183 ; kept open

        by foreigners, ii. 630.

        Pearls, genuine and artificial, i. 350.

        Pechele (for Pch-rhihli), sometimes used

        for Chihli, i. 00.

        Peepnl, or 7J?<-^i tree {Ficus religiosa),

        worshipped, ii. 259. .

        Pell ling, ‘ Northern Mountains,’ in

        Kwanlun system, i. 12.

        Peh-ta -sz’, ‘ White Pagoda Temple,’ Peking,

        i. 75.

        Pehtang, Americans urged to go to. ii.

        ()(J5 ; they repair to Peking, via, ii. (i08

        ;

        Ho asks Englisli to exchange treaties

        at, 072 ; allies land and capture, ii. 073.

        Pei iio, and towns on its banks, i. 85-86;

        allied fleet reach, ii. 649 ; repulse at

        battle of, ii. 0()6.

        Peking, climate of, i. 51 ; situation, area,

        and history, i. ()0-64 ; walls, i. (i4

        ;

        ‘ Prohibited City,’ i. 05 ; plan of, i. 66,*

        INDEX. 765

        palaces, i. 07-60; ‘Imporial City,’ i.

        G9 ; parks, public buildings, temples, i.

        69-T!>; Altar to Heaven, i. 7<); otlier

        temples, i. 78 ; summer palace, i. 80 ;

        streets, city government, life, i. 81-84 ;

        dogs of, i. yi9 ; crows about, i. 3H4

        State school at, i. 543 ; examinations

        for isin-sz’ degree, i. 558 ; Pih-yung

        Kung, i. 73, 730 ; street scenes in, i.

        741 ; carts used by royalty in, i. 747 ;

        compressed feet in, i. 770 ; marriage

        processions at, i. 7S9 ; fireworks in, i.

        817; ploughing ceremony at, ii. 13; its

        medical college {T’ai-i Yucit), ii. 121 ;

        taken by the Mongols, ii. 175; by the

        Mings, ii. 177, 178; Barrow on infanticide

        in, ii. 240 ; funerals in, ii. 345,

        2.50; Moslems in, ii. 2(59; Catholics first

        established in, ii. 287 ; Ricci goes to,

        ii. 291 ; medical instruction at, ii. 33′.)

        Friar Odoric visits, ii. 423 ; Van

        Hoorn’s embassy to, ii. 438 ; Russian

        mission at, ii. 443 ; Tai-ping expedition

        against, ii. 597 ; Ward’s visit to,

        ii. 6′)9 ; allied troops at, ii. (382, 686 ; a

        foreign quarter in, ii. 088.

        Pekinq Gazette {Kiiirj Pao), on revenue,

        i. 293 ; notice of, i! 420.

        Paial Code, of China, i. 279, 282, 287 ;

        examination of, i. 384-392 ; regulating

        trials and punishments, i. 50(3 ; number

        of characters in, i. 589 ; laws on

        land, ii. 2 ; on physicians, ii. 133

        ;

        framed by Yungloh, ii. 177.

        People of China, their clans, i. 483 ; general

        education, i. 519.

        Pepys, Ramtiel, mentions tea, ii. 51.

        Ferny, P., i 719, ii. 90.

        Pescadores, or Panghu Islands, i. 27, 141 ;

        the Dutch in, ii. 433.

        Petitions presented by the poor to high

        magistrates, i. 505.

        Petroleum in Formosa, i. 139.

        Pheasants, gold, silver, Reeves, and

        others, i. 336.

        Philosophy, Chinese, of the Yih Kinq, i.

        028-033 ; of Confucius, i. 062 ; of Chu

        Hi, i. (183 ; ideas concerning the ‘ action

        and reaction of the elements,’ ii.

        74 ; of the creation, ii. 137-144 ; Bazin’s

        view of growth of Chinese, ii. 213.

        Phoenix, or Fniifj-Zitrnng, i. 343.

        Physical traits of Chinese, i. 41.

        Physicians, their position in society, i.

        783 ; their practice, ii. 124-127; foreigners

        educate Chinese as, ii. 339.

        Pigeon-English, an unwritten patois, i.

        624 ; examples of, i. 832, ii. 340, 402,

        62().

        Pigeons, abundant in Peking, 1. 335

        ;

        raised and eaten, i. 779.

        Pihkwei, made governor of Canton after

        Yeh’s capture, ii. 64(! ; asks Lord Elgin

        to reopen trade, ii. 647.

        Pih-ynngKung, or ‘ Classic Hall,’ Confu«

        cian Temple, Peking, i. 73, 730, 757.

        Pilgrims, to Tai Shan, i. 90 ; Chinese, ta

        Mecca, ii. 370 ; travels of Buddhist, iL

        413.

        Pines, the white, etc., i. 302.

        Pirates, infest Kwangtung, ii. 183 ; pursued

        by British and Portuguese, ii. 032.

        Piry, A. Theophile, i. 080.

        Pi-shan, a doubtful volcano in 111, i. 11.

        Plain. See Great Plain, i. 14, 27, etc.

        Piano Carpini, John of, missionary to

        China, ii. 287 ; his mission to Kuyuk, ii.

        417.

        Plantain, productiveness of, i. 301 ; how

        eaten, i. 774.

        Plough, its construction, ii. 3; drillplough,

        ii. 5; foreifjn, introduced, ii. 63.

        Ploughing, annual ceremony of,at Peking,

        i. 78, ii. 1, 13.

        Poetry of the Sh I King, i. 038-043 ; characteristics

        of Chinese, i. 7(3 ; examples

        of their odes and liallads, i. 70,5-714.

        Po-lai-tsz’, a name of the Yangtsz’ kiang,

        i. 20.

        Police, of Peking, i. 83; tyranny and

        venality of, i. 475—480; memorial to

        Emperor concerning, i. 495.

        Policy of Cliinese government, in Ili, i.

        214 ; its theory, i. 3S0-3S4 ; toward foreign

        traders since the Mings, ii. 426 ; at

        close of opium war, ii. 575.

        Polo, Marco, i. 32, 110, 118, 127, 130, 157,

        181, 213, 242, 281, 304, 330, 330, 337,

        343, 345, 350, 300, 304, ii. 51, 85, 176,

        271, 285, 415 ; his journeys in China,

        ii. 420, 425.

        Polyandry in Tibet, i. 350.

        Polygamy, its extent in China, i. 792.

        Poor, troublesome element of Peking

        population, i. 84 ; petitions forced upon

        magistrates, i. .505 ; dwellings of the, i.

        733 ; disposal of their dead, ii. 2,54.

        Pope of Rome, appoints Corvino archbishop,

        ii. 287 ; sends other missionaries

        to China, ii. 288 ; Ming claimants write

        to, ii. 29(5 ; and question of rites, ii. 299,

        301, 302 ; supports Tournon and the

        Dominicans, ii. 303 ; sends Carpini to

        Kuyuk khan, ii. 415.

        Population, of Great Plain, i. 28 ; of Peking,

        i. (i3, 84; of Canton, i. 101; of

        Shingking, i. 193 ; of the Empire, i.

        2.58-288 ; of Tibet, unknown, i. 284 ; of

        China during the Tang, ii. 171 ; of Peking

        at last determined, ii. 087.

        Porcelain, i. Ill ; works, i. 113 ; materials

        and manufacture, ii. 22 ; export of, ii.

        394.

        Porcupine in China, i. 328.

        Portuguese, church in Peking, i. 75 ; in

        Ningpo, i. 120; settlers in Formosa, i,

        137; in Macao, i. 170; name porcelain,

        ii. 22 ; during the Mings, ii. 177 ; and

        766 INDEX.

        pirate fleets, ii. IS” ; oppose introducing

        Christianity, ii. 281) ; excitement iu Canton

        against, ii. ‘.i’.U ; conduct of early,

        traders with China, ii. 42t; ; misrepre-

        Bent the English, ii. 444 ; keep tFiem

        out of Canton, ii. 44() ; homicide of a, at

        Canton, ii. 451 ; attack the pirates, ii.

        632 ; smuggling lorchas, ii. K’A ; abolish

        coolie trade at Macao, ii. (163.

        Pottinger, Sir Henry, arrives irom England,

        ii. r)”24 ; takes Chinhai and Ningpo,

        ii. 527 ; his proclamation before

        Chinkiang, ii. 5;i7 ; his position regarding

        the opium trade, ii. Oo’J ; Kiying

        writes to, ii. 546; exchanges civilities

        with commissioners, ii. 547; discusses

        opium problem with them, ii. 550

        ;

        ^igns Nanlcing treat}’, ii. 5.53 ; action

        on hearing of Formosa massacres, ii.

        5.55 ; exchanges ratifications with Kiying,

        ii. 557 ; on J. R. Morrison, ii. 501 ;

        action against opium smuggling, ii. 502.

        Poutiatine, Admiral Count, his arrival in

        China, ii. 043.

        Poyang Luke, in Kiangsi, i. 33, 111.

        Players, Buddhist, ii. 225, 226 ; machines

        for, ii. 334 ; at ancestral tomb, ii. 253;

        ‘Girdle Classics,’ ii. 257.

        Prejevalsky, Colonel N., observations on

        Gobi, i. 10; on source of Yangtsz’, i.

        20 ; Lob-nor, i. 24 ; Kansuh, i. 153

        Mongolia, i. 205, 210, 212, 222, 231, 243,

        290, 338, 355, 304.

        Pre’mare. Pere, i. 581), 714, ii. 232.

        Prester John, Prince of the Kara Kitai,

        ii. 385, 280.

        Priests, in Canton, i. 104, 165; and

        snakes, i. 340 , harbor thieves, i. 498

        in society, i. 783 ; and theatres, i. 830 ;

        grow tea, ii. 42 ; no hierarchy of, in

        China, ii. 101, 199; Taoist, ii. 214, 215;

        Buddhist, ii. 220, 224, 250 ; Nestorian,

        ii. 285, 380.

        Primitives in the Chinese language, i.

        591-593.

        Printing, in China, i. 600 ; missionary, ii.

        307.

        Processions, marriage, i. 787-791 ; style

        of, i. 819 ; funeral, ii. 345, 348.

        Professions, the liberal, in Chinese society,

        i. 783.

        Prisons in (>anton, i. 167, 514.

        Pronunciation, varieties in local Chinese,

        i. 61.5-017.

        ‘Prohibited City’ of Peking, i. 65.

        Pro.spect, or ‘Coal’ Hill, Peking, i. 70.

        Protestants, first, missionaries to (!hina,

        ii. 31S ; niethods compared with Catholics,

        ii. ;?22 ; toleration granted to, ii.

        357 ; statistics of, in China, ii. oOtJ.

        Proverbs, Chinese, i. 110,442, 019; collections

        of, and specimen, i. 719-733,

        792, ii. 244.

        Provincial governments, character of the

        system, i. 437; higher, i. 438, and lowei

        officers, i. 441 ; law courts, i. 504.

        Prussian blue, \i8ed in coloring teas, ii.

        47 ; introduced, ii. 62.

        P.salmanazar, George, his Ilintory of Forinoaa,

        i. 141.

        Ptolemy, the geographer, his mention of

        China, ii. 408 ; his “Stone Tower,” ii.

        409.

        Pulses, their importance in medical practice,

        ii. 122, 12.5.

        Pumpellyj R., his “Sinian System” of

        mountains, i. 14; remarks on Gobi, i.

        17; quoted, i. 145, 205, 207, 296, 304,

        305.

        Punishments, Board of, i 426; five kinds,

        i. 508 ; Parkes and Loch at Board of,

        ii. 681.

        Pan t.iao, or ‘Chinese Herbal,’ i. 316;

        concerning the sphex. i. 354 ; its author

        and scope, i. 370 ; divisions of : geology,

        i. 371 ; botany, i. 372 ; zoology, i. 374 ;

        notices of the horse, i. 375, 691, iL

        373.

        Pushtikhur, mountain knot in Turkestan,

        i. 10.

        Puto Island, i. 124.

        Puyur, or Pir Lake, in Manchuria, i. 24.

        Pwanku, the first man, ii. 138-141.

        UAILS, fighting, i. 826.

        ^ Queues, how worn, i. 761 ; false ohair in, i. 765 ; imposed upon Chinese

        by the Tartars, ii. 179 ; mourning,

        ii. 249 ; cut ofT by Tai-pings, ii. 589.

        Quicksilver mines in Kweichau, i. 178,

        311 ; experiments in, ii. 118.

        I)

        ACES (see under Aboriginal), abor-

        \) iginal and colonial, of China, i. 43.

        Radicals in the Chinese language, i. 591-

        593.

        Raffles, SirT. S., i. 482.

        Rain, in North China, i. 51 ; in the south,

        i. 53; contrast in. between coasts of

        China and America, i. 55 ; Taukwang’s

        prayer for, i. 407 ; eflbrts after, by

        officers, ii. 203-205.

        Ranking, J., i. 330.

        Ranks, titular, of noblemen, i. 405 ; of

        the people, i. 411 ; insignia of, i. 414.

        Rationalists, or Taoists, considered as

        magicians, i. ()94 ; ideas of the creation,

        ii. 138; creed, ii. 207 0″.

        Rats, how and when eaten, i. 778.

        lied Book, of officials, its character, i

        452.

        Reed, William B.^ United States Minister,

        i. 400; arrives in China, ii. 643,

        649.

        Regis, Pere J. B., i. 633.

        Reinaud, J. T., i. 127, u. 168, 271, 414,

        425. 426.

        Religion, sects in Tibet, i. 248 ; ridicuU

        INDEX. 7G7

        of, by the literati, i. 601 ; none in early

        mythology, ii. 14)3; only external modifying

        intlaence in China, ii. 18′.); two

        negative features of Chinese, ii. 192

        ;

        the tliree ki<w, or sects : State, ii. 194 ;

        Tao. or Rationalist, ii. 207 ; Fuh, or

        Buddhist, ii. 217; toleration of, in

        Cliiua, ii. 221 ; eft’eto among the people,

        ii. 2G0.

        Be’musat, Abel, his derivation of word

        Tsunfj ling, i. 9 ; myths of the Great

        Deseit, i. 12 ; river basins of China, i.

        27, 2i:!, 214, 2:50, 2:11, 2>!:;, 2:J4, 237, 28t<,

        2.’)0, 2.”)1, 254, 308, 353 ; observations on

        natural sciences, i. 377, 500, .^97, ()0.5

        ;

        on Chinese grammar, i. 617 ; Mencius,

        i. (iOtJ, 674, 675, 681, 682, 694, 696. ii.

        123, 139, 167, 176, 180, 224, 232, 233,

        293, 309, 441.

        Rennie, Dr. D. F., i. 05, ii. 602.

        Researches of Ma Twan-lin, i. 2.59-265.

        Responsibility, a main feature of government,

        i. 382-383 ; its operation, i. 436 ;

        of Emperor for natural calamities, i.

        465; results of, i. 481.

        Revenue, of Chinese Empire, i. 289-292

        ;

        Board of, i. 422 ; Department of, i. 443 ;

        and transit duties, ii. 391.

        Rhubarb from Kansuh, i. 864.

        Ricci, Father Matteo, comes to China, ii.

        289 ; travels northward, ii. 290 ; his

        death, ii. 2,12 ; his character, ii. 293 ; decision

        as to the rites, ii. 292, 299 ; compared

        witli Morrison, ii. 322 ; compiles

        account of Goes’ journey, ii. 425.

        Rice, its importance, i. 772 ; its cultivation,

        ii. 5-7; paper, painting on, ii.

        113; an import, ii. 396.

        RichanlsL.!!, Sir John, i. 296, 347, 348.

        Richthofen, Biron F. von, remarks on

        conformation of Central Asia, i. 18

        roads in loess, i. 39, 97, 120, 150, 1.5S,

        184. :^12, 221, 222, 257, 296, 297, 303,

        305. 636, ii. 137 ; on early knowledge of

        China, ii. 407. 411, 624.

        Ripa, Pere M., ii. 124; arrives in China,

        ii. 302; observations on Catholic missionaries,

        ii. 305.

        Rites, five kinds of, i. 423; Book of, i.

        643-f)47 ; question of the, Ricci’s precedent,

        ii. 292 ; Catholic quarrels concerning,

        ii. 297-303.

        Ritter, Carl, i. 208, 234, 237, 257.

        Rivers, of China, i. 18; of Shansi, i. 94;

        boat life on, i. 751.

        Roberts, Rev. I. J., his connection with

        Hung Siu-tsnen, ii. 587, 622.

        Roads, public, i. 37 ; mountain, i. 39 ; of

        Shansi, i. 91″!

        ; of Sz’chiien, i. 156; safety

        of, in the Empire, i. 212 ; in loess region,

        i. 300.

        Robinson, Sir G. B., associated with Napier,

        ii. 464 ; succeeds him as superintendent,

        ii. 479.

        Rome, Chinese knowledge cf, during the

        Han dynasty, ii. 163; the country ‘i’u

        Tsin, ii. 207 ; and Ciiiiia, infanticide in,

        ii. 242 ; divination in China and, ii.

        261 ; intercourse with Cliiua, ii. 410.

        Roman Catholics’, and Huddliists’ rituals

        compared, ii. 231, 315 ; they suggest

        the founding of hospitals, ii. 205 ; missi

        jns first established in China, ii. 286

        ;

        second period of their missions, ii. 289

        diseussions concerning the rites, ii. 253,

        292, 299 ; expelled from China by Yungciiing,

        ii. 304 ; character of their la})or3

        in China, ii. 316 ; they move to Hongkong,

        ii. 347 ; restitution of their confiscated

        property, ii. 361 , 362 ; indemnified

        in treaty of Peking, ii. 687.

        Rondot, Natalis, Chinese commerce, ii.

        19, 31, 38, 83.

        Roofs, how constructed in China, i. 726,

        729.

        Rubruquis, Friar William, sent by Louis

        XI. to Mangu khan, ii. 418, 425.

        _

        Russia, treaty^ between, and China on

        frontier of II i, i. 215, .594; and toleration

        of Christianity in China, ii. 360

        ;

        boundary disputes, trade, and treaties

        of, with China, ii. 441 ; takes possession

        of Kuldja, ii. 727.

        Russian, ‘pigeon,’ spoken in Vierny, ii.

        402 ; Admiral Poutiatine arrives in

        China, ii. 643 ; and American ministers

        at Tientsin, ii. 6 4 ; diplomacy and the

        Kuldja question, ii. 732.

        SABBATH not known in China, i. 809.

        SacharofF, T., i. 271.

        Sacred Edict (or Commands) of Kanghi,

        the Shing Ym, i. .548; a politico-moral

        treatise, i. 686-601 ; its observations on

        mulberry culture, ii. ; 3 ; illus-trations

        from, ii. 107-111, 227,_ 267.

        Sacrifices, no human, in China, ii. 192;

        three grades, ii. 105; of women at funeral

        of Empress, ii. 250.

        Sagalicn, River (see Amur), i. 180; town

        of (Igoon),i. 108.

        Sa,int-Martin, Didier, Romish missionary

        to China, ii. 3C6, 312 ; on casting out

        demons, ii. 314.

        Salaries, of Chinese officers, i. 204 ; of

        Mongol princes, i. 430.

        Sale of office practised continually by

        Emperor, i. 475.

        Salisbury, Prof. E. E., ii. 232.

        _

        Salt, produced in Shansi, i. 95 ; in

        Sz’chuen, i. 158, 308 ; Yunnan, i. 184

        ;

        Department, or Gabel, i. 443.

        Salve tat, ii. 23, 24.

        ‘Sand,’ a malady at Nanking, i. 52.

        Sand-storms on the Plains, i. .52 ; dunes

        or moving hills in Kashgar, i. 227.

        Sangkolinsin, Tartar general, at Takii

        forts, ii. 664 ; drives back the allies, il

        7G8 INDEX.

        606 ; blunder in operations against allies

        before Taku, ii. 074 ; retires toward Peking,

        ii. (577 ; his deception, ii. 079

        ;

        conversation with Parkes, ii. (i80 ; his

        connection with treatment of English

        pi isoners, ii. 085 ; allows the return of

        allied troops, ii. 088.

        San-Ux’ Kim], or ‘ Trimetrical Classic,’ a

        school-book, i. 526-530.

        Sayce, Prof. A. H., on hieroglyphics, i.

        581.

        iSchaal, Father Adam, recommended to

        the Emperor, ii. ;i94 ; and Shunchi’, ii.

        2y0 ; j)roscribed, and dies, ii. ;i’J7

        ;

        makes cannon, ii. ~98.

        Scarborough, W., i. 720.

        tSchereschewsky, Bishop, S. I. J., ii. 873,

        304.

        Science, study of, in China, i. 297; foreign

        terms of, introduced, i. 021 ; abstract,

        not pursued, ii. 65 ; attainments

        in and ideas upon, ii. 06-86.

        B.adegel, Dr. Gustave, i. 48, 494, 633.

        (School name, shu mltit/, i. 525; when

        conferred, i. 797.

        Schools, boys’, how conducted, i. 525

        books studied, i. 527-541 ; high, i. 542

        Romish mission, ii. 310 ; Morrison

        Education Society, ii. 341-345.

        Rchuhmacher, M. Job. H. , i. 033.

        Schuyler, Eugene, i. 217, 219, 233, ii. 402.

        Sculpture as a fine art, ii. 105, 114.

        Secret societies in China, i. 492 ; their

        character, ii. 2()7.

        Sedan chairs of magistrates, i. 50;! ; their

        kinds and uses, i. 748.

        Senamand, J., i. 003.

        Seres, Latin designation for China, i. 4 ;

        distinguished from Sinw, ii. 408.

        Sen Ki-yu, Governor, compend of geography

        by, i. 50; and Dr. Abeel, ii. 348,

        409, 575.

        Sevres and Chinese porcelains compared,

        ii. 23.

        Seymour, Admiral, ii. 037 ; enters Canton

        city, ii. 038 ; withdraws from the river

        to Macao Fort, ii. (J40 ; takes Taku

        forts, ii. i’>T>\.

        Sexes, separation of in Chines&^ociety, i.

        784. _

        -^

        Shamanism, the Buddhism of Tibet and

        Mongolia, ii. 233-235.

        Shameen, foreign settlement at Canton,

        i. 168.

        Sha-moh (see Gobi), i. 15 ; its character,

        i. 17.

        Shang dynasty, its annals, ii. 154-157, 158.

        Shangchuen, Sancian, or St. John’s Island,

        Kwangtung, i. 173, ii. 289, 437.

        Blianghai, climate, i. 53 ; rainfall, i. 50 ;

        description of, i. 100; its dialect, i.

        01 1 ; Ching-hwang miao at, ii. 202

        ;

        foundling hospital at, ii. 264 ; missions

        aBtablished at, ii. 351, 357 ; conference,

        ii. 305 ; taken and ransomed by th«

        British, ii. 530 ; at close of lirst war, ii

        573 ; captured by rebels, ii. 004 ; protected

        from Tai-pings by foreigners, ii.

        000 ; foreigners at, thank Gordon, ii.

        019; customs duties entrusted to foreigners

        at, ii. 027 ; troubles with Cantonese

        rebels at, ii. 628 ; arsenal estab

        lished at, ii. 690.

        Shangti’, worship of. as God, ii. 154, 157

        ;

        the Taoist, ii. 215 ; and Tien, the term

        question among Catholics, ii. 297

        among Protestants, ii. 364 ; Hung Siutsuen

        and the worship of, ii. 588, 590.

        Shangtu, or Xanadu, i. 87.

        Shan-hai kwan, a town on the Gulf of

        Pechele, i. 25.

        Shansi province, description of, i. 94;

        productions, i. 95 ; mountain passes, i.

        97 ; loess regions of, i. 398-303.

        Shantung province, i. 89 ; productions, L

        92 ; people of, i. 93.

        Shark, mode of catching, i. 347 ; fins

        eaten, ii. 397.

        Shasi, in Hupeh, i. 14.5.

        Shauchau, in Kwangtung, i. 173.

        Shanking, a town in Kwangtung, i. 173;

        Ricci establislied there, ii. 290, 431

        ;

        rebel slaughter at, ii. 632.

        Shaw, R. B., ii. 729.

        Shaw, Samuel, his voyage to China, ii. 460.

        Sheep, domestic and mountain, i. 321

        .

        Shensi province, i. 148-152 ; loess in, L

        298 ; the Huns in, ii. 10.5.

        Shigatsc’, capital of Ulterior Tibet, i. 247.

        Shih, a grain measure, its value, i. 290.

        Shih-pah Sang, or ‘ Eighteen Provinces,’

        called t’liHHij Kii’oh. i. 8.

        Slii Kin(/, the ‘ Book of Odes,’ its poetry,

        i. 03(5-043, 703 ; allusion to silk, ii. 32

        and ancestral worship, ii. 230.

        Shingking colony, i. 25 ; a province of

        Manchuria, i. 191-19(5.

        Shinnung, inventor of agriculture, temple

        to, at Peking, i. 78.

        Shoeing animals, manner of, ii. 4.

        Shoes, how made and worn, i. 701 ; women’s,

        i. 769 ; given at New Year, i. 811.

        Shops, in Peking, i. 82 ; arrangement of

        Chinese, i. 73(5 ; their names, i. 799

        ;

        decorated at New Yeai’, i. 811-813.

        Shiiga Mountains, in the Kwanlun system,

        i. 11.

        SJinKing, the ‘Book of Records,’ i. 90;

        its character and value, i. 633-630 ; on

        temperance, i. 808 ; notice of silk culture,

        ii. 32 ; of cotton, ii. 3(5 ; of early

        attention to astronomy, ii. OS, (59 ; the

        deluge of Yao, ii. 147 ft’.; its credibility,

        ii. 152, 155 ; and House of Chau, u.

        157, 159; and religion, ii. 190; on ancient

        commerce, ii. 372, 59(5.

        Shun, an early Emperor, ii. 145, 146-148.

        Shunchi, Emperor, i. 385 ; orders women

        INDEX. (GO

        immolated, ii. 250 ; and Schaal, ii. 290,

        -,

        ^*^-

        Shuntien, a department of Chihli, i. (iO.

        Sialkoi Mountains, in Manchuria, L 13,

        1S».

        Slang River, in Hunan, i. 14fi.

        eiangkwan, King of Tsinchau, changes

        his ca[)it;il to Lohyang, i. o.

        Siao lUiih, or •Juvenile Instructor,’ a

        text-book, i. 5:22, 540.

        _

        Sign-boards of Poking, i. 8o. 738.

        Sihota, or Sili-hih-teh Mountains, in

        Manchuria, i. 10, 188.

        Si Hu, ‘West Lake,’ near Hangchau, i.

        117; near Fuhchan, i. 131.

        Silk. Hangchau. i. 119; of Sz’chuen, i.

        157 ; worm reared, i. 351 ; manufacture,

        ii. 33-35 ; export of. ii. 395.

        Siik-worm, discovered by Yuenfi, i. 71

        ;

        its culture, ii. 33.

        Silver, localities of, i. 311 ;

        ‘ shoes ‘ of

        si/crr. ii. 84.

        Silver Island (Siung Shan), near Chinkiang.

        i. 100.

        Simon, Eug. , ii. 88.

        Simpson, William, i. 737.

        Si-ugan (Hao-king and Chang-an), abandoned

        in 770 1?. c. by Siangkwan, i. 3;

        description of the city, i. 1 50 ; capital of

        the Chau, ii. l.-)2. 1.58, 102. 105; during

        the Tang, ii. 108 ; temple to Lautsz’ in,

        ii. 215 ; Nestorian tablet of, ii. 270, 408.

        Sining, in Kansuh, i. 154, 210, 213. 2.52.

        ijiu fsui. or ‘Bachelor of Arts,’ first degree

        in examination system, i. .547;

        military, i. 500 ; Hung Siu-tsuen tries

        for, ii. ‘582.

        Siuenhwa, in Chihli, i. 86.

        Six Boards, bureaus of, Peking, i. 72, 415,

        421-428.

        Si Yuen, ‘Western Park,’ Peking, i. 70.

        ” Skinning papers ” used in examinations,

        i. 551.

        Slaves, few in China, i. 413, 564.

        Smith, Rev. Arthur, i. 97.

        Smith, Bishop George, i. 498, ii. 242, 272.

        Smith, F. Porter, ii. 134, 241.

        Smuggling, desperate case of opium, L

        447 ; at Macao and Whampoa, ii. 378 ;

        increase of, about Hongkong, ii. 633

        British encouragement of, ii. 725.

        Snakes in China, i. 34′>.

        Snow, in Peking, i. 51 ; in Shanghai, i.

        .53 ; in Canton, i. .”4.

        Snuff, how taken, i. 771 ; bottles found

        in Egypt, ii. 27.

        Social life, in China, i. 782-830 ; and government

        in reform movements, ii. 581.

        Society, Medical Missionary, ii. ;)34 ; for

        the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in

        China, ii. 340 ; Morrison Education, ii.

        341.

        Songari River, in Manchuria, i. 190 ; in

        treaty of Livadia, ii. 732.

        Vol. II.—49

        Songaria (see Tien-shan Peh Lu), or

        Dzungaria, i. 215 ; its productions, i.

        218; chief cities, i. 219; history, i.

        233-230.

        Sorghum (kaoliaiuj), on Teungming Island,

        i. 108 ; not used for sugar, i. 776.

        Sounds, of the Chinese language indicated

        by symbols, i. 580; mistaken

        ideas regardmg, i. 005 ; still unwritten,

        i. 608 ; dialectic, of Canton and Amoy,

        i. 615; and sense in Chinese rhymes, i

        704.

        Soy, how made, i. 365, 773 ; an export, ii.

        390.

        Soyorti Mountain.s. See Sialkoi.

        Spanish, trade and relations with China,

        ii. 431 ; Don S. de Mas appointed, minister,

        ii. 505 ; government and the

        coolie trade, ii. 715.

        Spectacles, fashion of Chinese, ii. 22.

        Sphex, or solitary wasp, Chinese ideas respecting,

        i. 354.

        Spirits, ardent, temperance in use of, L

        808 ; dread of wandering, ii. 258.

        Squirrels, varieties of, i. 327.

        Stanlev, Dean A. P., on Confucius and

        Buddha, ii. 220.

        Stanovoi, or Wai Hing-an Mountains,

        their position, i. 9.

        Stars, arrangement of the, ii. 76.

        Staunton, Sir G. L.. i. 89, 118, 269, 353,

        362, 403, 453, ii. 444, 454.

        Staunton, Sir G. T., i. 279, 384, 589, 674,

        080, ii. 318, 4.52, 458. 400.

        Steel everywhere made, ii. 19.

        Stent, Geo. C, i. 703, 7C6, 770.

        Stevens, Rev. Edwin, i. 93, 129, 764, ii.

        329, 352, 308.

        Stimpson, i. 290.

        Strass, made in Tsinan, i. 91 ; uses of,

        ii. 21.

        Strauss, Victor von, i. 643, ii. 207, 212.

        Streets, of Peking, i. 82 ; of Canton, L

        168 ; scenes in, i. 740 ; at New Year,

        812, 815; at Emperor’s funeral, ii. 250.

        Sturgeon, or ijin yii, in Yaugtsz’, i. 347.

        Sii, a censor, his punishment, i. 432.

        Su-Hwui, a poetess of the fourth century,

        i. 708.

        Sii Kwang-hi, or Paul Sii, his Encyclopedia

        of Aqricnlture, i. 686, ii. 10, 51

        ;

        converted by Ricci, ii. 291, 292, 294,

        354.

        Sii Kwang-tsin, Governor-General, keepp

        foreigners out of Canton, ii. 573 ; his

        folly, ii. .590, 604.

        Suchau, in Kiangsu, i. 103 ; captured by

        Tai-pings, ii. OUG ; recapture of, ii. 013-

        616.

        Sugar, on Formosa, i. 139; largely grown,

        i. 776; how made, ii. 11.

        Suhshun, favorite of Hienfung, ii. 604;

        his conspiracy and death, ii. 691.

        Sui dynasty, ii. 167.

        770 INDEX.

        Suicides carofiilly drcssod, i. 513.

        Sulphur found in Formosa, i. 139.

        Sun symbolized by a raven, ii. 74.

        Sung dynasty, cotton introduced during

        the, ii. ;>7 ; the Xlth dynasty or Northern

        Sung, ii. 10.5 ; the XXIId, its period,

        ii. 173 ; the Southern Sung, ii. 174.

        Sung, a censor, his rectitude, i. 431 ; his

        career, i. 4.54.

        Sunijkiaug, in Kiangsu, recaptured by

        Ward, ii, (507 ; Gordon retires to, ii.

        (iia.

        Suuglo hills, in Nganhwui, i. lO’J ; in

        ‘ Tea-Picker.s’ Ballad,’ i. 710 fF.

        Sunnite tribe of Mongols, i. ^06.

        Superstitions, of the Chinese, respecting

        divination, 1. tilJO ; in marriages, i. 785

        ff.; Taoist priests and, i. 694, ii. 214;

        m funerals, fung s?iui, ii. 24.5, 24()

        ;

        various, ii. 255-‘3()o ; Chinese and

        Romish, ii. 314, 316; of mediaeval travellers

        in the East, ii. 423.

        Supremacy, Governor Lu’s ideas of Chinese,

        ii. 472 ; Chinese principles of, ii.

        475, 476 ; illustrated in case of Lin’s

        homicide, ii. 506, 510; Chinese, and

        Pottinger’s proclamation, ii. 538.

        Swallows about Peking, i. 332.

        Swinlioe, Robert, i. 206, 318, 328, 329,

        331, 337, 342, ii. 671, 673, 677, 683, 684,

        685.

        Symbolism, Chinese, ii. 74, 111.

        Syle, B. W., ii. 96.

        Sz\ a ‘township’ or ‘commune,’ i. 59;

        government of, i. 441.

        /Sz’ (‘Silk’), origin of the Latin Seres,

        China, i. 4 ; of silk, ii. 35.

        Sz’chuen province, climate, i. .55 ; description

        of, i. 1.54-158; alum found in,

        i. SOS ; wax-worm of, i. 353 ; tea of,

        ii. 50,

        Sz’ Hai, ‘ All within the Four Seas,’ ancient

        Chinese terra for the land, i. 4.

        Sz’ma Kwang, a historian, i. 676, ii. 174.

        Sz’ma Tsicn, a Chinese historian, i. 675,

        ii. 140, 149, 212.

        TABLES : Area and population of

        Eurojjean States, i. 272 ; Censuses

        of the Eiglite(-n Provinces since 1710, i,

        264; Colonies of China, their government

        and sulidivisions, i, 186 ; Dynasti:;

        s of China, ii. 18(;; Expenditure

        of Chinese government, i. 293 ; Exports

        from China during 1880 iind 1881, ii,

        405 ;

        ” Five Sovereigns ” of Chinese

        legendary annahs, ii. 148; Ming and

        Tsing Emperors, ii. 18(i; Missionaries

        (Protestant) in China, 1877, ii. 366;

        Nature, ywwers, and functions of elementary,

        ii, 75 ; Numerals, (‘iiinese, in

        three dialects, i. 619; Opium import

        to Hongkong, ii, 388 ; /’«// Kirn of Puhlii’,

        in the )’//’ Kiii’i. i. O’.’B ; Population

        of China, comparatirc estimates of, i

        263 ; Provinces, government and divisions

        of the Eighteen, i, 01 j Provincial

        officer.?, i. 444 ; Pulse and its corresponding

        organs in the human body, u. i22 ;

        Revenue of the Eighteen Provinces

        :

        Cu.stoms report, ii. 4U4 ; De Guifines’a

        estimate, i. 291 ; Medhurst’s estimate,

        i. 299 ; Radicals of the Chinese language,

        i. 592 ; Rice tribute sent to Peking,

        ii. 5 ; Tea exj)()rt during ten

        years, ii. 404 ; Trade, value of Chinese

        foreign, ii. 4():>; Zodiac, divisions of

        the Chinese, ii. 71

        .

        Ta-chungsz’, ‘Bell Temple,’ Peking, i. 79.

        Ta Hioli, or ‘Superior Learning,’ i. 052,

        Ta hu, or Tai hu, ‘(ireat Lake,’ near the

        Yangtsz’, i. 2:!, 100, 103.

        Tai-ho tien, ‘ Hall of Highest Peace,’

        imperial palace, Peking, i. 67.

        Tai Miao, ‘Great Temple,’ Peking, i. 70.

        Taintor, E. C, i. 141, 176, 433.

        _ Tai-ping, ‘ Tri-netrieal Clas-sic ‘ of, i.

        .530 ; loyalty of imperial officials during

        the rebellion, i, 5C3, ii. 184, 3.59

        ;

        origin of the t3rm, ii. 581 ; commencement

        of insurryctiaii, ii. 589 ; first military

        success, ii. 591 ; character of its

        control, ii. 59 J ; arrangement of camp,

        ii. 594 ; advance to Nanking, ii. .595

        ;

        expedition against Peking, ii. 597

        rapid degeneration of the movement

        after this failure, ii. 599 ; dissensions

        among the leaders, ii. 602 ; eleven new

        wangs appointsd—the sortie from Nanking

        of May, 1 800, ii. 005 ; they fail in

        not following Elgi.i to Peking, ii. 600 ;

        operations to relieve Nganking, ii. 607

        ;

        resistance at Suchau, ii. 613 ; execution

        of leaders at its surrender, ii. 61 5 ; desperate

        condition of the rebels, ii. 617

        end of rebellion in the fall of Nanking,

        ii. 620 ; subsequent movements of the

        refugees, ii. 621 ; their final collapse,

        ii. 622; authorities on the rebellion, ii.

        624 ; army at Hankow visited bv Elgin,

        ii. 0.59.

        Tai shan, in Shantung, i. 90.

        Taitsung, Emperor, of t!ie Tang dynasty,

        institutes examination system, i. .521

        ;

        his reign and acts, ii. 168-170.

        Taiwan, on b’ormosa, i. l-;0.

        Taiyuen, cai>ital of Shansi, i. 96.

        Taku, on the Pei ho, i. 86; interview between

        Elliot and Kishen at, ii. 515 ; the

        allied licet at, ii. 049 ; Russian and

        American interviiw with Tan at, ii. 6.50;

        forts taken by l^nglish and French, ii.

        651 ; the four forci>;n ministers repair

        to, ii, t)64; negotiations of Americans

        at, ii. 065 ; repulse of the allies at, ii.

        600 ; attack upon .and capture of, ii. 676.

        Tallow and the tallow-tree, ii, 11.

        Tang dynasty, the best period of Chinese

        INDEX. 771

        poetry, i. 704; drama originates dnring,

        1. 714; its brilliant period, ii. Ui7-17l ;

        the After Taug, ii. 17^.’; Mo.slems in

        Ciiina during the, ii. 268 ; Arabs, ii. 41 o ;

        travelling regulations under, ii. 4~5.

        Tnii</Jin, Tail’/ Shan, local terms for the

        Chinese and China, i. 4, ii. 1G8.

        Tangnu Mountains’, in Mongolia, i. 0.

        Tang Ting-ching, governor at Canton, ii.

        481 ; his son in the opium trade, ii. 4′.)3

        ;

        his helpless position toward foreigners,

        ii. 4′.)5 ; foolish answer to Elliot, ii. 4’JG

        ;

        visit.s Macao, ii. 506.

        TangTsz’, Temple to Imperial Ancestors,

        Peking, i. 73.

        Tangnts, tribe of, i. 210, 212.

        Tankia boats at Canton, i. 412, 751.

        Tan Ting-siang, governor-general of

        Chihli, meets American and Russian

        minist^ns at Taku, ii. (JiiO ; superseded

        by Kwciliang at Tientsin, ii. 651.

        Taoism, or Rationalism, priests regarded

        as magicians, i. 694 ; its founder, ii.

        206 ; its classic, the Tao Teh King, ii.

        297-214; 3.ndfu)!g s/nii, ii. 246.

        Tarbagatai, district of Songaria, i. 220.

        Tariff and commercial regulations after

        the first war, ii. 558 ; after the second,

        ii. 657.

        Tarim, or Ergu River, i. 16 ; its course and

        basin, i. 221-223 ; reconquest of the

        valley, ii. 727.

        Tartars, or Tatars, i, 44; ” Fish-skin,” i.

        1U6 ; derivation of name, i. 2U2 ; Kitaii

        of Liautung and the After Tsin, ii. 172 ;

        and the Kin, ii. 174.

        Tartary, country formerly called, i. 202.

        Tatnali, Commodore, at Taku, ii. 665 ; his

        conduct during the action, and bon mot,

        ii. ()68.

        Ta Tshu/ Kwoh, ‘Great Pure Kingdom,’

        present official name of China, i. .5.

        Tati, Tau-tui, ‘Circuit’ and ‘ Intendant

        of Circuit,’ i. .59, 440.

        Taukwang, the Emperor, coronation address,

        i. ;J99 ; honors the Empress-dowager,

        i. 409 ; rescript of, i. 449 ; prayer

        for rain i. 466 ; his reign, ii. 18o ; his

        efforts to stop the opiam trade, ii. 492,

        497; rejects Bogne treaty, ii. 519; his

        spirit in pushitig the war, ii. 527 ; proclamation

        concerning th”? causes of the

        war, ii. 539 ; his death, ii. .575.

        Taxes, in China, i. 294 ; difficulty of collecting,

        i. 498; ‘Sacred Edict’ upon,

        i. 688 ; on building lots, i. 739 ; land,

        ii. 2; how paid, ii. 84.

        Taye, son of Emperor Chuen-hii, founder

        of the Tsin family, i. 2.

        Taylor, Dr. C, i. 1(>2.

        Tea, in Ngauhwni, i. 109 ; Kiakhta trade

        in. i. 207; its preparation in Tibet, i.

        ‘241 ; ballad on picking, i. 710 ; culture,

        ii. 39; manufacture, etc., ii. 40-55; as

        an export, ii. 373, 404; duty on, in

        1689, ii. 446.

        Teachers in boys’ schools, i. .524 ff.

        ;

        qualitications, i. .526 ; severity required,

        i. 546.

        Temperance, address of Duke Chau i”

        the Shu King, i. 808, ii. 157 ; of th^.

        Chinese, ii. .54.

        ‘J’emples, in Peking (q.v. ) i. 73-80; in

        Canton, i. 164-166 ; in Tibet, i. 245

        ;

        pillars of Chinese, i. 730 ; public resorts,

        i. 738, ii. 202 ; to Confucius, li.

        203 ; proportion of Buddhist, ii. 224 ;

        worship in, ii. 232, 263.

        Temperature, of Peking, i. 51 ; of coast

        towns, i. .53.

        Tengkiri-nor, in Tibet, i. 25, 240. •

        Tennent, Sir E., ii. 413.

        Terrace cultivation, in loess, i. 300; extent

        of, ii. 6.

        Terranova, an American sailor, case of,

        ii. 453 ; his judicial murder, ii. 460.

        Teshu-lama, monument to a, Peking, i.

        79 ; palace of the, at Teshu-Lumbo,

        Tibet, i. 247, 2.52, 2.56.

        Theatres, management of, i. 820 ; style of

        plays, i. 714, b22 ; morals of Chinese, i.

        824.

        Thom, Robert, interpreter to Pottinger,

        ii. 548, 556. 557.

        Thompson, James, i. 771.

        Tlioms, P. P., i. 392 ; fonts of Chinese

        type of, i. 603 ; Chinese Courtshij:), i.

        704, ii. 320.

        ‘ Thousand Character,’ or ‘ Millenary

        Classic’ {Tsien Txz’ IV’ds;*), a schoolbook,

        i. 531, 598.

        Thrashing-floors, how made, ii. 9,

        Thrushes, trained, i. 333.

        Tibet, physical characteristics of people,

        L 45; names and boundaries, i. 237;

        natural features, i. ‘238-240 ; climate,

        productions, and animals, i. 241-244

        ;

        H’lassa and Shigatse, i. 245-247 ; manners

        and customs, i. 248-2.54 ; language,

        i. 2.53 ; history, i. 2.54 ; government, i.

        255 ; population not numbered, i. ‘284

        ;

        manner of concocting tea in, ii. 50 ; annexed

        by Kienlung, ii. 182 ; Shamanism

        in, ii. 2.33.

        Tick kii, ‘ Iron whirlwind,’ term for typhoon,

        i. 57.

        Tien, ‘ Heaven.’ worshipped, ii. 194, 195,

        198; and Shanr/ti, as terms for Grod, ii.

        297, 300.

        Tien chu, ‘Heaven’s Pillar,’ or Atlas of

        China, a name for the Kwanlun. i. 13.

        Tifn Ilia, ‘ Beneath the Sky,’ a term for

        China, i. 4.

        Tien shan, Tengkiri, or Celestial Mountains,

        in Cobdo, i. 9 ; erroneously called

        Alak, i. 10; one of the four great

        chains of China, i. 11.

        Tien-shan Nan Lu, or Southern Circuit

        772 INDEX.

        (Eastern Turkestan), i. 231 ; its position

        and topography, i. :221-2:i3 ; population,

        i. ;224 ; towns, i. 324-231 ; history, i.

        233-237.

        Tieu-shan Peh Lu, or Northern Circuit

        (Songaria), i. 218; its towns and districts,

        i. 218-221.

        Tien Tan, ‘Altar to Heaven,’ Peking, i.

        70; Emperor’s worship at, ii. 195-198.

        Tientsin, description, i. S~) ; riot and missions,

        ii. 313 ; Mr. Gutzlaff’s visit to,

        ii. 328 ; Flint at, ii. 449 ; Tai-pings repulsed

        at, ii. 598 ; allies reach, ii. 051 ;

        negotiations of the allies at, ii. 654 ; the

        armies again reach, ii. 677 ; riot and

        massacre of foreigners at, ii. 700 ; feeling

        in the city, ii. 703.

        Tiger, the, in China, i. 318 ; in geoniancy,

        ii. 246.

        Timur, or Ching-tsung, Kublai khan’s

        successor, ii. 176.

        Ti’iy, ‘department’ or ‘district,’ term

        explained, i. .58; prefect of, i. 441.

        Tiughai, capital of Chusan Archipelago,

        i. 123; Lockhait’s hospital at, ii. S.^O;

        capture of, by British in 1841, ii. 514

        ;

        second cajjture, ii. 525.

        Tinikow.ski, i. SO, 207, 2.50, ii. 442, 44.3.

        Ti Tan, ‘Altar to Earth,’ Peking, i. 78.

        Titles, of Emperor, i. 397-399 ; of nol)ility,

        i. 405, 40(i ; and Board of Civil

        Office, i. 422 ; assumed on taking office,

        i. 799 ; of the Tien Wang, ii 582.

        Ti Wang Miao, the Walhalla of China, i.

        75.

        Tobacco, introduced into China, i. 309

        how used, i. 776; exported, ii. 394.

        Tonil)s, of the Chinese, ii. 246; worship

        at, ii. 252.

        Tones {sfii7ig’), in the Chinese language, 1.

        609.

        Topographical, terms, i. 58 ; divisions of

        China, i. 61.

        Tortoise, or kiccl, fabulous animal, i. 345.

        Torture, its infliction upon criminals, i.

        .507.

        Tourgouths, tribe of, in Northern fli, i.

        2’20; flight of, from Knssia, i. 234

        ;

        Tulishen’s embassy, concerning, ii. 442.

        Trade, restrictions of, with Corea, i.

        194 ; tl:rouL;h Kiakhta, i. 206 ; revenue

        from, etc., i. 291 ; ancient, of China, ii.

        372 ; value of opium, ii. 388 ; general

        export, ii. 391 ; import, ii. 397 ; present

        management of, ii. 402 ; ancient, with

        Roman Empire, ii. 411, 414 ; limited to

        Canton by the Manchns, ii. 426 ; Portuguese,

        ii. 430 ; Sj)anish, ii. 431 ; Dutch,

        ii. 433 ; Russian, ii. 141 ; history of the

        English, ii. 443-4.59 ; peculiarities of

        early Chinese, ii. -1.50 ; American, ii.

        4t)0 ; Napier appointed suiiernitcndent

        of British, ii. 464 ; mutations of, during

        Napier’s embroglio, ii. 473-477 ; Lin

        finally stops the British, ii. 507 ; carried

        on during the war, ii. 517, 521, 524;

        settlement of, regulations after the first

        war, ii. .557.

        TransformatiLns, Chinese notions about,

        I. 345, 378.

        Travelling, modes of, in China, i. 747

        ;

        rognhitions under the Tangs, ii. 425.

        Treaties, Husso-Chinese, concerning frontier

        of Hi, i. 215; clauses of toleration

        in, of June, 1858, ii. 360 ; Russian, ii.

        441 ; failure of the negotiations at the

        Bogue, iL 518 ; of Nanking, ii. 549 ; its

        ratification, ii. 557 ; British supplementary,

        signed at Bogue, ii. 5(;i ; of

        Wanghia l>etween China and the United

        States, ii. 567 ; French, of Whampoa,

        ii. 571 ; how regarded by the Chinese,

        ii. 578 ; of Tientsin signed, ii. 656 ; difficulty

        of enforcing, in CJhina, ii. 658 ;

        American, ratified at Pehtang, ii. 670;

        English and French, signed at Peking,

        iL 686; the Burlingame, ii. 698; of

        1880, ii. 699 ; of Chunghow at Livadia,

        iL 732 ; of MarquLs Tsfing in settlement

        of Kuldja question, iL 734.

        Triad Society, or Water-lily Sect, i. 493 ;

        its character, ii. 267 ; and Christians,

        iL 812, 323 ; opposition of Hung Siutsuen

        to, ii. .591.

        Trials, criminal, how conducted, i. 504.

        Trigautius (or Trigault), French missionary,

        i. 265, 289, ii. 293, 309, 425, 428.

        ‘ Trimetritxil Classic,’ Saii-tsz’ King, a

        school-book, L 52()-.530.

        Trinity of the Tao-teh -King, Pauthier’a

        fancy, ii. 210.

        Tsaidam, plain of, L 210.

        Tsakhar, or Chahar, territory in Chihli,

        i. 60, 87 ; tribes, i. ‘203.

        Tsang Kwoh-fan, generalissimo of imperial

        forces against the Tai-pings, ii.

        618 ; is visited by Gordon, li. 620 ; investigates

        Tientsin massacre, ii. 703

        his son sent to England and Russia, iL

        733.

        Tsau hu, in Nganhwui, i. 23 ; its goldfish,

        i. 348.

        Tsau-ti, or Gras.sland of Gobi, i. 17.

        Tsetsen khanate, i. 204.

        Tsi dynasty, A. i). 479-502, ii. 166.

        Tsientang River, in Chehkiang, L 114.

        Tsin, the IXth dynastv in Cliina, ii. 165;

        After Tsin, XIXth,’ii. 172.

        Tsin, name t’hin.a. derived from family

        of, i. 2, ii. 101 ; tbey establisli the custom

        of giving tlie Empire the dynastic

        name, i. 4; dynasty ends witli Chwaiigsiang,

        ii. 1()3 ; Tit-tsii).. an ancient name

        for Rome, ii. 410.

        Tsin Chi Hwangti, ‘Emperor First,’

        alters taxes, i. 2C0 ; first universal

        monarch, ii. 160 ; subjugates feudal

        States, iL 188.

        INDEX. 773

        Tei’nan, capital of Shantung, i. 91

        .

        Tsinchau awarded to Feitsz’, a prince of

        Tsin, i. 3.

        Tsing, present dynasty of China, ii. 179-

        186.

        Tsing hai (see Koko-nor), i. 209.

        Tsining chau, in Shantung, i. 92.

        TzinistiP, a term for China, i. 4 ; used by

        the Greek monk Cosmas, ii. 412.

        Tsin-sz’, third literary degree, i. 558, 566.

        Tsitsihar province (Helung kiang), i.

        198-21)0 ; town of, i. 199,

        Tsiuenchau (Chinchew), the ancient Zayton,

        i. 129, lo6, ii. 431.

        Tso Churn, a commentary on the Chun

        Tsiu. i. 649.

        Tso Tsung-tang, commences operations

        against Mohammedan rebels, ii. 709,

        728 ; his successful campaign, ii. 730 ;

        leader of the war faction, ii. 732.

        Tsungming Island, mouth of Yangtsz’

        River, i. 108.

        Tsungling, ‘Onion,’ or ‘ Blue Mountains,’

        also Belur-tag and Tartash ling, its

        position, i. 9.

        Tsiingttih, Governor-General, or Viceroy,

        i. 438.

        Tsz’ki, near Ningpo, visited by British

        troops, ii. 530 ; camp near, ii. 531 ;

        Ward’s death at, ii. 609 ; taken from

        the rebels, ii. 610.

        Tuchetu (Tusietu) khanate, i. 204.

        Tumors common among tke Chinese, ii.

        131.

        Tunes, examples of Chinese, ii. 97.

        Tungchau, the port of Peking, i. 86

        Ward’s embassy at, ii. 669 ; Parkes’s

        experiences in, ii. 678-681.

        Tungchi, the Emperor, i. 411 ; his reign,

        ii. 184 ; palace intrigue upon his accession,

        i. 404, ii. 691 ; Peking in mourning

        for, ii. 250, 276 ; his marriage, ii.

        710 ; audience before, iL 714 ; his death

        and successor, ii. 726.

        Tungting Lake, in Hunan, i. 23, 147.

        Tung Til, ‘Land of the East,’ Mohammedan

        name for China, i. 2.

        Tung-wan Kwan, at Peking, i. 436, ii.

        339, 696, 741.

        Turkestan, Eastern (see Tien-shan Nan

        Lu), i. 221-337; the region, ii. 728.

        Turkoman races of Mongolia, i. 44.

        Til sz\ commune divisions in South

        China, i. .59.

        Types, movable printing, in China, i.

        603-605 ; Dyer’s work on, ii. 32.5, 367.

        Tyfoons, phenomena described, i. 56.

        ULIASUTAI, in Sainnoin khanate, i.

        208, 209.

        Unicorn, or ki-lin, i. 343.

        United States, trade relations with China

        up to 1843, ii. 460 ; first minister to China,

        ii. 565 ; treaty of Wanghia, ii. 567

        ;

        Minister Ward visits Peking, ii. 660

        ;

        the Burlingame treaty with China, i.

        698 ; action of Congress as to indemnity

        surplus, ii. 736 ; Chinese boys sent

        to, for education, ii. 739.

        Urga, or Kuren, i. 17, 204.

        Urumtsi, or Tih-hwa, western department

        of Kansuh, i. 214.

        Ushi, or Ush-turfan, a towTi of 111, i. 225,

        226.

        VACCINATION, its adoption in China,

        ii. 132.

        Van Braam, A. E. (see Braam), i. 324.

        Varnishes, manufacture and use of, ii. 32.

        Vegetables used in Chinese cooking, i. 773.

        Verbiest, a Jesuit priest, ii. 297 ; appointed

        astronomer at Peking, ii. 298.

        Vermilion, its preparation, ii. 61.

        Vice, never deified in China, ii. 192 ; absence

        of, in their mythology, ii. 232,

        and in theic funerals, ii. 254 ; the opium,

        ii. 386.

        Victoria (see Hongkong), i. 171.

        Villages (hiang), usual aspect of Chinese,

        i. 40 ; about Canton, i. 280 ; their

        elders, i. 483, 500.

        Visdelou, Bishop Claude, i. 3, 202, 633,

        681, ii. 277, 309.

        Visiting, the etiquette of formal, i. 802

        ;

        at New Year, i. 815; cards, how adorned,

        ii. Ill, 249.

        Vissering, W., ii. 87.

        Vlangali, Russian minister at Peking, ii.

        699 ; his temperate action in trial of

        Tientsin rioters, ii. 705.

        Vocabularies (see also Dictionaries), native

        Chinese, i. 590.

        Volcanoes, so-called, in Formosa, i. 140

        in Central Asia, i. 319.

        Voltaire, founds a drama on the ” Orphan

        of China,” i. 714.

        Vrooman, Daniel, i. 169.

        WADE, Sir T. F., i. 398, 420, 460,

        611, ii. 624 ; nominated intendant

        of customs at Shanghai, ii. 628

        experiences at Tungchau, ii. 678 ; his

        good offices between China and Japan,

        iL 717 ; action upon murder of Margary,

        ii. 734 ; his minute on the Chifu

        convention, ii. 725.

        Wai Hing-an, or Stanovoi Mountains, i. 9.

        Wall (see also Great Wall) of Peking, i.

        63.

        Wallace, A. R., i. 360.

        Walls, construction of house, i. 738.

        I Walrond, T., ii. 637, 6.55, 660, (502.

        Wanghia, treaty of, between the United

        States and China, ii. .507 ; taken as basis

        for French treaty of Whampoa, ii.

        .571.

        Wanleih, Emperor, receives Ricci, ii. 293,

        294.

        774 INDEX.

        Wan Miao, ‘Literary Temple,’ Peking, i.

        73.

        Wansiang, a minister of the Foreign Office,

        his superstition, ii. 304, 691); letter

        to foreign ministers at Peking, ii.

        707; Low’s reply to, ii. 708, 712, 714;

        his character and influence, ii. 715.

        Wan-yuen koh, or library, Peking, i. 69.

        War, I3oard of, i. 425 ; theory of. studied,

        ii. SS.

        War, with England, features of the first

        Chinese, ii. 4Kj ; Lord John Russell’s

        reasons for declaring, ii. 510; debate

        upon, in Parliament, ii. 512 ; opened

        by capture of Tinghai, ii. 514 ; resumed

        after negotiations at the Bogue, ii. 521

        ;

        thouglit by Chinese to be an opium

        war, ii. 539 ; concluded with treaty of

        Nanking, ii. 547, 550 ; a wholesome infliction

        upon Cliina, ii. 572 ; authorities

        upon, ii. 574 ; Tai-ping Rebellion, ii.

        575-624 ; second, with England and

        France—the Arrow case, ii. 635 ; hostilities

        opened by Admiral Seymour,

        ii. 637 ; discussed in Parliament, ii.

        641 ; a’rival of Elgin and Gros and

        capture of Canton, ii. 643 ; Taku forts

        taken, ii. 651 ; treaties signed at Tientsin,

        ii. 656 ; closing incidents, 6.59 ; repulse

        of allied envoys at Taku forts, ii.

        666 ; allies land at Pelitang and recommence

        the, ii. 673 ; capture of Taku

        forts, ii. 676 ; operations on tlie way to

        Peking, ii. 679-682 ; autljorities on the,

        of 1860, ii. 684 ; objects attained, ii.

        687, 688.

        Ward, Frederick G. , organizes the ‘ Ever-

        Victorious force,’ ii. 607; his deatli at

        Tsz’ki, ii. 6t9.

        Ward, Hon J. E., ii. 660; co-operates in

        suppressing coolie trade, ii. 6(53 ; repairs

        with tho allies to Taku, ii. 661

        ;

        interview with natives, ii. 665 ; goes

        to Peking, ii. 6(58 ; refuses to kotow

        before the Emperor, and returns, ii.

        670.

        Watters, T, ii. 212, 229.

        Wa.x-worm of Sz’chuen, i. 3.53.

        Wei River, in Shensi, i. 148.

        Whales, and mode of catching them, 1.

        339.

        Whampoa, a town on the Pearl River, i.

        170 ; opium lirst shir)ped to, ii. 378 ;

        case of lioniicide at, ii. 453 ; treaty of,

        between France and Ciiina, ii. .571.

        Wheelbarrows used for travelling, i. 747,

        ii. 7.

        White Deer Vale, in Kiangsi, i. 113.

        Whitney, Prof. Wm. D., ii. 73, 234.

        Wife, her jjosition in Chinese society, i.

        792 ; controlled liy the mother-in-law,

        i. 795 ; is given a new name, i. 797,

        799 ; elevated in ancestral worship, ii.238.

        Willow, in poetry, etc., i. 363.
        Williams, John, on comets, ii. 73.
        WilUam.son, Rev. Ale.x., i. 65, 87, 190,200, ii. 277.
        Wilson, Andrew, i. 250, ii. 92, 602, 610,611, 616, 617, 69.5.
        Wolseley, Colonel Garnet, ii. 672 ; observations on Canton coolies, ii. 674, 675 ;character of his narrative, ii. 685.
        Women, physical traits of Chinese, i. 43;in Tibet, i. 248 ; laws resbricting, i. 388of imperial palace, i. 408 ; illiteracy of mothers, i. 521 ; their education, i. 572;

        position, i. 646 ; consideration of literary,

        i. 681 ; kidnapped at fires, i. 743

        their dress, i. 763 ; shoes, i. 769 ; toilet,

        i. 770 ; their milk sold, i. 776 ; separation

        from men, i. 784 ; conduct toward

        young brides, i. 789; never appear at

        feasts, i. 806 ; well treated in crowded

        fairs, i. 817 ; their skill in embroidery,

        ii. .36 ; they practise obstetrics, ii. 123;Chinee historians on Empress Wu, ii.171 ; not admitted to worship, ii. 196 ;Yungching against, at Buddhist temples,ii. 228 ; as nuns, ii. 230 ; their tablets honored in tlie ancestral hall,

        ii. 338, 350 ; Kanghi forbids immolation

        of, ii. 250 ; old, employed as baptists

        by Catholics, ii. 311; as missionaries

        among the Chinese, ii. 364;

        how disposed of in Tai-ping camp, ii 594.

        Wolves in China, i. 320.
        Wood, Lieutenant J., i. 321, 230, 341,310.
        Wordsworth, W., ii. 233.
        Worship, of Shangti in Shang dynasty,ii. 154; by the Emperor, ii. 197; of Heaven, the ceremony and its meaning,i. 76, ii. 194-198; various objects of, ii. 202; Buddhist and Catholic, compared,

        ii. 3-!2 ; ancestral, ii. 236-255

        disputes respecting ancestral, by Romanists,

        ii. 297-1303.

        Writing, how taught in schools, i. 541 ;six styles of, L 597-598 ; materials, i..599.
        Wu River, in Kweicliau, i. 31.
        Wu Tsih-tien, the Empress
        Wu of the Tang, her reign, ii. 170, 280.
        Wuchang, in Hupch, i. 144; taken by the Tai-pings, ii. .595.
        Wuchau fu, in Kwangsi, i. 177.
        Wuhu hien, on the Yangtsz’, i. 110.
        Wusung, near Shanghai, j. 106; captured by the English, ii. 534.
        Wylie, A. , i. 494, 523, 68(), ii. 67, 72, 73,119, 176, 213, 214, 377, 286, 321.

        XANADU, or Shangtu, ancient palace of Kublai, i. 87.
        Xavier, tomb of, on Shaiigchuen Island, i.

        173 ; his mission to China, ii. 289, 428.

        a reward of i?200 for such evidence as would lead to the eonvic*

        tioii of the offenders ; and advanced in all S2,00U to the friends of

        the deceased as some compensation for their lieavy loss, and to

        the villagers for injuries done to them in the riot. Having

        formed the court, he politely invited the provincial officers to attend

        the trial ; and when it was over, informed them that he had

        been unable to ascertain the perpetrator of the deed. Five sailors

        were convicted and punished for riotous conduct hy fine and imprisonment,

        and sent to England under arrest, but to everybody’s

        surprise were all liberated on their arrival. The proceedings in

        this matter were perfectly fair, and the commissioner should have

        been satisfied ; but his subsequent violent conduct really placed

        the dispute on an entirely new ground, though he regarded his

        action as simply exercising the same prerogative of control over

        foreigners in both cases. Finding his demand for the murderer

        disregarded, he took measures against the English then in INfacao

        which were calculated to bring serious loss upon the Portuguese

        population. His course was prompted by anger at losing the

        trade, and only injured liis own cause. In order to relieve the

        unoffending and helpless people in Macao, Captain Elliot and

        all British subjects who could do so left the settlement August

        26th, and M’ent on board ship for a time. During this interval

        Lin and Governor Tang visited Macao under an escort of Portuguese

        troops, but retired the same day. This move placed the

        English beyond his reach, but did not advance his efforts to

        drive the opium ships from the coast, or induce the regular

        traders to enter the port. The sales of opium had begun again

        even before the destruction of the drug, and ra])idly increased

        when it M^as knoM’n that that immense quantity had really been

        destroyed. Lin now began to see that his plan of proceedings

        might not ultimately prove so successful as he had anticipated^

        for he was bound to remain at Canton until he could report the

        complete suppression of the contraband and safe continuance of

        the legal trade.

        Finding that the British fleet at Hongkong was too strong to

        drive away, he forbade the iidial)itants supplying the ships with

        ])rovisions. This led to a collision between the British and three

        junks near Ivowlung, which resulted, however, in no serious

        FURTIIEK TROUBLES BETWEEN EiNCJLlSII AND CHINESE. 507

        damage. On Septcinber lltli, Captain Elliot, luiving oixlered

        all British vessels engaged in the opium trade to leave the

        harbor and coast, thej mostly proceeded to Tsamoh. TJie

        Chinese burned the next day a Spanish vessel, the IJilbaino, in

        Macao waters, under the impression that she was English.

        In unison with all the strange features of this struggle, while

        hostilities were going on, negotiations for continuing trade M-ere

        entered into in October, when the connnissioner signed the agreement,

        and Captain Elliot furnished security for its being conducted

        fairly. But the unauthorized entrance of the English

        ship Thomas Coutts, whose captain signed the bond, led to a

        rupture and the renewed demand for the murderer of Lin

        Wei-hi. Captain Elliot ordered all British ships to reassemble

        at Tungku under the protection of the ships of w^ar Yolage

        and Hyacinth. He also proceeded to the Bogue to request a

        withdrawal of the threats against the British until the two

        governments could arrange the difficulties, when an engagement

        ensued between Admiral Kwan, with a fleet of sixteen

        junhs, and the two ships of war ; three junks w^ere sunk, one

        blown up, and the rest scattered. The commissioner had been

        foiled in all his efforts to destroy the opium trade and continue

        the legal commerce. As a last effort against the Bi-itish,

        he declared their trade at an end after December G, 1839, and

        issued an edict like that of Xapoleon at Berlin, Kovember 19,

        1806, forbidding their goods to be imported in any vessels. An

        enormous amount of property now lay at Canton and on board

        ship waiting to be exchanged in the course of regular trade, but

        only the opium traffic flourished.

        The close of the year 1839 saw the two nations involved

        in serious difficulties, and as the events here briefly recounted

        were the cause of the war, it will be proper to compare the

        opinions of the two parties, in order to arrive at a better judgment

        upon the character of that contest. The degree of

        authority to be exercised over persons Mdio visit their shores is

        acknowledged by Christian nations among themselves to be

        nearly the same as that over their o\vn subjects ; but none of

        these nations have conceded this authority to unchristian

        powers, as Turkey, Persia, or China, mainly because of the little security and justice to be expected. The Chinese luive looked upon foi-eigners resortino; to their ports as dinng so by sufferance ; they entered into no treaty to settle the conditions of authority on either side, for the latter considered themselves as sojourners and aliens, and the natives were unaware of their rights in the matter. Their right to prohibit the introduction of any particular articles was acknowledged, and the propriety of making regulations as to duties allowed. But traders from western nations often set light by the fiscal regulations of such countries as China, Siam, etc., if they can do so without personal detriment or loss of character ; and where there is a want of power in the government, joined to a lack of moral sense in the people, all laws are imperfectly executed.

        No one acquainted with these countries is surprised at frequent and flagrant violations of law, order, justice or courtesy, both among rulers and ruled ; yet the obligation of foreigners to obey just laws made known to them surely is not to be measured solely by the degree of obedience paid by a portion of the people themselves.

        The Chinese government discussed the measure of legalizing

        a trade it could not suppress, but before constructing a law to

        that effect, it determined to nudce a final and more vigorous

        effort to stamp it out. Might nuikes right, or at least enforces

        it ; had the Chinese possessed the power to destroy every ship

        found violating their laws, although the loss of life M-ould have

        been dreadful, no voice would have been raised against the proceeding.

        “Her Majesty’s government,” said Lord Palmerston,

        “cannot interfere for the purpose of enabling Bi’itisli sul)jects

        to violate the laws of the country to which they trade.” But in

        that case this power would not have been dared; the known

        weakness of the government end)oldened both sellers and

        buyers, until Captain Elliot told the Foreign Secretai-y that ” it

        was a confusion of terms to call the opium trade a snuiggling

        trade.”

        Lin probably wished to get Mr. Dent as a hostage for the

        delivery of the opium in the hands of his countrymen, not to

        punish him for disobedience to previous oi’dei’s ; expecting no

        opposition to this denuiud, he seems to have been unwilling to

        MOTIVE.S AND POSITION OP COMMISSIONEIl LIN. 509

        seize him iuimediately, preferring tu try persuasion and command

        longer, and detain him and other foreigners niitil he was

        obeyed ; Captain Elliot he viewed as a mere head merchant.

        When, therefore, the attempt was made, as he supposed, to take

        Mr. Dent out of his hands, lie was ap[)rehensive of a sti’uggle,

        and instantly took the strongest precautionary measui-es to prevent

        the prey escaping. Considei-ate allowance should he granted

        for the serious mistake lie made of imprisoning the innocent

        M’ith the guilty ; hut when Captain Elliot took Mr. Dent thus

        under his protection, the connnissioner felt that his pui-pose

        would be defeated, and no opium ol>tained, if he began to draw

        a distinction. I)esides, conscious that lie possessed unlimited

        power over a few defenceless foreigners, nearly all oi whom

        were in his eyes guilty, he cared vfry little M’here Ids acts felL

        There is no s’ood evidence to show that he seriouslv meditated

        anything which would liazard their lives. “When lie had received

        this vast amount of property, success evidently made him

        careless as to his conduct, and judging the probity and good

        faith of foreigners by his own standard, he deemed it safest to

        detain them until the opium was actually in his possession.

        Concluding that Captain Elliot did attempt to abscond with Mr,

        Dent, it is less surprising, therefore, that lie should have looked

        upon his offers to ” carry out the will of the great Emperor,”

        when set at liberty, as a hire rather than a sincere proposition.

        In imprisoning him he had no more idea he was imprisoning,

        insulting, threatening, and coercing the representative of a

        power like Great Britain, or violating rules western powers call

        jus gentium, than if he had been the envoy from Siam or Lewcliew.

        Wliether he should not have known this is another

        question, and had he candidly set liimself, on his arrival at

        Canton, to ascertain the power, position, and commerce of west

        em countries, he would have found Captain Elliot sincerely

        desirous of meeting him in his endeavors to fulfil his high commission.

        Let us deal fairly by the Chinese rulers in their desire

        to restrain a traffic of which they knew and felt vastly more of

        its evil than we have ever done, and give Lin his due, though

        his endeavors failed so signally.

        The opium was now obtained ; no lives had been lost, nor any one endangered ; but the Uritisli government felt bound to pay its own subjects for their cliests. The only source Captain Eiliut suggested was to make the Chinese refund. The Emperor ordered it to be destroyed, and the conunissioner, after executing that order, next endeavored to separate the legal from the contraband trade by demanding bonds ; they liad been taken in vain from the hong merchants, but there was more hope if taken directly from foreigners. The bonds were not

        made a pretext for war by the English ministry ; that, on the

        part of England, according to Lord John llussell, was “set

        afoot to obtain reparation for insults and injuries offered her

        Majesty’s superintendent and subjects; to obtain indenniitieatiou

        for the losses the merchants had sustained under threats of

        violence ; and, lastly, to get security that persons and property

        trading with China should in future be protected from insult

        and injury, and trade maintained upon a proper footing.”

        Looking at the war, therefore, as growing out of this trade, and

        waged to recover the losses sustained by the surrendry to the

        British superintendent, it was an unjust one. It was, moreover,

        an imnioral contest, when the standing of the two nations was

        examined, and the fact could 7iot be concealed tluit Great Britain,

        the first Cliristian ])Ower, I’eally waged this war against the

        pagan monarch who had vainly endeavored to put down a vice

        hurtful to his people. The war was looked upon in this light

        by the Chinese ; it will always be so looked upon by the candid

        historian, and known as the Opium War.

        On the other hand, the war was felt by every well-wisher to

        China to involve far higher princi})lcs than the mere recovery of

        the opium ; and had it been really held to be so by the English

        ministry, they would have done well to have alluded to them.

        Lin’s reiterated denumds for the murderer of Lin AVei-hi,

        though told that he could not be found, was only one form of

        the supremacy the Chinese arrogantly assumed over other nations.

        Li all their intercourse with their fellow-men the}’ maintained

        a patronizing, unfair, and contemptuous position, which

        left no alternative but withdrawal from their shores or a humiliating

        submission that no one feeling the least inde])endence

        could endure. ‘SoX. unjustly prt)ud of their country in compariCHAKACTER

        OF THE DEBATE UPON THE WAU. 511

        son with those near it, her Emperor, her nileivs, and her people

        all believed her to be inipregnably strong, portentously awful,

        and ininienselj rich in learning, power, wealth, and territory,

        Konc of them imagined that aught could be learned or gained

        from other nations ; for the ” outside barbarians ” were dependent

        for their health and food upon the rhubarb, tea, and

        silks of the Inner Land. They had seen, indeed, bad specimens

        of western power and people, but there were equal opportunities

        for them to have learned the truth on these points. The i-eception

        of the religion of the Bible, the varied useful branches

        of science, and the many mechanical arts known in western

        lands, with the free passage of their own people abroad, M’ere

        all forbidden to the millions of China by their supercilious

        rulers ; they thereby preferred to remain the slaves of debasing

        superstitions, ignorant of common science, and deprived of

        everything which Christian benevolence, philanthropy, and

        knowledge could and wished to impart to them. This assumption

        of supremacy, and a -real impression of its propriety, was a

        higher wall around them than the long pile of stones north of

        Peking. Force seemed to be the only effectual destroyer of

        such a barrier, and in this view the war may be said to have

        been necessary to compel the Chinese government to receive

        western powers as its equals, or at least make it treat their subjects

        as well as it did its own people. There was little hope of

        an adjustment of difficulties until the Chinese were compelled

        to abandon this erroneous assumption ; the conviction that it

        was unjust, unfounded, and foolish in itself could safely be left

        to the gradual influences of true religion, profitable commerce,

        and sound knowledge.

        The report of the debate in the British Parliament on this

        momentous question hardly contains a single reference to this

        feature of the Chinese government. It turned almost wholly

        upon the opium trade, and w^hether the hostilities had not proceeded

        from the want of foresight and precaution on the part

        of her Majesty’s ministers. The speeches all showed ignorance

        of both principles and facts : Sir James Graham asserted that

        the governors of Canton had sanctioned the trade ; Sir George

        Staunton that it woidd not be safe for British power in India if these insults were not cheeked, and that the Chinese had far exceeded in their recent efforts the previous acknowledged laws of the land ! Dr. Lushington maintained that the connivance of the local rulers accjuitted the smugglers ; Sir John llohhouse truly stated that the reason why the government had done nothing to stop the opium trade was that it was profitable; and Lord Melbourne, with still more fairness, said : ” We possess immense territories peculiarly fitted for raising opium, and though I would wisli that the government were not so directly concerned in the traffic, I am not prepared to pledge

        myself to relinquish it.” The Duke of AWllington thought

        the Chinese government was insincere in its efforts, and therefore

        deserved little sympathy ; while Lord Ellenborough spoke

        of the million and a half sterling revenue ” derived from foreigners,”

        which, if the opium monopoly was given up and its eultivatio7i abandoned, they must seek elsewhere, 2\”o one advocated war on the groimd that the opium had been seized, but

        the majority were in favor of letting it go on because it was

        begun. This debate was, in fact, a remarkable instance of the

        way in which a moral question is blinked even by conscientious

        persons whenever politics or interest come athwart its course.

        Xo declaration of war was ever published by Queen Victoria,

        further than an order in coimcil to the admiralty, in which it

        was recited that ” satisfaction and reparation for the late injurious

        proceedings of certain officers of the Emperor of China

        against certain of our officers and subjects shall be demanded

        from the Chinese government ; ” the object of this order was,

        chiefly, to direct concerning the disposal of such ships, vessels,

        and cargoes belonging to the Chinese as might be seized. Perhaps

        the formality of a declaration of war against a nation

        which knew nothing of the law of nations was not necessary,

        but if a minister plenipotentiary from Peking had been present

        at the debate in Parliament in April, 1S40, he would have

        declared the motives and proceedings of his government

        strangely misrepresented. It was time that better ideas of

        one another should find ]>lace in their councils, and tliat means

        enould l)e afforded tlie rulers of each nation to learn the truth.

        The Chinese apparently foresaw the coming struggle, and

        PREPARATION FOR HOSTILITIES. 513

        began to collect troops and repair their forts ; Lin, now governor-

        general of Kwangtnng, purchased the Chesapeake, a large

        ship, and appointed an intendant of circuit near Macao, to

        guard the coasts. The English carried on their trade under

        neutral flags, and Lin made; no further efforts to annoy them.

        He, however, wrote two official letters to Queen Victoria, desiring

        her assistance in putting down the opium trade, in which

        the peculiar ideas of his countrymen respecting their own importance and their position among the nations of the earth

        were singularly exhibited.’ Ts otwithstanding the causes of complaint

        he had against the English, he behaved kindly to the

        surviving crew of the Sunda, an English vessel wrecked on

        Hainan, and sent them, on their arrival at Canton, to their

        •countrymen, ‘ Chimse Bejwsitory, Vol. VIII., pp. 9-12, 497-503 ; Vol. IX., pp. S41-257.

      6. WELLS WILLIAMS《The Middle Kingdom》19-23

        CHAPTER XIX. CHBISTIAN MISSIONS AMONG THE CHINESE

        The earliest recorded attempt to impart the knowledge of the true God to the Chinese ascribes it to the Nestorian church in the seventh century; though the voice of tradition, and detached notices in ecclesiastical writers of the Eastern Empire collated by Fabricius, lead to the belief that not many years elapsed after the times of the apostles before the sound of the gospel was heard in China and Chin-India. If the tradition contained in the breviary used among the Malabar Christians, that by Saint Thomas himself the Chinese were converted to the truth, be not received, Mosheim well remarks that ” we may believe that at an early period the Christian religion extended to the Chinese, Seres, and Tartars. There are various arguments collected from learned men to show that the Christian faith was carried to China, if not by the apostle Thomas, by the first teachers of Christianity.” Arnobius, a.d. 300, speaks of the Christian deeds done in India, and among the Seres, Persians, and Medes. The Nestorian monks who brought the eggs of the silk-worm to Constantinople(a.d. 551) had resided long in China, where it is reasonable to suppose they were not the first nor the only ones who went thither to preach the gospel. The extent of their success must be left to conjecture, but ” if such beams have travelled down to us through the darkness of so many ages, it is reasonable to believe they emanated from a brighter source.”

        The time of the arrival of the Kestorians in China cannot be specified certainly, but there are grounds for placing it as early as a.d. 505. Ebedjesus Sobiensis remarks that ” the Catholicos Salibazacha created the metropolitan sees of Sina and Samarcand, though so e say they were constituted by Acbseus and Silas.” Silas was patriarch of the Xcstorians fi-oni a.d. 505 to 520 ; and Achneus was archbishop at Scleucia in 415. The metropolitan bishop of Sina is also mentioned in a list of those subject to this patriarch, published by Amro, and it is placed in the list after that of India, accordmg to the priority of foundation.

        NESTOKIATs^ MISSION IN CHINA. 277

        The only record yet found in China itself of the labors of the Nestorians is the celebrated monument which w’as discovered at Si-ngan fu in Shensi, in 1625 ; and though the discussion regarding its authenticity has been rather warm between the Jesuits and their opponents, the weight of evidence, both interiml and external, leaves no doubt regarding its vei’ity. It has been found quite recently to be in good preservation, and i-ubbings taken from it are nearly perfect. The Syi-iac characters composing the signatures of Olopun and his associates have made it an object of much interest to the natives; these, as Avell as the singular cross on its top (seen in the illustration), have doubtless contributed to its preservation. It was set up in 1850 by a Chinese who liad so much regard for it as to rebuild it in tlic brick wall where it had once stood outside of the city. The stone seems to be a coarse marble.

        It has been often translated since the first attempt by Boime, published with the original by Kircher in Holland. In 1845 Dr. E. C. Bridgman published Kircher’s Latin translation with the French version of Dalquie, and another of his own, which brought it more into notice. The style is very terse, and the exact meaning not easily perceived even by learned natives. As Dr. Bridgman says, ” Were a hundred Chinese students employed on the document they would probably each give a different view of the meaning in some parts of the inscription.” This is apparent when four or five of them are compared. The last one, by A.Wylie, of the London Mission at Shanghai, goes over the whole subject with a fullness and care which leaves little to be desired.’

        ‘ Visdelou in Bthliotheque Oriental, Vol. IV. Kircher’s China Illustrata, Part I., Antwerp, 1667. Chinese Eejwsitory, XIV., pp. 201-329. Hue, Christianity in Chinti, I., pp. 49-58. Wylie, North China Herald, 1855, reprinted in Journal of Am. Oriental 8oc., Vol. V., p. 277. Archimandrite Palladius published a Russian version. Williamson, Journeys in North China, I., p. 382.Le (‘(itholicimne en Chine au VIIl” Sierle de notreere arec nne nourelle traduction de ^inscription de Sif-nr/a/ifoK, par P. D. de Thiersant, Paris, 1877.

        TABLET EULOGIZING THE PROPAGATION OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS RELIGION IN CHINA, WITH A PREFACE; COMPOSED BY KINGTSING, A PRIEST OF THE SYRIAN CHURCH.

        Behold the unchangeably true and invisible, who existed through all eternity without origin; the far-seeing perfect intelligence, whose mysterious existence is everlasting; operating on primordial substance he created the universe, being more excellent than all holy intelligences, inasmuch as he is the source of all that is honorable. This is our eternal true lord God, triune and mysterious in substance. He appointed the cross as the means for determining the four cardinal points, he moved the original spirit, and produced the two principles of nature; the sombre void was changed, and heaven and earth were opened out; the sun and moon revolved, and day and night commenced; having perfected all inferior objects, he then made the first man; upon him he bestowed an excellent disposition, giving him in charge the government of all created beings; man, acting out the original principles of his nature, was pure and iinostentatious ; his unsullied and expansive mind was free from the least inordinate desire ; until Satan introduced the seeds of falsehood, to deteriorate his purity of principle ; the opening thus commenced in his virtue gradually enlarged, and by this crevice in his nature was obscured and rendered vicious ; hence three hundred and sixty-five sects followed each other in continuous track, inventing every species of doctrinal complexity; while soYne pointed to material objects as the source of their faith, others reduced all to vacancy, even to the annihilation of the two primeval principles; some sought to call down blessings by prayers and supplications, while others by an assumption of excellence held themselves up as superior to their fellows ; their intellects and thoughts continually wavering, their minds and affections incessantly on the move, they never obtained their vast desires, but being exhausted and distressed they revolved in their own heated atmosphere ; till by an accumulation of obscurity they lost their path, and after long groping in darkness they were unable to return. Thereupon, our Trinity being divided in nature, the illustrious and honorable Messiah, veiling his true dignity, appeared in the world as a man; angelic powers promulgated the glad tidings, a virgin gave birth to the Holy One in Syria ; a bright star announced the felicitous event, and Persians’ observing the splendor came to present tribute; the ancient dispensation, as declared by the twenty-four holy men,’- was then fulfilled, and lie laid down great principles for the government of families and kingdoms; he established the new religion of the silent operation of the pure spirit of the Triune ; he rendered virtue subservient to direct faith ; he fixed the extent of the eight boundaries,”‘ thus completing the truth and freeing it from dross ; he opened the gate of the three constant principles, introducing life and destroying death ; he suspended the bright sun to invade the chambers of darkness, and the falsehoods of the devil were thereupon defeated ; he set in motion the vessel of mercy by which to ascend to the bright mansions, whereupon rational beings were then released; having thus completed the manifestation of his power, in clear day he ascended to his true station.

        ‘ Po-sz\ ‘ Persians.’ This name was well known to the Chinese at that time, being the designation of an extensive sect then located in the Empire, and the name of a nation with which they had held commercial and political intercourse for several centuries. The statement here is in admirable harmony with the general tradition of the early church, that the Magi or wise men mentioned in Matthew’s gospel were no other than philosophers of the Parsee sect.

        ‘ The ” holy men ” denote the writers of the books of the Old Testament.
        ”The “eight boundaries” are inexplicable; some refer them to the beatitudes
        •The “three constant iiiiiiciplfs” may perhaps mean faith, hope, and charity.
        ‘ Exactly the number we have in the New Testament.

        THE TABLET OF SI-NGAN FIT. 279

        Twenty-seven sacred books have been left, which disseminate intelligence by unfolding the original transforming principles. By the rule for admission, it is the custom to apply the water of baptism, to wash away all superficial show and to cleanse and purify the neophytes. As a seal, they hold the cross, whose influence is reflected in every direction, uniting all without distinction. As they strike the wood, the fame of their benevolence is diffused abroad; worshipping toward the east, they hasten on the way to life and glory; they preserve the bea^d to symbolize their outward actions, they shave the crown to indicate the absence of inward affections ; they do not keep slaves, but put noble and mean all on an equality ; they do not amass wealth, but cast all their property into the common stock ; they fast, in order to perfect themselves by self-inspection ; they submit to restraints, in order to strengthen themselves by silent watchfulness ; seven times a day they have worship and praise, for the benefit of the liring and the dead; once in seven days they sacrifice, to cleanse the heart and return to purity.

        It is difficult to find a name to express the excellence of the true and unchangeable doctrine; but as its meritorious operations are manifestly displayed, by accommodation it is named the Illustrious Religion. Now without holy men, principles cannot become expanded ; without principles, holy men cannot become magnified ; but with holy men and right principles, united as the two parts of a signet, the world becomes civilized and enlightened.

        In the time of the accomplished Emperor Taitsung, the illustrious and magnificent founder of the dynasty, among the enlightened and holy men who arrived was the Most-virtuous Olopun, from the country of Syria. Observing the azure clouds, he bore the true sacred books; beholding the direction of the winds, he braved difficulties and dangers. In the year A.D. G35 he arrived at Chang-an; the Emperor sent his Prime Minister, Duke Fang Hiuenling ; who, carrying the official staff to the west border, conducted his guest into the interior; the sacred books were translated in the imperial library, the sovereign investigated the subject in his private apartments; when becoming deeply impressed with the rectitude and truth of the religion, he gave special orders for its dissemination. In the seventh month of the year A. D. G38 the following imperial proclamation was issued: “Right principles have no invariable name, holy men have no invariable station; instruction is established in accordance with the locality, with the object of benefiting the people at large. The Greatly-virtuous Olopun, of the kingdom of Syria, has brought his sacred books and images from that distant part, and has presented them at our chief capital. Having examined the principles of this religion, we find them to be purely excellent and natural; investigating its originating source, we find it has taken its rise from the establishment of important truths ; its ritual is free from perplexing expressions, its principles will survive when the framework is forgot ; it is beneficial to all creatures ; it is advantageous to mankind. Let it be published throughout the Empire, and let the proper authority build a Syrian church in the capital in the l-ning Way, which shall be governed by twenty-one priests. When the virtue of the Cliau dynasty declined, the rider on the azure ox ascended to the west ; the principles of the great Tang becoming resplendent, the Illustrious breezes have come to fan the East.”

        Orders were then issued to the authorities to have a true portrait of the Emperor taken ; when it was transferred to the wall of the church, the dazzling splendor of the celestial visage irradiated the Illustrious portals. The sacred traces emitted a felicitous influence, and shed a perpetual splendor over the holy precincts. According to the Illustrated Memoir of the Western Regions, and the historical books of the Han and Wei dynasties, the kingdom ii Syria reaches south to the Coral Sea ; on the north it joins the Gem Mountains ; on the west it extends toward the borders of the immortals and the flowery forests; on the east it lies open to the violent winds and tideless waters. The country produces fire-proof cloth, life-restoring incense, bright moon-pearls, and night-lustre gems. Brigands and robbers are unknown, but the people enjoy happiness and peace. None but Illustrious laws prevail; none but the virtuous are raised to sovereign power. The land is broad and

        ample, and its literary productions are perspicuous and clear.

        The Emperor Kautsung respectfully succeeded his ancestor, and was still

        more beneficent toward the institution of truth. In every province ho

        caused Illustrious churches to be erected, and ratified the honor conferred

        npon Olopun, making him the great conservator of doctrine for the preservation

        of the State. While this doctrine pervaded every channel, the State

        became enriched and tranquillity abounded. Every city was full of churches,

        and the royal family enjoyed lustre and happiness. In the year A.D. (iD!) the Buddhists, gaining power, raised their voices in the eastern metropolis;

        ‘ in the year a.d. 713, some low fellows excited ridicule and spread slanders in the western capital. At that time there was the chief priest Lo-han, the Greatly virtuous Kie-leih, and others of noble estate from the golden regions, lofty minded priests, having abandoned all worldly interests; who unitedly maintained the grand princii)les and preserved them entire to the end.

        The high-principled Emperor Iliuentsung caused the Prince of Ning and others, five princes in all, personally to visit the felicitous edifice; he established the place of worship ; .he restored the consecrated timbers which had been temporarily thrown down ; and re-erected the sacred stones which for a time had been desecrated.

        In 742 orders were given to the great general Kau Lih-sz’, to send the five sacred portraits and have them placed in the church, and a gift of a hundred pieces of silk accompanied these pictures of intelligence. Although the dragon’s beard was then remote, their bows and swords were still within reach; while the solar horns sent forth their rays, and celestial visages seemed close at hand.’

        ‘ “Eastern metropolis” is Tiiiu/ Chan, literally ‘Eastern Chau.’ The Empire was at this time under the government of the Empress Wu Ze-tian, who had removed lu!r residence from Chang-an to Luoyang in Honan.

        ‘These personages are the first five Emperors of the Tang dynasty, Hiuentsung’s predecessors. Their portraits were so admirably painted that they seemed to be present, their arms could almost be handled, and their foreheads, or ” horns of the sun,” radiated their intelligence.

        THE TABLET OF SI-NGAX FU. 281

        In 744 the priest Kih-ho, in the kingdom of Syria, looking toward the star(of China), was attracted by its transforming influen, e, and observing the sun(i.e., Emperor), came to pay court to the most honorable. The Emperor commanded the priest Lo-han, the priest Pu-lun, and others, seven in all, together with the Greatly-virtuous Kih-ho, to perform a service of merit in the Hing-king palace. Thereupon the Emperor composed mottoes for the sides of the church, and the tablets were graced with the royal inscriptions ; the accumulated gems emitted their effulgence, while their sparkling brightness vied with the ruby clouds ; the transcripts of intelligence suspended in the void shot fortli their rays as reflected by the sun ; the bountiful gifts exceeded the height of the southern hills ; the bedewing favors were deep as the eastern Bea. Nothing is beyond the range of ri’rht principle, and what is permissible may be identified; nothing is beyiunl tin^ power of the holy man, and that which is practicable may be related.

        The accomplished and enlightened Emperor Suhtsung rebuilt the Illustrious churches in Ling-wu and four other places ; great benefits were conferred, and felicity began to increase ; great munificence was displayed, and the imperial State became established.

        The accomplished and military Emperor Taitsung magnified the sacred succession, and honored the latent principle of nature ; always, on the incarnation-day, he bestowed celestial incense, and ordered the performance of a service of merit ; he distributed of the imperial viands, in order to shed a glory on the Illustrious Congregation. Heaven is munificent in the dissemination of blessings, whereby the benefits of life are extended ; the holy man embodies the original principle of virtue, whence he is able to counteract noxious influences.

        Our sacred and sage-like, accomplished and military Emperor Kienchung appointed the eight branches of government, according to which he advanced or degraded the intelligent and dull ; he opened up the nine categories, by means of which he renovated the illustrious decrees ; his transforming influence pervaded the most abstruse principles, while openness of heart distinguished his devotions. Thus, by correct and enlarged purity of principle, and undeviating consistency in sympathy with others; by extended commiseration rescuing multitudes from misery, while disseminating blessings on all around, the cultivation of our doctrine gained a grand basis, and by gradual advances its influence was diffused. If the winds and rains are seasonable, the world will be at rest; men will be guided by principle, inferior objects will be pure ; the living will be at ease, and the dead will rejoice ; the thoughts will produce their appropriate response, the affections will be free, and the eyes will be sincere ; such is the laudable condition which we of the Illustrious Religion are laboring to attain.

        Our great benefactor, the Imperially-conferred-purple-gown priest,’ I-sz’, titular Great Statesman of the Banqueting-hou.se, Associated Secondary Military Commissioner for the Northern Region, and Examination-palace Overseer, was naturally mild and graciously disposed, his mind susceptible of sound doctrine, he was diligent in the performance ; from the distant city of Rajagriha,^ he came to visit China; his principles more lofty than those of the

        ‘ It was no rare occurrence for priests to occupy civil and military offices in the State during the Tang and preceding dynasties. Of the three titles here given, the first is merely an indication of rank, by which the bearer is entitled to a certain emolument from the State ; the second is his title as an officer actively engaged in the imperial service ; and the third is an honorary title, which gives to the possessor a certain status in the capital, without any duties or emolument connected therewith.

        – WaiHj-s/ii’?!, literally ‘Royal residence,’ which is also the translation of the Sanskrit word Rajagriha, is the name of a city on the banks of the Ganges, thret:’ dynasties, his practice was perfect in every department; it first he applied himself to duties pertaining to the palace, eventually his name was inscribed on the military roll. When the Duke Koh Tsz’-i, Secondary Minister of State and Prince of Fan-yang, at first conducted the military in the northern region, the Emperor Suhtsung made him (1-sz’) his attendant on his travels; although he was a private chamberlain, he assumed no distinction on the march •, he was as claws and teeth to the duke, and in rousing the military he was as ears and eyes ; he distributed the wealth conferred upon him, not accumulating treasure for his private use ; he made offerings of the jewelry which had been given by imperial favor, he spread out a golden carpet for devotion; now he repaired the old churches, anon he increased the number of religious establishments; he honored and decorated the various edifices, till they resembled the plumage of the pheasant in its Hight ; moreover, practising the discipline of the Illustrious Religion, he distributed his riches in deeds of benevolence ; every year he assembled those in the sacred oflice from four churches, and respectfully engaged them for fifty days in purification and preparation ; the naked came and were clothed ; the sick were attended to and restored ; the dead were buried in repose ; even among the most pure and selfdenying of the Buddhists, such excellence was never heard of ; the white-clad members of the Illustrious Congregation, now considering these men, have desired to engrave a broad tablet, in order to set forth a eulogy of their magnanimous deeds.

        ODE.
        The true Lord is without origin,
        Profoiand, invisible, and unchangeable ;
        With power and capacity to perfect and transform,
        He raised up the earth and established the heavens.
        Divided in nature, he entered the world,
        To save and to help without bounds ;
        The sun arose, and darkness was dispelled,
        All bearing witness to his true original.
        The glorious and resplendent, accomplished Emperor,
        Whose principles embraced those of i)receding monarchs,
        Taking advantage of the occasion, suppressed turbulence ;
        Heaven was spread out and the earth was enlarged.
        When the pure, bright Illustrious Religion
        Was introduced to our Tang dynasty,
        The Scriptures were translated, and churches built,
        And the vessel set in motion for the living and the dead;
        Every kind of blessing was then obtained,
        And all the kingdoms enjoyed a state of peace.

        which occurs in several Buddhist works. As this was one of the most important of the Buddhist cities in India, it is natural to suppose that 1-sz’ was a Buddhist priest.

        THE TABLET OF SI-NGAJS Fl’. 283

        When Kautsung succeeded to his ancestral estate,
        He rebuilt the edifices of purity ;
        Palaces of concord, largo and light,
        Covered the length and breadth of the land.
        The true doctrine was clearly announced.
        Overseers of the church wore appointed in due form;
        The people enjoyed liappiness and peace,
        While all creatures were exempt from calamity and distress.
        When Hiuentsung commenced his sacred career,
        He applied himself to the cultivation of truth and rectitude ;
        His imperial tablets shot forth their effulgence,

        And the celestial writings mutually reflected their splendors.

        The imperial domain was rich and luxuriant.

        While the whole land rendered exalted homage ;

        Every business was flourishing throughout,

        And the people all enjoyed prosperity.

        Then came Suhtsung, who commenced anew,

        And celestial dignity marked the imperial movements;
        Sacred as the moon’s unsullied expanse,
        While felicity was wafted like nocturnal gales.

        Happiness reverted to the imperial household.

        The autumnal influences were long removed;

        Ebullitions were allayed, and risings suppressed.

        And thus our dynasty was firmly built up.
        Taitsung the filial and just
        Combined in virtue with heaven and earth ;
        By his liberal bequests the living were satisfied,

        And property formed the channel of imparting succor.

        By fragrant mementoes he rewarded the meritorious.

        With benevolence he dispensed his donations ;

        The solar concave appeared in dignity,

        And the lunar reti-eat was decorated to extreme.

        When Kienchung succeeded to the throne,

        He began by the cultivation of intelligent virtue;

        His military vigilance extended to the four seas.
        And his accomplished purity influenced all lands.

        His light penetrated the secresies of men,
        And to him the diversities of objects were seen as in a mirror;
        He shed a vivifying influence through the whole realm of nature,
        And all outer nations took him for example.
        The true doctrine how expansive I
        Its responses are minute ;
        How difficult to name it!
        To elucidate the three in one.
        The sovereign has the power to act f
        While the ministers record ;
        We raise this noble monument 1
        To the praise of great felicity.

        This was erected in the 2d year of Kienchung, of the Tang dynasty (A.D. 781), on the 7th day of 1st month, being Sunday.

        Written by Lu Siu-yen, Secretary to Council, formerly Military Superintendent for Taichau ; while the Bishop Ning-shu had the charge of the congregations of the Illustrious in the East.

        The two lines of Syriac, of which the following is a transcript, are in the Estrangelo character, and run down the right and left sides of the Chinese respectively :
        Adam Kasiso Vicur-apiskupo in Papasi de Zinstun.

        Beyumi aba dahaliotha Mar liana Jemia katholihi patriarcJds.

        Kircher translates this as follows :

        “Adam, Beacon, Vicar-episcopal and Pope of China.

        In the time of the Father of Fathers, the Lord John Joshua, the

        Universal Patriarch.”

        The transcript of the Sjriac at the foot of the stone is given

        here on the authority of Kircher :

        Bemnatli alf utisaain vtarten diaranoie. Mor Jihuznd Kasiso Vcurapt’skupo de Cnmdan mediiialt malcutho bur niJih napso Militi Kama dincn Balehh medintho Tahhurstan Akim Luclio 7iono Papa dictabon bch medabarniitho dphirwkan Vcm’uzutJion dabhain didnat malclte dizinio.

        ” In the year of the Greeks one thousand and ninety-two, the Lord Jazedbuzid.

        THE TABLET OF SI-NGAN FU. 285

        Priest and Vicar-episcopal of Cumdan the royal city, son of the enlightened Mailas, Priest of Balach a city of Turkestan, set up this tablet, whereon is inscribed the Dispensation of our Redeemer, and the preaching of the apostolic missionaries to the King of China.”

        After this, in Chinese characters, is ” The Priest Lingpau.”

        Then follows:

        Adam mesclmmschdno Bar Jiclbuzad Ciirapishupo.

        Mar Snnju Kasiso, Vcurapiskiqyo.

        8abar Jchiui Kasiso.

        Oabriel Kasiso Varcodiakun, VriscJi medintho de Cumdan vdasrag.

        * Adam the Deacon, sou of Jazeclbiizid, Vicar-episcopal.

        The Lord Sergius, Priest and Vicar-episcopal.

        Sabar Jesus, Priest. .

        Gabriel, Priest, Archdeacon, and Ecclesiarch of Cumdan and Sarag.”

        The following subscription is appended in Chinese:
        ” Assistant Examiner : the High Statesman of the Sacred rites, the Imperijilly-conferred-purple-gown Chief Presbyter and Priest Yi-li.”

        On the left hand edge are the Sjriac names of sixty-seven

        priests, and sixty-one are given in Chinese.

        This trnly oriental writing is the most ancient Christian inscription

        yet found in Asia, and shows plainly that Christianity

        had made great progress among the Chinese. Kircher and Le

        Comte claimed it as a record of the success of the Itomisli

        church in China, but no one now doubts that it commemorates

        the exertions of the Nestorians.

        Timothy, a patriarch, sent Subchal-Jesus in 780, who labored in Tartary and China for many years, and lost his life on his return, when his place was supplied by Davidis, who was consecrated metropolitan. In the year 845 an edict of Wu-tsung commanded the priests that belonged to the sect that came from Ta Tsin, amounting to no less than three thousand persons, to retire to private life. The two Arabian travellers in the ninth century report that many Christians perished in the siege of Canfu. Marco Polo’s frequent allusions lead us to conclude that the Kestorians were both numerous and respected.

        He mentions the existence of a church at Ilangchau, and two at Chinkiang, built by the prefect Marsarchis, who was himself a member of that church, and alludes to their residence in most of the towns and countries of Central Asia.

        The existence of a Christian prince called Prester John, in Central Asia, is spoken of by Marco Polo and Montecorvino.

        The exact position of his dominions, and the extent of his intluence in favor of that faith, have been examined by Col. Yule and M. Paiithier in their editions of the Venetian, and the glamour which once surounded him has been found to have arisen mostly from hearsay I’eports, and from eonfounding different persons under one name. When the conquests of (Tenghis khan and his descendants threw all Asia into commotion, this Prester John, ruler of the Kara Kitai Tartars in northern China, fell before him, a.d. 1203. The Xestorians suffered much, but maintained a precarious footing in China during the time of the Yuen dynasty, having been cut off from all help and intercourse with the mother church since the rise of the Moslems.

        They had ceased long before this period to maintain the purity of the faith, however, and had apparently done nothing to teach and diffuse the Bible, which the tal)let intimates was in part or in whole translated by Olopun, under the Emperor’s auspices.

        At the present time no works composed by their priests,

        or remains of any churches belonging to them or buildings

        erected by them, are known to exist in the Empire, though perhaps

        some books may yet be found. The buildings erected by

        the Nestorians for churches and dwellings were, of course, no

        better built than other Chinese edifices, and would not long

        remain when deserted ; while, to account still further for the

        absence of books, the Buddhists and other opposers may have

        sought out and destroyed such as existed, which even if carefully

        kept would not last many generations. The notices of the

        tablet in Chinese authors, which Mr. Wylie has brought together,

        prove that those writers had confounded the King h’lao with Zoroastrianism and Manicheism, and such a confusion is not surprising. The records of futurity alone will disclose to us the names and labors of the devoted disciples and teachers of true Christianity in the Xestorian church, who lived and died for the gospel among the Chinese.’

        The efforts of the Roman Catholics in China have been great, but not greater than the importance of the field demanded.

        ‘ Yvxle’s ‘Marco Polo, Vol. I., p. 275, passim. N. 0. Ai^. Soc. Jonrnnl, Arch.

        Palladius’ notes on it, Vol. X., pp. 20-2:5. Hue, (Un-isiiHuHy in Chiiiu, Chaj)

        II. Pauthi.T’s )r,irro Polo, Chaps. XLVIII.-L. Yule, Cothuy and the Way

        7 hither, \o\. I.,i)p. 174-1»:5.

        TRACES OF THE NESTORlAN MISSIONARIES. 287

        They have met with varied success, and their prudence in the choice of measures and zeal in the work of evangelizing have reflected the highest credit upon them, and would probably, if their object had simply been that of preaching the gospel, have gradually made the entire mass of the population acquainted with the leading doctrines of Christianity. The history of their missions is voluminous, and the principles on which they have been conducted can be learned from their own writings, especially the Lettres Edijiantes^ the Annales de la Foi, and in the elaborate works of Hue and Marshall in later times. The present sketch need embrace only the principal points, for which we shall depend chiefly upon those writers who have already examined these sources.

        The first epoch of their missions in China is the thirteenth

        century. Subsequent to the mission of John of Piano Carpini

        to Kuyuk khan in 1246-47, there were several envoys sent by

        one party to the other whose intercourse resulted in nothing

        permanent. The first attempt which can be called a settled

        mission was that of John of Montecorvino, from Nicholas T\.,

        in 1288. Corvino arrived in India in 1291, and after preaching

        there a twelvemonth, during which time he baptized a hundred

        persons, he joined a caravan going to Catha}^ and was kindly

        received by Kublai khan. The Nestorians opposed his progress,

        and for eleven years he carried on the work alone, but not till

        the latter part of this period with much success. He built a

        church at Cambaluc, ” which had a steeple and belfry with

        three bells that were rung every hour to summon the new eonverts

        to prayer.” He baptized nearly six thousand persons

        during that time, “and bought one hundred and fifty children,

        whom he instructed in Greek and Latin and composed for them

        several devotional books.”

        ‘Clement V., hearing of Corvino’s success, appointed him archbishop in 1307 and sent him seven suffragan bishops as. assistants. Two letters of his are extant in which he gives a pleasing account of his efforts to preach the gospel, but of the
        ‘ Chinese Bepositoi’y, Vol. III., p. 112; Vol. XIII., passim. Lowrie, Land of Sinim.

        subsequent success of the endeavors made by him and his coadjutors to propagate the faith there are only imperfect records.

        Corvino was ordei’ed to have tlie mysteries of tlie Bible represented

        by pictures in all his churches, for the purpose of captivating

        the eyes of the barbarians. He died in 1328, when about

        eighty years of age, ” after having converted more than thirty

        thousand iniidels.” One of the accounts relates that at his

        funeral ” all the inhabitants of__Cambaluc, \vithout distinction,

        mourned for the man of God, and both Christians and pagans

        were present at the funeral ceremony, the latter rending their

        garments in token of grief, . . . and the place of his

        burial became a pilgrimage to which the inhabitants of Cambaluc

        resorted with pious eagerness.” It is not easy to estimate

        the real value of the labors of this priest and his successors, nor

        to decide how much better they were than those of the Xestorians

        in making known the Cross of Christ among the Mongols. The

        short record preserved of Corvino speaks well of his character

        and favorably of the toleration granted by the Mongols to his

        efforts to instruct them. It is affec^ting to hear him say, ” It is

        now twelve years since I. have heard any news from the West.

        I am become old and grayheaded, but it is rather through labors

        and tribulations than through age, for I am onlv lifty-eight

        years old. I have learned tlie Tartar language and literature,

        into which I have translated the whole New Testament and the

        Psalms of David, and liave caused them to be transcribed with

        the utmost care. I write and read and preach openly and freely

        the testimony of the law of Christ.”

        The Pope sent Nicholas to succeed Montecorvino at Peking,

        and a company of twenty-six Franciscans with him, but no authentic

        record of their arrival there has been preserved. In 1336

        the last Mongol Emperoi-, Shunti, whose reign was then called

        Chiyuen, sent Andre, a Frank, as his ambassador to the Pope,

        to whom was also addressed a letter from the Alain Christians

        asking for a bishop to take Corvino’s place, Nicholas not having

        then reached his see. Benedict XII. sent four nuncios, one of

        whom, John of Florence, returned to Europe in 1353, after

        residing and travelling in China twelve years, bringing friendly

        letters from the Emperor ^hunti. At this period there was

        EOMAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS—MONTECORVINO. 289

        another bishopric among tlie Mongols at Ih’, or Kuldja, and a

        letter from Pascal, a Spanish friar, dated from that city in 1338,

        lias been preserved. It would seem that during the sway of the

        Mongol princes these missionaries carried on their work chiefly

        among their tribes. It is, if such was the case, less surprising,

        therefore, that we hear nothing of them and their converts after

        the Chinese troops had expelled Kublai’s weak descendants from

        the country in 1368, since they would naturally follow them

        into Central Asia. After the final establishment of the Ming

        dynasty almost nothing is known concerning either them or the

        Nestorians, and it is probable that during the wanderings of the

        defeated Mongols the adherents of both sects gradually lapsed

        into ignorance and thence easily into Mohammedanism and

        Buddhism. There is no reasonable doubt, however, that during

        the three centuries ending with the accession of Hungwu, the

        greater part of Central Asia and Northern China was the scene

        of many flourishing Christian communities.

        The second period in the history of Romish missions in China

        includes a space of one hundred and fifty years, extending from

        the time when Matteo Ricci first established himself at Shanking

        in 1582 to the death of the Emperor Ynngching in 1736.

        Before Ricci entered the country there had been some efforts

        made to revive the long-deferred work among the Chinese, but

        the Portuguese and Spanish merchants were opposed to the extension

        of a faith which their flagitious conduct so outrageously

        belied. The Chinese government was still more strongly opposed

        to the residence of the foreign missionaries. Francis

        Xavier started from Goa in 1552 in company with an ambassador

        to China, but the embassy was hindered by the Governor of

        Malacca, who detained Pereyra and his ship, and Xavier was

        obliged to go alone. He died, however, at Shangchnen, Sancian,

        or St. John’s, an island about thirty miles south-west of Macao,

        disappointed in his expectations and thwarted in his plans by

        the untoward opposition of his countrymen. Other attempts

        were made to accomplish this design, but it was reserved for

        the Jesuits to carry it into effect. Valignani, the Superior of

        their missions in the East, selected Michael Ruggiero, or Roger,

        for this enterprise. He arrived at Macao in 1580 and com-

        VoL. II.—19

        290 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        menced the study of the language. Soon after he was joined

        by Matthew Ricci, and aftgr a series of efforts and disappointments

        they succeeded, in 1582, in obtaining lodgment at IShauking,

        then the residence of the Governor of Kwangtung. He

        granted them permission to build a house there, as they had

        told him that ” they had at last ascertained with their own eyes

        that the Celestial Empire was even superior to its brilliant

        renown. They therefore desired to end their days in it, and

        wished to obtain a little land to construct a house and a church

        where they might pass their time in prayer and study, in

        solitude and meditation, which they could not do at Macao on

        account of the tumult and bustle which the perpetual activity

        of commerce occasioned.” A beginning like this indicated the

        policy which has marked the progress of their work during the

        thi’ee centuries now passed. Xothing is said of making known

        Christ and him crucified as the great theme of their preaching.

        Hue tells us, too, that they took down the picture of the Virgin,

        because ” the report had been spread that the strangers

        worshipped a woman,” and replaced it by an image of the

        Saviour; and in this also they set the example, which successive

        ages have strengthened, of upholding the native idolatry. In

        their intercourse with the people of all classes they won good

        opinions by their courtesy, presents, and scientific attainments,

        and Hue sums up their principles in his approving remark,

        “they thought justly that the philosopher would make more

        impression than the priest upon minds so sceptic and so imbued

        with literary conceit.” The appointed means given by the

        Founder of Christianity for its propagation are never mentioned

        as their guide and authority, and the building corresponds to

        the foundations laid.

        In 151)-i Yalignani advised Ricci and his associates to exchange

        their garb of Buddhist priests for the nu)re respected

        dress of the literati ; and soon after he set out from Shauchau, in

        the north of Kwangtung, for Tsanchang, the capital of Kiangsi,

        and thence made his way to Nanking, still a place of great

        importance, althougli not the capital of the Empire. He was

        directed to depart, and returned to Nanchang, where he was

        permitted to lay the foundation of a religious institution and

        FATTTEK MATTEO RICCI. 291

        establish his associates, lie tlien left again for ^Nanking, but

        finding many obstacles proceeded to Suchau, the capital of

        Kiangnan, and there, too, established a school. The times becoming

        favorable, he appeared a third time at Xanking, in 1598,

        where he was received with amity, frankness, and good breeding,

        and his lectures on the exact sciences listened to with rapture. The

        progress of the mission had been so considerable that Valignani

        had appointed Ricci its Su])erior-General, which gave him power

        to regulate its internal concerns, for which he was well fitted.

        An officer whom he had known in Shauchau, and who had been

        appointed President of the Board of Civil Office, was induced to

        take him to Peking on his return there from a mission to Hainan

        ; but opposition arising this friend, Kwang, advised him

        to return M’ith him to Nanking, as tlie officials at the capital

        were much disappointed to find that he knew nothing about

        making silver and gold, which w^as wanted to pay for the expedition

        to Japan. After Kwang’s departure he and his colleague,

        Cataneo, found themselves nearly penniless, and he decided

        to return south, although it was wintei*. lie reached

        Suchau in a very weak condition, but, having recovered, went

        to Xanking in 1599, where the high provincial authorities visited

        and aided him, heard his discourses on astronomy, and

        enabled him to get a house.

        Everything progressed favorably, and Cataneo had returned

        from Macao with funds and presents. Eicci availed himself

        of a timely proposal from a eunuch to go with him to Peking,

        and started in a junk with his presents. The eunuch, however,

        wished to keep the latter, and by misrepresentations contrived

        to detain Ricci and his companion, Pantoja, at Tientsin for six

        months, at the end of which the villany was exposed, and the

        foreigners invited to court by imperial orders. They reached

        Peking January 4, 1601, twenty-one years after Ricci landed

        in Macao. The pleasing manners and extensive acquirements

        of Picci, joined to a distribution of presents, gained him the

        favor of men in authority. He soon numbered some of them

        among his adherents, among whom Sii, baptized Paul, was one

        of his earliest and most efficient co-operators, and assisted him

        in translating Euclid.

        292 THE MIDDLE KIXGDOM.

        Tlie Emperor AVanleih received liini with kinJnos?, and allowed

        him and Pantoja to be accommodated at the phvce where

        foreign envoys usually remained ; he subsequently permitted

        them to hire a house, and assigned them a stipend. In the

        meantime other Jesuits joined him at Peking, and were also

        settled in all the intermediate stations, where they carried on

        the work of their missions under his direction with success and

        favor. Paul Sii and his widowed daughter, M’ho took the baptismal

        name of Candida, proved efficient supporters of the new

        faith. The new religion encountered many obstacles, and the

        officers who saw its progress felt the necessity of checking its

        growth before it got strength to set at naught the commands

        of government. Much excitement arose in 1005 between the

        Portuguese and the officials at Canton in consequence of a

        rumor of the former going to attack the city ; and it was carried

        to such a height that the latter seized a convert named

        Martinez and punished him so severely that he died. A decree

        in 1617 ordered the missionaries to dejiart from court to

        Canton, there to embark for Euro2)e, but, like many others of

        the same import subsequently issued, it received just as much

        v_5>bedience as they thought expedient to give it—and properly

        too ; for if they were not disturbers of the peace or seditious,

        they ought not to be sent out of the country. This edict hindered

        their work only partially, and such Avas their diligence

        • that by the year 163(3 they had published no fewer than three

        hundred and forty treatises, some of them religious, but mostly

        on natural philosophy and mathematics. Ilicci formulated a set

        of rules for their guidance, in Avhicli he allowed the converts to

        practise the rites of ancestral worship, because he considered

        them purely civil in their luiture. The matter subsequently

        became a bone of contention between the Jesuits and Franciscans.

        The talented founder of these missions died in 1G1(», at the

        age of tifty-eight, and for skill, perseverance, learning, and

        tact, his name deservedly stands highest among their missionaries.

        His withholding the l)ible fi’om the Chinese, and substitution

        of image worship, ritualism, and ])riestly ordinances

        for the pure truths of the gospel, have been maintained by his

        M\S LI IF, AND ClIAHACTKR. 293

        successors, for tliey are essential features of the churcli which

        sent them forth. He lias been extolled by the Jesuits as a man

        possessed of every virtue. Another writer of the same church

        gives liim the following character : ” Ricci was active, skilful,

        full of schemes, and endowed with all the talents necessary to

        render him agreeal)le to the great or to gain the favor of

        princes ; but at the same time so little versed in matters of

        faith that, as the Bishop of Conon said, it was sufficient to read

        his work on the time religion to be satistied that he was ignorant

        of the first principles of theology. Eeiiig more a politician

        than a theologian, he discovered the secret of remaining

        peacefully in China. The kings found in him a man full of

        complaisance ; the pagans a minister who accommodated himself

        to their superstitions ; the mandarins a polite courtier

        skilled in all the trickery of courts ; and the devil a faithful

        servant, who, far from destroying, established his reign among

        the heathen, and even extended it to the Christians. lie

        preached in China the religion of Christ according to his own

        fancy ; that is to say, he disfigured it by a faithful mixture of

        pagan superstitions, adopting the sacrifices offered to Confucius

        and ancestors, and teaching the Christians to assist and cooperate

        at the worship of idols, provided they only addressed

        their devotions to a cross covered with flowers, or secretly attached

        to one of the candles which were lighted in the temples

        of the false gods.” ‘ His work was described by Trigault in

        1616, w’hen full materials were accessible, so that his actions

        and motives are known more fully than many who have come

        after him.

        After his death his place was filled by Longobardi, whose

        experience, learning, and judgment well fitted him for the

        post. The efforts of many enemies caused a reaction in 1616,

        and an edict was issued ordering all missionaries to leave the

        country ; but they w’ere sheltered b}^ their converts, especially

        through the exertions of Sii, who in 1622 obtained the reversal

        of the edict of expulsion, and thereby caused the persecution

        ‘ Anecdotes de la Chine, Tome I., Pref. vi, vii. Hue, Christianity in China^

        Vol. II., Chaps. II. toV. Remusat, Kouceaux MelaiKjcs, Tome II., p. 207.

        204 THE MIDDLE KITfGDOM.

        to cease.’ The talents and learning of Schaal, a German

        Jesuit, who was recommended by Sii to the Emperor’s regard

        in 162S, soon placed him at the head of all his brethren and

        ranked him among the most distinguished men in the Empire.

        The Dominicans and Franciscans also flocked to the land

        which had thus been opened by the Jesuits, but they were not

        welcomed by those who wished to build up their own power.

        After the death of Wanleih, in 1620, and those converts

        within the palace who had favored the cause, new influences

        against it arose, and during the short reign of his young grandson,

        Tienlii, troubles increased. Amid the breaking up of

        the Ming dynasty and the establishment of the present family

        on the throne (1630-1660), the missions suffered much, their

        spiritual guides retired to places of safety from the molestations

        of soldiers and banditti, and converts were necessarily left

        without instruction. The missionaries in the north sided with

        the Manchus, and Schaal became a favorite with the new monarch

        and his advisers, by whom he was appointed to reform

        the calendar. lie succeeded in showing the incompetency of

        the persons who had the supervision of it, and after its revision

        was appointed president of the Kin Tien Kien, an astronomical

        board established for this object, and invested with the insignia

        and emoluments of a grandee of the first class. He employed

        his influence and means in securing the admission of other

        missionaries, and to build two churches in the capital and

        repair many of those which had fallen to decay in the

        provinces.

        The exertions of the native converts did nuich to advance

        the cause of religion, and the baptismal names of Leon, Michel,

        etc., have been preserved among these early confessors ; but

        none are more famous than Sii and his daughter, Candida. He

        gave his influence in its favor and his property to assist in

        building churches, while his revision of their Avritings made

        them acceptable to fastidious scholars. His daughter also spent

        her life in good works. According to Du TIalde, she exhibited

        the sincerity of her profession by building thirty-nine churches

        ‘Sii’s Apology is given in full in the CMnese Repository^ Vol. XIX., p. 118.

        LABORS OF MISSIONARIES AND CONVERTS. 295

        in different provinces, and printing one liundred and thirty

        Christian books for tlie instruction of her countrymen. Having

        hearcl that the pagans in several of the provinces were

        accustomed to abandon their cliildren as soon as born, she established

        a foundling hospital ; and seeing many blind people

        telling idle stories in the streets for the sake of gain, she got

        them instructed and sent fortli to relate the different events of

        the gospel history. A few years before her death the Emperor

        conferred on her the title of shojin, or ‘virtuous woman,’

        and sent her a magnificent habit and head-dress adorned with

        pearls, which it is said she gradually sold, expending the proceeds

        in benevolent works. She received the last sacrament

        with a lively faith of being united to that God whom she .had so

        zealously loved and served. She and her father have since

        been deified by the people, and are worshipped now at Shanghai

        for their good deeds. The large mission establishment at

        Sikawe (properly Su ITia-wei, or the ‘ Sii Family Hamlet ‘), situated

        near that city, under the care of the Roman Catholics, now

        covers the same ground once owned by this eminent man. Candida’s

        example was emulated by another lady of high connections,

        named Agatha, who was zealous in carrying on the same

        works. We can but hope that although the worship of these

        converts was mixed with much error, and Mary, Ignatius, and

        others received their homage as well as Christ, their faith was

        genuine and their works done by an actuating spirit of humble

        love.’

        The Romish missionaries had friends among the high families

        in the land during the first hundred years of their labors,

        besides converts of both sexes. Few missions in pagan countries

        have been more favored with zealous converts, or tlieir missionaries

        more aided and countenanced hy rich and noble supporters,

        than the early papal missions to China. Le Comte speaks

        of the high favor enjoyed by all the laborers in this work

        through the reputation and influence of Scliaal at court. One

        of those who obtained celebrity was Faber, whose efforts in

        Shensi were attended with great success, and who wrought many

        ‘ Medhurst’s China, p. 188. Du Halde’s China, Vol. II., p. 8.

        296 TiiK :^[ir)DLK kixgdom.

        miracles during liis ministry in tliat province. Among otliera

        lie mentions that ” the town of Hang ching was at a certain

        time overrun with a prodigious multitude of locusts, which ate

        up all the leaves of the trees and gnawed the grass to the very

        I’oots, The inhabitants, after exhausting all the resources of

        their own superstitions and charms, applied to Faber, who

        promised to deliver them from the 2)lague provided they would

        become Christians. When they consented he marched in ceremony

        into the highways in his stole and surplice, and sprinkled

        up and down the holy water, accompanying this action with the

        prayers of the church, but especially with a lively faith. God

        heard the voice of his servant, and the next day all the insects

        disappeared. But the people refused to perform their promise,

        and the plague grew worse than before. AVitli much contrition

        they came to the father, confessing their fault and entreating

        his renewed interposition ; again he sprinkled the holy water,

        and the insects a second time disappeared. Then the Avhole

        borough was converted, and many years afterward was reckoned

        one of the devoutest missions in China. His biographer mentions

        that Falser was carried over rivers through the air ; he

        foretold his own death, and did several other such wonders

        ;

        but the greatest mii-acle of all was his life, which he spent in

        the continual exercise of all the apostolical virtues and a tender

        devotion to the mother of God.”

        The increase of churches and converts in the northern provinces

        was rapid during the reign of Shunchi, but the southern

        parts of the Empire not being completely subdued, the claimant

        to the throne of Ming w^as favored by the missionaries there,

        and his troops led on by two Christian Chinese otRcers, called

        Thomas Kiu and Luke Chin. His mother, wife, and son were

        baptized with the names of Helena, Maria, and Constantine,

        and the former wrote a letter to Pope Alexander VH., expressing

        her attachment to the cause of Christianity, and wishing

        to put the country through him under the protection of God.

        He kindly answered her, but the expectations of the llomanists

        were disappointed by the death of Tunglieh, the Emperor.

        During the reign of Shunchi Schaal and his coadjutors stood

        high at Peking, and missions prospered in the provinces ; but

        THE JESUIT FATHER ADAM SOHAAL. 297

        on the Emperor’s deatli tlie administration fell into the hands

        of four regents, and as they were known to be opposed to the

        new sect, a memorial was sent to court setting forth the evils

        likely to arise if it was not repressed. It should be mentioned

        that several monks of the Dominican and Franciscan orders,

        especially of Fuhkien province, where Capellas, a Spaniard, had

        been martyred in 1648, had i-esumed the labors of Archbishop

        John of Montecorvino at Peking, more than thirty years

        before this date. ” Their presence had been resisted by the

        Jesuits [so ran the memorial], and the strifes between these orders

        about the meaning and worship of tien and shanfjti (words

        used for the Supreme Being) revealed the important secret that

        the principles of the new doctrine were made to subserve the purposes

        of those who were aspiring to influence. It was remembered

        also that while the Catholics continued in Japan, nothing

        but intrigue, schism, and civil war was heard of, calamities that

        might sooner or later befal China if the criminal eagerness of

        the missionaries in enlisting people of all classes was not checked.

        The members of the different orders wore distinctive badges of

        medals, rosaries, crosses, etc., and were always ready to obey the

        calls of their chiefs, who could have no scruple to lead them on

        to action the moment a probability of success in subverting the

        existing political order and the ancient worship of China should

        offer.” The regents took the memorial into consideration, and

        in 1665 the tribunals under their direction decreed that ” Schaal

        and his associates merited tlie punishment of seducers, who announce

        to the people a.false and pernicious doctrine.”

        Notwithstanding the honora])le position Schaal held as tutor

        of the young Emperor Kanghi, he was proscril)ed and degraded

        with several high officers who had been baptized. Some of them

        perished, Schaal himself dying of grief and suffering August

        16th of the same year, at the age of seventy-eight, having been

        thirty-seven years in imperial employ, under five monai-chs.

        Verbiest and others were imprisoned, one of whom died ; and

        twenty-one Jesuits, with some of other sects, were sent out of the

        country. Magaillans says he himself was ” loaden for four whole

        months together with nine chains, three about his neck, his arms^

        and his legs ; he was also condenmed to have foi-ty lashes, and

        298 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        to be banished out of Tartaiy as long as he lived. But a great

        earthquake that happened at that time at Peking delivered both

        him and the rest of his companions.’” ‘ Their relief, however,

        was probably owing more to the favor of Kanghi on taking the

        reins of government in 1671 than to the earthquake ; he soon

        released Verbiest to appoint him astronomer, and allowed the

        missionaries to return to their stations, though he forbade his

        subjects embracing Christianity. This favorable change is partly

        ascribed, too, to the errors Verbiest pointed out in the calendar,

        which showed an utter ignorance of the commonest principles

        of astronomy On the part of those who prepared it. An intercalary

        month had been erroneously introduced, and the unfortunate

        astronomers wei’e made to exchange places with the

        imprisoned missionaries, while their intercalary month was

        discarded and the year shortened, to the astonishment of the

        common people. It may reasonably be doubted whether the

        priest acted with sagacity and prudence in thus exasperating

        those in high places by this public ridicule of their incompetency.

        Verbiest also prepared an astronomical work entitled ” The

        Perpetual Astronomy of the Emperor Kanghi,” which he graciously

        received and conferred the title of tajln, or ‘ magnate,’ on

        him, and ennobled all his kindred. ” He had no relatives in China,

        but as the Jesuits called each other brother, they did not hesitate

        to use the same title. Tiio gi-eatest part of the religious caused

        it to be inscribed on the doors of their houses.*”‘

        The favor of the Empei-or continued, and the missionaries re-

        (piited his kindness with many signal services, besides those of

        a literaiy and ustron(Mnicul nature, among which was casting

        camion for his army. In 1636 Scliaal had made a mimber for

        Tsungching, and Verbiest, his successor, cast several hundreds in

        all for the Emperor Kanghi. On one occasion, in 1680, the })ieces,

        three hundred and twenty of all sizes, were to be tested in the

        presence of the coui’t; but before doing so Verbiest ” had an altar

        prepared on which he placed a cross. Then, clothed in his surplice

        and stole, he worshipped the true (Jod, prostrating himself nine

        times, and striking the earth nine times with his forehead, in

        ‘ Magaillans’ C’hiinf, p. 147. Chinese Itepository, Vol. I., p. 434.

        QUESTION OF THE KITES. 299

        the Chinese manner of expressing adoration ; and after that he

        read the prayers of the church and sprinkled the cannon with

        holy water, having bestowed on each of them the name of a female

        saint, which he had himself drawn on the breech.” ‘ Some

        of the high othcers were still opposed to the toleration of

        foreign priests, and the Governor of Chehkiang undertook to

        cany into effect the laws against their admission into the country

        and their proselyting labors ; but Verbicst, on informing the Emperor

        of their character as excellent mathematicians and scholars,

        obtained their liberation. Ko foreigner has ever enjoyed so

        great favor and confidenee from the inilers of China as this able

        priest. lie seems indeed to have deserved this for his diligence,

        knowledge, and purity of conduct in devoting all his energies

        and opportunities to their good. His residence of thirty years

        at Peking (1G5S-1G8S) was passed under the eyes of suspicious

        observers ; but his modesty in the end won their confidence as

        his writings and devotions called forth their approval.

        During all this time—or at least since the other sects came to

        assist in the work—there had been constant disputes, as has already

        been intimated, between the disciples of Loyola, Dominic,

        and Francis, excited probably by rivalry, but ostensibly relating

        to the rites paid to deceased ancestors and to Confucius. Ricci

        had drawn up rules for the regulation of the Jesuits, in which

        he considered these customs to be merely civil and secular, and

        such as might l)e tolerated in their converts. Morales, a Spanish

        Dominican, however, opposed this view, declaring them to be

        idolatrous and sinful, and they were condemned as such by the

        Propaganda, which sentence was confirmed by Innocent X. in

        1645. This decree of the see at Home gave the Jesuits some

        annoyance, and they set themselves at work to procure its revision.

        Martinez was sent to Home as their principal agent in

        this, and by nuiny explanations and testimonials proved to the

        satisfaction of the tril)unal of inquisitors their civil nature, and

        Alexander Yll., in 1050, approved this opinion. There were

        thus two infallible decrees nearly opposed to each other, for

        Alexander took care not to directly contradict the bull of Inno-

        ‘Hue, Christianity in Cliina, Vol. III., p, 81.

        SOO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        cent, and worded his decision so that botli claimed it. When

        all the missionaries were imprisoned or sent to Canton, a good

        opportunity offered for mutual consultation and decision upon

        these and other points. Twenty-three priests met in the Jesuit

        seminary at Canton in 1665, and drew up forty-two articles to

        serve hereafter for rules of conduct, all of which were unanimously

        adopted. The one relating to the ceremonies was as

        follows

        :

        In respect to the customs by whicli the Chinese worship Confucius and

        the deceased, the answer of the congregation of tlie universal Inquisition,

        sanctioned in 1(556 by his Holiness Alexander VII., shall be invariably followed

        : for it is founded upon the most probable opinion, without any evident

        proof to the contrary ; and this probability being admitted, the door of salvation

        must not be shut against innumerable Chinese, who would abandon our

        Christian religion were they forbidden to attend to those things that they may

        lawfully and without injury to their faith attend to, and forced to give up

        what cannot be abandoned without serious consequences.

        One member of this meeting, the Dominican Navarette, soon

        expressed his dissent, and the dispute was renewed as virulently

        as ever. The opponents of the Jesuits complained that they

        taught their converts that there was but little difference generallj^

        between Christianity and their own belief, and allowed

        them to retain their old superstitions ; they were chai’ged, moreover,

        with luxurj^ and ambition, and neglecting the duties of

        their ministry that they might meddle in the affaii’s of State.

        These allegations were rebutted l)y the Jesuits, though it appears

        from Mosheim that some of them partially acknowledged

        their ti’uth. In 1098 Maigrot, a bishoj) and apostolic vicar living

        in China, issued a mandate on his own authority diametrically

        opposed to the decision of the Inquisition and the Pope,

        in which he declared that tten signified nothing niore than the

        material heavens, and that the Chinese customs and I’ites were

        idolatrous. In 1699 the Jesuits l)r()ught the matter before the

        Empei’or in the folhnving memorial :

        We, your faithful subjects, although originally from distant countries, respectfully

        supi)licate your Majesty to give us clear instructions on the following

        points. The scholars of Euro])e have understood that the Chinese practise

        certain ceremonies in honor of Confucius, that they o!Ter sacrifices to heaven,

        and that tlicy oliserve peculiar rites toward their ancestors ; but persuaded

        POPE CLEMENT XI. AXD KANGHI. 301

        that these ceremonies, sacrifices, and rites are founded in reason, though ignorant

        of their true intention, earnestly desire us to inform them. We have

        always supposed that Confucius was honored in China as a legislator, and that

        it was in this character alone, and with this view solely, tliat th(j ceremonies

        established in his honor were practised. We believe that the ancestral rites

        are only observed in order to exhibit tlie love felt for them, and to hallow tlie

        remembrance of the good receive<l from them during their life. We believe

        that the sacririces offered to heaven are not tendered to the visible heavens

        which are seen above us, but to the Supreme Master, Author, and Preserver of

        heaven and earth, and of all they contain. Such are the interpretation and

        the sense which we liave always given to these Chinese ceremonies ; but as

        strangers cannot be considered competent to pronounce on these ‘mportant

        points with the same certainty as the Chinese themselves, we presume to request

        your Majesty not to refuse to give us the explanations which we desire

        concerning them. We wait for them with respect and submission.’

        The Emperor’s reply in 1700 to this petition, and another

        one presented to him, was sent to the Pope ; in it he decLared

        that ” tien means the true God, and that tlie customs of China

        are political.” The enemies of the Jesuits say that they ” confirmed

        the sentiments expressed in the imperial rescript by the

        oaths which they exacted from a multitude of Chinese, among

        whom were many from the lowest classes, not only entirely

        ignoi-ant of the meaning of many characters in their own

        language, but even of Christian doctrine.” The strongest efforts

        were made by both parties to influence the decision of the Pope,

        but the Jesuits failed. In 1701: a decree of Clement XI. confirmed

        the decision of Bishop Maigrot. It had been reached

        after careful and candid “examination, and was substantially as

        follows: ” As the true God cannot conveniently be named in

        the Chinese language with European words, we must employ the

        words Tien Chu, i.e., ‘ Lord of Heaven,’ in use for a long time

        in China, and approved by both missionaries and their converts.

        AVe must, on the contrary, absolutely reject the aj^pellation of

        Tien (Heaven) and Shangtl (August Emperor) ; and for this

        reason it must on no accoimt be permitted that tablets shall be

        suspended in churches with the inscription King Tien (Adore

        Heaven).” The court of the Vatican had already dispatched a

        legate d latere and apostolic visitor to China in the person of

        ‘ Life of Saint-Manin, p. 292.

        302 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        Tounion, who was consecrated Patriarch of Antioch in order to

        give him a title of sufficient dignity in the distant regions to

        which he was bound.

        The legate landed at Macao in April, 17(>5, and was received

        with a show of honor by the governor and bishop. He arrived at

        Peking in December, but the Jesuits had already prejudiced the

        Emperor against him, and at an audience accorded to him in

        June, 1706, the former brought forward the subject to learn the

        legate’s views. After some delay, however, the patriarch issued

        the Pope’s mandate, which was contrary to the monarch’s decision.

        Kanghi was not the num who would transfer to a pope

        the right of legislating over his own subjects, and in December,

        1706, he decreed that he would countenance those missionaries

        who preached the doctrines of Ricci, but persecute those who

        followed the opinion of Maigrot. Examiners were a])pointed

        for ascertaining their sentiments, but Tournon, who had been

        banished to Macao, forbade the missionaries, under ])ain of excommunication,

        holding any discussion on these points with the

        examiners. The Bishop of Macao conlined the legate in a private

        house, and M-hen he used his ecclesiastical authority and

        powers against his enemies, stuck up a monitory on the very

        door of his residence, exhorting him to revoke his censures

        within tliree days midcr pain of excommunication, and exhibit

        proofs of his legation to his diocesan. This was re-echoed from

        Tournon by a still severer sentence against the bishop. Three

        new missionaries reached Macao at this jun(;ture in January,

        1710, and one of them, l*cre Ilipa, gives an account of a nocturnal

        visit they paid the legate in his })rison after eluding the

        vigilance of his guards. Ripa renuirks that about forty missionaries

        of different religious orders were confined with Tournon,

        who had lately been nuide a cardinal, but he himself and

        his companions were left at liberty. Ills eminence sent a remonstrance

        to the Governor of Canton against his imprisonment,

        and also a memorial to the Emperor stating that six

        missionaries had arrived from Europe, three of whom were

        acquainted with mathematics, music, and painting. Kipa, who

        was to be the painter, says that he knew only the rudiments of

        the art, and records his dissatisfaction at this change in his voQUARRELS

        OF THE JESUITS AND DOMINICANS. 303

        cation, Lut soon resigned himself to obedience. Touruon died

        in his coniinenient in July of the same year.

        The proceedings of Tournon were mainly confirmed by the

        Pope, and in 1715 he dispatched Mezzabarba, another legate, by

        way of Lisbon, who was favorably received at Peking, lie

        ” was instructed to express the Pope’s sincere gratitude to

        Kanghi for his magnanimous kindness toward the missionaries,

        to beg leave to remain in China as their head or as superior of

        the whole mission, and to obtain from Kanghi his consent that

        the Christians in China might submit to tlie decision of his

        Holiness concerning the rites.” The Emperor evaded all reference

        to the rites, and the legate, soon perceiving that his Majesty

        would not surrender any part of his inherent authoiity,

        solicited and obtained permission at his last audience to return

        to Europe, which he did March 3, 1721. The first fifteen

        years of the eighteenth century was the period of the greatest

        prosperity to the Pomish missions in China. It is stated

        that in the governor-generalship of Kiangnan and Kiangsi alone

        there were one hundred churches and a hundred thousand converts.

        The survey of the Empire was carried on by the Emperor’s

        connnand from 1708 to 171S, under the direction of

        ten Jesuits, of whom Pegis, Bouvet, and Jartoux were the most

        prominent.’ It was a great work for that day, and considering

        the instruments they had, the vast area they traversed, and tlic

        imperfect education of their assistants, its accuracy and completeness

        form the best index of the ability of the surveyors.

        The disputes between the various orders of missionaries and

        the resistance of some converts to the Emperor’s commands

        respecting the ancestral rites, together with the representations

        of his own ofiicers upon the tendency of the new religion to

        undermine his own authority, gradually opened his eyes to the

        true character of the propagandists. In 1718 he forbade any

        missionary remaining in the country without permission from

        himself, given only after their promise to follow tlie rules of

        Picci. Yet no European missionary could repair to China

        ‘ An additional re-survey was made and presented to the Emperor Kienlung

        in ITGl by Beuoit and AUerstein.

        304 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        without subscribing a funnuhi in which he proniised fully and

        entirely to obey the orders of Cleiiieut XI. upon these ceremonies,

        and observe those injunctions without any tergiversation.

        Kan^^hi was made acquainted with all these nuitters and took

        his measures, gradually i-estraining the missionaries in their

        work and keeping them about him at court, while he allowed

        persecuting measures to be carried on in the provinces. Tho

        work of Ripa affords evidence of this plan, and it was characteristic

        of Chinese policy.

        After the death of Kanghi in 1723 the designs of the govern

        ment under his son Yungching were still more evident. In

        172-i an order was promulgated in which every effort to propagate

        the Tien C/m klao, or ‘ Religion of the Lord of Heaven,’

        as it was then and has ever since been called, was strictly prohibited.

        All missionaries not required at Peking for scientitic

        purposes were ordered to leave the country, by which more than

        three hundred thousand converts were deprived of teachers.

        Many of the missionaries secreted themselves, and the converts

        exhibited the greatest fidelity in adhering to them even at the

        risk of death. AVhen the missionaries reached Canton, where

        tliey were allowed to remain, they devised measures to return

        to their flocks, and frequently succeeded. The influence of

        those remaining at Peking was exerted to regain their former

        toleration, but wdth partial success. Their enemies in the

        provinces harassed the converts in order to extort money, and

        found plenty of assistants who knew the names and condition

        of all the leading adherents of the proscribed faith, and aided

        in compelling them to violate their consciences or lose their

        property.

        The edict of Yungching forms an epoch in the Uoniish missions

        in China. Since that time they have experienced various

        degrees of quiet and storm, but on the whole decreasing in

        number and influence until the new era inaugurated by the

        treaties of 1S58. The troubles in France and Europe toward

        the latter part of the eighteenth centui-y withdi-ew the a»ttention

        of the supporters of missions from those in China, while in the

        country itself the maintenance of the laws against the ])ropagation

        of Christianity, and an occasional seizure of })i-iests and

        THE CATHOLICS EXPELLED FUOM CHIXA. 30.”i

        converts by a zealous officer, caused a still further diminution.

        Tlie edicts of Kienluiig, soon after his accession in 1T3(), showed

        that no countenance was to be expected from court ; the rulers

        were thoroughly dissatisfied with the foreigners, and ready to

        take almost any measures to relieve the country of them. Perhaps

        their personal conduct had something to do with this

        course of procedure, for Ripa, wlio cannot be accused of partiality,

        says, when speaking of the number of converts, that

        “if our European missionaries in China would conduct themselves

        with less ostentation, and accommodate their manners to

        persons of all ranks and conditions, the number of converts

        would be immensely increased. Their garments are made of

        the richest materials ; they go nowhere on foot, but always in

        sedans, on horseback, or in boats, and with numerous attendants

        following them. AVith a few honorable exceptions, all the missionaries

        live in this manner ; and thus, as they never mix with

        the people, they make but few converts. The diifusion of our

        holy religion in these parts has been almost entirely owing to

        the catechists who are in their service, to other Christians, or

        to the distribution of Christian books in the Chinese language.

        Thus there is scarcely a single missionary who can boast of having

        made a convert by his own preaching, for they merely baptize

        those who have been already converted by others.” ‘ But

        this missionary himself afterward assigns a nnich better reason

        for their not preaching, when he adds that, up to his time in

        ITl-i, “none of the missionaries had been able to surmount the

        language so as to make himself understood by the people at

        large.” This remark must, however, be taken with some explanations.

        There had l)een al^out five hundred missionaries sent

        from Europe between 1580 and 172-1:, wliich was less than an

        annual average of four individuals during a centurv and a half.

        When the intentions of the new Emperor were known, there

        Avould not lono; be wantino; occasions to harass the Christians.

        In 1747 a persecution extended over all the provinces, and

        Bishop Sanz and five Dominican priests in Fuhkien lost their

        lives. All the foreign priests who could be found elsewhere were

        ‘ Residence at PeMnr/, p. 43.

        Vol. II.—20

        306 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        sent away—a mark of leiiiency tlie more striking wlien it was

        supposed by the Chinese that some of them had ah’eady once

        returned from banishment. The missions in Sz’cliuen and

        Shansi suffered most, but througli the zeal of their pastors

        maintained themselves better than elsewhere ; their bishops,

        Mullener, and after him Pottier, contrived to remain in the

        country most of the time between 1712 and 1792. The missions

        in Yunnan and Kweichau were not so flourishing as that

        in Sz’chuen. In this province M. Gleyo was apprehended in

        1767, and endured nuich suffering for the faith he came to

        preach ; he remained in prison ten years, when he was liberated

        through the efforts of a Jesuit in the employ of government.

        For several years after this the order enjoyed comparative

        quiet, but in 1784 greater efforts than ever were made to discover

        a*nd apprehend all foreign priests aiid their abettors,

        owing to the detection of four Europeans in Ilukwang while they

        were going to their mission. M. de la Tour, the procureur of

        the mission at Canton, through whose instrumentality they were

        sent tlirough the country, was apprehended and carried to Peking

        ; and the hong merchant who had been his security was

        glad to purchase his own safety by the sacrifice of one hundred

        and twenty thousand taels of silver.

        Didier Saint-Martin, who was then in Sz’chuen, gives a long

        account of his own capture, trial, and imprisonment, and many

        particulars of the sufferings of his fellow missionaries. Eighteen

        Europeans were taken away from the missions by it, but

        none of them were actually executed ; twelve w-ere sentenced to

        perpetual imprisonment, six having died, but for some reason

        the Emperor revoked the decree soon after it was made, and

        gave them all the choice to enter his service or leave the country

        ; nine of the twelve preferred to depart, the other three

        joining the priests at the capital. This search was so close that

        few of the foreigners escaped. Pottier was not taken, though

        he was obliged at one time to conceal liimself for a month in a

        small house, and in so confined a place that he hardly dared

        either to cough or to spit for fear of being discovered. Saint-

        Martin and Dufresse retired to Manila, where they were received

        with great honors, and were enabled to return after a

        PERSECUTION OF THE MISSIONARIES. ^ 307

        time to Sz’cliuen. The former died in 1801 in peace, but Dufresse

        was beheaded in 1814 ;

        ‘ in 1816 M. Triora was strangled

        in Hupeh, and M. Clet three years after ; in the interval,

        Schoeffler, Bounard, and Diaz perished, and Chapdelaine in

        1856. But no data are available to show the number of native

        priests and converts who suffered death, toiture, imprisonment,

        and banishment in these storms. The records of constancy and

        cheerful fortitude exhibited under tortures and cruel mockings,

        given in the writings of the time, show their faith in Christ.

        The details are summarized in Marshall’s work, and probably

        the number may reasonably be estimated by hundreds.

        The period which elapsed after the pronmlgation of the

        edicts of 1767 up to 1820 contains less to interest the reader

        than since the last date. At that time restored quiet in Europe

        urged a resumption of the work ; and the Annalcs ds la Foi

        henceforth continue the narratives of the missions, formerly

        recorded in the Lettres Kdifiantes, with the approval of the

        directors and bishops. It is not easy at any period to learn

        their condition and number, for only vague estimates of hundreds

        of churches, hundreds of thousands of converts, scores

        of missionaries, schools, catechists, priests, and stations, comprise

        the data given in the flourishing days of Verbiest and

        Parennin. Perhaps many of the early statistics have perished,

        yet it has never been easy to obtain accurate data, and

        often they have been withheld from public knowledge. There

        is no responsibility or reckoning required from the managers

        of the missions by the body of the church as to wdiat is done

        with the funds, as among Protestant missions. In 1820 an

        estimate gives 6 bishops, 2 coadjutors, 23 foreign missionaries,

        80 native priests, and 215,000 converts. In 1839 a table in

        the Annales gives for that year, 8 bishops, 57 foreigners, ll-t

        native priests, and 303,000 converts. In 1846 the record shows

        12 bishops, 7 or 8 coadjutors, 80 foreign missionaries, 90 natives,

        and 400,000 converts; 54 boys’ and 114 girls’ schools

        are put down for Sz’chuen. In 1866 they report 20 bishops,

        ‘ Annales de la Foi, Tome I., pp. 25, 53, 68. Dufresse was afterward

        canonized.

        308 Tin; MIDDLE KINGDO^r.

        233 foreign missionaries, 237 native priests, 12 colleges, 331

        students in seven of them, and 363,000 converts ; these figures

        include only those in the Eighteen Provinces. In 1870 the tahles

        show 254 foreigners, bishops and missionaries, 13S native

        priests in nine provinces, and 404,530 converts.

        Lastly, from the Hong Kong Catholic liegister we learn that

        the statistics in 1881 were : Bishops, 41 ; European priests,

        664; native priests, 559 ; converts in toto^ 1,092,818 ; colleges,

        34 ; convents, 34. The paper which publishes this summary,

        ” from a most reliable source,” gives no information as to where

        the missions or colleges are located, or what numbers are found

        in the different provinces. It is, moreover, somewhat difficult

        to learn what constitutes a college, or whether the grade in

        these institutions is uniform throughout the land. In addition

        to the education imparted at home, a number of Chinese are

        yearly sent to Tiome to be educated at the College of the Propaganda.

        The total number of converts includes all the members

        of the various families who give an outward adherence to

        the rites of the church. In the persecutions which these adherents

        have endured at various times, some have left the faith,

        but a large number of the descendants of these early converts

        have remained faithful, generation after generation, to the religion

        which their ancestors had embraced under more favorable

        auspices. Hence this estimate represents the number now

        adhering to them, many of them being the descendants of early

        converts ; and this number of followers has become so numerous

        largely by natural increase. AVe have no information as

        to the number of converts year by year. In one village of

        South China, where there are some Poman Catholics resident,

        it has been noted that the increase is almost entirely by natural

        generation. The girls of Catholic families are only permitted

        co-religionists. The men inarry heathen wives on the promise

        that they will become Pomanists. One man and his wife of

        this village first became converts. The number of adherents now

        hei-e is over one hundred, all descendants of this first pair; and

        this increase is entirely by natural descent and by marriage.

        With the increased openings since the treaties of 1858 the

        regulation of the missions has devolved on different societies,

        STATISTICS OF CATHOLIC MISSIONS IN CITIXA. 309

        which liavc apportioned their hiborers in the provinces. The

        Lazarists have Cliihh’, Iviangsi, and Chehkiang ; the Franciscans,

        Sliantung, Shansi, Shensi, and llnkwang; the Jesuits,

        Kiangnan and eastern Chihh ; tlie Dominicans, Fnhkien ; the

        Gallic church, all the western and south-western rcirions, with

        Manchuria; one society in Milan has charge of Ilonan, and

        another in Belgium labors in Mongolia. The successful efforts

        of M. Lagrend, the French envoy to China in 1844, to obtain

        formal recognition of the Christian religion and protection to

        its professors from their own rulers, entitle him to the thanks

        of every well-Avisher of missions. The intention of the Chinese

        authorities in tolerating such efforts was to limit them to the

        newly opened ports, where alone churches could be erected, for

        the missionaries are disallowed free entrance into the country.

        This partial permission of 1844 prepared the way for the

        toleration articles in the treaties of 1858, when the four

        Powers present at Tientsin obtained a more explicit acknowledgment

        from the Emperor of the rights of Christian laborers

        and professors among the Chinese. Those articles have been

        in force during the past twenty years, and have proved a safeguard

        and a warrant for the faith of Christ and its adherents

        even beyond the hopes of those who first proposed them.

        The exclusive labors of the Roman Catholics among the

        Chinese comprise a period of about two hundred and fifty years

        from the date of Ricci’s reception at Peking. The various

        works written l)y them during this period contained not only

        the details of their labors, but nearly everything that was then

        known relating to the Chinese. The essays, translations, histories,

        travels, etc., of Visdelou, Mailla, Trigault, Semido,

        Amiot, Le Comte, and scores of others, still remain to inform

        those wdio seek to learn their acts.” Every reader must honor

        the men who thus suffered and labored, prospered and died, in

        the prosecution of their work. It is \vorthy of consideration,

        as to the self-supporting character of this work, that their constant

        experience has shown that, however numerous and zealous

        the converts, the presence of European pastors and overseers is

        Kemusat, Nouveaux Melanges, pp. 207 ff.

        310 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        indispensable to their spiritual prosperity.’ “Whether this is

        owing to the character of the Chinese mind, or to the little

        Christian instruction and principle these converts really have,

        cannot in most cases be easily decided. It can hardly be expected

        that pagans should perceive much difference immediately

        between their old worship and the cei’emonies of the new fait)-

        in the presence of pictures, images, and crosses, before which

        they were taught to prostrate themselves. The native priests

        and catechists were not instructed to maintain the authority

        of the law and word of God above all human teachings in this

        respect, for the second commandment had been early expunged

        from the Decalogue, and thus the connnand of God made

        void, which prohibits man to make, to servo, or to bow down

        to such things. It may be this defect in their religious training

        which keeps these native priests in tutelage under the foreigners,

        and prevents the maintenance of self-supporting, indigenous

        churches under their oversight.

        In former days the entrance of missionaries into the interior

        of China was attended with considerable hazard, delay, and

        uncertainty, arising from the weakness or ignorance of those

        guides to whose care they were entrusted, and the risks they

        ran if detected. This has now all passed awa}’^, and access to

        all parts of the Empire is even more free than it was in the

        days of the Emperor Kanglii. In those early times the development

        of missionary work was not as well understood as it

        is now after long experience, and less attention was paid to

        education and self-support. Those points were not appreciated

        even in Europe, and we should not look for stronger growth in

        the branches of the tree than in its trunk. Within the last

        twent}^ years, not only have the theological schools of the Romish

        missions increa’Sed so that eighteen were open in 1859,

        but with the introduction of the Sisters of Cliarity many thousands

        of young children are taught needlework, reading, and

        various handicrafts to prepare them for useful lives. These

        schools and oi-phanages exert a widespread and lasting influence.

        The baptism of children and adults has ever been a very

        ^Lettrea Mifiantes, Tome IV., p. 77.

        THE BAPTISM OF DYING INFANTS. 3J 1

        important work witli the Roman Catholic missionaries, and

        especially (if its fre(nient mention is an evidence) the baptism

        of uioribumh, or dying children of heathens. The agents in

        this work are usually elderly women, says Yerolles, ” who have

        experience in the treatment of infantile diseases. Furnished

        with innocent pills and a bottle of holy water whose virtues

        they extol, they introduce themselves into the houses where

        there are sick infants, and discover whether they are in danger

        of death ; in this case they inform the parents, and tell them

        that before administering other remedies they must wash their

        hands with the purifying waters of their bottle. The parents,

        not suspecting this j}ieuse ruse, readily consent, and by these

        innocent frauds we procure in our mission the baptism of seven

        or eight thousand infants every year.*’ Another missionary,

        Dufresse, one of the most distinguished of late years, says :

        ” The women who baptize the infants of heathen parents announce

        themselves as consecrated to the healing of infants, and

        to give remedies gratis, that they may satisfy the vow of their

        father who has commanded this as an act of charity.” The

        number of baptized children thus saved from perdition is carefully

        detailed in the annual reports, and calculations are made

        by the missionaries for the consideration of their pati-ons in

        France and elsewhere as to the expense incun-ed for this branch

        of labor, and the cost of each soul thus saved ; and appeals for

        aid in sending out these female baptists are based upon the

        tabular reports. It may, however, be a question, even with a

        candid Romanist who believes that unbaptized infants perish

        eternally, whether baptism performed by women and unconsecrated

        laymen is valid ; and still more so, whether it is ritual

        when done by stealth and under false pretences. The number

        thus annually baptized in all the missions cannot be placed

        much under fifty thousand, and some years it exceeds a hundred

        thousand. Xo attention seems to be given to the child in ordinary

        cases if it happen to live after this surreptitious baptism.

        The degree of instruction given to the converts is trifling,

        partly owing to the great extent of a single diocese and partly to

        imperfect knowledge of the language on the part of missionaries.

        The vexations constantly experienced urge them to be

        812 THE MIDDLE KIXODOM.

        cautious ; and truly if a missionai-y believes that baptism, confirmation,

        confession, and absolution, are all the evidences of faith

        that ai-e required in a convert to entitle him to salvation, it

        cannot be supposed he will deem it necessary to give them longcontinued

        instruction. The canses which usually bring the converts

        into trouble with their CDuntrymen or the officials were

        thus described many years ago by the Bishop of Caradre in

        Sz’chuen ; they are still partly applicable.

        First. Christians are frequently confounded with tlie members

        of the Triad Society, or of the AVhite Lily sect, both by

        their enemies and by persons belonging to those associations.

        Second. The Christians refuse to contribute to the erection

        or repair of temples, or subscribe to idolatrous feasts and superstitious

        rites ; though, according to the A)i7iales, they sometimes

        defray the charges of the theati’ical exhibitions which

        follow, in order to avoid the malice of their adversaries.

        Third. ” Espousals are ahnost indissoluble in China, and

        whenever the Christians refuse to ratify them by proceeding

        to a marriage already commenced, they are regarded as lawbreakers

        and treated as such.” ‘ This is the most common

        source of trouble, especially when the parents of the girl have

        become converts since the beti-othment, and the other party

        is anxious to fulfil the contract. These engagements are sometimes

        broken in a sufficiently unscrupulous manner, and nothing

        draws so much odium upon Christians as their refusal to

        adhere to these conti-acts. On one occasion this bishop assisted

        in breaking up such an engagment, when the parents, on the

        death of a sister of the girl, asserted that the deceased was the

        one who had been betrothed. He adds : ” I thirdc the faith of

        the parents and the purity of their motives will readily excuse

        them before God for the sin of lying.” On other occasions

        the missionaries endeavor to dissolve these engagements by exhorting

        the believing party to take voavs of celibacy.

        Fourth. All connnunication with Europeans being interdicted,

        the magistrates seek diligently for every evidence of their exist-

        Lettres Edifiantes, Tome III., p. 37, wliere there appear two or three cases

        wf this and Saint-Martin’s reasonini,’ on thu point.

        GRIEVANCES AGAINST CATHOLIC CONVERTS. 313

        eiicc in the country, by searching for the objects used in worship,

        as crosses, breviaries, etc.

        Fifth. The little respect the converts have for their ancestors

        is always an offence in the eyes of the pagans, and leads

        to recrimination and vexatious annoyances.

        Sixth. As the converts are obliged to take down the ancesti-al

        tablets in order to put u]> those of their own religion, they are

        seldom forgiven in this change, and occasion is taken therefrom

        to persecute.

        Seventh. The indiscreet zeal of the neophytes leading them

        to break the idols or insult the objects of public worship is

        one of the most common causes of persecution.

        Eightli. The disputes between the missionaries themselves,

        regarding the ceremonies, have frequently excited troubles.

        In addition to these causes, some of ‘which are now removed,

        there are others which have grown up since the toleration

        granted to Christianit}^ by the treaties, and which may develop

        still more. They are discussed in the minute drawn up by the

        Chinese government in 1871, after the Tientsin riot, in which

        eight rules for their regulation are proposed. The grievances

        refer to the seclusion of children in orphanages ; to the pi-esence

        of w^omen in religious assemblies ; to missionaries interfering

        in legal cases so as to screen criminals, and their interchanging

        passports ; to the neophytes rescuing criminals from

        justice ; to the missionaries affecting the style of native officials

        ;

        and, lastly, to their demand for land alleged to have once belonged

        to them, whatever ma\’ have been its ownership meanwhile.

        This has since ceased, and the others have been somewhat

        restrained.

        Christians sometimes refuse to have their deceased friends

        buried with the idolatrous ceremonies required by their relatives,

        upon which the latter occasionally carry the matter

        before the officers, or resort to petty annoyances. In order to

        keep up the spirit of devotion among the neophytes, crucifixes,

        reliquaries, and other articles were given them, and ‘” God

        wrought several miracles among them to authorize the practice.”

        These articles, in the estimation of both priest and people,

        probably have no little influence over the demons which vex and

        314 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        harass tlie pagans, l)nt wliicli never trouble Christians. Saint-

        Martin, writing to liis father from the capital of Sz’chnen in

        1774, says: “The most sensible proof for the pagans, and one

        always in force, is the power the Christians have over demons.’

        It is astonisliing how these poor infidels are tormented, and

        they can find remedy onl}” in the prayers of Christians, by

        whose help they are delivered and then converted. Seven or

        eight leagues from this spot is a house which has been infested

        with demons for a month ; they maltreat all who come near

        them, and have set the dwelling on fire at different times. Tliey

        have had recourse to all kinds of superstitious ceremonies,

        calling in the native priests, but all to no effect ; and the master

        of the family where I am staying has now gone to assist

        them. He is a man of lively faith, and has already performed

        many miraculous cures.”

        It is interesting to compare with this the account of Friar

        Odoric, ” How the friars deal with devils in Tartary.” In his

        Travels we read that ” God Almighty hath bestowed such grace

        upon the Minor friars that in Great Tartary they think it a

        mere nothing to expel devils from the possessed, no more, indeed,

        than to drive a dog out of the house. For there be many

        in those parts possessed of the devil, both men and women,

        and these they bind and bring to our friars from as far as ten

        days’ journey off. The friars bid the demons depart forth

        instantly from the bodies of the possessed, in the name of

        Jesus Christ, and they do depart immediately in obedience to

        this command. Then those who have been delivered from

        the demon straightway cause themselves to be baptized ; and

        the friars take their idols, which are made of felt, and carry

        them to the fire, while all the people of the country round

        assemble to see their neighbor’s gods burnt. The friars accordingly

        cast the idols into the fire, but they leap out again. And

        so the friars take holy water and sprinkle it upon the fire, and

        that straightway drives away the demon from the fire ; so the

        friars again casting the idols into the fire, they are consumed.

        ‘ retires ^diJian(£S, Tomes I., pp. 39 and 151, passim, and IV., p. 27.

        ^ TAfe of Didier Saint-Martin, p. 35.

        CARTIISrG OUT DEVILS. 315

        And then the devil in the air raises a shout, saying :

        ‘ See

        then ! see then ! how I am expelled from my dwelling place !

        And in this way our friars baptize great numbers in that

        country.”

        When persons educated in a country like France allow their

        converts to entertain such ideas, even if they do not favor them

        :>Ss^

        Roman Catholic Altar near Shanghai.

        themselves, and countenance their endeavors to exorcise the

        possessed, we cannot look for a very high degree of knowledge

        or piety. If they are l)rouglit out of pagan darkness, it is but

        little if any better than into light hardly bright enough to enable

        them even to distinguish trees from men.

        The points of similarity between Buddhism and Romanism

        have already been noticed, and the converts from one to the

        » Yule, Cathay and tlie Way TJiitlier, Vol. I., p. 155.

        31G THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        other see but little more change than they do when going from

        Buddhism to the metaphysical speculations of the learned ju

        Mao. If Romisli ])riests have allowed their converts to worship

        before pagan images, provided a cross is put into the

        candles, it would not be difficult for the latter to put the names

        of their departed parents behind the ” tablets of religion,” and

        worship them together. Similar to such a permission is the

        combination of the cross and dragon carved on a Romish altar

        near Shanghai, given on the preceding page, and at which both

        pagans and Christians could alike worship.

        Agnuses, crosses, etc., are easily substituted for coins and

        charms, and it does not surely require much faith to believe the

        former as effectual as the latter. The neophyte takes away the

        tablet in his house or shop having shin, ‘aeon’ or ‘ spirit,’ written

        on it,’ and puts up another, on which is written shin, chin

        chu, tsaotien ti jin-wuh, or ‘ God, true Lord, Creator of heaven,

        earth, man, and all things,’ and burns the same incense befoi-e

        this as before that. Chinese demigods are changed for foreign

        saints, with this difference, tha’^ now they worship they know

        not what, while before they knew something of the name and

        character of the ancient hero from popular accounts and historical

        legends. They cease, indeed, to venerate the queen of

        Heaven, holy mother ISFa tsupu, but Mhat advance in true religion

        has been made by falling down before the Queen of

        Heaven, holy mother Mary ? The people call the Buddhist

        idols and the Romish images by the same name, and apply

        nmch the same terms to their ceremonies. Such converts can

        easily be numbered by thousands ; and it is a wonder, indeed,

        when one considers the nature of the case, that the whole population

        of China have not long since become ” devout confessors

        ” of this faith. Conversions depend, in such cases, on

        almost every other kind of influence than that of the Holy

        Spirit blessing his own word in an intelligent mind and a

        quickened conscience. The missionaries write that ‘• being

        forced in three or four months after their arrival to preach

        ‘ Converts in Sz’chuen sometimes steal tlie idols from the roadside. J.ettres

        ^difiantes, Tome I., p. 219.

        CHARACTER OF CATHOLIC MISSIONARY WORK. 317

        when they do not know tlie language sufficiently either to be

        understood or to understand theniselves, they have seen tlieir

        auditors inunediately embrace Christianity.”

        We pass no decision upon these converts, except what is

        given or drawn from the writings of their teachers. Human

        nature is everywhere the same in its great lineaments, and the

        effect of living godly lives in Christ Jesus will everywhere excite

        opposition, calumny, persecution, and death, accordiug to

        the liberty granted the enemies of the truth. There may have

        been true converts among the adherents to Romanism ; but what

        salutary effects has this large body of Chi-istians wrought in the

        vast population of China during the three hundred years since

        Ricci established himself at banking ? T^one, absolutely none,

        that attract attention. The letters of some of the missionaries

        written to their friends breathe a spirit of pious ardor and true

        Christian principle worthy of all imitation. Among the best

        letters contained in the Annales is one from Dufresse to his

        pupils then at Penang. It is a long epistle, and contains

        nothing (with one exception) which the most scrupulous Protestant

        would not approve. The same may be paid of most of

        the letters contained in the same collection written in prison

        by Gagelin, a missionary who was strangled in Annam in

        1833. It is hardly possible to doubt, when reading the letters

        of these two men, both of whom were mai’tyred for the

        faith they preached, that they sincerely loved and trusted in

        the Saviour they proclaimed. Many of their converts also exhibit

        the greatest constancy in their profession, preferring to

        suffer persecution, torture, imprisonment, banishment, and

        death rather than to deny their faith, though every inducement

        of prevarication and mental reservation was held out to

        them by the magistrates in order to avoid the necessity of proceeding

        to extreme measures. If undergoing the loss of all

        things is an evidence of piety, many of them have abundantly

        proved their title to this virtue. But until there shall be a

        complete separation from idolatry and superstitioTi ; until the

        confessional shall be abolished, and the worship of the A^irgin,

        wearing crosses and rosaries, and reliance on ceremonies and

        penances be stopped ; until the entire Scriptures and Decalogue

        318 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        be tauglit to tlie converts; until, in sliort, the essential doctrine

        of justitication by faitli alone be substituted for the many

        forms of justification l)y works, tlie mass of converts to liomanism

        in China can liai’dly be considered as much better than

        baptized pagans.’

        Turn we now to a brief survey of tlie efforts of Protestants

        among the Chinese, and the results which have attended their

        labors. Hardly forty years have passed since the treaty of Nan^

        king opened the five ports to their direct work in the Empire,

        and the results thus far necessarily partake of the incompleteness

        of new enterprises. The radical distinction between their

        modes of operation and those of their predecessors is indicated

        in the names ‘ Tvclioion of Heaven’s Lord ‘ and ‘ lteli»j;ion of

        Jesus ;

        ‘ the Romanists depend much on their teachings and cere-

        / monies to convert men, the Protestants on the preaching of the

        ‘ word of God and a blessing on its vital truths.

        The first Protestant missionary to China was Rev. Robert

        Morrison, of Morpeth, England, who was sent out by the London

        Missionary Society, lie arrived at Canton, by way of Xew

        York, in Se])teniber, 1807, and lived there for a year, in a quiet

        manner, in the factory of Messrs. Milner and Bull, of Xew York.

        He early made the acquaintance of Sir George T. Staunton,

        one of his firmest friends, and already well versed in Chinese

        studies; Mr. Robarts, the chief of the British factory, advised

        hijii to avow his intention to the Chinese of translating the Scriptures

        into their language, on the ground that it was a divine

        book which Christians highly esteemed and which the Chinese

        should have the opportunity of examining. In consequence of

        difficulties connected with the trade, he was obliged to leave

        Canton in 1S08 with all British subjects and repair to Macao,

        where he deemed it prudent to maintain a careful retirement in

        ‘ An exhaustive collection of the titles of every work of importance upon

        Catholic missions in China, as well as a rhuine of their jieriodical publications,

        may be found in M. Cordier’s Diction ihiirc hibii(H/riij)/iiqiU’ t/iK oiirrKijfK ChinotK,

        Tome I., pp. IJ^O-.ITH, and following these pages are the works concerning

        Protestant missions, pp. .ITH-G’J;}. Compare also Thos. Marshall, (Viristitui

        Mmioun: their Afieittx it lul their lienidtn, London, IHO;^, and Chr. H. Kalkar,

        Oetchichte der christlichen Mission uiit<:r den J/eiih n, (iiitiTsloh, 1879-80.

        THE PROTESTANTS IN CHINA—DR. MORRISON. 319

        order not to attract nndue notice from the Portuguese priests.

        His associate, Dr. Milne, observed, with reference to these traits

        in his character, that ” the patience that refuses to be conqnered,

        the diligence that never tires, the caution that always trembles,

        and the studious habit that spontaneously seeks retirement were

        best adapted for the tirst Protestant missionary to China.”

        He married Miss Mary Morton in 1809, and accepted the appointment

        of translator under the East India Company, in whose

        service he continued until 1834. His position was now a wellunderstood

        one, and his official connexion obtained for him all

        necessary security so that he could prosecute his work with diligence

        and confidence. He no doubt did wisely in the circumstances

        in wdiicli he was placed, for his dictionary could hardly

        have been printed, or his translation of the Scriptures and other

        works been so successfully carried on, without the countenance

        and assistance of that powerful body. The entire Xew Testament

        was published in 181-1:, about half of it having been translated

        by Morrison and the remainder revised from a mamiscript

        which had been deposited in 1739 in the British Museum.

        Rev. W. Milne arrived in July, 1813, as his associate, and resided

        in Canton, leaving his wife at Macao. In 1814 he sailed

        for the Indian Archipelago, provided with about seventeen

        thousand copies of Testaments and tracts for distribution among

        the Chinese there. He stopped at Banca on his route, and then

        proceeded to Java, where he was received by Sir Stamford

        Raffles, a man far in advance of the times in his suppoi-t and

        patronage of missions. Milne was enabled to travel over the

        island and distribute such books as he had. From Java he

        went to Malacca, then a Dutch settlement, afterward returning

        to Canton, where he remained undisturbed, though a severe

        persecution, in which Dufresse lost his life, was waging against

        the Christians throughout the Empire. Milne, finding it difficult

        to prosecute his labors in China (for the East India Company

        would not countenance him), embarked for Malacca in 1815, accompanied

        by a teacher and workmen for printing Chinese

        books ; here he resided till his death in 1822.

        The leading objects in sending Morrison to Canton, namely,

        the translation of the Bible and preparation of a dictionary,

        320 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        occupied the greater portion of his time. He soon commenced

        a Sabbath service with his domestics and acquaintances in his

        own apartments, which lie never relinquished, though it did not

        expand into a regular public congregation dui-ing his lifetime.

        He considered this as one of the most important parts of his

        work, and was much encouraged when in 1814 one of his

        audience, Tsai A-ko, made a profession of his faith and was

        baptized. He was the first convert, and it is reasonably to be

        hoped, judging from his after-life, that he sincerely believed to

        salvation.

        The compilation of the dictionary progressed so well that in

        1814 a few members of the Company’s establishment, among

        whom Mr. Elphinstone and Sir George Staujiton were prominent,

        interested themselves in getting it printed. The Court of

        Directors responded to the application on the most liberal scale,

        sending out as printer P. P. Tlioms, together with a printing

        office. The first volume was issued in 1817, and the whole was

        completed in six quarto volumes, containing four thousand five

        hundred and ninety-five pages, in 1823, at an expense of about

        twelve thousand pounds sterling. It consisted of three parts,

        viz., characters arranged according to their radicals, according to

        their pronunciation, and an English and Chhiese part. This

        work contributed much to the advancement of a knowledge of

        Chinese literature, and its aid in missions has been manifold

        greater. The plan was rather too comprehensive for one man

        to fill up, and also involved much repetition ; a reprint of the

        second part was issued in a smaller volume, in 1854, without

        material addition.

        While the dictionary was going through the press, the ti-anslation

        of the Old Testament was progressing by the joint labors

        of Morrison and Milne, and in November, 1818, the entire

        Bible was published. Another version, by Dr. Marshman at

        Serampore, was completed and printed with movable types in

        1822. A second edition of the Baptist version was never struck

        off, and comparatively few copies have ever been circulated

        among the Chinese. Both these versions are such that a sincere

        inquirer after the truth cannot fail to comprehend the

        meaning, though both are open to criticisms and contain mistakes

        LABORS OF MORKISOX AX I) MILNE. 321

        incident to first translations. Tliev are now numbered anionosuperseded

        versions like those of AViclif and Tyndal, the Italic

        and I’liilas in other languages, but will ever be regarded Nvith

        gratitude.’

        During the years he was thus engaged Morrison published a

        tract on Redemption, a translation of the Assembly’s Catechism,

        church of England liturgy, a synopsis of Old Testament history,

        a hymn book, and a Tour of the World ; altogether, nearly thirty

        thousand copies were printed and distributed. He prepared a

        Chinese grammar on the model of a common English grammar,

        which was printed at Serampore in 1815 ; also a volume

        of miscellaneous information on the chronolog}’, festivals,

        geography, and other subjects relating to China, under the

        title of View of China for Philological P>irj>oses. The list

        of his writings comprises thirty-one titles, of which nineteen are

        in English ; each work bears witness to his learning and piety.

        In 1821 Mrs. Morrison died, and about eight months after he

        visited Malacca and kSingapore, where he was nnich delighted

        by what he saw. The Anglo-Chinese College was then under

        the care of Collie, and this visit from its founder encouraged

        both principal and students. In 1824 he returned to England

        and was honorably received by his Majesty George IV., and

        obtained the approbation of all wdio took an interest in the

        promotion of religion and learning. He published a volume of

        sermons and a miscellany called Ilorce Sinicw while in England ;

        and having formed a second matrimonial connection, left his native

        land again in May, 1826, under different circumstances from

        the lirst time. During his absence the mission at Canton was

        left in charge of the first native preachei-, Liang Kung-fah, or

        Liang x\-fah, whom Morrison had ordained as an evangelist. This

        worthy man carried on his useful labors in preaching and writing

        until his death in 1855 at that city, from whence, in 1834,

        he had been forced to flee for his life. He takes a deservedly

        high position at the head of the native Pi-otestant Christian min-

        ‘ Medhurst’s CMnn, p. 217. Chinese Reposit/)ry, VoL IV., p. 249. Life of

        Morrison, by his widow, passim, 2 Vols , London, 1839. Wylie in Chinese Recorder,

        VoL I., pp. 121, 145. Lives of the I^eaders of our Church Universal.

        p. 819, Phila., 1879.

        Vol.. II.—21

        322 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        istiy among the Chinese in respect to time, and his writings

        have been highly. successful and beneficiah

        During the years whicli elapsed between the return and

        death of Morrison, he was principally occupied by his duties as

        translator to the Coinpany and in literary labors. Uh Metnoirs

        furnish all the particulars of their contents, as well as the details

        of his useful and uneventful life. His last years were

        dieered by the arrival of five fellow-laborers from the United

        States, the first who had come to his assistance since Milne left

        him in 1814. On the dissolution of the East India Company’s

        establishment, in April, 1834, he was appointed interpreter to

        the King’s Commission, but his death took place August 1,

        1834, at the age of fift3′-two, even then nnich worn out with

        his unaided labors of twenty-seven years.

        Perhaps no two persons were ever less alike than the founders

        of the Romish and Protestant missions to China, but no

        plans of opei’ations could be more dissimilar than those adopted

        by Ricci and Morrison. We have already sketched the lifework

        of the former, obtained from friendly sources. When

        Morrison was sent out the directors of the London Missionary

        Society thus expressed their views of his labors : ” AVe trust

        that no objection will be made to yoiw continuing in Canton

        till you have accomplished your great object of acquiring the

        language ; when this is done, you may pi’obably soon afterward

        begin to turn this attainment into a direction which may be of

        extensive use to the world ; ])erhaps you may have the honor of

        forming a Chinese dictionary, more comprehensive and correct

        than any preceding one, or the still greater honor of translating

        the sacred Scriptures into a language spoken by a third pai’t of

        the human race.” The enterprise thus connuitted to the hands

        of a single individual was only part of a system which neither

        the pi’ojectors nor their collaborator supposed would end there.

        They knew that the great work of evangelizing and elevating a

        mass of mind like that using the Chinese language reqnired

        large preparatory labors, of whi(di those here mentioned were

        among, the most important. China was a sealed country when

        Morrison landed on its shores, and he could not have forced his

        way into it if he had ti-ied, with any prospect of ultimate sueTHE

        MISSIONARIES RICCI AND MORRISON. 323

        cess, even by adopting the same plans which Ilicci did. It is

        doubtful if he could have lived there at all had it not been for

        the protection of the East India Company. After all his toil,

        and faith, and prayer, he only saw three or four converts, no

        churches, schools, or congregations publicly assembled ; but his

        last letter breathes the same desires as when he first went out:

        ” I wait patiently the events to be developed in the course of

        Divine Providence. The Lord reigneth. If the kingdom of

        God our Saviour prosper in China, all will be M’ell; other matters

        are comparatively of small importance.” He died just as the

        day of change and progress was dawning in Eastern Asia, but

        liis life was very far from being a failure in its results or influence.

        The principles of these two missionaries have been followed

        out by their successors, and we are quite willing to let their results

        be the test of their foundation upon the Chief Corner

        Stone.

        Protestant missions among the Chinese emigrants in Malacca,

        Penang, Singapore, Tihio, Borneo, and Batavia have never taken

        much hold upon them, and they are at present all suspended or

        abandoned. The first named was established in 1815 by Milne,

        and was conducted longest and with the most efficiency, though

        the labors at the other points have been carried on with zeal and

        a degree of success. The comparatively small results which have

        attended all these missions may be ascribed to two or three reasons,

        besides the fewness of the laborers. The Chinese residing

        in these settlements consist chiefly of emigrants who have fled

        or left their native countries, in all cases without their families,

        some to avoid the injustice or oppression of their rulers, but

        more to gain a livelihood they cannot find so well at home. Consequently

        they lead a roving life ; few of them marry or settle

        down to become valuable citizens, and fewer still are sufficiently

        educated to relish or cai’e for instruction or books. These communities

        are much troubled by branches of the Triad Society,

        and the restless habits of the Malays are congenial to most of

        the emigrants who enter among them. The Chinese, coming as

        they do from different parts of their own land, speak different

        dialects, and soon learn the Malay language as a lingua franca

        ;

        their children also learn it still more thoroughly from their

        324 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        mothers, notwithstanding the education their fathers give them

        in Chinese. The want of fixedness in the Cliinese population

        therefoi’e pai’tly accounts for tlie little permanent impression

        made on it in these settlements by missionary efforts.

        It was at Malacca that the Anglo-Chinese College was established

        in 1818 by Dr. Morrison, assisted by other friends of

        religion. Its objects were to afford Europeans tlie means of acquiring

        the Chinese language and enable Chinese to become

        acquainted with the religion and science of the West. It was

        productive of good up to the time of its removal to Hongkong

        in 18M. About seventy persons were baptized while the mission

        remained at Malacca, and about fifty students finished their education,

        part of whom were sincere Christians and all of them respectable

        members of society. Three or four of the converts have

        become preachers. There is little hesitation, however, in saying

        that the name and array of a college were too far in advance of

        the people among whom it w’as situated. The efforts made in

        it would probably have been more profitably expended in establishing

        common schools among the people, in wdiich Christianity

        and knowledge went hand in hand. It is far better among an

        igiiorant pagan people that a hundred persons should know one

        thing than that one man should know a hundred ; the M’idest

        diffusion of the first elements of religion and science is most desirable.

        The mission was not, however, large enough at any

        one time for its members to superintend many common schools.

        Among the books issued besides Bibles and tracts were a periodical

        called the Indo-Chinese Gleaner, edited by Dr. Mihie ; a

        translation of the Four Books, by Mr. Collie ; an edition of Premare’s

        Not’dla IJngxm Srnicep^ a life of ]\Iilno, and a volume of

        sermons by Morrison. The number of volumes printed in Chinese

        was about half a million.

        The mission at (reorgctown, in tlie island of Pcnang. like that

        at Malacca, was established in 1810 by the Ldndon Missionary

        Society, and continued till 1843, at which time it was suspended.

        The mission at 8inga])(>i’e was commenced in Isl!) by INfr. Milton

        ; the colonial govei’ument granted a lot, and a chapel and

        other buildings wei-e erected in the course of a few years.

        Messrs. Smith and Tonilin came to the settlement in 1827, but

        MISSIONS TO CHINESE IN THE ARCHIPELAGO. 325

        did not remain long. Gutzlaff came over from the Dutch settlement

        at lihio, but did not remain long enough to effect anything

        : nor did Abeel, who came fi-om China in 1831 and left soon

        after for Siam. The German missionary at this station, Thomsen,

        when about to leave in 1834, sold his printing apparatus to

        the mission newly established there under the American Board

        by Tracy. The prospects in China appearing unpromising at

        this time, it was designed by the directors of the American

        society to establish a well-regulated school for both Chinese and

        Malays, which was by degrees to become a seminary, and as

        many primary schools as there were means to support ; besides

        the usual labors in preaching and visiting, a type foundry and

        printing office for manufacturing books in Chinese, Malay,

        Bugis, and Siamese were also contemplated. In December,

        1834, Tracy was joined by the Kev. P. Parker, M.D., who

        opened a hospital in the Chinese part of the town for the

        gratuitous i-elief of the sick ; in 1835 Wolfe arrived from

        England, and tvVo years afterward Rev. Messrs. Dickinson,

        Hope, and Travelli, and T^orth from the United States, to take

        charge of the schools and printing office. The school established

        by the American mission was carried on until 1844, when

        the mission was removed to China and the Malay portion of it

        given up.

        The English mission, after the death of Wolfe in 1837, was

        under the care of Messrs. Dyer and Stronach, the former of

        whom had removed there from Penang and Malacca. Dyer

        had been for many years engaged in preparing steel punches for

        a font of movable Chinese type, and his patient labors had already

        overcome the principal difficulties in the way when the

        work was arrested by his death in 1843. He had, however,

        finished matrices for so many characters of two fonts that the

        enterprise needed only to be carried on by a practised mechanic

        to assure its success. This was afterward done by Messrs. Cole

        and Gamble of the American Presbyterian Board. Tn their

        superior styles and the different sizes now in use wo must

        not forget Dyer’s initiatory steps. .This gentleman labored

        nearly seventeen years with a consecration of energy and singleness

        of purpose seldom exceeded, and won the affectionate re326

        THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        spect of the natives wlierever lie lived. The mission was continued

        until 1845, when the printing office was removed to

        Hongkong, and nearly all pi’oselyting efforts in the colony by

        British Christians suspended. This point of intiuence has peculiar

        claims on them as a radiating centre for the various nations and

        tribes which trade in Singapore.

        The mission to the Chinese in Java was commenced by Slater

        in 1819 and reinforced in 1822 by Medhurst, who continued in

        charge of it, with some interruptions, until 1843, when he removed

        to Shanghai. The Dutch churches have carried on

        evangelizing work in all their colonies, aided and guided somewhat

        by the government officials, but have done almost nothing

        for the Chinese, except as they have been addressed in Malay.

        Such labors in the Dutch colonies have been left to them, and

        foreign societies have now withdrawn from the Archipelago in

        a great measure. The efforts of the American missionaries

        were confined to Borneo and Singapore up to 1844, when they

        all removed to China. The suspicious and restrictive bearing

        of the Dutch authorities toward such efforts had its influence

        in making this change.

        A summary of labors at the stations was given by Medhurst

        in 1837, who refers in it almost exclusively to the English missionaries,

        as the Americans had at that time only recently commenced

        operations. ” Protestant missionaries, considering themselves

        excluded from the interior of the Empire of China, and

        findiuir a host of emic-rants in the various countries in the

        Malayan Archipelago, aimed first to enlighten these, with the

        hope that if properly instructed and influenced they would, on

        their return to their native land, carry with them the gospel

        they had learned and spread it among their countrymen. With

        this view they established themselves in the various colonies

        around China, studied the language, set up schools and seminaries,

        wrote and printed books, conversed extensively with the

        people, and tried to collect congregations to whom they might

        preach the word of life. Since the commencement of their

        missions they have translated the Holy Scriptures and printed

        two thousand complete Bibles in two sizes, ten thousand Testaments

        and thirty thousand separate books, and ujiward of half

        THE MISSIONS WITHDRAWN. 327

        a million of tracts in Chinese ; besides four thousand Testaments

        and one hundred and fifty thousand tracts in the languages

        of the archipelago, making about twenty millions of

        printed pages. About ten thousand children have passed

        through the mission schools, nearly one hundred persons have

        been baptized, and several native preachers raised up, one of

        whom has proclaimed the gospel to his countrymen and endured

        persecution for Jesus’ sake.”

        Since this was written the number of pages printed and circulated

        has more than doubled, the number of scholars taught

        has increased many thousands, and preaching proportionably

        extended ; while a few more have professed the gospel

        by baptism and a generally consistent life. All these missions,

        so far as the Chinese are concerned, are now suspended,

        and, unless the Dutch resume them, are not likely to be soon

        revived. The greater openings in China itself, and the small

        number of cpialified men ready to enter them, invited all the

        laborers away from the outskirts and colonies to the borders,

        and into the mother country itself. The idea entertained, that

        the colonists would react upon their countrymen at home,

        proved illusive ; for the converts, when they returned to dwell

        among their heathen countrymen, were lost in the crowd, and

        though they may not have adopted or sanctioned their old

        heathen customs, were too few to work in concert and too

        ignorant and unskilled to carry on such labors.’

        When Robert Morrison died at Canton in 1S3-I-, the prospect

        of the extension of evangelistic work among the people was

        nearly as dark as when he landed ; in China itself during that

        time only three assistants had come to his help, for there were

        few encouragements for them to stay. Bridgman, the first missionary

        from the American churches to China, in company with

        D. Abeel, seaman’s chaplain at Whampoa, arrived in February,

        1830. Abeel remained nearly a year, when he went to Singapore,

        and subsequently to Siam. They were received in Canton

        ‘ Besides the regular publications of the societies engaged in this brancli of

        missions wliich give authentic details, see the memoirs of Abeel, Dyer, Milne,

        and Morrison, Tomlin’s Missionary Letters, and Abeel’s Residence in China and

        the neighboring countries.

        328 TIIK MIDDLE KIXGDOM.

        by the house of Olypliaiit ik Co., in wliose establishment ono

        or both were maintained during the first three years, and wliose

        partners remained tlic friends and supporters of all efforts for

        the evangelization of the Chinese till its close, fifty years afterward.

        Bridgman took four or five boys as scholars, but his

        limited accommodations prevented the enlargement of the school,

        and in 183-i it was disbanded by the departure of its pupils,

        whose friends feared to be involved in trouble.

        During the summer of 1833 Liang A-fah distributed a large

        number of books in and about Canton, a work which well suited

        his inclinations. Many copies of the Scriptures and his own

        tracts had reached the students assembled at the literary examinations,

        when the ofiicers interfered to prevent him. In

        1834 the authoriti,es ordered a search for those natives who

        had ” traitorously” assisted Lord Xapier in publishing an appeal

        to the Chinese, and Liang A-fah and his assistants were immediately

        suspected. Two of the latter were seized, one of

        whom was beaten with forty blows upon his face for refusing

        to divulge ; the other made a full disclosure, and the police next

        day repaired to his shop and seized three printers, with four

        hundi’ed volumes and l)locks ; the men were subsequently released

        by paying about eight hundred dollars. Liang A-fah

        fled, and a body of police arrived at his native village to arrest

        him, l)ut not finding him or his family they seized three of his

        kindred and sealed up his house, lie finally nuide his way to

        Macao and sailed to Singapore.

        Few books were distributed after this at Canton until ten

        years later, but numerous copies were circulated along the coast

        as far noi’th as Tientsin, accompanied with such explanations as

        could be given. The first and most interesting of these voyages

        was made by Gutzlaff, on board a junk proceeding from Bangkok

        to Tientsin, June 9, 1831, in which the sociable character

        of the Chinese and their readiness to receive and entertain

        foreignc’rs when they could do so without fear of their rulers

        was plainly seen.’ After his an-ival at Macao, December 13th,

        ‘ For an account of a trip much like it, see Annates de la Foi, Tome VII^

        p. 356.

        gutzlaff’s voyages along the coast. 329

        he was engaged by the enlightened chief of the English factory,

        Charles Marjoribanks, as interpreter to accompany Lindsay in

        the ship Lord Amherst, on an experimental commercial voyage

        which occnpied about seven months (February 20 to September

        5, 1832), and presented further opportunities for learning the

        feelings of the Chinese officers regarding foreign intercoui’se.

        Many religious and scientific books were distributed, among

        which was one giving a general account of the English nation

        that was eagerly received by all classes. Within a few weeks

        after his return Gutzlaff started a third time, October 20tli, in

        the Sylph, an opium vessel in the employ of a leading English

        firm at (Janton, and went as far as Manchuria while the winds

        were favorable. She returned to Macao April 29, 1833, visiting

        many places on the downward trip. The interest aroused

        in England and America among political, commercial, and religious

        people, fifty years ago, by the reports of these three

        voyages can now hardly be appreciated. They opened the prospect

        of new relations with one-half of mankind, and the other

        half who had long felt debarred from entering upon their rightful

        fields in all these diversified interests prepared for great

        efforts.

        Great Ihitain took the lead in breaking down the barriers,

        and the religious world urged on the work of missions. Contributions

        were sent to Gutzlaff from England and America, encouraging

        him to proceed, and grants were made to aid in

        printing Bibles and tracts. Li 1835 he gave up his connection

        with the opium trade and took the office of interpreter to the

        English consular authorities on a salary of eight hundred pounds

        sterling, which he retained till his death, August 9, 1851, aged

        fortj’-eight. lie was a man of great industry and knowledge

        of Chinese, and carried on a missionary organization at Hongkong

        by means of native Christians for several years. His

        publications in the Chinese, Japanese, Dutch, German, English,

        Siamese, C/Ochinchinese, and Latin languages number eightyfive

        in all ; they are now seldom seen.

        Li 1835 Medhurst visited China, and, assisted by the house of

        Olyphant & Co., embarked in the brig Huron, accompanied by

        the American missionary Stevens and furnished with a supply

        530 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        of books. During tlie three months of the voyage, tliey ” went

        through various parts of four provinces and many villages, giving

        away about eighteeTi thousand volumes, of which six thousand

        were portions of the Scriptures, among a cheerful and

        willing people, without meeting with the least aggression or injury

        ; having been always received by the people with a cheerful

        smile, and most genei-ally by the officers with politeness and

        respect.”‘ Medhurst’s ability to sj)eak the Amoy dialect introduced

        him to the peo})le in the junks at all the ports on the

        coast. Years after this voyage the Methodist missionaries at

        Fuhchau found that some of the books given away on Ilaitan

        Island had been read and rememl)ered, and thus j^repared the

        people there for listening to further preaching.

        The most expensive enterprise for this object was set on foot

        in 1830, and few efforts to advance the cause of religion among

        the Chinese have been planned on a scale of greater liberality.

        The brig Himmaleh was purchased in ISTew York by the firm of

        Talbot, Olyphant & Co., principally for the pui-pose of aiding

        missionaries in circulating religious books on the coasts of

        China and the neighboring countries, and arrived in August,

        183G. Gutzlaff, who was then engaged as interpreter to the

        English authorities, declined going in her, because in that case

        he must resign his commission, and there was no other missionary

        in China acquainted with the dialects spoken on the coast.

        The brig remained unemployed, therefore, until December,

        when she was dispatched on a cruise among the islands of the

        archipelago under the direction of Mr. Stevens, accompanied

        by G. T. Lay, agent of the Ih-itish and Foreign Bible Society,

        recently arrived. This decision of Gutzlaif, who had again and

        again urged such a measure, and had himself ceased his voyages

        on the coast because of his implied connection thereby with the

        opium trade, was quite unexpected. The death of Mr. Stevens

        at Singapore, in January, threw the chief responsibility and direction

        of the undertaking upon Capt. Fi’azer, who seems to

        have been poorly qualified for any other than the maritime

        part. Kev. Messrs. Dickinson and Wolfe went in Stevens’

        place, but as none of these gentlemen understood the Malayan

        language, less direct intercourse was had with the people at the

        THE DISTRIBUTION OF BOOKS. 331

        places where they stopped than was anticipated. The Himiiialeh

        reached China in July, 183T, and as there was no one

        qualiiied to go in her, she returned to the Ignited States. An

        account of the voyage was written by Lay and published

        in Xew York, in connection M’ith that of the ship Morrison to

        Japan in August, 1837, by C. W. King, of the tirni of Olyphant

        & Co., under whose direction the trip of the latter was

        taken for the purpose of restoring seven shipwrecked Japanese

        to their native land. Gutzlaff accompanied this vessel as interpreter,

        for three of the men were under the orders of the

        English superintendent ; the expedition failed in its object, and

        all the men were brought back. Probably fifty thousaud books

        in all were scattered on the coast in these and other voyages,

        and more than double that number about Canton, Macao, and

        their vicinity.

        This promiscuous distribution of books has been criticised by

        some as injudicious and little calculated to advance the objects

        of a Christian mission. The funds expended in printing and

        circulating books, it was said by these critics, who have never undertaken

        aught themselves, could have been nnich better employed

        in establishing schools. To scatter books broadcast

        among a people whose ability to read them was not ascertained,

        and under circumstances which prevented any explanation of

        the design in giving them or inquiries as to the effects produced,

        was not, at first view, a very wdse or promising course.

        But it must be remembered that prior to the treaty of Nanking

        this was the only means of appi’oaching the people of the

        country. The Emperor forbade foreigners residing in his borders

        except at Canton, and Protestant missionaries did not believe

        that it was the best means of recommending their teachings

        to come before his subjects as persistent violators of his laws

        ;

        God’s providence would open the way when the laborers M’ere

        ready, Xo one supposed that the desire to receive books was

        an index of the ability of the people to understand them or

        love of the doctrines contained in them. If the plan offered a

        reasonable probability of effecting some good, it certainly could

        do almost no harm, for the respect for printed books assured

        us that they would not be wantonly destroyed, but rather, in

        332 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        most cases, carefully preserved. The business of tract distribution

        and colportage may, however, be carried too far in advance

        of other parts of missionary work. It is much easier

        to write, print, and give away religious treatises, than it is

        to sit down with the people and explain the leading truths

        of the Bible ; but the two go well together among those who

        can read, and in no nation is it more desirable that they should

        be combined. If the books be given away without explanation,

        the people do not understand the object and feel too little

        interest in them to take the trouble to find out ; if the preacher

        deliver an intelligible discourse, his audience will probably

        remember its general purjwrt, but they will be likely to read

        the book with more attention and understand the sermon

        better when the two are combined ; the voice explains the

        book and the book recalls the ideas and teachings of the

        preacher.

        It is not surprising that the fate of these books cannot be

        traced, for that is true of such labors in other lands. On the

        one hand, they have been seen on the counters of shops cut in

        two for wra})})ing up medicines and fruit—which the shopman

        would not do with the worst of his own Ijooks ; on llie other, a

        copy of a gospel containing remarks was found on board the

        adniirars junk at Tinghai, when that town was taken by the

        English in 1840. Tliey certainly have not all been lost or contemptuously

        destroyed, though perhaps most have been like

        seed sown by the wayside. In missions, as in other things, it

        is impossil)le to predict the result of several courses of action

        before trying them ; and if it was believed that many of those

        who receive books can read them, there was a strong inducement

        to press this branch of labor, when, too, it was the only

        one which could be brought to bear upon large portions of the

        people.

        In 1832 the Chinese Itepository was commenced by Bridgman

        and encouraged by Morrison, who, with his son, continued

        to furnish valual)le papers and translations as long as they lived.

        Its object was to diffuse correct information concerning China,

        while it foi-med a convenient rcjiertoiy of the essays, travels,

        translations, and papers uf contriljutors. It was issued monthly

        A MISSION HOSPITAL AT CANTON. 333

        for twenty years under the editorship of Messrs. Bridgnian and

        AVillianis, and contains a history of foreign intercourse and missions

        during its existence. Tlie Chinese Recorder lias since

        chronicled the latter cause and the China Review taken the

        literary branch.

        In 1834 Dr. Parker joined the mission at Canton, and opened

        a hospital, in October, 1835, for the gratuitous relief of such

        diseases among the Chinese as his time and means would allow,

        devoting his attention chiefly to ophthalmic cases and surgical

        operations. This branch of Christian benevolence was already

        not unknown in China. Morrison in 1820 had, in connection

        with Dr. Livingstone, commenced dispensing medicines at

        Macao, while T. R. Colledge, also of the East India Company,

        opened a dispensary at his own expense, in 1827, and finding

        the number of patients rapidly increasing, he rented two small

        houses at Macao, where in four years more than four thousand

        patients were cured or relieved. The benevolent design was

        encouraged by the foreign community, and about six thousand

        five hundred dollars were contributed, so that it was, after the

        first year, no other expense to the founder than giving his time

        and strength. It was unavoidably closed in 1832, and a philanthropic

        Swede, Sir Andrew Ljungstedt, prepared a short account

        of its operations, and inserted several letters written to Dr. Colledge,

        one of which is here quoted :

        To knock head and tliank the great Englisli (hiotor. Venerahle gentleman :

        May your groves of almond trees be abundant, and the orange trees make tlie

        water of your well fragrant. As lieretofore, may you be made known to tlie

        world as illustrious and brilliant, and as a most profound and skilful doctor.

        I last year arrived in Macao blind in both eyes ; I liave to tliank you, venerable

        sir, for having by your excellent methods cured me perfectly. Your

        goodness is as lofty as a hill, your virtue deep as the sea; therefore all my

        family will express their gratitude for your now-creating goodness. Now I

        am desirous of returning home. Your profound kindness it is impossible for

        me to requite ; I feel extremely ashamed of myself for it. I am grateful for

        your favors, and shall think of them without ceasing. Moreover, I am certain

        that since you have been a benefactor to the world and your good government

        is spread abroad, heaven must surely grant you a long life, and you will enjoy

        every happiness. I return to my mean province. Your illustrious name,

        venerable sir, will extend to all time ; during a thousand ages it will not decay.

        I return thanks for your great kindness. Impotent are my words to sound

        your fame and to express my thanks. I wish you i!verlasting tranquillity.

        THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        Presented to the great Englisli doctor and noble gentleman ia the lltli year ol

        Taukwang, by Ho Shuh, of the district of Chau-ngan, in the department of

        Changchau in Fuhkien, who knocks head and presents thanks.

        Another patient, in true Chinese style, returned thanks for

        the aid he had received in a poetical effusion :

        This I address to the English physician : condescend, sir, to look upon it.

        Diseased in my eyes, I had almost lost my sight, when happily, sir, I met witli

        you. You gave me medicine ; you applied the knife ; and, as when the clouds

        are swept away, now again I behold the azure heavens. My joys know no

        bounds. As a faint token of my feelings, I have composed a stanza in heptameter,

        which, with a few trifling presents, I beg you will be pleased to accept.

        Then happy, happy shall I be

        !

        He lavishes his blessings, but seeks for no return

        ;

        Such medicine, such physician, since Tsin were never known

        :

        The medicine—how many kinds most excellent has he !

        The surgeon’s knife— it pierced the eye. and spring once more I see.

        If Tung has not been born again to bless the present age,

        Then sure ’tis Sii reanimate again upon the stage.

        Whenever called away from far, to see your native land,

        A living monument I’ll wait upon the ocean’s strand.

        When Dr. Parker\s scheme was made known to Howqna, the

        hono; merchant, he readily fell in with it and let his huilding

        for the purpose, and after the first year gave it rent free till its

        destruction in 1856. It was opened for the admission of patients

        Xovend)er 4, 1835. The peculiar circumstances nnder

        which this enterprise was started imposed some caution on its

        superintendent, and the hong merchants themselves seem to

        have had a hu’king suspicion that so ])ui’ely a henevolent object,

        involving so mnch expense of timt\ laboi’, and moiiev, must

        have some latent object which it l)ehooved them to watch. A

        linguist’s clei’k was often in attendance, partly for this purpose,

        for three or fonr years, and made liimself very useful. The

        patients, who numbered about a hundred daily, were often i-estless,

        and hindered their own relief by not patienth’ awaiting

        their turn ; but the habits of order in which they are trained

        made even such a company amenable to rules. The surgical

        operations attracted nnicli notice, and successful cui-es were

        spoken of abroad and served to advertise and recommend the

        institution to the hi<i;her ranks of native societv. It is difficult

        SUCCESS OF Parker’s medical scheme. 33^5

        at this date to full}- appreciate the extraordinary ignorance and

        prejudice respectin<^ foreigners wliicli tlie Chinese tlien entertained,

        and which could be best removed by some such form of

        benevolence. On the other hand, the repeated instances of

        kind feeling between friends and relatives exhibited among the

        patients, tender solicitude of j)arents for the relief of children,

        and the fortitude shown in bearing the severest operations, or

        faith in taking unknown medicines from the foreigners’ hands,

        all tended to elevate the character of the Chinese in the opinion

        of every beholder, as their unfeigned gratitude for restored

        health increased his esteem.

        The reports of this hospital in Sin-tau-lan Street gave the

        requisite information as to its operations, and means were taken

        to place the whole system upon a surer footing by forming a

        society in China. Suggestions for this object were circulated

        in October, 1836, signed by Messrs. Colledge, Parker, and

        Bridgman, in which the motives for such a step and the good

        effects likely to result from it were thus explained

        :

        We cannot close these siiggestions without adverting to one idea, thougli

        this is not the place to enlarge upon it. It is affecting to contemplate this

        Empire, embracing three hundred and sixty millions of souls, where almost

        all the light of true science is unknown, where Christianity has ncdredy shed

        one genial ray, and where the theories concerning matter and mind, creation

        and providence, are wofully destitute of truth ; it is deeply affecting to see the

        multitudes who are here suffering under maladies from which the hand of

        (diarity is able to relieve them. Now we know, indeed, that it is the glorious

        gospel of the l)lessed God onl}’ that can set free the human mind, and that it

        is only when enlightened in the true knowledge of God that man is rendered

        capable of rising to his true intellectual elevation ; but while we take care to

        give this truth the high place which it ought ever to hold, we should beware

        of depreciating other truth. In the vast conflict which is to i-evolutionize the

        intellectual and moral world, we may not underrate the value of any weai^on.

        As a means, then, to waken the dormant mind of China, may we not place a

        high value upon medical truth, and seek its introduction with good hope of

        its becoming the liandmaid of religious truth ? If an inquiry after truth upon

        any subject is elicited, is there not a great point gained ‘? And that inquiry

        after medical truth may be provoked, there is good reason to expect ; for, exclusive

        as China is in all her systems, she cannot exclude disease nor shut her

        people up from the desire of relief. Does not, then, the finger of Providence

        point clearly to one way that we should take with the people of China, directing

        us to seek the introduction of the remedies for sin itself by the same door

        througli which we convey those which are designed to mitigate or remove its

        336 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        evils ? Although medical truths cauuot restore the sick and afflicted to the

        favor of God, yet perchance the spirit of inquiry about it once awakened

        will not sleep till it inquires about the source of truth ; and he who comes

        with the blessings of health may prove an angel of mercy to point to the Lamb

        of God. At any rate, this seems the only open door ; let us enter it. A faith

        that worketh not may wait for other doors. Xcfne can deny that tlii.-i is a way

        of charity that worketh no ill, and our duty to walk in it seems plain and

        imperative.’

        This paper was favorably received, and in Februarj’, 1838, a

        public meeting was convened at Canton for the purpose of

        forming a society, ” tlie object of which shall be to encourage

        gentlemen of the medical profession to come and practise gratuitously

        among the Chinese by aifording the usual aid of hospitals,

        medicines, and attendants ; but that the support or remuneration

        of such medical gentlemen be not at present within

        its contemplation.” Some other rules were laid down, but the

        principle here stated has been since adhered to in all the similar

        establishments opened in other places. It has served, moreover,

        to retain them under the oversight and their resident physicians

        in the employ of missionary societies. Xo directions were

        given by the framers of the first society concerning the mode

        of imparting religious instruction, distributing tracts, or doing

        missionary work as they had opportunity. The signers of the

        original paper of suggestions also issued an address, further

        setting forth their views and expectations:

        To restore health, to ease pain, or in any way to diminish the sum of

        human misery, forms an object worthy of the philanthrojiist. But in the

        prosecution of our views we look forward to far higher results than the mere

        relief of human suffering. We hope that our endeavors will tend to break

        down the walls of prejudice and long-cherished nationality of feeling, and to

        teach the Chinese that those whom they affect to despise are both able and

        willing to become their benefactors. They shut the door against the teachers

        of the gospel ; they find our books often written in idioms which they cannot

        readily understand ; and they have laid such restrictions upon commerce that

        it does not awaken among thein that love of science, that spirit of invention,

        and that love of thought which it uniformly excites and fosters whenever it

        is allowed to take its own cour.se without limit or interference. In the way of

        doing them good our opportunities are few ; but among these that of practis-

        ‘ Chinese Repositoi’y, Vol. V., p. 372; Vol. VII., pp. 33-40. Lockhart’s Med’

        iciU Missionary in China, 18G1, p. 134.

        FORMATION OF MEDICAL MISSIONARY SOCIETY. 337

        ing medicine and surgery stands pre-eminent. Favorable results have hitherto

        followed it, and will still continue to do so. It is a department of benevolence

        peculiarly adai)ti’d to China.

        In the depaitnieut of benevolence to which our attention is now turned,

        purity and disinterestedness of motive are more clearly evinced than in any

        other. They appear unmasked ; they attract the gaze and excite the admiration

        and gratitude of thousands, llcul the nirk is our motto, constituting alike

        the injunction under which we act and tlie object at which we aim ; and

        which, with the blessing of God, we hope to accomplish by means of scientific

        practice in the exercise of an unbought and untiring kindness. We have

        called ours a missionary society because we trust it will advance the cause of

        missions, and because we want men to fill our institutions wlio to requisite

        skill and experience add the self-denial and liigh moral qualities which are

        looked for in a missionary.

        The undertaking so auspiciously begun at Canton, in 1835,

        has been carried on ever since, and was the pattern of many

        similar hospitals at the stations afterward occupied. The

        greatest part of the funds needed for carrying tliem on has

        been contributed in China itself by foreigners, wlio certainly

        would not have done so had they not felt that it was a wise and

        useful charity, and known something of the way their funds

        were employed. The hospital at Canton has exceeded even the

        hopes of its founders, and its many buildings and wards attest

        the liberality of the community which presented them to the

        society. The native rulers, gentry, and merchants are now

        well acquainted with the institution, and contribute to carry it

        on. During the forty-five years of its existence it has been

        conducted by Drs. Parker and Kerr nearly all the time, who

        have relieved about seven hundred and fifty thousand patients

        entered on the books ; tlie outlay has been over one hundred

        and twenty-five thousand dollars. Several dispensaries in the

        country have also been carried on with the society’s grants in

        aid. A separate hospital was conducted in Canton from 1846

        to 1856 by B. Ilobson, F.R.C.S., who iias left an enduring

        record of his labors in eighteen medical works in Chinese,

        many of them illustrated. J. G. Kerr, M.D., has also issued

        several small treatises, and the publications of this kind in

        Chinese suitable for the people, issued by them and other missionary

        physicians, already number nearly fifty.

        In these details of the inception of the plan of combining

        Vol. II.—22

        338 THE MIDDLE KINGDO^F.

        medical labors witli the work of Cliristian missions in China,

        it will be seen how the confined position of foreigners at Canton

        proved to be an incentive and an aid to its prosecution for

        some years—lo7ig enough to show its place and fitness. On

        the cessation of hostilities between China and tireat Britain in

        1842, other fields were opened, wliere its benefits were even

        more strongly shown. The war had left the people amazed

        and irritated at what they deemed to be a causeless and unjust

        attack by superior power. This was the case at Amoy, where no

        foreigners had lived until the British army took possession in

        August, 1841. In February, 1842, Eevs. D. x\beel and W. J.

        Boone went there and made the acquaintance of the people on

        Kulang su, who were much pleased to meet with those who

        could converse with them and answer their inquiries. Di-.

        Gumming was able, by their assistance, as soon as he opened

        his dispensary, to inform the people of his designs ; and the

        missionaries, on their part, preached the gospel to the patients,

        distributing in addition suitable books. The people were so

        ready to accept tlic proffenid relief that it was soon impossible

        for one man to do more than wait upon the blind, lame, diseased,

        and injured who thi-onged his doors. A few months

        more equally proved that while the phj^sician was attending

        to the patients in one room, the preacher could not ask for a

        better audience than those who were waiting in the adjoining

        one. An invitation to attend more formal services on the

        Sabbath was soon accepted by a few, whose curiosity led them

        to come and hear more of foreigners and their teachings. The

        reputation of the hospital was seen when taking short excursions

        in the vicinity, for persons M’ho had been relieved constantly

        came forward to express their heartfelt thanks. Thus

        suspicion gave way to gratitude, enemies were converted to

        friends, and those who had enjoyed no opportnnity of learning

        the character of foreigners, and had been taught to regard

        them as barbarians and demons, were disabused of tlicir (M-ior.

        The favorable impression thus made at Amoy, forty years ago,

        has never been suspended, and numerous native chnrchos have

        been gathered in all that region. Just the same uuicn of

        pi’eaching and practice was begun at iShaughai by Dr. W.

        POPULARITY AND INCREASE OF HOSPITAL WORK. 339

        Lockliart after the capture of that city in 1844, and has been

        continued to this time. Ningpo and Fuhcliau received similar

        benefits soon after ; tliese and many others have received aid

        fi’om foreigners residing in the Empire. Several thousand

        dollars were sent from Great Britain and the United States to

        further the object, and one society was formed in Edinburgh

        in 1S56 to develop this branch of missionary work.

        The proposition in the original scheme of educating Chinese

        youth as physicians and surgeons has not been carried out to a

        great extent. The practising missionary has hardl}^ the time

        to do his students justice, and unless they show great aptitude

        for operations, the assistants get M^eary of the I’outine of attending

        to the patients and go away. Dr. Lockhart speaks of

        his own disappointments in this I’espect. Dr. Parker had only

        one pupil, Kwan A-to, who took up the profession among his

        countrymen. Dr. Wong A-fun received a complete medical

        education in Edinburgh, and rendered efficient help for many

        years in the hospital at Canton till his death. The college at

        Peking has now a chair of anatomy and physiology, which will

        aid in introducing better practice. Dr. Kerr gives some other

        reasons for the small number of skilled physicians educated

        in the missionary hospitals, yet some of his pupils had obtained

        lucrative practice. Others had imposed themselves in

        remote places on the people as such, who had only been employed

        as students a few months—a gratifying index of progress.

        It is not likely, however, that the Chinese generally

        will immediately discard their own mode of practice and adopt

        another from their countrymen so far as to support them in

        their new system. They have not enough knowledge of medicine

        to appreciate the difference between science and charlatanism

        ; and a native physician himself might reasonably

        have fears of the legal or personal results of an unsuccessful or

        doubtful surgical case among his ignorant patients, so far as

        often to prevent him trying it.

        The successive annual reports issued from the various missionary hospitals in China furnish the amplest information concerning their management, and numerous particulars respecting the people who resort to them. At the Missionary Conference in Shanghai (1877) Drs. KeiT and (iould presented papers relating to this branch of labor in all its various aspects. The latter discussed the advantages of hospital versus itinerary practice ; the modes of bringing the patients under religious instruction: how to limit their number so as to not wear out the physician; oversight of assistants and education of pupils; how far this gratuitous relief should be extended; what was the best mode of getting a fee from those natives who were able to pay something; and, finally, the reasons for not uniting the ministerial functions with the medical. These various points show clearly how the experience of past years had manifested the wisdom and foresight of those who originated the work, and the manner it has developed in connection with other branches. If kept as an auxiliary agency, there seems to be no reason for reducing the efforts now made by foreign societies until native physicians and surgeons are able to take up this work, just as native preachers are to oversee their own churches.

        Another benevolent society, whose name and object was the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China, was established in December, 1834. The designs of the association were ” by all means in its power to prepare and publish, in a cheap form, plain and easy treatises in the Chinese language, on such branches of useful knowledge as are suited to the existing state and condition of the Chinese Empire.” It published six or eight works and a magazine during the few years of its existence, and their number would have been larger if there had been more persons capable of writing treatises. Since then this kind of mission work has been taken up by various agencies better fitted to develop its several departments, and, excepting newspapers, the preparation of suitable histories,

        geographies, and scientific books has been done by Protestant

        missionaries. The Chinese government has directed its employes

        in the ai’senal schools to translate such works as will

        fm-nish the scholars with good elementary books.

        Their usefulness as aids and precursors of the introduction

        of the gospel is very great. Among a less intelligent population

        they are not so important until the people get a taste for

        knowledge in schools ; but where the conceit of false learning

        SOCIETY FOR DIFFUSION OF USEFML KNOWLEDGE. 341

        and pride of literary uttaininents cause such a contempt for all

        other than their own l)ooks, as is the case in Chinese society,

        entertaining narratives and notices of otlier people and lands,

        got up in an attractive form, tend to disabuse them of these

        ideas (the offspring of arrogant ignorance rather than deliberate

        rejection) and incite them to learn and read more. The

        influence of newspapers and other periodical literature will be

        very great among the Chinese when they begin to think for

        themselves on the great truths and principles which are now

        being introduced among them. They have already begun to

        discuss political topics, and the great advantage of movable

        tj’pes over the old blocks tends to hasten the adoption of

        foreign modes of printing. It may, by some, be considered as

        not the business of a missionary to edit a newspaper ; but those

        who are ac(|uainted with the debased hiertness of heathen

        minds know that any means which will convey truth and

        arouse the people tends to advance religion. The influence

        of the Dnyanodya in Bombay, and other kindred publications

        in various places hi India, is great and good ; hundreds of the

        people read them and then talk about the subjects treated in

        them, who would neither attend religious meetings, look at the

        Scriptures, nor have a tract in their possession. The same will

        be the case in China, and it is not irrelevant to the work of a

        missionary to adopt such a mode of imparting truths, if it be

        the most likely way of reaching the prejudiced, proud, and

        ignorant people around him. When the native religious community

        has begun to take form, this mode of instruction and

        disputation will be left to its most intelligent members.

        In January, 1835, the foreign community in China established a third association, which originated entirely with a few of its leading members. Soon after the death of Dr. Morrison, a paper was circulated containing suggestions for the formation of an association to be called the Morrison Education Society, intended both as a testimonial of the worth and labors of that excellent man, more enduring than marble or brass, and a means of continuing his efforts for the good of China. A provisional committee was formed from among the subscribers to this paper, consisting of Sir G. 13. Robinson, Bart., Messrs. W. Jardine, D. W. C. Olypliant, Lancelot Dent, J. 11. Morrison, and Rev. E. C. Bridgnian ; live thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven dollars were immediately subscribed, and about one thousand five hundred volumes of books presented to its library. This liberal spirit for the welfare of the people among whom they sojourned reflected the highest credit on the gentlemen interested in it, as well as upon the whole foreign community, inasmuch as, with only four or five exceptions, none of them were united to the ‘jountry by other than temporary business relations.

        The main objects of the Morrison Education Society were ^’ the establishment and improvement of schools in which Chinese youth shall be taught to read and write the English language in connection with their own, by which means shall be brought within their reach all the instruction rc(piisite for their becoming wise, industrious, sober, and virtuous members of society, fitted in their respective stations of life to discharge well the duties which they owe to themselves, their kindred, their country, and their (iod.” The means of accomplishing this end by gathering a library, employing competent teachers, and encouraging native schools were all pointed out in this programme of labors, whose comprehensiveness was ecpialled only by its phi-]anthroj)y. Applications were made for teachers both in England and America ; from the former, an answer was received that

        there was no likelihood of obtaining one ; a person was selected

        in the latter, the Tlev. S. II. Brown, who with his wife arrived

        at Macao in February, 1839. In the interval between the formation

        of the Society and the time when its operations assumed

        a definite shape in its own schools, something was done in collecting

        information concerning native education and in supporting

        a few boys, or assisting Mrs. Gutzlaff’s school at Macao.

        THE MOKRISOlsr EDUCATION SOCIETY. 343

        The Society’s school was opened at Macao in November, 1839, with six scholars ; four years afterward it removed to INforrison Hill in Hongkong, into the connnodious quarters erected by its president, Lancelot Dent, on a site granted by the colonial government for the purpose. In 181-5 Brown had thirty pupils, who filled all the room there was in the house. He stated in his report of that year, as a gratifying evidence of confidence on their part, that no parent had asked to have his child leave during the year. ” When the school was coMiinenced,” observes Mr. Brown, ” few offered their sons as pupils, and even they, as some of them have since told me, did it with a good deal of apprehension as to the consequences. ‘ We could not understand,’ says one who first brought a boy to the school, ‘ why a

        foreigner should wish to feed and instruct our children for nothing.

        We thought there must be some sinister motive at the bottom

        of it. Perhaps it was to entice them away from their parents

        and country, and transport them by and by to some foreign

        land.’ At all events, it was a mystery. ‘ But now,’ said the

        same father to me a few weeks ago, ‘ I understand it. I have

        had my three sons in your school steadily since they entered it,

        and no harm has happened to them. The eldest has been qualified

        for service as an interpreter. The other two have learned

        nothing bad. The religion you have taught them, and of which

        1 was so much afraid, has made them better, I myself believe

        its truth, though the customs of my country forbid my embracing

        it. I have no longer any fear ; you labor for others’ good, not

        your own. I understand it now.’ “

        This suspicion was not surprising, considering the connnon

        estimate of foreigners among the people, and indicates that it

        was high time to attempt something Avorthy of the Christianity

        which they professed. The scliool was conducted as it would

        have been if removed to a town in Xew England ; and when its

        pupils left they were fitted for taking a high rank in their own

        country. Their attachment to their teacher was great. One

        instance is taken from the fourth report : ” Last spring the

        father of one in the older class came to the house and told his

        son that he could not let him remain here any longer but that

        he must put him out to service and make him earn something.

        His father is a poor miserable man, besotted by the use of opium,

        and has sold his two daughter into slavery to raise money. The

        boy ran away to his instructor and told him what his father

        liad said, adding, ‘I cannot go.’ Willing to ascertain the sincerity

        of the boy and the strength of his attachment to his

        friends, his teacher coolly replied, ‘ Perhaps it will be well for

        yon to go, for probably you could be a table-boy in some gentleman’s house and so get two dollars a month, which is two more than jou get here, where only your food is given yon.’ The little fellow looked at him steadily while he made these remarks, as if amazed at the strange language he used, and when he had done, turned hastily about and burst into tears, exclaiming, ‘ 1 cannot go ; if I go away from this school I shall be lost.’ He did not leave, for his father did not wish to force him away.”

        Another case shows the contidence of a parent on the occasion

        of the death of one of the pupils, his only child : ” He heard

        of his son’s illness too late to arrive before he died, and when he

        caiue it was to bury his remains. He was naturally overwhelmed

        with grief at the affliction that had come upon him, and his apprehensions

        of the effect of the tidings upon the boy’s mother

        were gloomy enough. After the funeral was over, I conversed

        with him. To my surprise he made not the least complaint as

        to what had been done for the sick lad, either in the “way of

        medical treatment or otherwise, but expressed many thanks for

        the kind and assiduous attentions that liad been l)estowcd upon

        him. He said he had entertained great hope of his son’s future

        usefulness, and in order to promote it had placed him here at

        school. But now his family would end in liimself. I showed

        him some specimens of his son’s drawing, an annisement of

        which he was particularly fond. The tears gushed faster as his

        eyes rested on these evidences of his son’s skill. ‘Do not show

        them tome,’ said he; ‘it is too much. I cannot speak now. I

        know you have done well to my son. I pity yon, for all your

        labor is lost.’ I assured him I did not think so. He had been

        a very diligent and obedient learner, and had won the esteem of

        his teachers and companions. He had been taught concerning

        the true drod and the way of salvation, and it might have done

        him everlastin<; ijood. As the old man was leavinc; me, he

        turned and asked if, in case he should adopt another boy, I

        would receive him as a pupil, to which I replied in the affirmative.”

        An assistant teacher, Wm. A. Macy, joined Mr. Brown in

        184G; the latter returned to America in 1847, and the school

        was closed in 184J>, owing chiei^y to the departure of its early

        patrons from China and the opening of new ])orts of trade,

        scattering the foreign comnnmity so that funds could not be

        ITS SUCCESSFUL OPERATION. 345

        obtained. Mission societies began to enlarge their work at

        tliese ports and occupy the same department of education as

        tlie Morrison School. It, however, did a good work in its education

        of half a score of men who now fill high places in their

        country’s service, or occupy posts of usefulness most honorably

        to themselves. The boy mentioned in a previous paragraph

        afterward went through a medical course at Edinbui-gh, became

        a practising surgeon and physician at Canton, and died there in

        1878, honored by foreigners and natives during a life of usefulness

        and benevolence. In that year Mr. Brown visited

        China for his health, and M’as received hy this Dr. Wong and

        others of his old pupils with marks of regard honorable and

        gratifying to both ; they fitted up a house there for him, presented

        him Avith a beautiful piece of silver plate, and paid his

        passage up to Peking and back to Shanghai.

        The efforts of Protestants for the evangelization of China

        were largely of a preparatory nature until the j-ear 1842. Most

        of the laborers were stationed out of China, and those in the

        Empire itself were unable to pursue their designs without many

        embarrassments. Mrs. Gutzlaff experienced many obstacles in

        her endeavors to collect a school at Macao, partly from the

        fears of the parents and the harassing inquiries of the police,

        the latter of which naturally increased the former ; partly again

        from the short period the parents were M’illing to allow

        their children to remain. The Portuguese clergy and government

        of Macao have done nothing themselves to impede Protestant

        missionaries in their labors in the colony since 1833,

        when the governor ordered the Albion press, belonging to Dr.

        Morrison’s son, to be stopped, on account of his publishing a

        religious newspaper called the Miscellanea /Sinicw / and this he

        was encouraged to do from knowing that the East India Company

        was opposed to its continuance. The governor intimated

        to one of the American missionaries in 1839 that no tracts

        nnist be distributed or public congregations gathered in the colony,

        but no objection would be made to audiences collected in

        his own house for instruction. Xo obstacle was put in the way

        of printing, and the press that was interdicted in 1833 was carried

        back to Macao in 1835, after the dissolution of the East India Company, under the diiection of the American mission. Several aids in the study of the Chinese language were issued from it during the nine years it was there under the author’s charge.

        The city of Canton was long in China one of the most unpromising

        fields for missionai-y labors, not alone when it was

        the only one in the Empire, but until recently. This was owins

        to several causes. The pui-suits of foreigners were limited

        to trade. Their residence was confined to an area of a few

        acres held by the guild of hong merchants allowed to trade with

        them, and all intercourse was carried on in the jargon known as

        Pi(Jeon-English. They were systematically degraded by the

        native rulers in the eyes of the people, who knew no other appellation

        for the strangers than fan-kicei^ or ‘ foreign devil.’

        The opium war of 1839-42 had aroused the worst passions of

        the Cantonese, and their conceit had been increased by the unsuccessful

        attempts to take the city in 1841 and 1847 by the

        English forces. Since 1858 the citizens have been accessible to

        other infiuences, and learned that their isolation and ignorance

        brought calamity on themselves.

        When Morrison died, Dr. Bridgman and the writer of these

        pages were the oidy fellow-laborers belonging to any missionary

        society then in China; the Christian church formed in 1835

        contained only three members. It was indeed a day of small

        things, but from henceforth grew more and more bright. The

        contrast even in twelve years is thus described in Dr. llobson’s

        report of his hospital ; the extract shows the little freedom then

        enjoj^ed in comparison with what it now is, nearly forty years

        after:

        MISSIOX AT CANTON. 347

        The average attendance of Chinese has been over a hundred, and nono have been more respectful and cordial in their attention than those in whom aneurism has been cured or sight restored, from whom the tumor has been extirpated or the stone extracted. These services must be witnessed to understand fully their interest. Deep emotions have been awakened when contrasting the restrictions of the first years of Protestant missions in China with the present freedom. Then, not permitted to avow our missionary character and object lest it might eject us from the country; nor could a Chinese receive a Christian book but at the peril of his safety, or embrace that religion without hazarding his life. Now he may receive and practise the doctrines of Christ, and transgress no law of the Empire. Onr interest may he more easily conceived than expressed as we have declared the truths of the gospel, or when looking upon the evangelist Liang A-fah, and thought of him fleeing for his life and long banished from his native land, and now ruturned to declare boldly the truths of the gospel in the city from which he had fled. Well did he call upon his audience to worship and give thanks to the God of heaven and earth for what he had done for them. With happy effect he dwelt upon the Saviour’s life and example, and pointing to the paintings suspended on the walls of the room, informed his auditors that these were performed by his blessing and in conformity to his precepts and example. Portions of the Scriptures and religious tracts are given to all the hearers on the Sabbath, and likewise to all the patients during the week, so that thousands of volumes have been sent forth from the hospital to scores of villages and to distant provinces.

        Before the capture of the city the people had become quite friendly to all missionary labors, through the ameliorating influences of the hospitals. While the city was beleaguered by the insin-gents in 1S55, the wounded soldiers were attended to by Dr. Hobson, who sometimes had his house full. After Canton was occupied by the allies in 1858 there was an enlargement of mission work in the city and envh-ons, which has been growing in depth and extent till the changes draw the attention of the most casual observer. Foreigners are now seldom addressed £LS yan-hvei, and their excursions into the country and along the streams are made in safety. The Germans have established

        stations in many places between Canton and Hongkong,

        and easterly along the river up to I\ia-ying, where the

        people are more turbulent than around the city or toward the

        west.

        The occupation of Hongkong in 1841 induced the American

        Baptists to make it a station immediately, and Messrs. Roberts

        and Shuck began the mission work, followed by the London

        Mission two years after, when Dr. Legge removed there from

        Malacca. The Roman Catholic missionaries also moved over

        from Macao at the earliest date. The colonial authorities in

        time began a system of common schools for all their subjects, so

        that mission schools have been less necessary since that date,

        but are still opened to some extent. The benevolent labors by

        German, British, and American missionaries in Plongkong and

        its vicinity have been zealously carried on in harmony, and there are fully fifty separate stations on the mainland northerly from the island which are worked from this colony. The number in the whole province of Kwangtung amounts to more than seventy-five, all of them efficiently established since 1858.

        The mission at Amoy was commenced in 1842 by Messrs.

        Abeel and Boone under the most favorable auspices. Tlie

        English expedition took that city in August, 1841, and on leaving

        it stationed a small naval and military force on the island

        of Kulang su. The people of Anio}’ and its environs cared perhaps

        little for the merits of the war then raging, but they knew

        that they had suffered much from it, and no intei-j^reters were

        available to carry on communication between the two parties.

        Both these gentlemen could converse in the local dialect, and

        were soon applied to by many desirous of learning something of

        the foreigners or who had business with them. The Chinese

        authorities were also pleased to obtain the aid of competent interpreters, and the good opinion of these dignitai-ies exercised considerable influence in inducing the people to attend upon the ministrations of the missionaries. Both officers and ]n-ivate gentlemen invited them to their residences, where they had opportunity to answer their reasonable inquiries concerning foreign

        lands and customs, and convey an outline of the Christian

        faith. One of these officers was Sen Ki-yu, afterward governor

        of the province and author of the Jlmj Ilwan CIn Lioh, in

        which he mentions Abeel’s name and speaks of his indebtedness

        to him in preparing that work. The number of books given

        away was not great, but part of every day was spent in talking

        with the people; when the hospital was opened by Dr. Cumming,

        greater facilities were afforded for intercourse. The iri’itation

        caused by what the people naturally looked upon as an unprovoked

        outrage was gradually allayed. There had been no long

        education of intercommunication between natives and foreigners

        in Amoy as at Canton. The work so pleasantly begun in 1842 in

        Kulang su lias extended over most parts of the province of

        Fuhkien, and westward into the prefecture of Chauchau in

        Kwangtung. There are more converts, native pastors, and

        schools in this province than any other in China.

        MISSIONS IlSr AMOY AND FUHCHAU. o49

        Its capital was never visited by a foreign enemy, nor did it siiflFer from the Tai-ping rebels, so that the gentry of Fuhchau have never been scattered nor their influence broken, like those of many other provincial centres. The mission work was commenced there in 1847 by Kev. Stephen Johnson, from Bangkok, who was soon joined by other American and English colleagues. He speaks of the great prejudices against all foreigners among the citizens in consequence of the evil effects of opium-smoking, which destroyed the people who would not cease to buy it. An experience of thirty years has not altogether removed this dislike, which even lately found an opportunity to exhibit itself in removing the Church Missionary Society’s mission from the Wu-shih Hill, where it had rented buildings for that period and ” injured the good luck of the city.” These prejudices will gradually give way with a new generation of scholars and merchants, and we can afford to be patient with them when we reflect on their slow progress in other things.

        The American Board, American Methodist, and Church Missionary

        Societies have each extended their stations beyond the

        city into the country almost to the borders of Chehkiang and

        Kiangsf, occupying in all nearly two hundred localities with

        their assistants. Besides these agencies, the China Inland mission

        has occupied three cities on the eastern coast and about

        sixteen other stations. The whole number of places in the

        province of Fuhkien where Protestants have opened their woi k

        in one form and another is now over two hundred and fifty,

        under seven separate societies. In most of these towns the

        good will of the people has remained with them when their objects

        have been fully imderstood ; and the contrasts of destroying

        their chapels or book-shops, as at Ivien-ning, have been found tt)

        be mixed up with other causes. Since the year 18G3 the island

        of Formosa has been occupied by two or three British societies,

        and the work of their missionaries in the cliief towns has been

        greatly prospered. Dr. Maxwell has carried on his hospital at

        Taiwan with eminent success as a means of winning the good

        opinion of suspicious natives and aborigines and inclining them

        to listen to the gospel. Native churches have been gathered in

        various parts remote from the coast, and thirty-five stations are

        now worked by the two British societies which have taken up this field. This progress has not been without opposition, for two of the converts were martyred a few years ago by their countrymen.

        The first missionary efforts north of Canton of a permanent nature were made in ISiO by Dr. Lockhart, in the establishment of a hospital at Tinghai in Chusan. They were resumed by Milne in 1842, and while the island was under the control of British troops. Gutzlaff occupied the office of Chinese jnagistrate of Tinghai in 1S42, and endeavored to hold meetings.

        Milne left Xingpo in June, 1843, and came to Hongkong overland

        dressed in a native costume. After his departure, some

        time elapsed before his place was supplied. The journal of his

        residence in that city indicated a great willingness on the part of

        people of all ranks to cultivate intercourse with such foreigners

        as could converse with them. Drs. Macgowan and McCarty

        went there in 1S43 and 1844 to open a hospital, and were followed

        by Messrs. Lowrie, Culbertson, Loomis, and Cole, the latter

        in charge of a printing office of English and Chinese type and a type foundry. Keligious services are held at the hospitals in that city, and Dr. IMacgowan says: “Each patient is exhorted to renounce all idolatiy and wickedness and to enibruce the religion of the Saviour. They are aduiitted by lens into the prescribing room, and before being dismissed are addressed by the physician and the native Christian assistant on the subject of religion.

        Tracts are given to all who are able to read.” The more such labors are carried on the better will the prospect of peace and a profitable intercourse between China and western nations become ; the more the people learn of the science and resources, the character and designs, and partake of the religion and benevolence of western nations, the icss chance will there be of collisions, and the more each party will respect the other. The fear is, however, that the disruptive and disorganizing influences will preponderate over the peaceful, and precipitate new outbreaks before these influences obtain much hold upon the Chinese.

        MISSIONS IN CHEHKIANG PROVINCE. 351

        The occupation of Ningbo in 1841 by the British troops, and their excursions into the country, had the effect of preparing the people of Zhejiang province to listen to foreigners. The mission work begun at Ningbo by three or four societies in 1842-4S has been carried on with marked success and completeness in its agencies. The various missions have taken different parts of the province for their particular fields, and by means of chapels, hospitals, schools, printing offices, itinerating and preaching excursions, and the sale of religious books, have made known the truth. A large part of the province was ravaged by the Tai-ping rebels, and after their dispersion in 18G7 Hangzhou and Shanking were occupied. These two cities were well high destroyed, but their inhabitants are learning that no force or governmental influence accompanies the preaching of the doctrines of Jesus. This idea has considerable strength among all the Chinese, and no disclaimer or explanations have much effect at first. The people of Zhejiang province have less energy and individuality than their countrymen in the southern provinces, but they have received the faith in simplicity, maintaining its ordinances and bearing its expenses in many cases without foreign aid. In the seventy stations now occupied by six societies from England and America, the advance is seen to be great since the capture of Ningbo and Tinghai forty years ago, even by the confession of those who still hold aloof. The good reputation of the missionaries was shown in the amicable settlement of an irritating question in Ilangchau city in 1874. It arose

        from the occupation of the hillside by the Americans, who had

        bought the spot when it was bare of houses and erected their

        own dwellings. These were deemed to be detrimental to its

        prosperity, and a riot arose which was quelled by the authorities.

        A proposal was then made l)y the gentry to remove them by getting

        another site in the lower city, and this harmonized all parties

        while establishing a good precedent for future observance.

        The great city of Shanghai was almost unknown to foreign

        nations until the treaty of Nanking opened it to their trade in

        1842. Its inhabitants suffered greatly at its capture, but the

        growing commerce ere long brought prosperity. As soon as arrangements could be made the London Mission moved its hospital from Chusan Island to Shanghai (in 1844), and Dr. Lockhart immediately commenced his work. Ilis rooms were thronged, and it is stated that ten thousand nine hundred and seventy eight patients were attended to between May, 1844, and June, 1845. The knowledge of this charity spread over the province of Kiangsu, and removed much of the ill-will and ignorance of the people toward foreigners. One effect in the city was to incite the inhabitants to open a dispensary during four summer months, for the gratuitous relief of the sick. It was called iS/d I Kuiig-kluJi, or ‘ Public Establishment for Dispensing Healing.’

        ” It was attended by eight or nine iiative practitioners, who saw

        the patients once in five da\’S ; this attendance was gratuitous

        on the part of some of them, and was paid for in the case of

        others. The medicines are supplied from the different apothecary

        shops, one furnishing all that is wanted during one day,

        which is paid for by subscriptions to the dispensary. The patients

        vary from three hundred to five hundred. The reason

        given for the recent establishment of this dispensary for relieving

        the sick is that it has been done by a foreigner who came

        to reside at the place, and therefore some of the wealthy natives

        wished to show their benevolence in the same way.” Such a

        spirit speaks well for the inhabitants of Shanghai, for nothing

        like competition in doing good has ever been started elsewhere,

        nor even a public acknowledgment made of the benefits conferred

        by the hospitals.

        During the voyage along the coast of China made by Messrs. Medhurst and Stevens, in 18l>5, they visited Shanghai ; and an abstract of Medhurst’s interview with the officers on that occasion is taken from his journal. lie had already been invited by them to enter a temple hard by the landing-place, to the end that they might learn the object of the visit, and was conversing with them.

        The party was now joined by another officer named Chin, a hearty, rough-looking man, with a keen eye and a voluble tongue. He immediately took the lead in the conversation, and asked whether we had not been in Sliantung and had communication with some great officers there ? He inquired after

        Messrs. Lindsay and GutzlafF, and wished to know whither we inttjnded to

        proceed. I told him these gentlemen were well ; but we could hardly tell

        where we should go, quoting a Chinese proverb, “We know not to day what

        will take place to-morrow.” But, I continued, as your native conjurors are

        reckoned very clever, they may perhaps be able to tell you. ” I am conjuror

        enough for that,” said Chin ; ” but what is your profession V ” I told him that I

        ENTRY OF MISSIONS INTO SnANGHAI. 35J?

        was a toachor of religion. . . . AfttT a little time a great noise was heard outside, and the arrival of the chief magistrati; of the city was announced, when several officers came in and requested me to go and see his worship.

        He appeared to be a middle-aged man, but assumed a stern aspect as I entered, though I paid him the usual compliments and took my seat in a chair placed opposite. This disconcerted him much, and as soon as he could recover himself from the surprise at seeing a barbarian seated in his presence, he ordered me to come near and stand before him, while all the officers called out, ” Rise ! Rise! ” I arose accordingly, and asked whether I could not be allowed to sit at the conference, and as he refused, I bowed and left the room. I was soon followed by Chin and Wang, who tried every effort to persuade me to return ; this, however, I steadfastly refused to do unless I could be allowed to sit, as others of my countrymen had done in like circumstances. . .

        Having been joined by Mr. Stevens (who had been distributing books

        among the crowd without), we proceeded to converse more familiarly and to

        deliver out books to the officers and their attendants, as well as to some

        strangers that were present, till they were all gone. A list of such provisions

        as were wanted had been given to Wang, whom we requested to purchase them

        for us, and we would pay for them. By this time tlie articles were brought

        in, which they offered to give us as a present, and seeing that there was no

        other way of settling the question, we resolved to accept of the articles and

        send them something in return. The rain having moderated, we aro.se to take

        a walk and proceeded toward the boat, where the sailors were busy eating

        their dinner. Wishing to enter the city we turned o3E in that direction, but

        were stopped by the officers and their attendants, and reluctantly returned to

        the temple. After another hour’s conversation, and partaking of refreshments

        with the officers, they departed. On the steps near the boat we observed

        a basket nearly full of straw, and on the top about half a dozen books

        torn in pieces and about to be burnt. On inquiry, they told us that these

        were a few that had been torn in the scuffle, and in order to prevent their

        being trodden under foot they were about to burn them. Recollecting, however,

        that Chin had told his servant to do something with the books he had

        received, it now occurred to us that he had directed them to be burned in our

        presence. On the torch being applied, therefore, we took the presents which

        were lying by and threw them on the fire, which put it out. The policeman, taking off the articles, applied the torch again, while we repeated the former operation ; to show them that if they despised our presents, we also disregarded theirs. Finally the basket was thrown into the river and we left, much displeased at this insulting conduct.’

        ‘ China: Its State and Prospects, pp. 371-377. Chinese Repository, Vol. IV.,pp. 330, 331.

        This extract might be thouffht to refer to an event which took place in the days of Hicci instead of one within the memory of the living. The progress and changes since it occurred in that city typify what has been going on throughout the whole land. Medhurst came back to Shanghai to live, within nine years after this incident, and when his failing health compelled his retirement in 1856, he closed an honorable service of thirty-nine years in the mission field. His dictionaries, translations, and writings in Chinese and English (ninety -three in all) indicate his industry ; and through them he, being dead, yet speaketh to the Chinese upon his favorite themes of redemption.

        The work which he began was reinforced by colleagues from Groat Britain and America until the whole population was reached, and towns lying south of the Yangzi river were all visited. After the rebellion was quelled in 1867 other cities were occupied, until about forty-five localities in all parts of Kiangsu are now held as preaching stations. People are returning to their deserted homes, and lands that lay fallow for years are retilled ; thither foreign and native preachers and colportors bring the living word without hindrance.’

        The consequences of the introduction of the gospel into China are likely to be the same that they have been elsewhere, in stirring up private and public antagonism to what is so opposed to the depravity of the human heart. There are some grounds for hoping that there will not be much systematic opposition from the imperial government when once the chiefs of

        the nation learn the popular sentiments and will. The principal

        reasons for this are found in the character of the people,

        who are not cruel or disposed to take life for opinions when

        those opinions are held l)y numbers of respectable and intelligent

        men. The fact that the officers of government all spring from

        the body of the people, and that these dignitaries are neither

        governed nor influenced by any State hierarch}’—by any body

        of pi’iestly men, who, feeling that the progress of the new faith

        will cause the loss of their influence and position, are determined

        to use the power of the State to put it down—leads us to

        hope that such officers as may adopt the new faith will not, on

        account of their profession, be banished (»r disgraced. Such

        was the case with Sii, who assisted and countenanced Ricci.

        ‘ In this connection the work of Dr. Lockhart {.}f<‘(h’riil 3fmionnry in China, London, IHCil) may prolitably be read for the details and results of mission labors in Shanghai.

        PROSPECTS FOR CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA. 355

        The general character of the Chinese is irreligious, and they

        care much more for money and power than they do for religions

        ceremonies of any kind ; they would never lose a battle as

        the Egyptians did because the Persians placed cats between the

        annies. There are no ceremonies which they consider so binding

        as to be willing to tight for them, and persecute others for

        omitting, except those pertaining to ancestral worship ;—these

        are of so domestic a nature that thousands of converts miirht

        discard them before much would be known or done by the people

        in relation to the matter. The conscientious Christian

        magistrate would be somewhat obnoxious to his master, and

        liable to be removed for refusing to perform his functions at

        the ching-hivang iniao before the tutelar gods of the Empire.

        These and other reasons, growing out of the character of the people

        and the nature of their political and religious institutions, lead

        to the hope that the leaven of truth will permeate the mass of

        society and renovate, purify, and strengthen it without weakening,

        disorganizing, or destroying the government. There

        are, also, some causes to fear that such will not be the case,

        arising from the ignorance of the people of the proper results

        of Christian doctrines; from a dread of the government respecting

        its own stability from foreign aggression ; from the

        evil consequences of the use of opium, and the drainage of the

        precious metals ; and from the disturbing effects of the intercourse

        with unscrupulous foreigners and irritated nati^’es often

        leading to riots and the interference of government authorities.

        The toleration of the Christian religion had been allowed throughout the Empire by imperial edicts issued in the reign of Shunchi and his son ; and often and often discountenanced and persecuted after those dates. The governmental policy had been long settled to disallow its profession by its subjects or the residence of the Koman Catholic missionaries in its borders.

        In 1844 the French envoy, M. de Lagrene, brought their disabilities to the notice of Kiying, who memorialized the throne and received the following rescript, which reversed the bloody decrees of 1722 and later years. For his efforts in this matter he deserves the thanks and remembrance of every friend of Christianity and the Chinese.

        Kiying, imperial fonimissioner, minister of State, and governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi, respectfully addresses the throne by memorial.

        On examination it appears that the religion of the Lord of Heaven is that professed by all the nations of the West ; that its main object is to encourage the good and suppress the wicked ; that since its introduction to China during

        the Ming dynasty it has never been interdicted ; that subsequently, when

        Chinese, practising tliis religion, often made it a covert for wickedness, even

        to the seducing of wives and daughters, and to the deceitful extraction of the

        pupils from the eyes of the sick,’ government made investigation and inflicted

        punishment, as is on record ; and that in the reign of Kiaking special clauees

        were first laid down for the punishment of the guilty. The prohibition, therefore,

        was directed against evil-doing under the covert of religion, and not

        against the religion professed by the western foreign nations.

        Now the request of the French ambassador, Lagrene, that those Chinese

        who, doing well, practiise this religion, be exempt from criminality, seems

        feasible. It is right therefore to make the request, and earnestly to crave

        celestial favor to grant that, henceforth, all natives and foreigners without

        distinction, who learn and practise the religion of the Lord of Heaven, and do

        not excite trouble by improper conduct, be exempted from criminality. If

        there be any who seduce wives and daughters, or deceitfully take the pupils

        from the eyes of the sick, walking in their former paths, or are otherwise

        guilty of criminal acts, let them be dealt with according to the old laws. As

        to those of the French and other foreign nations who practise the religion, let

        them only be permitted to build churches at the five ports opened for commercial intercourse. They must not presume to enter the country to propagate religion.

        Should any act in opposition, turn their backs upon the treaties, and rashly overstep the boundaries, the local officers will at once seize and deliver them to their respective consuls for restraint and correction. Capital punishment is not to be rashly inflicted, in order that the exercise of gentleness may be displayed. Thus, peradventure, the good and the profligate will not be blended, while the equity of mild laws will be exhibited.

        This request, that well-doers practising the religion may be exempt from criminality, I (the commissioner), in accordance with reason and bounden duty, respectfully lay before the throne, earnestly praying the august Emperor graciously to grant that it may be carried into effect. A respectful memorial. DaoGuang, 24th year, 11th month, 19th day (December 28, 1844), was received the vermilion reply : ” Let it be according to the counsel [of Kiying].”

        This is from the Emperor.’-‘
        ‘ Tills is thus explained by a Chinese : ” It is a custom with the priests who teach this religion, when a man is about to die, to take a handful of cotton, having concealed within it a sharp needle, and then, while rubbing the individual’s eyes with the cotton, to introduce the needle into the eye and puncturi! the pupil with it ; the humors of the pupil saturate the cotton and are afterward used as a medicine.” This foolish idea has its origin in the extreme unction administered by Catholic i)riw5ts to the dying. See, moreover, th«

        Lettrca FjIiJitiiittK, Tome IV., p. 44.

        ‘^ Chiiieite lifj)Oiiitorij, Vol. XIV., p. 195.

        TOLKKATIOli OBTAINED THKOUGII KITING. 357

        This rescript <2,rniito(l toleration to the Christians already in the country, known only by the term Tien Cha k!ao, or ‘ Keligion of the Lord of Heaven/ and referring only to those persons who profess Catholicism. Subsequently the French minister was asked to state whether, in making this request of the Chinese officers, he intended to include Christians of all sects, as there had been some doubts on that point, he therefore brought the subject again before Qiying, who issued an explanatory notice, without making a second appeal to his sovereign. It is not necessary to quote the entire reply, which granted as conq:)lete toleration to all Christian sects as its writer was able to do from his knowledge of their differences. The term Vesii, kiao, since adopted for Protestants, was not then current. After quoting the purport of M. de Lagj’enc’s communication, Qiying thus sums up his conclusions :

        Now I find that, in the first place, when the regulations for free trade were agreed upon, there was an article allowing the erection of churches at the five ports. This same privilege was to extend to all nations ; there were to be no distinctions. Subsequently the commissioner Lagrene requested that the Chinese who, acting well, practised this religion, should equally be held blameless. Accordingly, I made a representation of the case to the throne, by memorial, and received the imperial consent thereto. After this, however, local magistrates having made improper seizures, taking and destroying crosses, pictures, and images, further deliberations were held, and it was agreed that these [crosses, etc.] might be reverenced. Originally I did not know that there were, among the nations, these differences in their religious practices. Now with regard to the religion of the Lord of Heaven—no matter whether the crosses, pictures, and images be reverenced or be not reverenced—all who, acting well, practise it, ought to be held blameless. All the great western nations being placed on an equal footing, only let them by acting well practise their religion, and China will in no way prohibit or impede their so doing Whether their customs be alike or unlike, certainly it is right that there should be no distinction and no obstruction.—December 22, 1845.

        The sentence in this document which speaks of local magistrates making improper seizures probably refers to something which had occurred in the country. At Shanghai the intondant of circuit issued a proclamation in November, lS-i5. based upon the Emperor’s rescript, in which he defines the Tien Chu Mao ” to consist in periodically assembling for unitedly worshipping the Lord of Heaven, in respecting and venerating the cross, with pictures and images, as well as in reading aloud the works of the said religion ; these are customs of the said relio-ion in question, and practices not in accordance with these cannot be considered as the religion of the Lord of Pleaven.”

        The varions associations and sects found throughout China are all included under the vague name of klao, or ‘ doctrine ;

        ‘ they are an annoyance to the government and well disposed people, and are referred to and excepted against in this proclamation.

        In a decree received by Qiying at Canton, February 20, 1846, relating to the restoration of the houses belonging to Romanists, the views of the Chinese government respecting the foreign missionaries were further nuxde known.

        On a former occasion Qiying and others laid before Us a memorial, requesting immunity from punishment for those who doing well profess the religion of Heaven’s Lord; and that those who erect churches, assemble together for worship, venerate the cross and pictures and images, read and explain sacred books, be not prohibited from so doing. This was granted. The religion of the Lord of Heaven, instructing and guiding men in well-doing, differs widely from the heterodox and illicit . ects ; and the toleration thereof has already been allowed. That which has been requested on a subsequent occasion, it is right in like manner to grant.

        Let all the ancient houses throughout the provinces, which were built in the reign of Kanghi, and have been preserved to the present time, and which, on personal examination by proper authorities, are clearly found to be their bona fide, possessions, be restored to the professors of this religion in their respective places, excepting only those churches which have been converted into temples and dwelling-houses for the people.

        If, after the promulgation of this decree throughout the provinces, the local officers irregularly prosecute and seize any of the professors of the religion of the Lord of Heaven, who are not bandits, upon all such the just penalties of the law shall be meted out.

        If any, under a profession of this religion, do evil, or congregate people from distant towns, seducing and binding them together; or if any other sect or bandits, borrowing the name of the religion of the Lord of Heaven, create disturbances, transgress the laws, or excite rebellion, they shall be punished according to their respective crimes, each being dealt with as the existing statutes of the Empire direct.

        Also, in order to make apparent the proper distinctions, foreigners of every nation are, in accordance with existing regulations, prohibited from going into the country to propagate religion.

        GOVERNMENT POLICY TOWARD MISSIONARIES. 359

        For these purposes this decree is given. Cause it to be made known.
        From the Emperor.'(‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. XV., p. 155, where the original is given.)

        The directors of Protestant missions did not think it right to violate the Last paragraph in this rescript, and confined their efforts to the open ports, where their agents had much preliminary work to do. This went on quietly, and on the whole peaceably, as the inhabitants found that the missionaries were their friends. Chapels^ schools, hospitals, printing offices, and dwellings were erected at all the ports, bo that by the year 1858 about one hundred Protestants were carrying them on. The number of converts was few, and there was not much result to show in tabular lists. It was a time of seed-sowing.

        In 1849 the adherents of Hong Xiu-quan began to make trouble in the west of Kwangtung, and to be called the Shangdihui / and the Peking authorities were unable to distinguish them from Protestants, who had thus rendered the name for God in the version of the Bible used by these misguided men. Their rapid successes against the imperial troops soon roused the utmost energies of the government to suppress them and retake Nanking. In 1856 a more dangerous struggle was precipitated by the impolitic action of Yeh Ming-chin, the governor-general at Canton, in respect to the Arrow, a snniggling lorcha carrying the British flag, which ended in a declaration of war against China. When hostilities ceased in 1858 by signing treaties of peace at Tientsin with envoys of the four nations there assembled, it was deemed to be a favorable time to introduce some definite stipulations respecting the toleration of Christianity in China. The rescripts of the Emperor DaoGuang in 1844 had never carried any real weight among rulers or people, nor had the Romanists ever been able to re-possess their old churches and other real estate taken from them. The largest part had long been occupied or destroyed.

        Any opposition to such a proposal was not likely to be very persistent on the part of the Chinese plenipotentiarie^s in face of the force at the call of those who had just captured the forts at Taku and held the city of Tientsin under their guns. The four nations. Great Britain, France, the United States, and Russia, were, as representatives of Christendom, in the providence of God brought face to face with China, the representative of paganism. They came to demand an arrangement of commercial, diplomatic, civil, and ex-territorial rights, and the introduction of religious privileges did not enter into their plans.

        The war on the part of the two first-named powers had no reference to religion, and their two colleagues wuuld doubtless have omitted the articles on toleration if the Chinese had held out on those alone. At this singular and most unexpected correlation of moral and physical forces among the nations of the world, involving the greater part of its inhabitants, the freedom of the rising church of Christ in China was quietly secured by the four following articles of toleration inserted in the treaties signed in June, 1858. They are here given in the order of their dates:

        Russian. Art. YIII.—The Chinese government having recognized the fact that the Christian doctrine promotes the establishment of order and peace among men, promises not to persecute its Christian subjects for the exercise of the duties of their religion; they shall enjoy the protection of all those who profess other creeds tolerated in the Empire. The Chinese government, considering the Christian missionaries as worthy men who do not seek worldly advantages, will permit them to propagate Christianity among its subjects, and will not hinder them from moving about in the interior of the Empire. A certain number of missionaries setting out from the open ports, or cities, shall be provided with passports signed by Russian authorities.

        American. Art. XXIX.—The principles of the Christian religion, as professed by the Protestant and Roman Catholic churches, are recognized as teaching men to do good, and to do to others as they would have others do to them. Hereafter, those who quietly profess and teach these doctrines shall not be harassed or persecuted on account of their faith. Any person, whether, citizen of the United States or Chinese convert, who according to these tenets peaceably teaches and practises the principles of Christianity, shall in no case be interfered with or molested.

        TREATY STIPULATIONS RESPECTING CHRISTIANITY. 361

        British. Art. VTTI.—The Christian religion, as professed by Protestants or Roman Catholics, inculcates the practice of virtue, and teaches man to do as he would be done by. Persons teaching it or professing it, therefore, shall alike be entitled to the protection of the (‘liinose authorities ; nor sliull any siicli, peaceably pursuing their calling, and not offending against the laws, be persecuted or interfered with.

        French. Art. XIII.—La religion Chretienne, ayant pour objet essentiel, de porter les honinies a la vertu, les niembres de toutes communions Ohretiennes jouiront d’une entiere securite pour leurs personnes, leurs proprietes, et le libre exercice de leurs pratiques religieuses ; et une protection efficace seia donnee aux missionnaires qui se rendront pacifiquement dans I’interieur du pays, munis des passeports reguliers dont il est parle dans TArticIe VIII. Aucune entrave ne sera apportee par les autorites de TEmpire Cliinois au droit qui est reconnu a tout individu en Chine d’einbrasser, s’il le vent, le Christianisme et d’en suivre les pratiques, sans etre passible d’aucune peine intiigee pour ce fait. Tout ce qui a etc precedemment ccrit, proclame, ou public en Chine par ordre du gouvernement centre le culte Chretien, est compK’tement abroge, et reste sans valeur dans toutes les pi’ovinces de I’Empire.

        An article similar to these in its general import has been

        inserted in nearly all the treaties subsequently signed with the

        Chinese. They contain as nmch freedom of faith and practice

        by converts as could be desired by any reasonable man ; but

        many missionaries were disappointed that their provisions were

        violated or disregarded by native officials. These sanguine persons

        often forgot that forbearance and time were both needed

        to bring the people and their rulers up to an appreciation of tlie

        new liberties and obligations contained in the treaties, and that

        their ignorance would be best and thoroughly removed by the

        living evidences of the purity and power of Christianity among

        its converts. These have already begun to show their faith by

        their works.

        The only additional action of the Chinese government in this direction that needs to be noticed is Article YI., agreed upon with the French envoy and contained in the convention signed at Peking in October, 1860, in relation to the restoration of property once o^^^^ed by the Romanists. The translation is as follows :

        Art. VI.—It shall be promulgated throughout the length and breadth of the land, in the terms of the imperial edict of February 20, 1846, that it is permitted to all people in all parts of China to propagate and practise the teachings of the Lord of Heaven, to meet together for preaching the doctrines, to build churches and to worship; further, all such as indiscriminately arrest [Christians] shall be duly punished, and such churches, schools, cemeteries, lands, and buildings as were owned on former occasions by persecuted Christians shall be paid for, and the money handed to the French representative at Peking for transmission to the Christians in the locality concerned.

        It is in addition permitted to French missionaries to rent and purchase land in all the jyovinces, and to erect buildings thereon at jpleasure^

        In carrying out the details of this article, so much injustice and violence were exhibited by native Ilomanists, supported by the missionaries in claiming lands alleged to have belonged to them as far back as the days of Ilicci and in the Ming dynasty, and forcing their owners and occupants to yield them without any or sufficient compensation, that riots and hatreds arose in many parts of China. Temples, houses, and shops which had been in the legal possession of natives for one or two centuries were claimed under this stipulation, and they forcibly resisted the surrender. The discontent became so great that the French minister at last issued a notice, about 1872, that no more claims of this kind would be received from the missionaries, and further complaints ceased. The imbroglio was heightened by the murder of two or three missionaries in Kweichau and Sz’chnen during the previous years, and the escape of the guilty parties into other provinces.

        ‘ This sentence in italics is not contained in the French text of the convention; hut as that Language is made, in Art. Ill of the Treaty of Tientsin, the oiiUi authoritative text, the surreptitious insertion of this important stipulation in the Chinese text makes it void. The procediu-e was unworthy ofa great nation like France, whose army environed Peking when the convention was signed.

        REVISION OF THE BIBLE IN CHINESE. 363

        The feelings of all the llomish missionaries at the removal of the many disabilities under which they had long lived and bravely suffered were expressed by the Bishop of Shantung in an encyclical letter to his people, in which he exhorts them to “maintain and diligently learn the holy religion. . . . Let them also pray that the holy religion may he greatly promoted, remembering that the kind consideration of the Emperor toward our holy religion springs entirely from the favor of the Lord of Heaven. After the reception of this order, let thanks be oifered up to God for his mercies in the churches, for three Lord’s days in succession. While the faithful rejoice in this extraordinary favor, let Ave Marias be recited to display grateful feelings.”

        The subject of the thorough revision of the Chinese Bible had long occupied the thoughts of those best acquainted with the need of such a work; and when the English missionaries met at Hongkong in 1843, a general conference of all Protestant missionaries was called to take measures for the preparation of so desirable a work. The version of Morrison and Milne was acknowledged by themselves to be imperfect, and the former had begun some corrections in it before his death. Messrs. Medhurst, Gutzlaff, Bridgman, and J. R. Morrison had united their labors in revising the New Testament, and published it in 1836.

        The greatest harmony existed at this meeting, and the books

        of the New Testament were distributed among the missionaries

        at the several stations without regard to denomination. Some

        discussion arose as to the best word for haptt’sm, for all agieed

        that it could not well be transliterated. The question was referred

        to a committee, which, finding itself unable to agree upon

        a term, recommended that in the proposed version this word

        should be left for each party to adopt which it liked. The

        term si I’l, wdiich had been in use to denote this rite since the

        days of Ricci, by Romanists of all opinions, had been taken by

        Morrison and Medhurst, and by those associated with them.

        Marshman preferred another word, tsan^ which was so unusual

        that it would almost always require explanation ; and in fact

        could only be fully explained by the ceremony itself. Some of

        the American Baptist missionaries have taken Marshman’s term,

        and others have proposed a third one, yuh. Their joint action

        with their brethren in regard to a common version was after* ward repudiated by the societies in the United States, which directed them to prepare separate translations.

        The question of the proper word for God in Chinese was also referred to a committee at this mooting in Hongkong, which reported its inability to agree; and this point, like the word for baptism, was therefore left to the decisiuns of the respective missions, after the version itself was finished. The delegates on the projected translation were chosen by the body of missionaries at each station, and met at Shanghai in June, 1847. They consisted of Eev. Messrs. Medhurst, J. Stronach, and Milne from the London Missionaiy Society, and Rev. Messrs. Bridgman, Boone, Shuck, Lowrie, and Culbei’tson from American societies ; of the last five, Culbertson took Lowrie’s place after his death, and Bp. Boone was never able to take an active share in the work, The New Testament was finished July 25, 1850, and was published soon after with different terms for God and Spirit.

        The Old Testament was translated by the three first named in 1853 ; while another, more adapted to common readers, was completed in 1862 by Messrs. Bridgman and Culbertson.

        (jiitzlaff also issued two or three revisions by himself. In 1805

        a committee was formed in Peking for the purpose of making

        a version of the SS. in the Mandarin dialect, especially that

        prevalent in the northern provinces. It was done by Rev.

        Messrs. Blodget, Edkins, Burdon, and Schereschewsky ; the New Testament was completed by them jointly in 1872, and the Old Testament in 1874 by the last named alone. It made the sixth complete translation of the Bible into Chinese during this century. Other translations have been made into the five southern patois of several books of the liible—and at ]S’ingpo and Amoy they are issued in the Romanized letters, and not in the Chinese character. These last, of course, are unintelligible to all natives not taught in mission schools.

        PROGRESS IN EVANGELIZING THE CHINESE. 365

        The influence and labors of female missionaries in China is, from the constitution of society in that country, likely to be the only, or principal means of reaching their sex for a long time to come, and it is desirable, therefore, that they should engage in the work by learning the language and making the acquaintance of the families jirouiid them. No nation can be elevated, <)!• (In’istian institutions placed upon a pci’nianent basis, until fenuiles are taught their rightful place as the companions of men, and can teach their children the duties they owe to their God, themselves, and their country. Fenuile schools arc the necessary complement of boys’, and a heathen wife soon carries a man back to idolatry if he is only intellectually convinced of the truths of Christianity. The comparatively high estimation the Chinese place upon female education is an encouragement to nniltiply girls’ schools. The formation of mission boards in western lands, conducted entirely by women, has made these schools and medical work among women in China both practical and necessary. No large mission is now regarded as complete without one or more women to carry on such parts of the work as belong to them ; and this is true of the Komish missions as well as Protestants.

        The advance in the work of evangelization since the opening of the Empire in 1842 by the Treaty of Nanking has been in the highest degree encouraging. It was soon ascertained that the hatred and contempt of foreigners which were supposed to dwell in the minds of all Chinese, needed only to be met with kindness and patient teachings to give place to respect and confidence.

        The sufferings from the war with England, and the evils resulting from the snuiggling and use of opium among the people, had embittered the minds of dwellers along the coast ; but as most of this was local, the enlargement of mission work did nuich to remove the ignorance which nursed the dislike. The free relief of disease and pain in the hospitals aided greatly to improve intercourse, so that at this day the natives in and around the open ports have become entirely changed in their feelings.

        This outline of Protestant mission work in China may be closed by a notice of the conference held at Shanghai in May, 1877, at which one hundi-ed and twenty-six men and women, connected wath twenty different bodies, assembled to discuss their common work in its various departments. The report of their proceedings gives fuller statistics of the work then going on than is to be found elsewhere, and the twenty-seven papers read and discussed in the three -days’ sessions contain the ripened views of competent thinkers upon the most serious questions connected with the welfare of China. The following table has been taken from this report, and exhibits a remarkable development in education and preaching, considering that most of the stations have been opened since 1860.

        STATISTICS or PROTESTANT MISSIONS TO CHINA FOR THE YEAR 1877.

        Branches of Mission Work.

        Stations where missionaries reside

        Out-stations

        Organized churches

        {i<) Wholly self-supporting

        (b) Partially self-supporting

        Communicants,

        -j g^^es ‘.’.’.’.’.’.[[‘.’.][‘.’.

        Pupils in 31 boj’s’ boarding-schools

        ” 177 boys’ day-schools

        ” 39 girls’ boarding-schools

        ” 82 girls’ day-schools

        ” 21 theological schools

        ” 115 Sunday-schools

        Pastors and preachers ordained

        Assistant preachers

        Colportors

        Bible women

        Church buildings for worship

        Chapels and preaching places

        In-patients / .^^^^ i.ospitals, 187G …\

        Out-puticnts, \ f f^

        Patients treated in 24 dispensaries, 1876.

        Medical students

        Contributions of native Christians, 1876..

        American British

        Missions. Missions.

        41 215 150 11

        115

        3,117

        2,183

        347

        1,255

        464

        957

        94

        2,110

        42

        212

        28

        62

        113

        183

        1,390

        47,635

        25,107

        19

        $4,482

        43

        290

        156

        7

        149

        4,504

        2,440

        154

        1,470

        206

        335

        120

        495

        28

        273

        46

        28

        118

        249

        3,905

        41,170

        16,174

        13

        $5,089

        Continental Missions.

        8

        27

        12

        687

        584

        146

        265

        124

        15

        22

        “”*3

        34

        3

        2

        15

        Total,

        92

        532

        318

        18

        264

        8,308

        5,207

        647

        2,991

        794

        1,307

        236

        2,605

        73

        519

        77

        92

        246

        457

        5,295

        88,805

        41,281

        33

        $9,571

        STATISTICS OF PROTESTANT MISSIONS TO CHINA. 367

        The total number of men who have joined the Protestant missions to the Chinese up to 1876, as nearly as can be ascertained, has been 484. Of these 41 were laymen, chiefly physicians, and no women or natives are included. Twelve American societies had sent out 212 ordained missionaries, and the same number of British societies had sent 196 ; all the agents of the 8 or 10 continental societies amounted to 35. The number in 1847 was 112 of all nations; in 1858, this figure had increased to 214 ; and a table made out in 1877 by the Shanghai Conference gives 473 as the total number of persons then engaged in active missionary work in China, including 15 not employed by any of the 25 societies enumerated. Of these 210 belonged to 10 American, 242 to 13 British, and 26 to 2 German societies; 172 of the whole number being wives of missionaries, and 63 unmarried females.

        No one acquainted with the practical evangelical work in

        China needs to be told that these statistics give no idea of the

        cliaracter and attainments of the fourteen thousand converts

        which have joined native churches, or the extent and thoroughness

        of the education given the five thousand seven hundred

        children counted in. Those who look for more than the

        merest beginnings of faith and culture in the minds of natives

        just brought out of the ignorance, sottishness, and impurity of

        heathenism into tlie brightness of Christianity, or those who

        .harshly criticise these results of mission work, will do well to

        examine for themselves more fully the limitations and nature

        of all its branches.

        ‘No mention is made in these items of the amount of printing

        done at mission presses, for those particulars are scattered

        over hundreds of reports issued during the last score or two

        years. The presses formerly conducted by Williams, Wylie,

        and Cole at Canton, Slianghai, and Hongkong during an aggregate

        of nearly forty years, have been superseded by more and

        larger establishments ; moreover, the facilities for transporting

        books render their issues more available at the remotest parts

        of the country. The manufacture of Chinese and Japanese

        types by the Presbyterian Mission press and foundiy furnishes

        native workmen with the means of printing newspapers and

        books, which otherwise could never have been done (so as to

        become self-supporting) by means of blocks. At this establishment

        over thirty millions of pages are annually sent forth,

        and this amount is more than doubled by all the other mission

        presses. The effects of this literature upon the native mind,

        which these agencies are scattering wider every year, will be

        apparent in the near future.

        The worth and labors of many men comprised in this number of missionaries have long been known to the Christian publie. Milne and Collie ardently longed and labored diligentlv for the comino; and extension of the kingdom of Christ in China, though not allowed to live in its borders. Few men in the missionary corps have exceeded Edwin Stevens in sound judgment and steady pursuit of a well-formed purpose, which in his case was to aid in perfecting the version of the Bible, he was employed nearly three years as seamen’s chaplain at Whampoa before entering the service among the Chinese, and his labors in that department were highly acceptable to those who frequented the port.

        The warm-hearted, humble piety and singleness of purpose

        of Samuel Dyer were also well known to every one engaged

        with him. His long and assiduous labors to complete a fount

        of Chinese metallic type, amid many obstacles and hindrances,

        were prompted by the hope that, when once finished, books

        could be printed M’itli more elegance, cheapness, and rapidity

        than in any other way. He lived to see it brought into partial

        use, and to satisfy himself concerning the feasibility of this

        plan. If the impulses of private friendship and the esteem

        generally entertained for David Abeel should prompt a notice

        of his character and labors, it would soon extend to many

        pages ; they have been well worthy the fuller notice which is

        given in his memoir. Among other biographies may be mentioned

        those of Walter M. Lowrie, William C. Burns, D. Sandeman,

        J. Henderson, Samuel Dyer, E. C. Bridgman, and W. Aitcheson, which will furnish information upon the details of their labors. Female missionaries have also done much, and will do more, in this work, which recpiires minds and labors in large variety. Mrs. Maiy Morrison, Mrs. Sarah Boone, Mrs. Theodosia Dean, Mrs. L\icy J]all, IVIrs. Henrietta Shuck, Mrs. Doty, and Mrs. Pohlman, all died in China before 184G—the first of scores of honorable women who have since thus ended their lives.

        JTOTICES OF FORMER PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES. 369

        Before closing this brief sketch of Christian missions among the Chinese, it may be well to mention some of the peculiar facilities and difficulties which attend the work. The business of transforming heathen society and reconstructing it on diristian principles is a great and proti’;u*tt'(l undertaking, and is to be commenced in all communities by working on individuals. The opposition of the iinregenerate heart can be overcome only by the transforming influences of the Spirit, but the intellect must be enlightened, and the moral sense instructed by a system of means, before the truths of the Bible can be intelligently received or rejected. This opposition is not peculiar to China, but it will probably assume a more polemic and argumentative cast there than in some other countries. The proud literati are not disposed to abase Confucius below the Saviour, but rather inclined to despise the reiteration of his name and atonement as a seesaw about “one Jesus who was dead, whom we affirm to be alive”. Medhurst notices a tract written against him by

        a Chinese, in which it is argued that ” it was monstrous in barbarians

        to attempt to improve the inhabitants of the Celestial

        Empire when they were so miserably deficient themselves.

        Thus, introducing among the Chinese a poisonous drug, for

        their own benefit to the injury of others, they were deficient in

        benevolence ; sending their fleets and armies to rob other nations

        of their possessions, they could make no pretentions to

        rectitude ; allowing men and women to mix in society and walk

        arm in arm through the streets, they showed that they had not

        the least sense of propriety ; and in rejecting the doctrines of

        the ancient kings they were far from displaying wisdom ; in

        deed, truth was the only good quality to which they could lay

        the least claim. Deficient, therefore, in four out of the five

        cardinal virtues, how could they expect to renovate others ?

        Then, while foreigners lavished money in circulating books for

        the renovation of the age, they made no scruple of trampling

        printed paper under foot, by which they showed their disrespect

        for the inventors of letters. Further, these would-be exhorters

        of the world were themselves deficient in filial piety, forgetting

        their parents as soon as dead, putting them off with deal coffins

        only an inch thick, and never so much as once sacrificing to

        their manes, or burning the smallest trifle of gilt paper for their

        support in the future world. Lastly, they allowed the rich and

        noble to enter office without passing through any literary examinations, and did not throw open the road to advancement to the poorest and meanest in the land. From ^JJ these, it appeared that foreigners were inferior to Chinese, and therefore most unfit to instruct them.”

        To these arguments, which commend themselves to a Chinese with a force that can hardly be understood by a foreigner, they often add the intemperate, immoral lives and reckless cupidity of professed Christians who visit their shores, and ask what good it will do them to change their long-tried precepts for the new-fangled teachings of the Bible? The pride of learning is a great obstacle to the reception of the humiliating truths of the Gospel everywhere, but perhaps especially in China, where letters are so highly honored and patronized. The language is another difficulty in the way of the diffusion of the Gospel, both on the part of the native and the missionary. The mode of education among the Chinese is admirably fitted for the ends they propose, viz., of forming the mind to implicit belief and reverence for the precepts of Confucius, and obedience

        to the government which makes those precepts the outlines of

        its actions, but it rather weakens the intellect for independent

        thought on other subjects. The language itself, as we have

        had opportunity to observe, is an unwieldy vehicle for imparting

        new truths, either by writing or speaking, chiefl}’ because of

        the additional burden every new character or term imposes upon

        the memory. The immense number, who read and speak this

        language, reconciles one, however, to extra labor and patience

        to become familiar with its forms of speech, and ascertain the

        best modes of conveying truth.

        When the five ports were opened in 1845 to practical missionary

        work among the two or three millions of people living

        in and around them, it was soon found that they were tolerably

        well-disposed to foreigners when they understood what was said

        to them. Fifteen years of constant labor changed the ignorance

        and suspicion with which they regarded the first missionaries,

        into respectful regard if not acceptance of their message. At

        the end of this period, the capture of Peking and the ratification

        of the treaties of Tientsin completed the opening of China

        to such labors as far as diplomatic agency could go. Congregations

        are now collected, and truth explained to them with a

        good degree of acceptance every Sabbath, and all that is wanted

        CHECKS AND PROMOTIONS IN CHINESE MISSIONS. 371

        to get more congregations is more preachers ; long before missionary labors are accomplished in all the ports, the whole land will afford every choice of climate and position. Facilities for learning the language are constantly increasing. Dictionaries, vocabularies, phrase books, grammars, and chrestomathies in all the dialects will soon be prepared ; and the list now is not small. They have all, with few exceptions, been made and printed by Protestant missionaries.

        Churches have increased since the first one was formed in Canton in 1835, and some of them are served by native evangelists, two of whom, Liang A-fali and Tsin Slien, of the London Mission, deserve mention as among the first of their countrymen who became educated, earnest preachers of the gospel. The future is full of promise, and the efforts of the church with regard to China will not cease until every son and daughter of the race of Ilan has been taught the truths of the Bible, and has had them fairly propounded for reception or rejection. They will progress until all the cities, towns, villages, and hamlets of that vast Empire have the teacher and professor of religion living in them; until their children are educated, their civil liberties understood, and political rights guaranteed; their poor cared for, their literature purified, their condition bettered in this world by the full revelation of another made known to them. The work of missions will go on until the government is modified, and religious and civil liberty granted to all, and China takes her rank among the Christian nations of the earth, reciprocating all the courtesies due fi-om people professing the same faith.

        CHAPTER XX.  COMMERCE OF THE CHINESE

        It is probable that the applications made in remote times to the rulers of China for liberty to trade with their subjects, partook in their opinion very much of the nature of an acknowledgment of their power; the presents accompanying the request were termed I’ung, and regarded as tribute, while the traders themselves also looked upon the intercourse in somewhat the same light. The chapter of the Book of Records, called the ” Tribute of Vu,’” is one of the most ancient documents in existence relating to the products of a country, and indicates a trade in them of no small extent. Silk, lacquer, furs, grass-cloth, salt, gems, gold, silver, and other metals, ivory and manufactured goods are enumerated ; they are mostly identified with articles still produced, as Legge has shown in his translation. The records of the origin and early course of this trade are lost to a great extent, but the Chinese annals furnish proof of similar traffic for two thousand years after the days of Yu. It had the effect of extending the influence of Chinese institutions among less civilized neighbors, and of making foreign commerce a means of benefit to all parties. The restrictions and charges upon all trade were of small amount at this early period ; as it extended, the cupidity of local officers led them to burden it with numerous illegal fees, which gradually reduced its value, and finally, in some instances, drove it away altogether.

        TIIADE WTTIT nillSrA. 373

        The materials in Chinese literature for investigating this subject after the period of the Han dynasty are abundant, and they will reward the careful analysis of foreign scholars. Mairo Polo, the two Arab travelers in a.d. 850 and 878, and Ibn BaAXCIENT tuta, in 1330, have each contributed their narratives, hinting therein more than they could carefully investigate of the wide ransre and value of the Chinese forei2;u commerce. During; the Ming dynasty this trade fell off, owing to the impoverishment of the land by the Mongols ; but when (about 1000) the stimulus of European ships along the coast began to develop and reward native manufactures, foreign nations and merchants appreciated the fact that it was more profitable to trade with China than attack her.

        The principal items of export and import have not materially changed during the last century ; the splendid fabrics of Chinese looms, their tea, lacquered ware, and products of their kilns, being still bartered for the cottons, metals, furs, and woolens of the west. Such articles as possess peculiar interest, and have not been already described, together with a few notices respecting the present extent and mode of conducting the trade, will suffice to explain its general features.’ The history of the cultin-e and trade in tea by Samuel Ball of Canton in 1835, may yet be considered as an authority upon the subject.

        The growth in the use of tea is instructive, too, rising from an importation of about eighty pounds into England in 1670, till it had so well vindicated its virtues and enlarged its use among that people, that in ISSO one hundred and eighty million pounds were required to supply them ; and more than that was exported elsewhere from China.

        The first item which attracts attention in the table of trade with China is opium, whose growth and momentous consequences require a detailed account. The use of opium as a medicine has not long been known to Chinese doctors, though, from the way the poppy is mentioned in the Hcrhal, there is reason to suppose it to be indigenous. The drug is called apien, in imitation of the word ojnum, while the plant is called qfuipinjj, a transliteration of the Arabic name Afi/un, from which country it was brought about the ninth century. It has many

        ‘Ample materials are now provided in the full reports of the Custom’s .service and the Exhibition Catalogues of Vienna, Paris, Philadelphia, etc. ; the reports of Rondot, Iledde, and other members of the French Legation in 1844 are still valuable.

        names, as great smoke, ‘black commodity black earthy foreign medicine; the last is the term used in the tarifP. The compiler of the llerhal^ who wrote two centuries ago, speaks of the plant and its inspissated juice, saying that both were formerly but little known ; he then concisely describes the mode of collecting it, which leads to the inference that it was then used in medicine. None was imported coastwise for scores of years after that date, but the poppy is now grown in every province and in Manchuria, and no real restraint is anywhere put on its cultivation. The juice is collected and prepared by the people for their own consumption in much the same manner as in India; as long ago as 1S30 we find one official observing in respect to the cultivation, which was extending, that it was ” not only bringing injury on the good, but greatly retarding the work of the husbandmen.”

        The mode of raising the poppy in the Patna district in India

        is thus described : The ryot or cultivator havhig selected a

        piece of ground, always preferring {cceter’is paribus) that which

        is nearest his house, fences it in. He then, by repeated ploughings

        and manuring, makes it rich and fine, and removes all

        the weeds and grass. Xext. he divides the field into two or

        more beds by small dikes of mould, running lengthwise and

        crosswise according to the slope and nature of the ground, and

        again into smaller squares by other dikes leading from the

        principal ones. A tank is dug about ten feet deep at one end

        of the field, from which by a leathern bucket, water is raised

        into one of the principal dikes and carried to every part as

        required ; this irrigation is necessary because the cultivation is

        carried on in the dry weather. The seed is sown in November,

        and the juice collected in February and March, during a period, usually, of about six weeks ; weeding and watering commence as soon as the plants spring up, and are continued till the poppies come to maturity. Cuts are then made in the capsule with a niishtur or notched iron instrument made of three or four sharp laiicet-likc plates; this is done at sunrise, and the exudation is scraped off next morning by a scoop or slttuJia, and deposited in the dish hanging at the ryot’s side. He takes it home and after draining it dry in a large shallow dish, turns

        OPIUM CULTIVATION IN INDIA. 375

        it over and over in the air for a month till the mass is equally dried, and it is lit to carry to the godown. Here it is thrown into a great tank, and kneaded to a uniform consistence; when ready it is rolled into balls according to the size of a brass bowl; these balls are covered with a coating of popp}’ petals, and stored in a drying-house till ready for jjacking. The quality of the article depends very much upon the care taken in the drying and covering with Ikoa or opium paste when the ball is prepared.

        The cultivator must deliver a certain quantity at the stipulated

        price to the collector, the amount being fixed by a survey

        of the field when in bloom ; he receives about one dollar and

        sixty-five cents for a seer (one pound thirteen ounces) of the

        poppy juice, which must be of a certain consistence. The ryot

        has, in most cases, already received the advance money, and if

        he sell this crude opium to any other than the collector, or if

        he fail to deliver the estimated quantity, and there is reason for

        supposing he has embezzled it, he is liable to punishment. In

        all parts of India, the cultivation of the poppy, the preparation

        of the drus, and the traffic in it until it is sold at auction for

        exportation, are under a strict monopoly. Should an individual

        undertake the cultivation without having entered into

        engagements with the government to deliver the produce at the

        fixed rate, his property would be immediately attached, and he

        compelled either to destroy the poppies, or give security for

        the faithful delivery of the product. The cultivation of the

        plant is compulsory, for if the ryot refuse the advance for the

        year’s crop, the simple plan of throwing the rupees into his

        house is adopted ; should he attempt to abscond, the agents

        seize him, tie the advance up in his clothes, and push him into

        his house. There being then no remedy, he applies himself as

        he may to the fulfilment of his contract. The chief opium district is on the Ganges valley, occupying the best land in Benares and Behar, to the extent of about a thousand square miles. The northern and central parts of India are now covered with poppies, while other plants used for food or clothing have nearly been driven out. In Turkey, Persia, India, and China many myriads of acres and millions of people are employed in the cultivation of poppies.’ The growth has extended so much in Persia that opium has lately come from thence to China.

        The preparation of the opium is superintended by official examiners, and is a business of some difficulty, from the many substances put into the juice to adulterate or increase its weight.

        Wetting it so that the mass shall be more fluid than it naturally is, mixing sand, soft clayey mud, sugar, coarse molasses, cowdung, pounded poppy-seeds, and the juice of stramony, quinces, and other plants, are all resorted to, though with the almost certain result of detection and loss. When the juice has been dried properly, to about seventy per cent, spissitude, it appears coppery brown in the mass, and when spread tliin on a \vhito plate, shows considerable translucency, with a gallstone yellow color and a slightly granular texture. When cut with a knife it exhibits sharp edges without drawing out into threads ; and is tremulous like strawberry-jam, to which it has been aptly compared. It has considerable adhesiveness, a handful of it not dropping from the inverted hand for some seconds.

        ‘ Chinese Eepository, Vol V. , p. 472.

        PREPARATIOiSr AND SALE OF OPIUM. 377

        All the opium grown is brought to Calcutta and stored in government warehouses, until it is exposed for sale at auction, at an upset price, graduated according to the market price in China. It is supposed not to cost much more than seven hundred rupees a chest, and is sold at as high an advance as it will bear. Great care is taken to suit the taste of the Chinese ; on one occasion, the East India Company refunded part of the price on a lot which had been differently prepared, to try whether that people would prefer it. There are several sorts of opium : Turkey and Persian, which sell cheapest, and reach China from Aden ; Patna and Benares which are sold at Calcutta ; and Malwa, which is cultivated out of British jurisdiction. In order to equalize its competition, an export duty was until 1812 put on each chest of one hundred and twenty-five rupees, which has been increased to six hundred rupees. The drug is rolled in balls, and then packed in strong boxes, weighing from one hundred and sixteen pounds for Patna, to one hundred and thirty-four pounds or one hundred and forty pounds for Malwa. .Mahva opium is grown and prepared by natives, and is often extensively adulterated ; between four hundred and five hundred cakes are in a chest, and the cultivator there receives double the wages of the ryot in Bengal.

        Opium chests are made of mango wood in Patna and Benares and consist of two parts, in each of which there are twenty partitions; the balls are carefully rolled in dry poppy leaves.

        The chest is covered with hides or gunny bags, and the seams closed so as to render it as impervious to the air as possible. After the drug is sold at auction, there is no further tax on it. The revenue from this monopoly has become so great and important, that its continuance is described by a leading editor in India as a matter of life and death to the Government. In 1840, the income was somewhat over two millions sterling; it has since steadily increased, till in 1872 it amounted to £7,657,000; the average annual sum between the years 1869 to 1876 was £6,524,000, and it has been over five millions ever since the peace of Tientsin. The purity and flavor of the drug has been carefully maintained by competent scientists, and by this date the prejudice in its favor has become so strong among the Chinese, as to induce them to pay an enormous premium for the Indian article over any native product.

        The use of opium among the Chinese two centuries ago must

        have been very little,^ or tjie writings of Bomish missionaries,

        from 1580 down to the beginning of the nineteenth century,

        would certainly have contained some account of it. It was not

        tdl the year 1767 that the importation reached a thousand chests,

        and continued at that rate for some years, most of the trade

        being in the hands of the Portuguese. The East India Company

        made a small adventure in 1773 ; and seven years after, a depot

        of two small vessels was established by the English in Lark’s Bay, south of Macao ; the price was then about $550 a chest.

        In 1781 the company freighted a vessel to Canton, but were obliged to sell the lot of 1,600 chests at 8200 a chest, to Sinqua, one of the hong-merchants, who, not being able to dispose of it to advantage, reshipped it to the Archipelago. The price in 1791 was about ,$370 a chest, and was imported under the head of medicine at a dutv of about seven dollars a hundredweight, including charges. The authorities at Canton began to complain of the two ships in Lark’s Bay in 1793, and their owners being much annoyed by the pirates and revenue boats, and inconvenienced by the distance from Canton, loaded the opium on board a single vessel, and brought her to AVhampoa, where she lay unmolested for more than a year. She was then loaded and sent out of the river, and the drug introduced in another ship ; this practice continued until 1820, when the governor-general and collector of customs issued an edict, forbidding any vessel to enter the port in which opium was stored, and making the pilots and Hang-merchants responsible for its being on board. The Portuguese were also forbidden to introduce it into Macao, and every officer in the Chinese custom-house there was likewise made responsible for preventing it, under the heaviest penalties. “Be careful,” says his excellency in conclusion, ” and do not view this document as mere matter of form, and so tread within the net of the law, for you will find your escape as impracticable as it is for a man to bite his own navel.”

        The importation had been prohibited by the Emperor JiaQing in 1800, under heavy penalties, on account of its use wasting the time and destroying the property of the people of the Inner Land, and exchanging their silver and commodities for the ” vile dirt ” of foreign countries. The supercargoes of the Company therefore recommended the Directors to prohibit its shipment to China from England and India, but this could not be done ; and they contented themselves by forbidding their own ships bringing it to China. The Hang-merchants were required to give bonds, in 1809, that no ship which discharged her cargo at Whampoa had opium on board ; but they contrived to evade the restriction. The traffic was carried on at Whampoa and Macao by the connivance of local officers, some of whom watched the delivery of every chest and received a fee; while their superiors, i-emote from the scene of smuggling, pocketed an annual bi’ibe for overlooking the violation of the imperial orders.

        SMUGGLIiS”G TRADE IN OPIUM. 379

        The system of bribery and condoning malpractices, so common

        in China, Is well illustrated bj a case which occurred in connection

        with this business. In September, 1S21, a Chinese inhabitant

        of Macao, who had been the niediuni of receiving from

        the Portuguese, and paying to the Chinese officers the several

        bribes annually given for the introduction of opium, was arrested

        by government for hiring banditti to assault one of his personal

        opponents. Having got the man in their power, quicksilver was

        poured into his ears, to injure his head without killing him;

        they also forced him to drink a horril)le potion of scalding tea

        mixed with the short hairs shaved from his head. The vile

        wretch who originated this cruel idea and paid the perpetrators

        of it, was a pettifogging notary, who brought gain to tlie officials

        by intimidating the people, until he was the pest and terror of

        the neighborhood. An official enemy at last laid his character

        and doings before the governor, who had him seized and thrown

        into prison, when he turned his wrath on his former employers,

        and confessed that he held the place of bribe-collector, and that

        all the authorities received so much per chest, even up to the

        admiral of the station. The governor, though doubtless aware

        of these practices, was now obliged to notice them ; but instead

        of punishing those who were directly guilty, he accused the senior Hang-merchant, a rich man, nicknamed the ” timid young lady,” and charged him with neglecting his suretyship in not pointing out every foreign ship which contained opium. It was in vain for him to plead that he had never dealt in opium, nor had any connection with those who did deal in it; nor could lie search the ships to ascertain what was in them, or control the authorities who encouraged and protected the smuggling of opium: notwithstanding all his pleas, the governor was determined to hold him responsible. He was accordingly disgraced, and a paper, combining admonition, with exhortation and entreaty, was addressed by his excellency to the foreigners, Portuguese, English, and Americans. The gods, he said, would conduct the fair dealers in safety over the ocean, but over the contraband smugglers of a pernicious poison, the terrors of the royal law on earth, and the wrath of the infernal gods in hades were suspended. The Americans brought opium, he observed, “because they had no king to rule them.” The opium ships thus being driven from Wkanipoa, and the Portuguese unwilling or afraid to admit it into Macao unless at a high duty, the merchants established a floating depot of receiving-ships at Lintin, an island between Macao and the Bogue. In summer, the ships moved to Kumsing moon, Kapshui moon, Hongkong, and other anchorages off the river, to be more secure against the tyfoons ; remaining near Lintin during the north-east monsoon, until 1S39.’

        The mode of introducing opium into the country, when the prohibitions against its use were upheld by the moral approval of the best portion of the native society, has hardly any interest now, except as a matter of history. It is a sad exhibition of power, habit, skill, and money all combining to weaken and overpower the feeble, desultory resistance of a pagan and ignorant people against the progress of what they knew was destroying them. The finality of such a struggle could hardly be doubted, and when the tariff of 1858 allowed opium to enter by the payment of a duty, the already enfeebled moral resistance seemed to die out with the extinction of the smuggling trade in opium, now raised to a licensed commerce. The rise and course of the trade up to that year can be learned from the volumes of the Chinese Repository and newspapers issued in China.

        ‘ CMnetse RejMisitonjj Vol. \., ]ip. 546-553.

        PREPAEING THE DllFCi FOR SMOKING. 381

        The utensils used in preparing the opium for smoking, consist chiefly of three hemispherical brass pans, two bamboo filters, two portable furnaces, earthen pots, ladles, straining-cloths, and sprinklers. The ball being cut in two, the interior is taken out, and the opium adhering to or contained in the leafy covering is previously sinnnered three several times, each time using a pint of spring water, and straining it into an earthen pot; some cold water is poured over the dregs after the third boiling, and from half a cake (weighing at first about twenty-eight pounds, and with which this process is supposed to be conducted), there will be about five pints of liquid. The interior of the cake is then boiled with this liquid for about an hour, until the whole is reduced to a paste, which is spread out with a spatula in two pans, and exposed to the fire for two or three minutes at a time, till the water is driven off; during this operation it is often broken up and re-spread, and at the last drying cut across with a knife. It is all then spread out in one cake, and covered with six pints of water, being allowed to remain several hours or over night for digestion. When sufficiently soaked, a rag filter is placed on the edge of the pan, and the whole of the valuable part drips slowly through the rag into a basket lined with coarse bamboo paper, from which it falls into the other brass pan, about as much liquid going through as there was water poured over the cake. The dregs are again soaked and immediately filtered till found to be nearly tasteless ; this weaker part usually makes about six pints of liquid.

        The first six pints are then briskly boiled, being sprinkled

        with cold water to allay the heat so as not to boil over, and removing

        the scum by a feather into a separate vessel. After

        boiling twenty minutes, five pints of the weak liquid are poured

        in and boiled with it, until the whole is evaporated to about

        three pints, when it is strained through paper into another pan,

        and the remaining pint thrown into the pan just emptied, to

        wash away any portion that may remain in it, and also boiled

        a little while, when it is also strained into the three pints. The

        wliole is then placed over a slow fire in the small furnace, and

        boiled down to a pi-oper consistency for smoking ; while it is

        evaporating a ring forms around the edge, and the pan is taken

        off the fire at intervals to prolong the process, the mass being

        the while rapidly stirred with sticks, and fanned until it becomes

        like thick treacle, when it is taken out and put into small

        pots for smoking. The boxes in which it is retailed are made

        of buffalo’s horn, of such a size as easily to be carried about the

        person. The dregs containing the vegetable residuum, together

        with the scum and washings of the pans, are lastly strained and

        boiled with water, producing about six pints of thin, brownish

        licpiid, which is evaporated to a proper consistence for selling to

        the poor. The process of seething the crude opium is exceedingly

        unpleasant to those unaccustomed to it, from the overpowering narcotic fumes which arise, and this odor marks every shop where it is prepared and every person who smokes it.

        The loss in weight by this mode of preparation is about one half. The Malays prepare it in much the same manner. The custom in Penang is to reduce the dry cake made on the first evaporation to a powder, and when it is digested and again strained and evaporated, reducing it to a consistence resembling shoemaker’s wax.

        The opium pipe consists of a tube of heavy wood furnished at the head with a cup which serves to collect the residuum or ashes left after combustion; this cup is usually a small cavity in the end of the pipe, and serves to elevate the bowl to a level with the lamp. The bowl of the pipe is made of earthenware, of an ellipsoid shape, and sets down upon the hole, itself having a small rimmed orifice on the fiat side. The opium-smoker always lies down, and the impossible picture given by Davis of a ” Mandarin smoking an opium-pipe,” dressed in his official

        robe.s and sitting up at a table, becomes still more singular if the

        author ever saw a smoker at his pipe. Tying along the couch,

        lie holds the pipe, aptly called yen tsiang, i.e., ‘ smoking-pistol,’

        60 near the lamp that the bowl can be brought close up to the

        flame. A pellet of the size of a pea being taken on the end of

        a spoon-headed needle, is put upon the hole of the l)owl and set

        on fire at the lamp, and inhaled at one whiff so that none of the

        smoke shall be lost. Old smokers will retain the breath a long

        time, filling the lungs and exhaling the fumes through the nose.

        The taste of the half-lluid extract is sweetish and oily, somewhat

        like rich cream, but the smell of the burning drug is rather

        sickening. When the pipe has burned out, the smoker lies listless

        for a moment while the fumes are dissipating, and then

        repeats the process until he has spent all his purchase, or taken

        his prescribed dose. When the smoking commences, the man

        becomes loquacious, and breaks out into boisterous, silly merriment,

        which gradually changes to a vacant paleness and shrinking

        of the features, as the quantity increases and the narcotic

        acts. A deep sleep supervenes fi’om half an hour to

        three or four hours’ duration, during which tlie pulse becomes

        slower, softer, and smaller than before the debauch. No refreshment

        is felt from this sleep, when the person has become

        a victim to the habir, but a universal sinking of the .powers

        of the body and mind is experienced, and complete reckless ness of all consequences, if only the craving for more can be appeased.

        MANNER OF SMOKING OPIUM. 383

        A novice is content with one or two wliiffs, which produce vertigo, nausea, and headache, though practice enables him to gradually increase the quantity; “temperate smokers,”‘ warned by the sad example of the numerous victims around them, endeavor to keep within bounds, and walk as near the precipice as they can without falling over into hopeless ruin. In order to do this, they limit themselves to a certain quantity daily, and take it at, or soon after meals, so that the stomach may not be so much weakened. A ” temperate smoker”(though this term is like that of a tenvperate robber, who only takes sliillings from his employer’s till, or a tenvperate bloodletter, who only takes a spoonful daily from his veins) can seldom exceed a mace weight, or about as much of prepared opium as will balance a pistareen or a franc piece ; this quantity Mill fill twelve pipes. Two mace weight taken daily is

        considered an innnoderate dose, which few^ can bear fur any

        length of time ; and those who are afraid of the effects of the

        drug upon themselves endeavor not to exceed a mace. Some

        persons, who have strong constitutions and stronger resolution,

        continue the use of the drug within these limits for many

        years without disastrous effects upon their health and spirits

        though most of even these moderate smokers are so nmch the

        slaves to the habit that they feel too wretched, nerveless, and

        imbecile to go on with their business without the stimulus.

        The testimony regarding the evil effects of the use of this pernicious drug, which deserves better to be called an ” article of destruction ” than an ” article of luxury,” are so unanimous that few can be found to stand up strongly in its favor. Dr. Smith, a physician in charge of the hospital at Penang, says: “The baneful effects of this habit on the human constitution are particularly displayed by stupor, forgetfulness, general deterioration of all the mental faculties, emaciation, debility, sallow complexion, lividness of lips and eyelids, languor and lacklustre of eye, and appetite either destroyed or depraved, sweetmeats or sugar beino; the articles that are most reiished.’*

        These synq)toms appear when the habit has weakened the physical powers, but the niiliappy man soon begins to feel the power cf the drug in a general languoi- and sinking, which disables him, mentally more than bodily, from carrying on his ordinary pursuits. A dose of opium does not produce the intoxication of ardent spirits, and so far as the peace of the community and his family are concerned, the smoker is less troublesome than the drunkard; the former never throws the chairs and tables about the room, or drives his wife out of

        doors in his furious rage ; he never goes reeling through the

        streets or takes lodgings in the gutter ; but contrariwise, he is

        quiet or pleasant, and fretful only when the effects of the pipe

        are gone. It is in the insupportable languor throughout the

        whole frame, the gnawing at the stomach, pulling at the shoulders,

        and failing of the spirits that the tremendous power of

        this vice lies, compelling the *’ victimized ” slave “to seek it yet

        again.” There has not yet been opportunity to make those

        minute investigations respecting the extent opium is used

        among the Chinese, what classes of people use it, their daily

        dose, the proportion of reprobate smokers, and many other

        points which have been narrowly examined into in regai’d

        to the use of alcohol ; so that it is impossible to decide the

        (question as to which of the two is the more dreadful habit.

        These statistics have, heretofore, been impossible to obtain in

        (“hina, and it will be very difficult to obtain them, even when

        a person who may have the leisure and abilities shall undertake

        the task.

        Various means have been tried by benevolent natives to dissuade their countrymen from using it, such as distributing tracts showing its ruinous effects, compounding medicines for the smoker to take to aid him in breaking off the habit, and denouncing the smoking-shops to government. A painter at Canton made a series of admonitory pictures, showing the several steps in the downward course of the opium-smoker, until beggary and death ended the scene; one of them, showing the young debauchee at his revels, is here introduced.

        DISASTROUS EFFECTS OF THE HABIT. 385

        Manner of Smoking Opium.

        A Chinese scholar thus sums up the bad effects of opium, which, ‘le says, us taken at first to raise the animal spirits and prevent lassitude i ” It exhausts the aninuil spirits, impedes the regular performance of business, wastes the flesh and blood, dissipates every kind of property, renders the person ill-favored, promotes obscenity, discloses secrets, violates the laws, attacks the vitals, and destroys life.” Under each of these heads he lucidly shows the mode of the process, or gives examples to uphold his assertions: “In comparison with arsenic, I pronounce it tenfold the greater poison ; one swallows arsenic because he has lost his reputation, and is so involved that he cannot extricate himself. Thus driven to desperation, he takes

        the dose and is destroyed at once ; but those who smoke the

        drug are injured in many ways. It may be compared to raising

        the Avick of a lamp, which, while it increases the blaze,

        hastens the exhaustion of the oil and the extinction of the light.

        Hence, the youth who smoke will shorten their own days and

        cut off all hopes of posterity, leaving their parents and wives

        without any one on whom to depend. From the robust who

        smoke the ‘flesh is gradually consumed and worn away, and the

        skin hangs like a bag. Their faces become cadaverous and

        black, and their bones naked as billets of wood. The habitual smokers doze for days over their pipes, without appetite ; when the desire for opium comes on, they cannot resist its impulse. Mucus flows from their nostrils and tears from their eyes; their

        very bodies are rotten and putrid. From careless observers the

        sight of such objects is enough to excite loud peals of laughter.

        The poor smoker, who has pawned every article in his possession,

        still remains idle ; and when the periodical thirst comes

        on, will even pawn his wives and sell his daughters. In the

        province of Xganhwui I once saw a man named Chin, who, being

        childless, purchased a concubine and got her with child; afterward, when his money was expended and other means all failed him, being unable to resist the desire for the pipe, he sold her in her pregnancy for several tens of dollars. This money being expended, he went and hung himself. Alas, how painful was his end ! “‘

        The thirst and burning sensation in the throat which the wretched sufferer feels, only to be removed by a repetition of the dose, proves one of the strongest links in the chain which drags him to his ruin. At this stage of the habit his case is almost hopeless; if the pipe be delayed too long, vertigo, complete prostration, and discharge of M’ater from the eyes ensue; if entirely withheld, coldness and aching pains are felt over the body, an obstinate diarrhoea supervenes, and death closes the scene.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. VII., p. 108.

        MISERABLE CONDITION OF TTIE SMOKER. 387

        The disastrous effects di the drug are somewhat delayed or modified by the quantity of nourishing food the person can procure, and consequently it is among the poor who can least afford the pipe, and still less the injury done to their energies, that the destruction of life is the greatest. The evils suffered and crimes committed by the desperate victims of the opium pipe are dreadful and multiplied. Theft, arson, muder, and suicide are perpetrated in order to obtain it or escape its effects. Some try to break off the fatal habit by taking a tincture of the opium dirt in spirits, gradually diminishing its strength until it is left off entirely; others mix opium with tobacco and smoke the compound in a less and less proportion, until tobacco alone remains. The general belief is that the vice can be overcome without fatal results, if the person firmly resolve to forsake it and keep away from sight and smell of the pipe, laboring as much as his strength will allow in the open air until he recovers his spirits and no longer feels a longing for it. Few, very few, however, emancipate themselves from the tyrannous habit which enslaves them; they are able to resist its insidious effects until the habit has become strong, and the resolution to break it off is generally delayed until their chains are forged and deliverance felt to be hopeless.

        Swallowing opium is commonly resorted to as a means of suicide; the papers published in China constantly report cases where physi(;ians have tried to save the patient by injections of atrophine before life is gone, and the number of these applications painfully show how lightly the Chinese esteem life. A comparison is sometimes drawn between the opium-smoker and drunkard, and the former averred to be less injured by the habit; but the balance is struck between two terrible evils, both of which end in the loss of health, property, mind, influence, and life. Opium imparts no benefit to the smoker, impairs his bodily vigor, beclouds his mind, and unfits him for his station in society ; he is miserable without it, and at last dies by what he lives upon.

        The import having been legalized in 1858, under the pressure

        of war, it was useless fo.v the imperial government longer to

        prevent the cultivation of the poppy, and the growth has rapidly

        extended throughout the provinces. Since all the opium brought,

        to China reaches it through Hongkong, and the consumption upon

        that island must be comparatively insignificant, the table on the

        following page, taken from the Chinese Customs Reports, will

        convey a very fair idea of the amount and value of the import

        during the past six years.

        Although it is difficult to make a general statement regarding an import of such varying quantity and value, the average total may be safely enough put at between twelve and thirteen million pounds, the approximate value of which is something over sixty million dollars, per annum. The prices range from $540 to $580 per pecul for Benares, $740 for Malwa, $560 for Patna, $540 for Persian, and nearly $1,500 for the prepared drug. The imports of Persian and Tnrkisli, though steadily increasing, amount as yet to hardly one-fiftieth of the total. But the merest guesses can be made at the production of native opium.

        TOTAL IMPORT OF OPIUM AT HONGKONG.

        Year.

        VALUE OF THE OPIUM TRADE. 389

        do without now,” said a British minister once in a soiTOwing

        mood, as he acknowledged its evils ; l)ut there are many other

        commodities, and a survey of the native and foreign conmierce

        will exhibit the extent and variety of the resources of the Empire.

        The Chinese trade with foreign ports in native vessels is

        at present nearly extinct, in consequence of the increase of foreign

        shipping and advantages of insurance enabling the native

        trader to send and receive commodities with less risk and more

        speed than by junks. The facilities and security of commerce

        in a country are atnong the best indices of its government being

        administered, on the whole, in a tolerably just manner, and on

        those principles which give the mechanic, farmer, and merchant

        a good prospect of reaping the fruits of their industry. This

        security is afforded in China to a considerable degree—far more

        than in Western Asia—and is one of the most satisfactory proofs,

        amid all the extortions and depravity seen in their courts and

        in society at large, that the people, generally speaking, enjoy the

        rewards of industry. Tranquillity may often be owing to the

        strong arm of power, but trade, manufactures, voyages, and

        large commercial enterprises must remunerate those Mdio undertake

        them, or they cease. The Chinese are eminently a trading

        people ; their merchants are acute, methodical, sagacious, and

        enterprising, not over-scrnpulous as to their mercantile honesty

        in small transactions, but in large dealings exhibiting that regard

        for character in the fulfilment of their obligations which

        extensive commercial engagements usually produce. The roguery

        and injustice which an officer of government may commit Nvithout

        disgrace would blast a merchant’s reputation, and he undertakes

        the largest transactions with confidence, being guaranteed

        in his engagements by a combination of mercantile security and

        responsibility, which is more effectual than legal sanctions.

        These are like the rings and. guilds, the corporations, patents,

        co-operative societies, etc., which are fonn<l in Europe and America,

        and enter into nil branches of industry.

        The coasting trade is disproportionately small compared with the inland commerce ; large junks cross the seas, but smaller ones proceed crAitionsly along the coast from one headland to another, and sail chiefly by day. Their cargoes consist of rice, stockfish, vegetables, timber, poles, coal, stones, and other bulky articles. Between the unopened ports the native trade still employs thousands of small craft, whose crews know no other homes; but the progress of steam and sailing ships has gradually turned the coasting trade into foreign bottoms.

        The foreign ports now visited by Chinese junks are Singapore,

        Labuan, Borneo, IJangkok and elsewhere in Siam, Manila, Corea,

        and Japan. The cargoes carried to these places comprise

        coarse crockery, fruits, cottons, cheap silks, and metallic articles

        of great vai’iety. European goods are not brought to any great

        amount by junks, but the variety of articles of food or domestic

        use and raw materials for manufactures, known under the general

        denomination of Straits2yrodtice, is large. Rice is the chief

        import from Bangkok and Manila ; i-attans, pepper, and betelnut

        from Singapore and Borneo; biclK’-de-mer from the Sulu

        Sea. Of the amount of capital embarked iji this commerce, the

        number of vessels, the mode in which it is carried on, and the

        degree of risk attending it, little is known. It is gradually decreasing,

        and all the valuable portions are already transferred to foreign bottoms.

        The natural facilities for inland navigation in China are, as the first chapters of this work have pointed out, unusually great, and have been, moreover, improved by art for travel and transportation.

        INTERNAL TRADE AND TRANSIT DUTIES. 391

        It will be a hazardous experiment for the peace of the country to hastily supplant the swarms of boats on its rivers and canals by shallow-draught steamers and launches, and throw most of their poor and ignorant crews out of employment. The sugar, oil, and rice of the southern provinces, the tea, silk, cotton, and crockery of the eastern, the furs, grain, and medicines of the northern, and the metals and minerals of the western, are constantly going to and fro and demand myriads of boats; add thereto the immense number of governmental boats required for the transportation of salt and the taxes paid in kind, the passage-boats plying in great numbers between contiguous towns, the pleasure and cfflcial barges and revenue cutters, and lastly, the far greater number used for family residences, and the total of the inland shipping, it will be seen, imist be enormous. It is, however, impossible to state the amount in any satisfactory

        manner, or give an idea of the proportion between the different

        kinds of boats. The transit duties levied on the produce carried

        in these vessels partake of the nature of an excise duty, and

        afford a very considerable revenue to the government, the greatest

        so, probably, next to the land tax. It was estimated that

        the additional charges for transit duty and transportation on

        only those teas brought to Canton overland for exportation

        amounted to about a million of dollars. Whenever a boat loaded

        with produce passes the custom-house, the suj^ercargo presents

        his manifest, stating his name and residence, the name of the

        boat and its ci’ew, and the description of the cargo, and when

        the charges are paid proceeds on his voj-age. The tariff on

        goods at these places is light, but their number in a journey of

        any length, and the liability to imforeseen detention and exaction

        by the tidewaiters, greatly increase the expense and delay.

        Since the treaties of 1842 and 1858, the Chinese and British

        authorities have been in constant dispute about the right and

        mode of levying transit dues on foreign and native produce

        going through the country—a dispute which involves and disturbs

        the whole revenue system of the country.

        The mode of conducting the foreign trade with China now

        presents few of those peculiarities which formerl}” distinguished

        it, for the monopoly of the hong merchants and of the East India

        Company- both being abolished, native and foreign traders

        are free to choose with whom they will deal. The introduction

        of regular printed permits, clearances, and other customs blanks

        to facilitate trade, followed the treaty of 18-12, and their acceptance

        has now extended to every port. The employment of

        foreigners to conduct the details of the trade in connection with

        native officers and clerks has worked easily, and its extension

        to all commerce is gradually perfecting.

        The articles of trade are likely to increase in variety and amount, and a brief account of the principal ones, taken from the Chinese Commercial Guide, may be interesting to those unacquainted with the character of this commerce. The foreign export and import trade divides itself into two branches, that between India and the Archipelago and China, and that beyond the Isthmus of Suez ; the former comprises the greatest variety, but its total value is much less. Alum of an inferior quality is sent to India to use in dyeing, making glass, and purifying water. Aniseed stars, seeds of many sorts of anioniaiii, euhehs, and tarrtieric are all sought after for their aromatic properties. The first is the small five-rayed pod of the lUicium anisatum / the pods and seeds are both prized for their aromatic qualities, and a volatile oil, used in perfumery and medicine in Europe, is obtained from them; the Asiatics employ them in cooking, Ciihths^ the produce of a vine (d/hcha ofic/’/tah’s), are externally distinguished from black pepper chiefly by their lighter color, and a short process where the seed is attached to the stalk.

        The taste is warm or pungent and slightly bitter, with a pleasant

        aromatic smell ; the Chinese article goes to India, the consumption

        of Europe being supplied from Java. Turmeric is

        the root of the CiircuDui longa^ and is used over the Archipelago

        and India for its coloring and aromatic properties, and for

        food. The roots are uneven and knotty, of a yellowish-saffron

        color ; the smell resembles ginger, with a bitterish taste; and the

        two are usually combined in the composition of curry-powders.

        Its color is too fugacious for a dye, no mordant having yet been

        found to set it.

        Cassia and cassia oil are sent abroad in amounts far exceeding

        the whole of the preceding; cassia buds also form an article

        of commerce. Cassia oil is used for confectionery and perfumery,

        and the demand is usually much greater than the supply.

        Arsenic is exported to India for medicinal purposes, and the

        native sulphuret or orpiment is sometimes shipped under the

        Hindustani name of harfalL as a A^ellow colorinii; druij;.

        Wrist and ankle rings, known by the Hindu name of Ijangles,

        ai’e exported largely, with false pearlsj coral, and beads ; the

        Chinese imitate jade and chalcedony in their mamifacture, iu

        which the Hindus do not succeed so well. The universal use

        and brittle nature of these ornaments render their consumption

        enormous in Eastern Asia. Ilrans foil., or tinsd, is made into

        the kin hwa, or ‘golden flowers,’ M-hich are placed before

        shrines and adorn the rooms of houses, imitating bouquets and

        tableaux with cuiming art ; it is also used for coatings of toys.

        Bones and horiis are manufactured into buttons, opium-boxes,

        PRINCIPAL EXPORTS FROM CHINA. 393

        hair-pins, etc., some of which go abroad. Many kinds of use^

        fill and fancy articles are made from bamboo and rattan, and

        their export forms an item of some importance. Chairs, baskets,

        canes and umbrella handles, fishing-rods, furniture, and

        similar articles are still made in vast variety. The same may

        be said of the great assortment of articles comprised under the

        head of cui-‘tosities, as vases, pots, jars, cups, images, boxes, plates,

        screens, statuettes, etc., made of copper, iron, bronze, porcelain,

        stone, wood, clay, or lacquered-ware. During tlie last twenty

        years the native shops have been nearly cleared of the choicer

        specimens of Chinese art and skill in these various departments.

        Caj)oo)’ cutchefy, corrupted from the Hindu name Aafur.

        Jcuchri, or camphor root, is the aromatic root of the Iledychiwn,

        and also of the K(jemj)ferla ; it goes to Bombay for perfumery,

        plasters, and other medicinal ends, as well as preserving clotlies

        from insects. It is about half an inch in diameter, and cut up

        when brought to market ; it has a pungent, bitterish taste.

        Galangal is another aromatic root exported for perfumery and

        medicine. The name is probably a corruption of Kaoliang, or

        Ko-loiig, meaning ‘ mild ginger,’ from Ivauchau, in the southwest

        of Kwangtung, where the best is found. It is the dried

        root of the Alplnia qfficinarurii (liance) and other species, and

        thousands of peculs reach Europe and America, wdiere it is

        used as a cordial and tonic. There are two or three sorts ; the

        smaller is a reddish-colored root, light and firm in texture, with

        an acrid, peppery taste.

        The larger is from a different plant (Kmmpferia galanga), and inferior in every respect. Both are used as spicery, and the powder is mixed in tea among the Tartars, and to flavor a liquor called nastoihi drank in Russia. All the plants whose roots have the aromatic sliai’p taste of ginger are prized by the Chinese. China-7’oot is a commercial name applied to two different products, for which the native namefuh-ling rather misleads.

        One is the root of Smilax China, a vine-like dodder in appearance ; it is a knotty and jointed brown tuber, white and starchy when cut, and sweetish. The other is a curious fungus(Pachyma) produced by fir roots apparently as it is found under that tree. The article is whitish and reddish when cut, ])itter isli and sharp to the taste, and eaten hot as a stomachic in rice-cakes where it is cheap. It is similar to the Indian bread, oi tuck-ahoo, of the Carolinas.

        The exportation of porcelain and ch’uiaware, which was so

        great last century, dimiiushed as European skill produced finer

        sorts at cheaper rates, and ceased altogether about twenty-five

        years ago, when the Tai-ping rebellion dispersed the workmen

        in Kingteh chin. Since the peace, those kilns have resumed

        work, and the demand for their finest pieces has arisen once

        more from western lands, so that China bids fair to regain her

        original reputation. She still supplies most parts of Asia with

        coarse stoneware and crockery for domestic use. Glue of a

        tolerabl}’ good quality, made from ox-hides, supplies the Chinese

        and furnishes an article for export to India. IsinglasSy or

        fisli-ii;lue, is nuide from the sounds and noses of sturo;eons and

        other sorts of fish, as the bynni carp, or l^oli/neniiis ^ it is used

        in sizing silk and in cookery, as well as in manufacturing of

        India-ink, water-colors, and false pearls.

        A kind of parasol, made of oiled paper, or silk called /i/'(tt/^ol {i.e., (juitte sol), is exported to India ; the article is durable, considering its material, and its cheapness induces a large consumption.

        Tobacco, one of the most widely cultivated plants in China (for men, women, and children smoke), is also sent to the Indian Islands in considerable quantity, for use among the natives. Ware made from ivory, tortoise-shell, mother-o’-pearl, and gold and silver constitutes altoo-ether a considerable item in the trade, for the beautiful c;irving of the Chinese always commands a market. The workmen easily imitate new patterns for boxes, combs, and buttons of mother-o’-pearl or tortoiseshell, while the cheapness and beauty with which silver table furniture is made cause a large demand. Lacqtiered-icare is not so much sent abroad now as fornuM-ly, the foreign imitations of the trays and tables having nearly superseded the demand, for the Chinese ware. Marhle dahn of a clouded lilue limestone are wrought out in Kwangtung province for floors, and some go abroad ; square tiles are used everywhere for pavements, roofing, brick stoves, and drains. In the southern provinces they are well biii-iied and make serviceable floors.

        PRINCIPAL EXPORTS FROM CHINA. 395

        2Iats of rattan for table furniture, and of grass for floors, are

        all made by liand. The latter is manufactured of two or three

        sorts of grass in different widths and patterns, and though the

        amount annually sent to the United States and elsewhere exceeds

        five million yards, it forms a very small proportion to the home

        consumption. Floor matting is put up in rolls containing

        twenty mats, or forty yards. Musi; though still in demand, is

        often and much adulterated, or its quality impaired by disease.

        It comes in bags about as large as a walnut; when good, it is of a dark purplish color, dry and light, and generally in concrete, smooth, and unctuous grains; its taste is bitter and smell strong; when rubbed on paper the trace is of a bright yellow color, and the feel free from grittiness. A brown unctuous earth is sometimes mixed with it, and the bags are frequently artificial; the

        price is about forty-five dollars a pound for the best quality.

        Nanl’eeii is a foreign name given to a kind of reddish cotton

        cloth manufactured near Xanking and Tsungming Island ; it was

        once largely exported, but the product has now nearly ceased.

        It is the most durable kind of cotton cloth known, and its excellence

        always repays the cultivator. The opening of the country

        to foreigners, and the disorders ensuent on the Tai-ping rebellion,

        altered the character of the silh trade. The loss of capital

        and dispersion of workmen in the vicinity of Canton nearly

        destroj’ed the export of raw silk and piece-goods formerly made

        at Fatshan, and the pongees once woven there are seldom seen.

        The elegant crape shawls and scarfs, gauzes and checked lustrings, satins and lining silks, which were sent abroad from Canton, have all dwindled away. Raw silk makes the bulk of the export, amounting to over a hundred thousand bales, of which nearly two-thirds goes to Great Britain. The annual average for the six years ending 1860 was seventy-eight thousand five hundred bales ; in 1836 it was twenty-one thousand the price of the best sorts was about five hundred and fifty dollars a pecul. Silk goods are exported to the annual value of about two million taels ; they consist chiefly of gauzes, pongees, handkerchiefs, scarfs, sarsnet, senshaws, levantines, and satins; ribbons, sewing-thread, and organzine, or thrown silk, are not much shipped. The silk trade is more likely to increase than any other branch of the commerce, after tea, and the Chinese can furnish ahnost any amount of raw and manufactured silks, according to the demand for them. Soij is a name derived from the Japanese sho-ya • it is made by boiling the beans of the Dol’ichos soja, adding an equal quantity of wheat or barley, and leaving the mass to ferment; a laj^er of salt and three times as much water as beans are afterward put in, and the whole compound stirred daily for two months, when the liquid is pressed and strained. Another method of making the condiment has already been mentioned in Volume I., p. 365.

        Besides the articles above-mentioned, there are many others which singly form very trifling items in the trade, but their total exportation annually amounts to man}^ lacs of dollars. Among them fire-crackers, and straw braid Moven in Shantung from a variety of wheat, are both sent to the United States. Among other sundries, vermilion, gold leaf, amber, sea-shells, preserved insects, fans, ginger, sweetmeats and jellies, rhubarb, gamboge, camphor, grass-cloth, artificial flowers, insect wax, fishing-lines, joss-sticks, spangles, window-blinds, vegetable tallow, and pictures arc the most deserving of mention. Some of them may perhaps become important articles of commerce, and all of them, except vermilion, gamboge, and i-attans, are the produce of the countiy.

        The inq)orts make a much longer list than the exports, for almost everything that should or might sell there is from time to time offered in the market ; and if the Chinese at Canton had had any inclination or curiosity to obtain the productions or manufactures of other lands, they have had no want of specimens. It will only be necessary to mention articles of import whose names are not of themselves a sufficient description. ()})ium, rice, raw cotton, long cloths, domestics and sheetings among manufactured cottons, ginseng, tin, lead, bar, rod, and hoop iron, and woolen goods, constitute the great bulk of the import trade. Rice is brought from southern islands, and a bounty used to be paid on its importation into Canton by taking oft” the tonnage dues on shi})s laden with this alone—a bonus of about three thousand dollars on a large vessel.

        IMPORTS FROM THP] ARCHIPELAGO. 397

        The importations from the Indian Aix’liipelago comprise a large variety of articles, though their total amount and value

        are not very great. Ayar-ayar, or ayal-agal, is the Malay name

        for the Plocarla tena,i\ Gnicillarla^ and other sorts of seaweed ;

        it is boiled and clarified to make a vegetable glue which is

        largely employed in lantern and silk manufacture instead of

        isinglass ; it is also made into a jelly, but the seaweed {Lalnihiarla)

        from Japan has supplanted it. Betel-nut is the fruit of

        the areca palm, and is called hetel-nat because it is chewed with

        the leaf of the betel pepper [Chavlca) as a masticatory. The nut

        is the only part brouglit to China, the leaf being raised along

        the southern coast ; it resembles a nutmeg in shape and color,

        is a little larger, and the whole of the nut is chewed. They

        are boiled or eaten raw, the former being cut into slices and

        boiled with a small quantity of cutcli and then dried. Those

        brought to China are simply deprived of the husk and dried.

        AVhen chewed, a slice of the nut is wrapped in the fresh leaf

        smeared with a mixture of gambler or shell-lime colored red,

        and the whole masticated to a pulp before spitting it out. The

        teeth become dark red from using it, but the Chinese are careful

        to remove this stain. The taste of the fresh pepper leaf is

        herbaceous and aromatic with a little pungency, and those who

        chew have it seldom out of their mouths ; the habit is not

        general where the fresh leaf cannot be obtained.

        Birlie-(h-iiiei\ i.e., slug of the sea, or tripang, is a marine gasteropod {Ilolothui’la) resembling, when alive, a crawling sausage more than anything else ; it is sometimes over a foot long and two or three inches through ; it inhabits the shallow waters around the islands of the Pacific and Indian Archipelago, and is obtained by diving or spearing, and prepared by cleansing and smokirjg it. In the market it appears hard and rigid, of a dirty brown color ; when soaked in water it resembles porkrind, and when stewed is not unlike it in taste. The Chinese distinguish nearly thirty sorts of hal sung—’sea ginseng;’ in commerce, however, all are known as white or black, the prices ranging from two dollars up to eighty dollars a pecul.

        Birds’ nests., sJiarks\ti)is, and JisJi-uKUrs are three other articles of food prized by Chinese epicures for their supposed stimidating quality, and they readily fetch high prices. The tii’st is the nest of a species of swallow {Collocalia)^ which makes the gelatinous fibres from its own crop out of the seaweed (Gelidlum) it feeds on. These nests resemble those of the chinmey swallow in shape, and are collected in most dangerous places along the cliffs and caves in the Indian Islands.

        The article varies from thirty dollars to three dollars a pound, and its total import is hardly five hundred peculs a year. The taste of the Chinese for the gelatinous fins and stomachs of the shark aids in clearing the seas of that ferocious fish even as far as the Persian Gulf. The soup nuide from the fins resembles that from isinglass, and is worthy of acceptance on other tables. Amhe?’ is found on various eastern shores, along the Mozambique coast, in the Indian Islands, and localities in Annam and Yunnan. The consumption for court beads and other ornaments is great, and shows that the supply is permanent, for none is brought from Prussia. The Chinese use the powder of amber in their high-priced medicines. Their artists have also learned to imitate it admirably in a variety of articles made of copal, shell-lac, and colophony.

        The hezoars, or biliary calculi from ruminating and other animals, always find a ready market in China for drugs ; that from the cow is most prized, and is often imitated with pipeclay and ox-gall mixed with hair, or adulterated by the camel bezoar. The Mongols prize these substances very highly ; the pure goat and cow bezoars are ground for paints by the Cantonese.

        Outeh, or terra japonica, is a gummy resin, obtained from a species of areca palm and the Acacia catechu, and was for a long time supposed to be a sort of earth found in Japan ; it is called aotc/i from the Ilunn of Cutch, near which the tree grows. The best is fi-iable between the fingers, is of a reddish-brown color, and used in China as a dye. There are two kinds, black andjf>«Zd y the former is made by boiling the heartwood of the acacia and putting the resin into snutll cakes ; it is now brought in small quantities, as gambler has supplanted it.

        IMPORTS FROM THE ARCHIPELAGO, 399

        Rose-maloes, corruj)ted from rasaiiiala, the Javanese name of the Altingia excelsa^ is a liquid storax obhined from the Styrax ; it is a scented gummous oil (tf the consistency of tar, and is 1)ronglit from Bombay to China for medicine. Guruhemoin, or henjamin, is one of the gnm-resiiis brouglit from abroad, and highly prized by Chinese doctors; its Chinese name indicates that it came from Partliia ; but it is collected from the Styrax henzoin in Snmatra and Borneo by making incisions in the bark in much the same manner as opium, until the plant withers and dies. It comes to market in cakes, which in some parts of those islands formerly served as standards of value.

        Good benzoin is full of clear light-colored spots, marbled on the broken surface, and giving off an agreeable odor when heated or rubbed ; ‘it is the frankincense of the far East, and has been employed by many nations in their religious ceremonies; for what was so acceptable to the worshippers was soon inferred to be equally grateful to the gods, and sought after by all devotees as a delightful perfume. The quantity of benzoin imported is, however, small, and the Arabian frankincense, or olihanion, is more commonly seen in the market, and is employed for the same purposes. This gum-resin exudes from the Boswellia thurifera cultivated in Coromandel; the drops have a pale reddish color, a strong and somewhat unpleasant smell, a pungent and bitterish taste, and when chewed give the saliva a milky color ; it burns with a pleasant fragrance and slight residuum. Dragon”s hlood is probably an equivalent of the Chinese name lung-yen hiang, given to this resin from its coming to market in lumps formed from the agglutinated tears.

        It is the gummy covering of the seeds of a rattan palm (D(jemonoroj)S draco) common in Sumatra, which is separated by shaking them in a basket or bag ; an inferior sort is made by boiling the nuts. It is used in varnishing, painting, and medical preparations. ‘

        Cloves are consumed but little by the Chinese, and mostly in expressing an oil which forms an ingredient in condiments and medicines, like the oil of peppermint made by themselves. Pepper is much more used than cloves, the tea being considered beneficial in fevers ; the good effects as a febrifuge seem to be doubted lately, for the importation is only twenty thousand peculs, not one-half what it was fifty years ago.

        Barooa camj^hor is still imported from Borneo, the people supposing that the drops and lumps found in the fissures of the tree (Dryohalanops) in that island are more powerful than their own gum; the proportion between the two, both in price and quantity, is about eighteen to one.

        Gamhier is obtained from the gambier vine {Uncar’ai) by boiling the leaves and inspissating the decoction ; a soapy substance of a brownish-yellow color remains, which is both chewed with betel-nut and forms a good and cheap material for tanning and dyeing. Putchuch is the root of a kind of thistle {Aio’I.-landla) cultivated in Cashmere ; it comes in dry, brown, broken pieces, resembling rhubarb in color and smell, and affording an agreeable perfume when burned ; the powder is employed in making; incense-sticks and the thin shaviiiics mixed in medicines.

        Cornelians, agates, and other stones of greater or less value are purchased by the Chinese for manufacturing into official insignia, rings, beads, and other articles of ornament; they are brought chiefly from India or Central Asia. 8eed jpearls^ to the amount of three hundred thousand dollars, are annually brought from Bombay to Canton, where they are run on strings to be worn in ladies’ head-dresses ; coral is also a part of cargoes from the Archipelago. Mother-of-pearl shells and tortoise-shell are brought from the same region and the Pacific islands, Muscat, and Bombay, a large part of which is re-exported in the shape of buttons, combs, and other productions of Chinese skill.

        ‘ The elegant plumage of the tiirquois kingfisher and some other birds is aiso worked into ornaments and head-dresses.

        GEMS, IVORY, AND WOODS IMPORTED. 401

        Jvorij still comes from Africa via Bombay, and ^Nfalaysia, mostly from Bangkok ; the fossil ivory of Siberia has furnished the material for the inlaid tables of Ningbo ; but the cost of fine ivory has prevented the manufacture of many articles once common at Canton. Rhinoceros’ horns are all brought to China to be carved into ornaments, or served in remedies and tonics.’ But the principal use of these horns is in medicine and for amulets, for only one good cup can be carved from the end of each horn ; the parings and fragments are carefully preserved to serve for the other purposes. The teeth of the sperm whale, walrus, lamantine, and other phocine animals, form an article of import in limited quantities under the designation of ” sea-horse teeth; ” these tusks weigh from sixteen to forty ounces, their ivory being nearly as compact though not so white as that of the elephant.

        Several kinds of wood are brought for cabinet and inlaid work, medical preparations, and dyeing. Among these are ebomj and cainagon {^inao tsz’), both obtained from species of Diosjr//ros growing in India and Luzon ; they are often very cleverly imitated by covering teak and other hard woods with a black stain.

        Galiru icood—also called eagle oragila wood (Aquilaria)—furnishes the calambak timber, highly prized for its perfume ; the diseased heart-Avood of this tree is the precious aloes wood, the lign aloes of the Bible.’ Among dye-stuffs the laka wood (^Tanarius) from Sumatra, mangrove bark, sapan wood {Coesal2>ini(i), and redwood are important articles; the imports of sandal wood for incense, rosewood, satin wood, amboyna or knot wood, camphor and hranjee are employed in various ways for junks, buildings, and furniture.

        The greater facilities of trade with foreign countries since 1860 have vastly enlarged the list of imports and exports, and brought many new and useful articles within reach of the natives living far from the ports. In their fear and ignorance the Chinese associated everything dreadful with the name and coming of those whom they called devils and barbarians, and knew chiefly in connection, with war and opium. By degrees,

        however, they are learning the benefits of a wider commercial

        as well as intellectual intercourse. One of the ]nost notable

        among the imports, which carries with it something of this

        broadening influence, is kerosene; the traveller in China, as well

        as in Algeria, Greece, and Egypt, can hardly fail to note with

        interest the multitude of benefits arising from the introduction

        of a cheap and brilliant lamp into a house whose only light

        before has been a water-lamp or tallow candle. Electric lighting

        is now employed in certain of the foreign settlements, and will

        doubtless become as popular in the far East as among Western

        nations. It is needless, however, to enumerate the novelties in

        which the Chinese are constantly urged and tempted to invest.

        The mode of conducting the trade is described in the author’s

        ‘ Chinese Commercial Guides Fifth Edition, p. 106.

        Chinese Ccmimercial Guide (fifth edition, Ilonglcong, 1863), which contains the treaties, tariffs, regulations, etc., of other nations as well as of China. A peculiar feature of this trade is the fact that the natives have always conducted it in English,—that is, they do business in the jargon called jrlyeon-English, whose curious formation has already received some attention in a previous chapter. The Chinaman using it deems no sentence complete until it contains the same number of words and in thensame idiom as its equivalent phrase in his own language. A sample of this hybrid lingo, with its melange of Chinese, Portuguese, and Malay words and grammatical constructions, may

        not be out of place here. We will suppose a shopkeeper is

        soliciting custom from a foreigner : ” My chin-chin you,” he

        says, “one good fleen [friend], tahe care for \ny [patronize me];

        ‘spose you wanchee any first chop ting, my can catch ee for you

        [obtain]. I secure sell ’em plum cash [prime cost], alia same

        cumsha [present] ; can do ?” The foreigner, with great gravity,

        replies : ” Just now my no wanchee anyting ; any teem [time]

        ‘spose you got vel}’^ number one good ting, p’rhaps I come you

        shop look see.” After hearing for a few days such sentences,

        the foreigner begins to imitate them, soon learning to adapt his

        speech to his interlocutor’s, and thus perpetuating the jargon.

        Other nationalities are also obliged to learn it, and the whole

        trade is conducted in this meagre gibberish, which the natives

        suppose, however, to be correct English, but which hardly enables

        the two parties to exchange ideas upon even household

        subjects. Much of the misunderstanding and trouble experienced

        in daily intercourse with the Chinese is doubtless owing

        to this iniperfect medium.’

        The trade at the five ports opened by the treaty of Nanking

        in 1842 was conducted by native custom-house officers,

        as it had been previously at Canton, but under regulations

        which insured more honesty and efficiency. In lSr>;>, however,

        the capture of Shanghai by insurgents throw tlic whole trade

        into such confusion that the collector, who had been formerly

        ‘ Mr. Scluiyler mentions hearing some Chinese residents at Vierny speaking” pigeon-Kiissian.” Tiirkt)it(tii,\o\. If., p. 147.

        PRESENT MANAGEMENT OF TRADE IN CHINA. 403

        A mongrel with the Russian officers ol the post, which might be called a Hang merchant at Canton, called in the aid of foreigners to carry on his duties. A trio of inspectors was nominated for this purpose by tlie British, American, and French ministers from their nationalities ; and so well did it work in honestly collecting the revenue for the imperial coffers, that when the city was recaptured the system was made permanent for that port. In the negotiations growing out of the treaties of Tientsin in 1858, the Chinese government felt so much confidence in the feasibility of the plan, that it was extended to all the ports and placed under the entire control of an inspector-general.

        By thus utilizing the experience and integrity of foreign employes in carrying on this important branch of its administration, the rulers broke through their long seclusion and isolation, and opened the way for removing the impediments to their own progress in every branch of polity.

        The following tables, compiled or abridged from the so-called

        ” Yellow Books,” or Trade Reports, issued by the Imperial

        Maritime Customs, will furnish a general idea of the foreign

        trade with China and some statistics concerning its domestic

        commerce. It is hardly necessary to add, however, that concerning

        the latter when unconnected with foreigners, there are

        almost no figures of value attainable. The Ilaihwan tael^ it

        may be well to repeat, is valued at $1.36|^, or 5s. Qh,d. The

        jpecul weighs 133| pounds.

        ANNUAL VALUE OF THE FOREIGN TRADE OF CHINA. 1871 TO 1881.

        Ybab.

        CUSTOMS REVENUE, 1871 TO 1881.

        Year.

        1871

        1872

        1873

        1874

        1875

        1876

        1877

        1878

        1879

        1880

        1881

        Duties on Native Produce

        Exported to—

        Foreign Countries.

        Ilk. Tls.

        5,246,467

        5,840,261

        4,978,179

        5,535,041

        5,640,062

        5,772,709

        5,703,321

        5,803,485

        5,958,176

        6,696,290

        6,869,486

        Chinese Ports.

        Ilk. Th.

        138,116

        099,724

        158,938

        147,686

        291,923

        222,860

        140,442

        306,118

        426,894

        572,392

        460,182

        Total Revenue fkom—

        Foreign Trade. Home Trade. TotaL

        Ilk. Tls.

        9,508,972

        10,029,050

        9,238,675

        9,775,743

        10,030,226

        10,318,631

        10,356,415

        10,.524,811

        11,391,329

        11,899,995

        12,494,889

        Ilk. Tls.

        1,707,174

        1,649,-586

        1,738,407

        1,721,529

        1,937,S83

        1,834,290

        l,710,()ti3

        1,956,177

        2,140,341

        2,3.58,588

        2,190,273

        Ilk. Tls.

        11,216,146

        11,()7S,636

        10,977,083

        11,497,273

        11,968,109

        12,152,921

        12,067,078

        12,483,988

        13,.53 1,670

        14,2.58,583

        14,685,163

        EXPORT OF TEA FROIM CHINA DURING TEN YEARS.

        Ybar.

        TRADE STATISTICS. 405

        EXPORT OF NATIVE CHINESE GOODS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES,

        1880 AND 1881.

        Description of Goods.

        Silk, all kinds
        Tea, all kinds
        Bags, all kinds
        Bamboo, all kinds
        Beans and beancake
        Cassia lignea\ Camphor \ Chinaware and pottery\ Coal\ Clothing, boots, and shoes\Cotton, raw and waste\Cnrios
        Dyes, colors, and paints
        Fans, all kinds\Fish, provisions, and vegetables\Fire-crackers\Flour, grain, and pulse\Fruits, all kinds
        Grasscloth
        Hemp

        Hides and hoops

        Indigo

        Lung-ngans

        Mats and matting

        Medicines

        Metals, manufactured

        Metals, unmanufactured

        Nankeens and wool

        Nutgalls and preserves

        Oil, all kinds

        Paper, books, tin, and brass foil

        Rattans and rattanware

        Rhubarb

        Skins, all kinds

        Straw braid

        Sugar, white, brown, candy…

        Tobacco

        Vermicelli and macaroni

        Sundries, unenumerated ClasKifier of Quantity.

        1880. 1881.

        Peculs.

        Pieces.

        Value.

        Peculs.

        Value.

        Peculs.

        Value.

        Peculs.

        Pieces.

        Peculs.

        Pieces.

        Peculs.

        Total value.

        Pieces.

        Peculs.

        Value.

        Quantity 114,831 3,097,119 749, S83 154,645 38,785 12,337 75,143

        161 30,315 Value. Quantity.676 6,387,989 68,940 37,051 149,394 73,720 1,1S5 19,548 30,786 3,847 8,080 384,680 S8,676i 14,284 217

        6,511 47,690 3,692

        43,581

        2,085

        6,153

        344.193

        48,970

        1,138,196 19,077 26,991 Bk. Tls. 1 29,831,444 35,728,169 *20,555 74,597 159,996 225,692 100,679 379,574 34 337, .548

        182.918 44,948

        3,196 38,881

        165,922 260,010

        139,653 92,913

        104,719 160,602

        2.53,.548 13,768;

        34,669′ 533,027 i

        194,451

        147,405 i

        8751

        122,815

        432,774

        70,295

        .512,720 8.975 212,.537 152,486 1,227,670 3,263,889 167,931 13.5,432 2,366,290 Vahie. 77,883,587

        CHAPTER XXI.  FOREIGN INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA

        The most important notices which the research of authors had collected respecting the intercourse between China and the West, and the principal facts of interest of a political and commercial nature down to the year 1834, are carefully arranged in the first three chapters of Sir John Davis’ work.’ In truth, the terms intercourse and ambassies, so often used with reference to the nations of Eastern Asia, indicate a peculiar state of relations with them ; for while other courts send and receive resident ministers, those of China, Japan, Corea, and Cochinchina liav^e until very recently kept themselves aloof from this national interchange of civilities, neither understanding its principles nor appreciating its advantages. Embassies have been sent by most European nations to the two first, which have tended rather to strengthen their assumptions of supremacy than to enlighten them as to the real objects and wishes of the courts proposing such courtesies. The commercial intercourse has, like the political, either been forced upon or begged of these governments, constantly subject to those vexatious restrictions and interruptions which might be expected from such ill-defined arrangements; and though mutually advantageous, has never been conducted on those principles of reciprocity and equality which characterize commerce at the West. As yet, the rulers and merchants of oriental nations are hardly well enough acquainted with their own and others’ rights to be able or willing

        ^ The Chinese, 2 Vols., Harper’s Family Library, 1837. See also Murray’s China, Vol. I., 1848. Montgomery Martin’s Chiu(t, passim, 1847. Memoires conr. les Chino/K, Tome V., pp. 1-23. T. W. Kingsmill in iV’. C. Br. M. A.Soc. Jourml, N. S., No. XIV., 1879.

        ISOLATION AND SUSPICION OF THE CIIIXESE. 407

        to enter into close relations with European powers. Both magistrates

        and people are ignorant and afraid of the resources, power,

        and designs of Christian nations, and consequently disinclined

        to admit them or their subjects to unrestrained intercourse.

        When western adventurers, as Pinto, Andrade, Wcddell, and

        others came to the shores of China and Japan in the sixteenth

        and seventeenth centuries, they found the governments disposed

        to traffic, but the conquests subsequently made by Europeans in the neighboring regions of Lu9onia, Java, and India, and their cruel treatment of the natives, led these two powers to apprehend like results for themselves if they did not soon take precautionary measures of exclusion and restriction.

        Nor can there be much doubt that this policy was the safest measure, in order to preserve their independence and maintain their authority over even their own subjects. Might made right more generally among nations then than it does now, and the belief entertained by most Europeans at that period, that all pagan lands belonged justly to the Pope, only wanted men and means to be everywhere carried into effect. Had the Chinese and Japanese governments allowed Portuguese, Spanish, French, and English colonists to settle and increase within their borders, they would, probably, long since have crumbled to pieces and their territories have been possessed by others.

        The data brought together by Davis in 1838 on this subject has since been enlarged and illustrated by Col. Yule in his admirable ” Preliminary Essay ” of 18GG, prefixed to ddJiay and the Way Thither, and by Richthofen, the latter half of whose first volume on China is devoted to an exhaustive treatise upon the ” Development of the Knowledge of China.” ‘ A digest of these elaborate works would be too long for our purpose here,

        ‘ China, Ergehnisse eigener Beisen und darnvf gegriindeter Studien, Berlin,1877. This author’s arrangement of the subject into ” Periods ” is as follows :

        I.—Legendary notices of intercourse before the year 1122 B.C.
        II.—From the accession of the Chans to the building of the Great Wall (1122-213 B.C.).
        III.—From the building of the Great Wall to the accession of the Tangs (212B.C.-619 A.D.).
        IV.—From the Tangs to the Mongols (619-1205).
        V.—From the rise of the Mongol power to the arrival of the Portuguese in China (1205-1517).
        VI. —From the arrival of the Portuguese to the present time.

        where only the most interesting points can be noticed. The first recorded knowledge of China among the nations of the West does not date further hack than the geographer Ptolemy, a.d. 150, who seems himself to have Ijeeii indebted to the Tyrian author Marinus. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, however, refers to the same land under the name ©Iv, or 77iin, at perhaps an earlier date. Previous to this time, moreover, accounts of the existence of the land of Confucius, and an appreciation and demand for the splendid silks made there, had reached Persia, judging from the legends found in its writers alluding to ancient w^ars and embassies with China, in which the country, the government, people, and fabrics are invested with a halo of power and wealth which has not yet entirely vanished. These legends strengthen the conclusion that the Prophet Isaiah has the first mention now extant of the FloMcry Land under theimmeSinujK

        The interchange of the initial in China, Thina or Tina, and Sitia ought to give no trouble in identifying the land, for such changes in pronunciation are still common in it ; e.g., Chun-cha^b fu into Tlt-chiu hu.

        The Periphis of Ari-ian places the city of Thina perhaps as far east as Si-ngan, but too vaguely to be relied on ; that great city must certainly have then been known, however, among the trader’s of Central Asia, who probably were better acquainted with its geography than the authors who have survived them. Under the term Seres the Chinese are more clearly referred to at even an earlier date than Sina, and among the Latin writers it was about the only term used, its association with the silks brought thence keeping it before them. The two names were used for different regions,’ the Seres being understood as lying to the north. Mela places them between the Lidians and Scythians; Ptolemy calls the country Seriee and the capital Sera, but regarded them as distinct from the Slna>, precisely as a Chinese geograplier might confuse Britain and England. He says there

        ‘ The diflFerent appellations soeiu to have been employed according as it was

        regarded as the terminus of a southern sea route for a journey across the continent.

        In the former aspect the name has nearly always beim some form of

        Sin, (Jhiii, Hinjc, Cliina ; in the latter, to the ancients as the land of the Seres,

        to the middle ages as the Empire of Catlxnj.—Yule.

        EARLIEST NOTICES OF CHINA. 409

        was a long and dangerous land route leading to Sera through

        Persia to Bactria, over mountain deiiles and perilous patlis,

        wliicli occupied the largest part of a year. Besides Ptolemy,

        there are notices by Pliny of the Seres, and these two authors

        furnished their successors with most of their knowledge down

        to the reign of Justinian. Col. Yule concisely summarizes the

        knowledge of China down to that date among the Romans:” The region of the Seres is a vast and populous country, touching on the east the ocean and the limits of the habitable world; and extending west nearly to Imaus and the confines of Bactria.

        The people are civilized men, of mild, just, and frugal temper; eschewing collisions with their neighbors, and even shy of close intercourse, but not averse to dispose of their own products, of

        which raw silk is the staple, but which include also silk stuffs,

        furs, and iron of remarkable quality.” lie further explains how

        authors writing at Pome and Constantinople were quite unable

        to traverse and rectify what was said of the marts and nations

        spoken of in the farthest East, and place them with any precision.

        They wei”e, in truth, in the same difficulty in coming to an accurate

        conclusion that the Chinese geographer Sen Ki-yu was when writing at Fulichau in 1847 ; he could not explain the discrepancies he found between llhodes and its colossus and Rhode Island in the United States.

        Among the marts mentioned in the various authors, Greek,

        Roman, and Persian, only a few can be identified with even fair

        ])robability. The ” Stone Tower ” of Ptolemy seems to have

        denoted Tashl-eiul, a name of the same meaning, and a town

        still resorted to for trade. His port of Cattigara may have

        l)een a mart at the mouth of the Meinani, the Meikon, the Chu

        Kiang, or some other large stream in that region, where seafaring

        people could exchange their wares with the natives, then

        quite independent of the Chinese in Shensf, who were known

        to him as Seres. Cattigara is more probably to be looked for

        near Canton, for its annals state that in the reign of 11wan ti

        (a.d. 147-168) ” Tienchuh (India), Ta-tsin (Rome, Egypt or

        Arabia), and other nations came by the southern sea with

        tribute, and from this time trade was carried on at Canton with

        foreigners.” During the same dynasty (the Eastern Han), foreigners came from Cantoo, Lu-li\vaiig-clii, and other nations in the south. The nearest was about ten days’ journey, and the farthest about iive months’.’

        On the hind frontier, the Chinese annals of the Ilan dynasty

        record the efforts of Wu ti (b.c. 140-86) to open a communication

        with the Yuehchi, or Getji?, who liad driven out the Greek

        rulers in Bactria and settled themselves north of the lliver Oxns,

        in order to get their help against his enemies the Huns. He

        sent an envoy, Chang Kiang, in 135, who was captured by the

        Iluns and kept prisoner for ten j^ears, when he escaped with

        some of his attendants and got to Ta-wan, or Ferghana, and

        thence reached the Yuehchi further south. He was unsuccessful

        in his mission, and attempted to return home through

        Tibet, but was re-taken by the Huns, and did not succeed in

        reporting himself at Chang-an till thirteen years had elapsed.

        The introduction of the vine into China is rather doubtfully

        ascribed to this brave envoy.

        De Guignes concludes that this notice about trade at Canton

        refers to the embassy sent in a.d. IGG by the Emperor Marcus

        Aurelius (whom the Chinese call An-tun), which entered China

        by the south at Tongking, or Canton. The Latin author Florus,

        who lived in Trajan’s reign, about fifty years before, has a passage

        showing, as proof of the universal awe and veneration in

        which the power of Rome was held under Augustus, that ambassadors

        fi-om the remotest nations, the Seres and the Indians,

        came with presents of elephants, gems, and pearls—a rhetorical

        exaggeration quite on a par with tlie Chinese account of the

        tribute sent from An-tun, and not so well authenticated.

        AVhether, indeed, the Ta-tsin kwoh mentioned by Chinese writers

        meant Judea, Home, or Persia, cannot now be exactly ascertained,

        though Yule concludes that this name almost certainly

        means the Roman Empire, otherwise called the Kingdom

        of the Western Sea. The title was given to these regions be

        cause of the analogy of its people to those of the Middle King-

        ‘ Chinese Eeiiository, I., p. 365. Heeren, Addtir Ri’HeairhcH, IT., pp. 285-295.

        Murray’s China, I., p. 141. Yulo’s Cathay, Vol. I., pp. xli-xlv. Smith,

        Claaskal Dictionary, Art. SicuES.

        INTERCOUIlSK RKTWKEX MOMV. AXD CHINA. 411

        dom.’ The envoys sent to tliut coiintiT repoi-ted that ” beyond

        the territoi-y of the Tuu-slii (perhaps tlie Persians) there was

        a great sea, by wliicli, sailing; (hie west, one might arrive at tlie

        country where tlie sun sets.” like most attempts of the kind

        in subsequent days, the mission of Antoninus appears to liave

        been a faihn-e, and to have returned without accomplishing

        any practical benefit to intercourse or trade between the two

        greatest empires in the world. It was received, no doubt, at

        Lohyang, then the capital, with ostentatious show and patronizing

        kmdness, and its occurrence inscribed in the national i-ecords

        as another evidence of the glory and fame of the Son of

        Heaven. That a direct trade between Home and China did

        not result at this period may have been largely due to the

        jealousy of the Parthian merchants, who reaped great profits

        as middle-men in the traffic, and disposed of their own woven

        and colored stuffs to the Romans, all of which gain they knew

        would have passed over their heads had the extreme East and

        West come into more intimate relations.

        It is worthy of observation how, even from the earliest times,

        the traffic in the rich natural and artificial productions of India

        and China has been the great stimulus to urge adventurers to

        come from Europe, who on their part offered little in exchange

        besides precious metals. The Scrk-a ‘vestls, whether it was a

        silken or cotton fabric, and other rarities found in those regions,

        bore such a high price at Pome as to tempt the merchants to

        undertake the longest journeys and undergo the greatest hardships

        to procure them ; and such was the case likewise during

        the long period before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope.

        The existence of this trade early enabled the Xestorian missionai’ies

        to penetrate into those remote regions, and keep up a

        communication with their patrons at home ; the more extended

        ‘ Cathay and iJie Way Thilher, p. Ivi. Klaproth, Tahleanx IIistoriqne>i de

        VAsie (Paris, 182G), p. 68. So Richtliofen {China, Bd. I., p. 470), who adds : ” It

        is accepted now, by almost all those who have written on the subject, that the

        Chinese by Ta-tsin meant to denote ‘Great-China,’ and through this, on the

        other hand, we have a proof that the Chinese called their own country Ti^in.

        It will hardly do, however, to suppose that so prejudiced a people as they would recognize another folk as greater. The; appellation Ta (great) is given, to every nation whoso power the Chinese feel to be considerable.” voyages of modern comniorce likewise assist benevolent poisons in reaching the remotest tribes and carrying on their labors, through their patrons on the other side of the world, probably with less danger and delay than a mission at Cadiz could have been directed from Jerusalem in the days of the apostles.

        The notices in Cosmas (a Greek monk who had been a merchant,

        and wrote his ” Universal Christian Topography” between

        530 and 550 a.d.) of China and its products refer to the

        maritime trade under the Byzantine emperors. This country

        he locates very correctly as occupying the extreme east of Asia,

        and calls Tzinista^ a name probably picked up from the Persians

        or old Hindus, and nearly similar to the Tsinisthan of the

        tablet at Si-ngan. Another Greek, Theophylact, in the next

        century describes the internal intercourse in Central Asia, and

        a great Turkish people, the Taugas, whom he was unaware were

        the Chinese. It may be that he miswrote Taiig in a grecized form

        for the dynasty just about that time settling its power. The

        indirect commerce between China and the Greek Empire increased

        by sea and land until the i-ise of the Moslem power.

        The same indifference on the part of the Chinese respecting

        the power, resources, and position of other lands is seen through

        all their notices of those western kingdoms. The products carried

        west were silk in various forms, but the demand for this

        article diminished after the worms had been successfully taken

        to Greece about a.d. 550. Cotton fabrics, medicines, and spices

        went westward as well as silk, but it is impossible to distinguish

        the trade with China from that with India. The leaf

        called raalcibathrum in the Periplus was not a Chinese plant,

        but the tamalapatra, a kind of cassia {Cinnamonutm liitidum,

        whose leaves were purchased in Rome for three hundred denarii

        per pound), and now called Malabar leaf ; it was probably mixed

        or confounded with tlie Indian nard and with camphor. The

        people called SesaUe in the Periplus are probably to be looked

        for in Assam or Sikkim, where wild cassia grows, and where

        the real tea plant is native ; but neither tea nor betel-leaf can

        be regarded as the ancient malabathrum.’

        ‘Heeren’s Asiatic Researches, II., p. 294; Yule’s Cathciy, pp. xlvi, cxliv.

        co:\rMrNiCATiox wnii tiik greek empire. 413

        Witliin the last few years the translations of the travels of

        Buddhist ])ilgrinis hetweon China and India have furnished

        more satisfactory details of the peoples iidiahiting the central

        and western parts of Asia than all the Greek and Latin authors.

        Those of Fahian (309-414), of Iliucn-tsang (628-645), and of

        Ilwui-sing (518), are the most extensive. Further researches into

        conventual libraries in China and Tibet are encouraged by

        what has been found on their shelves, and from them enough

        has already been gained to .reward the labor. Of greater worth

        than these, perhaps, are the official histories of the Han, Tsin,

        and Tang dynasties, reaching from b.c. 200 to a.d. 900, only

        portions of which have yet been made accessible in full. Their

        trivialties are so numerous that their entii-e translation intoEng;-

        lish would hardly repay the printing, as the experiment by

        Mailla, in 1785, oitheTang Klen. Kang-mnh, in thirteen volumes

        quarto, shows. These histories, on the whole, supply more accurate

        information about Syria, Pei-sia, Greece, and Parthia,

        than the Avriters of those countries give about China ;—for

        example, the notices of FuUn, or Constantinople, are more

        minute than any account of Chang-an in western writers. But

        as Yule well remarks, there is much analogy between the fragmentary

        views each party had, the same uncertainty as to exact

        position, and the same application of facts belonging to the

        nearer skirts of a half-seen empire to the whole land. It can

        M^ell be paralleled by reading some of our own travellers who

        applied all that they saw and heard at Canton to the Eighteen

        Pi-ovinces. Only a few emljassies from Ta-tsin and Falln are

        enumerated by Pauthier in his Chine as coming down to the year

        1091 ; but the tractate by Dr. E. Bretschneider, of the Russian

        Legation at Peking,’ shows how constant were the visits of the

        Arabs down to the Sung (a.d. 1086), and especially during the

        Tang dynasty. During the Tsin and Wei dynasties the visits

        of envoys from Ceylon were frequent, all of them an outgrowth

        of Buddhism, but repaid in more ways than one by the trade

        and its results—as shown by Sir E. Tennent in his H’lMory of

        Ceylon. In 1266 the King of Ceylon had Chinese soldiers in

        ‘ On the Knmdedge of the Arabs and Arabian Colonies possessed by the Ancient Chinese, London, 1871.

        his service, and envoys came to liiiii to \n\\ Iluddlia’s sacred

        alms-disli. In 14(»5 tlie Emperor Ynngloh of the Ming dynasty,

        taking underage at the indiginties offered to liis re[)resenlative

        by Wijayabahu IV., despatclied Ching IIo with a Heet of sixtytwo

        ships and a hind force to cruise along the coasts of Cambodia,

        Siam, and other places, demanding ti-ihnte and conferring

        gifts as the successor of the throne held by the great

        Kublai. Going again the next year as far as Ceylon, Ching

        IIo evaded a snare set by the king, and captured him and his

        whole familv and officials, carrvini>; them all to Pekinj;. In

        1411 the latter were set free, but a new king was appointed

        to the vacant throne, who reigned fifty jears and sent tribute

        till 1459 ; this was only thirty-eight years before Gama arrived

        at Calicut. It was the last attempt of the Chinese to assert their sway beyond the limits of the Middle Kingdom seaward.’

        ‘Tennent’s Ccijlov, I., pp. 607-62G. Yule’s Cathay, pp. Ixvi-lxxvi.

        – Relation des Voyar/es faitit par l(‘« Anihes ct Ics JVi-nans (hum Vlnde et dla Chine dans le IX”” Siede de Ver’ Chretienitc, 2 Vols., Paris, 1845.

        NOTICES OF ARAB TRAVELLERS. 41fi

        One intimation of a continuance of the intercourse with China from the time of Justinian to that of the Arab travelers Wahab and Abu Zaid, is the Xestorian inscription (page 277). The narratives of the Arabs (a.d. 850 and 877) are trustworthy in their general statements as to the course pursued in the voyage, the port to which they sailed in China, the customs of the people there, and the nature and mode of conducting the trade; they form, in fact, the first authentic accounts we have of the Chinese from western writers, and make us dinibt a little whether others like them have not been lost, rather than suppose that such were never written. These interesting relics were translated by Reinaud in 1845, with the text and notes.” The second traveler speaks of the sack of the city of Canfu, then the port of all the Arabian merchants, in which one hundred and twenty thousand Mohannnedans, Jews, Christians, and Magians, or Parsees, engaged in traffic, were destroyed. This shows the extent and value of the trade. Canfu was Kanpu, a fine port near the modern town of the same name, twenty-five miles from HangZhou, and near Chapu on the Bay of Hangzhou ; the Gates of China were probably in the Chusan Arcliipelago and its nmnerons channels. Much of the statement made 1)V >\bn Zaid respecting the wealth, extent, and splendor <»f Canfu really refers to the city of Hangzhou. The bore in the Qiantang river makes it impossible for ships to lie off that place, and this had its effect in developing Kanpn. The destruction of the capital in 877 contributed to direct part of the trade to Canton, which even then and long after was comparatively a small place, and the people of that part of the country but little removed from gross barbarism. In Marco Polo’s time Ganpu was frequented by all the ships that bring merchandise from India.’

        Prior to the date when he reached the confines of the Pacific,

        the ravages of the Mongols, under Genghis and his successors, in

        the regions between the Mediterranean and Caspian, and their

        great victory near Lignitz, April 12, 1241, had aroused the fears

        of the Pope and other potentates for their own safety. After

        the sudden recall of the hosts of Okkodai, in the same year, at

        his death, and their retreat from Bohemia and Poland to the

        Dneiper, the Pope determined to send two missions to the Tartars

        to urge them to greater humanity. One was a Franciscan

        monk, John of Piano Carpini, wdio carried the following letter

        to Batu klian on the Wolga:

        INNOCENT, BISHOP, SERVANT OF THE SERVANTS OF GOD, TO THE KING AND PEOPLE OF THE TARTARS.

        ‘ Chinese ReposiUrry, Vol. I., pp. G, 42, 2.’)2 ; Vol. III., p. 115. Yule’s ilfarctf Pdo, Vol. II., pp. 149, 1.50. Catltiiy^ p. uxciii.

        Since not only men, but also irrational animals, and even the mechanical mundane elements, are united by some kind of alliance, after the example of superior spirits, whose liosts the Author of the universe has established in a perpetual and peaceful order, we are compelled to wonder, not without reason, how you, as we have heard, having entered many lands of Christians and others, have wasted them with horrible desolation, and still, with continued fury, not ceasing to extend further your destroying hands, dissolving every natural tie, neither sparing sex nor age, direct indifferently against all the fury of the sword. We therefore, after the example of the Prince of Peace, desiring to unite all mankind in unity and the fear of God, warn, beseech, and exhort you henceforth to desist wholly from such outrages, and especially from the persecution of Christians ; and since, by so many and so great offences, you have doubtless grievously provoked the wrath of the Divine majesty, that you make satisfaction to him by suitable penitence ; and that you be not so daring as to carry your rage further, because the omnipotent God has hitherto permitted the nations to be lai<l prostrate before your face. He sometimes thus passes by the proud men of the age; but if they do not humble themselves, he will not fail to inflict the severest temporal punishment on their guilt.

        And now, behold, we send our beloved brother John, and his companions, bearers of these presents, men conspicuous for religion and honesty, and endued with a knowledge of sacred Scripture, whom we hope you will kindly receive and honorably treat as if they were ourselves, placing confidence in what they may say from us, and specially treat with them on what relates to peace, and fully intimate what has moved you to this extermination of other nations, and what you further intend, providing them in going and returning with a safe conductor, and other things needful for returning to our presence.

        We have chosen to send to you the said friars, on account of their exemplary eonduct and knowledge of the sacred Scriptures, and because they would be more useful to you as imitating the humility of our Saviour, and if we had thought they would be more grateful and useful to you, we would have sent ither prelates or powerful men.’

        M. D’Avezac’s essay contains a full account of the travels

        and proceedings of Carpini and his companion, Benedict, in

        their hazardous journey of a hundred days from Kiev, across

        the plains of Russia and Bokhara, to the court of Kuyuk, who

        had succeeded Okkodai. They were first sent forward by the

        commanding ofiicers of the several posts to Batu’s camp, where

        the Pope’s letter was translated ; from hence they were again

        despatched at the most rapid rate, on horseback, to Kara-korum,

        M’here they arrived July 22, 124G, almost exhausted. After

        they had been there a few days the election was decided, and

        all ambassadors were introduced to an audience to the khan,

        when the Pope’s envoys alone werf^ without a present. The

        letter was read, and an answer ret’:<i-ned in a few weeks in the

        same style. These two potentates, so singularly introduced to

        each other in tlieir mutual ignorance by the letters carried by

        John, had much more in common in their pretensions to universal

        dominion by the command of God than they suspected.

        ‘ Murray’s Marco Polo, p. 49. Yule’s CatJuty, p. cxxiii ff. D’Avezac’s essay in the liecueU de Voyages, IV. , p. 399,

        MISSION OF THE POPE TO BATU KUAN. 417

        LETTER OF THE KING OF THE TARTARS TO THE LORD POPE.

        The khan’s letter was as follows :
        The strength of God, Kuyiik kliiui, the ruler of all men, to the great Pope. You and all the Christian people who dwell in tlie West have sent by your messengers sure and certain letters for the purpose of making peace with us. This we have heard from them, and it is contained in your letter. Therefore, if you desire to have peace with us, you Pope, emperors, all kings, all men powerful in cities, by no means delay to come to us for the purpose of concluding peace, and you will hear our answer and our will. The series of your letters contained that we ought to be baptized and to become Christians ; we briefly reply, that we do not understand why we ought to do so. As to what is mentioned in your letters, that you wonder at the slaughter of men, and chiefly of Christians, especially Hungarians, Poles, and Moravians, we shortly answer, that this too we do not understand. Nevertheless, lest we should seem to pass it over in silence, we think proper to reply as follows: It is because they have not obeyed the precept of God and of Genghis khan, and, holding bad counsel, have slain our messengers;’ wherefore God has ordered them to be destroyed, and delivered them into our hands. But if God had not done it, what could man have done to man V But you, inhabitants of the West, believe that you only are Christians, and despise others ; but how do you know on whom he may choose to bestow his favor ? We adore God, and, in his strength, will overwhelm the whole earth from the east to the west. But if we men were not strengthened by God, what could we do ?”

        ‘ Allusion is here made to Tartar ambassadors, whom the Russians murdered before the battle of Kalka.

        ”Murray’s Marco Polo, p. 59.

        The khan took the precaution, which the Pope did not, of putting his reply into an intelligible language, and when it yvaa written in Tartar he had it carefully explained to the friars, who translated it into Latin, and were soon after dismissed.

        They left the court on November 13, 1246, and ” travelled all winter through a wide open country, being commonly obliged to sleep on the ground after clearing away the snow, with which in the morning they often found themselves covered.” They reached Kiev the next June, and Carpini was rewarded for his hardships by being appointed Archbishop of Antivari in Dalmatia. As Yule remarks, “they were the first to bring to western Europe the revived knowledge of a great and civilized nation lying in the extreme East upon the shores of the ocean.”

        Louis XL of France having heard that Sartach, the son of Batu, then commanding on the w^estern frontier, was a Christian, sent z mission to liini, consistin<5 of the friar AVilliani Rubrnquis ‘ and three companions. They left Constantinople May 7, 1253, and proceeded to the Crimea, from wlience they set ont with a present of wines, frnits, and biscuits intended for the khan. In three days they met the Tartars, who conducted them first to Scacatai, a chieftain by whom, after considerable delay and vexation, they were furnished with everything necessary for a journey across the plains of southei-n Russia to the Wolga and the camp of Sartach. The monks attempted to convert the rude nomads, but igno.ance of the language and

        suspicions of their intentions interposed great obstacles on

        both sides. On arriving at the end of their journey, they were

        disappointed at finding the ruler of these warriors a besotted

        infidel, who expected all persons admitted into his presence to

        bring him costly presents. A Nestorian named Cojat, whom

        Rubruquis regarded as. no better than a heretic, was high in

        authority, and the only medium of counmmication with the

        khan. He told the friar to bring his books and vestments

        and make himself ready to appear before the khan on the

        mori’ow ; their elegance was such that at the close of the audience

        Cojat seized most of them under an idle pretext that it

        was improper to appear in them a second time before Batu

        khan, to whom Rubruquis and his companions were to be sent.

        Their journey was soon after prosecuted by following up the

        Wolga some distance, and when they arrived at the encampment

        of Batu khan, he made many inquiries about the resources and

        power of the French king and the war he was waging with the

        Saracens. On his introduction, ” the friar bent one knee, but

        finding this unsatisfactory did not choose to contend, and dropped

        on both. Misled by his position, instead of answering questions

        he began a prayer for the conversion of the khan, with

        warning of the dreadful consequences of unbelief. The prince

        merely smiled ; but the derision which was loudly expressed by

        the surrounding chiefs threw him into a good deal of confusion.”

        ‘ Or, more correctly, Rubruk, as D’Avezac lias pointed out {Bull. <1e hi Soc. de Geof/i:, 18G8), and in whose conclusions Yule joins {Marco Polo, second edition, p. 536).

        EMBASSY OF KUBRUQUIS TO MANGU KlIAI^. 419

        The interview was followed by an order to proceed to the court of Mangu, who had succeeded Kuyuk as Grand khan. This long journey occupied four months, through the high hind of Central Asia (farther eastward than where Carpini found Kuyuk’s court), and subjected them to severe hardships. Mangu received the mission hardly with civility, but having been examined by some Xestorian priests, they were admitted to an audience. The same ceremonies were required as at Batu’s court, and inquiries made as to the possessions of the French king, especially the number of rams, horses, and oxen he owned, which, the friar was amazed to learn, were soon to be attacked by the Tartars. Xo permission to remain could be obtained, but he was furnished with a house and allowed to tarry till the cold mitigated. In this remote region he found a European architect, William Bourchier, and his wife, from Mentz, besides many Armenians, Saracens, and Xestorians, all of whom the khan received, he accompanied the coin-t to Kara-korum, where he nearly became involved in dangei’ous religious disputes, and on the approach of milder weather was conqjelled to return to Batu khan, by whom he was sent on, in a south-westerly direction, until he entei’ed Armenia, and thence found his way to Iconium, having been absent nearly two years.

        These ambassadors had not the aid of printing to diffuse their narratives, and it was perhaps chiefly owing to the high standing of those who sent them that their relations have been preserved. In the case of many travellers of humbler origin or pretensions, there Avas no inducement to write what they had seen ; these therefore only told their stories, which were lost with the narrators.

        Even the travels of Marco Polo would perhaps never have been given to the world if the leisure of captivity had not induced him to adopt this method of relieving its tedium. Every examination of his record has added to its reputation for accuracy, both in the position of the cities he mentions or visited and in the events he details ; and when it is considered that he dictated it several years after his return to a fellow-prisoner, Rusticiano of Pisa, who wrote it in French, his accuracy is wonderful.

        The edition by Marsden in 1818 remained for fifty years the chief authority, but the recent editions by Pauthier and Yule, with their full notes, have made the traveller’s record vastly better understood, while adding iiiiich to our knowledge of mediaeval Asia.

        Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, was the son of ]Sieolo Polo, who with his brother Matteo, nobles and merchants of Venice, first left that city about 125-i, and Constantinople in 1260, on a mercantile voyage to the Crimea, from which point a series of events led them eastward as far as China, then lately conquered by Kublai, the Grand Khan and successor of Mangu khan, whom Rubruquis visited. They were favorably received, and when they left Kublai it was under a promise to return, which they did about December, 1274, bearing letters from

        Gregory X., and accompanied by young Marco, then about sixteen

        years old. He soon became a favorite with the Emperor,

        and was able to travel to many parts of the country, spending in

        all about twenty-one years in the East ; the three Polos reached

        Venice again in 1295. Marco was prefect at Yangchau on the

        Grand Canal for three years, and this involves a knowledge of

        Mongolian and Chinese speech and writing, without which he

        could hardly have administered its ofHcial duties. His possession

        of these accomplishments was nearly indispensable to the

        post, though Col. Yule infers, from an easily explained mistake

        in Chapter LXXV., that he did not have them. On reaching

        Venice, by way of India and Persia, the long-lost travellers appeared

        so completely altered that their friends and countrymen

        did not recognize them. Their wealth and entertainini>- recitals,

        however, soon restored them to the highest ranks of society.

        The industry of recent editors has probably brought togethei- all

        that can be learned of their subsequent history, which is now so

        well known as to require no further words here.

        NARRATIVES OF POLO AND OF KING TTAYTON. -t21

        In the year 1254, Ilethum, or Hayton, king of Little Armenia, undertook a journey to Mangu khan, to petition for an abatement of the tribute which he had been obliged to pay the Mongols. Having first sent forth his brother, Senipad, or Sinibald (in 1240), to Kuyuk khan, Hayton himself set out upon the accession to the throne of his successor. Passing through Kars and Armenia Proper to the Wolga, he was there received by Patu and foi-warded by a route to the north of that traversed by Carpini to Kara-korum and the Grand khan. At the end of a six weeks’ sojourn with the court, during which time he appears to have been kindly received, Ilayton commenced his homeward journey via Bishbalig and Song-aria to Samarkand, Bokhara, Khorasan, and thence to Tabriz. The accounts of these two embassies, wherein are described many wonderful things concerning the heathens of the East and barbarians upon the route, made up, doubtless, a large part of the ” History ”(written in 1307) by the king’s relative, Ilayton of Gorigos.’

        The different positions held by these men and the Polos naturally led each of them to look upon the same people and events with vastly different feelings. The efforts of John of Montecorvino to propagate Christianity in China were undertaken just as the Polos returned, but no detailed accounts of his labors(beyond what Col.Yule has gathered in his Cathay) have been preserved.

        Among the most important mediaeval travelers in Asia was the Moor, Ibn Batuta, who at the age of twenty-one set out(in 1325) upon his journeys, from which he did not return until thirty years later.” Abu-Abdullah Mahomed (nicknamed Ibn Batuta, ” The Traveller “) commenced his wanderings, which were contemporaneous with those of the more doubtful Englishman, Sir John Mandeville, by a series of pilgrimages to the sacred places of his religion ; among other excursions, he found time at one period to continue three years in Mecca. Going from one city to another, along the shores of the Mediterranean, and in the countries between it and the Caspian, he at length reached Delhi, where he resided eight years, enjoying—until the latter end of his stay—high favor from the Sultan Mahomed.

        ‘ The chapter concerning Cathay appears in Yule’s Cathay, p. cxcv. A translation of the elder Hayton’s narrative is given by Klaprotli in the Journal Asiatique, IV” Scries, Tome XII., pp. 273 ff.

        ‘ His work has been very ably edited and translated into French by M. Defremery and Dr. Sanguinetti (four volumes, Paris, 1858-5!)), under the patronage of the Asiatic Society of Paris. Several partial translations of the journal have appeared from time to time within the present century.

        The versatile Moor occupied the position of judge, though there is good reason to doubt his serious attention to any business while at this magnificent court, other than that of spending his master’s money. In the spring of 1342, having recovered tVoin a temporary disgrace, he was despatched on an ambassy to

        China hy tlie Sultan. It seems that a (“liincse envoy had arrived

        at Delhi to request permission for the natives to rebuild

        a temple in Butan, as they were poor and dependent upon the

        inhabitants of the plain, and had besought the Chinese government

        to intercede for them. Ibn Batuta was sent with lavish

        presents to the Emperor, but a refusal to assist in the building

        project uidess that sovereign would go through the form of

        paying a poll-tax to the Sultan. This embassy was attacked by

        a body of Hindus when scarcely out of Delhi, and obliged to

        return. Again it was sent out, going to Calicut on the Malabar

        coast, where were found fifteen Chinese vessels or galleys at

        anchor, whose crews and guard amounted to a thousand men

        each. The envoy embarked his attendants on one of these

        ships, but while he remained on shore to pray for a prosperous

        voyage, a storm sunk the vessel and all on board. After this

        second mishap the luckless Moor was afraid to return to Ids

        master, and went to Sumatra, from whence he found his way

        to China, landing at Zayton, the present Chinchew, in Fuhkien.

        Though it is doubtful if Ibn Batuta, notwithstanding his description

        of the place, ever reached Peking, his spirited accounts

        of Zayton, Sinkalan (Canton), Khansa (Hangchau), Kanjanfu,

        and other centres of trade in the soutli, are both entertaining

        and important. Spite of exaggerations, confusion of names

        and dates, and certain cases of positive fiction, one can hardly

        fail to put faith in the generality of his statements and conclude

        in favor of his veracity and genuine character. He mentions

        that tlie circulation of paper money, wliich Marco Polo thought

        so excellent a device for a king to raise funds, had entirely

        driven out the use of metallic currency. In every large town

        lie found Mohammedans, ruled by officers of their own persuasion.

        TRAVELS OF IBN BATUTA AND FRIAR ODORIC. 423

        The journal of Friar Odoric (1286-1331) contains much of interest in connection with China of the middle ages. This worthy priest landed at ” Censcalan ” (Canton), after a long and tedious trip from Bagdad round by Sumatra and thence northeast by land to Zayton. Here, says he, ” we friars minor have two houses, and there I deposited the bones of our friars who suffered martyrdom for the faith of Jesus Christ.” He had brought these relics from Tana, near Bombay. Thence he journeyed to Fnlichau, Hangzhou, and Nanjing, going on northward to Peking, where the aged archbishop, (Jorvino, was still living, and remained there three years. His return journey as far as H’lassa was not very different from that of Hue and Gabet in 184-3 ; from the Tibetan capital he probably continued on a westerly course to Cabul and Tabriz, reaching Venice in 1330, after an absence of thirteen years. His itinerary was taken down the following year by William of Solagna, a brother of the order, at Padua.

        In this narrative there is mention of a number of characterise tics of the Chinese, well known to all the world of to-day, but left wholly unnoticed by other travellers of his age. “His notices of the custom of fishing with cormorants, of the habits of letting the finger-nails grow long, and of compressing the women’s feet, as well as of the divisions of the khan’s Empire into twelve provinces, with four chief vizirs, are peculiar to him, I believe, among all the European travellers of the age.

        Polo mentions none of them. The names which he assigns to the Chinese post-stations, and to the provincial Boards of Administration, the technical Turki term which he uses for a sack of rice, etc., are all tokens of the reality of his experience.’”

        • Yule, Catlmy and the Way Tliither, p. 31.

        On the other hand, the influence of superstition upon their own minds rendered most of the religious travellers into Central Asia—Odoric as well as the others—less trustworthy and observant than they would perhaps have been either centuries before or after that period. Everything of a religious sort they regarded as done under the direct agency of the powers of darkness, into whose dominions they were venturing. Too fearful, moreover, to examine candidly or record accurately’ what they beheld, these pious adventurers were constantly misled by endeavors to explain any uncommon experience by referi-ing the same to their own imperfect or erroneous conceptions. This is true as well of the Bomish priests connected with the Peking mission, a few of whose letters have been preserved and recently made known to the public by Col. Yule; among tlieso are Friar Jordanus, Bishop Andrew of Zayton, Pascal of Vittoria, together with the Ai-chbisliop of Soltania, author of the “Book of the Estate and Governance of the (Ireat Caan of Cathay.” ‘

        But much fairer than these missionaries, in his reputation

        for veracity, was tlie Jesuit Benedict Goes, wlio in the centui-

        y preceding what nva,y be termed the modern period of our

        knowledge of China, undertook a journey across the desert,

        to die on the threshold of the Empire. Born in one of the

        islands of the Azore group. Goes spent his youth in the profession

        of a soldier on board of the Portuguese fleet. Becoming

        suddenly converted, he entered the service of the Jesuits as a

        lay brother—which humble i-ank he i-esolutely held during the

        rest of his career—and was sent to the court of Akbar, His

        residence in India gained hijn a high reputation for courage,

        judgment, and skill in the Persian tongue, the linguafranca

        of Asia at that date. He was selected, therefore, to undertake

        a journey to the Cathay of Marco Polo, in the capital of which

        Jerome Xavier thought he had hopes of finding the Christian

        ruler and descendant of Prester John. Goes set out from

        Agra in 1602, joined a company of merchants, and with them

        took a route passing through Cabul, the Hindu kush, along

        the River Oxus to its head-waters on the Pamir table-land,

        and so to Yangi Hissar, Yarkand, Aksu, and Suh-chau, where

        he was detained seventeen months, and finally died, shortly

        after assistance had been sent him from the mission at Peking.

        ‘ About 13:30. See ibid., pp. 238-250.

        JOURNEY OF BENEDICT GOES. 425

        De Christiana Ej’pedit’wne apiul /Sinas.’ To Benedict Goes

        His journey was full of terrible hardships, and it was to these as well as to the careless treatment he suffered in Suhchau that he owed his untimely end. Could we have Goes’ own narrative of his experience, the information concerning the unknown regions of Central Asia over which he toiled would be of priceless worth. His journals, however, were either lost or destroyed during his miserable detention at the frontier town, and nothing remained save a few meagre notes

        and his faithful Armenian servant Isaac, whose language no one at Peking could understand. Such as it was, an account was compiled from these soun-es by Ilicci himself, and published soon after that missionary’s death in the work of Trigautius, we may give the credit of the discovery that Cathay and China(Sina) were in reality one and the same land. It is a curious illustration of the condition of intercommunication between distant parts of the world in those days, that this fact must have been known to the earliest Jesuit missionaries in Peking, though the friars of the same order stationed in India held to a belief in Cambaluc and its Christian prince until far into the seventeenth century.

        In many particulars the practical descriptions of Abu Zaid, Masudi,” Ibn Wahab, and Marco Polo stand in decided contrast to the details noted down by such as Rubruquis and Odoric. The accounts of all these writers convey the impression that China was in their time free to all travellers. Ibn Wahab, speaking of the regulations practised under the Tang dynasty, observes:

        If a man would travel from one province to another, he must take two passes with him, one from the governor, the other from the eunuch [or lieutenant]. The governor’s pass permits him to set out on his journey and contains the names of the traveller and those also of his company, also the ages of the one and the other and the clan to which he helongs. For every traveller in China, whether a native or an Arab, or other foreigner, cannot avoid carrying a paper with him containing everything by which he can be verified.

        ‘ A translation of this notice appears in Col. Yule’s oft-quoted CatJuiy and the Wiiy Thither, pp. 529-591. Trigautins’ work appeared in 1615, and was subsequently translated into all the continental languages. Compare Purchas, His PiUjriiites, Vol. III., pp. 380, ff.—A Ducourse of the Kingdonte of Ghimi, tnken ont of Eiecivs and I’rif/avfivii, rontayning the Conntrey, People, Gotiernmevt, etc., etc. ° Reinaud, Relation des Voyaf/e,i, etc. MM. Barbier de Meynard and Favet de Courteille, Les Prariex d’Or, Paris, 1801-OG.

        The eunuch’s pass specifies the quantities of money or goods wliich the traveller and those with him take along ; this is done for the information of officers at the frontier places where these two passes are examined. Whenever a traveller arrives at any of them, it is registered that ” .Such a one, son of such a one, of such a calling, passed here on such a day, month, and year, having sufii things with him.” The governmpnt resorts to this means to prevent danger to travellers in their money or goods ; for should one suifer loss or die, everything about him is immediately known and lie himself or his heirs after his death receive whatever is his. ‘

        The same writer speaks of the Mabed, a nation dwelling in Yunnan, on the south-west, who sent ambassadors every year with presents to the Emperor; and in return he sent presents annually to them. These embassies, indeed, were simply trading companies in disguise, who came from the Persians, Arabs, and other nations, with every protestation of respect and humility, bearing presents to the Son of Heaven. The dignity of the Emperor denumded that these should be returned with gifts three or four times the value of this ” tribute,” and that the ambassadors should be royally entertained during their sojourn at the capital. It is needless to add that such missions were repeated by the merchants as often as circumstances would permit. Entrance into the country overland otherwise than by some such ruse seems to have been withheld after the fall of the Mongol dynasty.

        It was, however, not until the subjugation of the Empire by

        the Manchus that foreign trade was limited to Canton, the

        jealous conduct of the present rulers being to a certain extent

        actuated by a fear of similar reprisals from some quarter, which

        the Mongols experienced. The outrageous behavior of foreign

        traders theujselves must, moreover, be regarded as a chief

        cause of the watchful seclusion with which they were treated.

        ” Their early conduct,” says Sir John Davis, referring to the

        Portuguese, ” was not calculated to impress the Chinese witli

        any favorable idea of Europeans ; and when in course of time

        they came to be com])etitors with the Dutch and the English,

        the contests of mert;antile avarice tended to place them

        all in a still worse point of view. To tliis day the character of

        the Europeans is represented as that of a race of men intent

        alone on the gains of commercial traffic, and regardless altogether

        of the means of attainment. Struck by the perpetual hostilities which existed among these foreign adventurers, aslleinaud, siiiiilated in other respects by a close resemblance in their costumes and manners, the government of the country became disposed to treat them with a degree of jealousy and exclusion which it had not deemed necessary to be exercised toward the more peaceable and well ordered Arabs, their predecessors.” ‘

        IkUition, Tome I., p. 41.

        THE empire: closed to foreigners. 427

        These characteristics of avarice, lawlessness, and power have been the leading traits in the Chinese estimate of foreigners from their first acquaintance with them, and the latter have done little to effectually disabuse orientals upon these points.

        The following record of their first arrival, taken from a Chinese work, is still good authority in the general opinion of the natives:

        During the reign of Cliingtili [1506], foreigners from the West, called Fahlan-ki [Franks], who said that they had tribute, abruptly entered the Bogue, and by their tremendously loud guns, shook the place far and near. This was reported at court, and an order returned to drive them away immediately and stop their trade. At about this time also the Hollanders, who in ancient times inhabited a wild territory and had no intercourse with China, came to Macao in two or three large ships. Their clothes and their hair were red; their bodies tall; they had blue eyes, sunk deep in their heads. Their feet were one cubit and two-tenths long; and they frightened the people by their strange appearance. “‘

        ‘ The Chinese, Vol. I., p. 20.- The term hong-mao, or * red-haired,’ then applied to the Dutch, has sLuc« been transferred to the English.

        The Portuguese Hafael Perestrello sailed in a junk for China in 1516, five 3’ears after the conquest of IVIalacca, and was the first person who ever conducted a vessel to China under a European flag. Ferdinand Andrade came in the next year, in fcjur Portuguese and four Malay ships, and gave great satisfaction to the authorities at Canton by his fair dealings; his galleons were allowed to anchor at Shangchuen, or St. John’s Island. His brother Simon came the following year, and by his atrocious conduct entirely reversed the good opinion formed of his countrymen; the Chinese besieged him in port and drove him away in 1521. Others of his countrymen followed him, and one of the earliest ships accompanied some Chinese junks along the coast, and succeeded in establishing a factory at 2singpo; trade was also coiicliicted at Amoy. In 1537 there were three Portuguese settlements near Canton, one at St.

        John’s, one at a smaller island called Lanipa9ao (Lang-peh-kau), lying north-west of the Grand Ladroncs, and the third just l)eirun on Macao.’ In 1542 traders had left St. John’s for

        Lainpa9ao, and ten years afterward, at the time of Xavier’s

        death, trade was concentrated at the latter, where five or six

        hundred Portuguese constantly resided in 1500. Macao was

        connnenced under the pretext of erecting sheds for drying goods

        introduced under the appellation of trihute, and alleged to have

        been damaged in a storm. In 1573 the Chinese government

        erected a barrier wall across the isthmus joining Macao to the

        island of liiangshan, and in 1587 established a civil magistracy

        to rule the Chinese. By their ill conduct at Ningbo the Portuguese

        drew upon them the vengeance of the people, who rose

        upon them and ” destroyed twelve thousand Christians, including

        eight hundred Portuguese, and burned thirty-five ships and

        two junks.” One of their provocative acts is stated to have

        been going out in large parties into the neighboring villages

        and seizing the women and virgins, by which they justly lost

        their privileges in one of the provinces and ports best adapted

        to European trade. Four years later, in 15-19, they were also

        driven from their newly formed settlement at Chinchew.

        ‘ There stood originally on tlio site of tins town an idol known as Avia. Amau-gau, or Ama-kdu, then, meant the ‘Harbor of Ama,’ which in Portuguese was written Amiicuo, and afterward shortened to Marao. Conip. Trigautius, Be OJiristiana E.vjmHtione apvd S/iiks, Hiir). Nieuwhof, Niivirhriiru;e Bes’-Jiryrivf/e nivH Gosandarhitp, etc., Amsterdam, ^CtGA. Sir A. Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch of the Portii (pi cue Settlements in China, Boston, 18^(5. Chinese Commercial Guide, lifth edition, i^. 22’J.

        PORTUGUESE RELATIONS WITH CHINA. 429

        The Portuguese have sent four embassies to the Emperor of China. The first envoy, Thome Pires, was appointed by the Governor at Goa, and accompanied Ferdinand Andi-adc lo Canton, in 1517, where he was received and treated in the usual style of foreign ambassadors. When his mission was reported at Peking the Emperor Chingtih was infiuenced against it by a subject of the Sultan of Malacca, and detahied Pires at Canton three years; the flagitious conduct of Andrade’s brother

        and the character of the Portuguese induced the Emperor to

        appoint a court to examine whether the embassy was legitiujate

        or spurious, and Pires and his companions were adjudged to be

        spies and sent back to Canton to be detained till Malacca was

        restored. This not being done, he and others suffered death in

        September, 1523 ; other accounts lead to the inference that he

        died in 2)rison. Thus the innocent were made to suffer for the

        guilty. The next embassy was undertaken in 155’2, at the suggestion

        of Xavier, by the Viceroy of Goa, but the mission proceeded

        no farther than Malacca, the governor of that towTi

        refusing to allow it to leave the place—a significant intimation

        of the degree of subordination and order maintained by the

        Portuguese in the administration of their new colonies. The

        third was also sent from Goa in 1667, in the name of Alfonso

        YL, on occasion of the suspension of the trade of Macao by

        Kanghi ; the expense was defrayed by that colony (about

        forty thousand dollars), and ” the result of it so little answered

        their expectations that the Senate solicited his Majesty not to

        intercede in behalf of his vassals at Macao with the government

        of China, Avere it not in an imperious and cogent case.”

        A good opportunity and necessity for this, it was thought, presented itself in 1723, when Magaillans returned to China carrying the answer of the Pope to Kangxi, to send an envoy, Alexander Metello, along with him to Peking, lie arrived at court in May, 1727, and had his audience of leave in July, receiving in exchange for the thirty chests of presents which he offered, and which Yungching received with pleasure ” as evidences of the affection of the King of Portugal,” as many for his master, besides a cup of wine and some porcelain dishes, sent from the Emperor’s table, and other presents for himself and his retinue, which were ” valuable solely because they were the gifts of a monarch.” No more advantage resulted from this than the embassy sent a century previous, though it cost the inhabitants of Macao a like heavy sum. Another and last Portuguese embassy reached Peking in 1753, conducted and ending in much the same maimer as its predecessors ; all of them exhibiting, in a greater or less degree, the spectacle of humiliating submission of independent nations through their envoys to a I’oiirt which took pleasure in arrogantly exalting itself on the homage it received, and studiously avoided all reference to the real business of the embassy, that it might neither give nor deny anything. But in estimating its conduct in these respects, it must not be overlooked that the imperial court never associated commercial equality and regulations with embassies and tribute.

        The influence and wealth of the Portuguese in China for the last century and a half have gradual decreased. A Swedish knight. Sir Andrew Ljungstedt, published a historical sketch of their doings down to 1833, including an account of the colony, which is still the fullest book on the subject. In 1820 the opium trade was removed to Lintin, and that being the principal source of income, the commerce of the place for many years was at a low ebb. The imperial commissioner Iviying granted some additional privileges to the settlement in 1844, among others, permitting the inhabitants to build and repair new houses, churches, and ship’s without a license, and to trade at the five ports open to foreign commerce on the same terms as other nations ; it was just three centuries before this that the Portuguese were driven away from Ningbo. The anchorage of the Typa was included in the jurisdiction of Macao, but the application of the Portuguese commissioner to surcease payment of the anmial ground-rent of five hundred taels to the Chinese met with a decided refusal. Its advantages as a summer resort and its accessibility to a densely peopled region M^est invite visitors and traders to some extent, but the proximity and wealth of Hongkong make it secondary to that. Its short-lived prosperity in 1839-50, during the opium war and curly days of Hongkong, was followed b}’ the enlargement of the coolie trade, which for twenty-five years was the only real business.

        EMBASSIES AND TRADE. 431

        The Chinese have never ceded the peninsula to the Portuguese crown, although they were powerless to prevent the export of coolies; the relations now between the two countries are not distinctly defined. In 1862 a treaty was negotiated at Peking by Governor Guimaraes, in which the supremacy of the Portuguese authority over the ten-itory within the Barrier was implied rather than declared in Article IX., wherein the ecpial apTHEIR pointment of consular officers was mutually agreed to. The Chinese found out, however, that this virtually acknowledged the independence of the colony, and refused to i-atify the treaty without an express stipulation asserting their right of domain to the peninsula. It has never been ratified, therefore, but trade is unfettered, and the Chinese inhabitants continue to increase; no rental has been paid for the ground-tax since 1849. The cessation of the coolie trade in 1873 has reduced Macao lower than ever, and it now hardly pays its own officials; all the thrifty or wealthy foreign citizens have removed elsewhere.

        The trade between the Spaniards and Chinese has been

        smaller, and their relations less important than most other

        European nations. The Spanish admiral Legaspi conquered

        the Philippines in 1543, and Chinese merchants soon began to

        trade with Manila ; but the first attempt of the Spaniards to

        enter China was not made until 1575, when two Augustine

        friars accompanied a Chinese naval officer on his return home

        from the pursuit of a famous pirate named Li-ma-lion, whom

        the Spaniards had driven away from their new colony. The

        missionaries landed at Tansuso, a place on the coast of Kwangtung,

        and went up to Canton, where they were courteously received.

        The prefect sent them to the governor at Shanking,

        by whom they were examined ; they stated that their chief object

        was to form a close alliance between the two nations for

        their mutual benefit, adding at the same time what their countrymen

        had done against Li-ma-hon ; a second object was their

        wish to learn the language of China and teach its inhabitants their religion. The governor kept them in a sort of honorable bondage several weeks, and at last sent them back to Manila, doubtless by orders from court, though he alleged as a reason that the pirate Li-ma-hon was still at large. After the return of this mission the governor of the Philippines deemed it advisable to let the trade take its own course, and therefore refused the proposal of a body of Franciscans to enter the country.

        They, however, made the attempt in a small native vessel, and passed up the river to Tsiuenchau, where they were seized and examined as to their designs. Not being acquainted with the language, they were both themselves deluded and misrepresented to the prefect by a |)r()fes.se(l native friend who understood Portuguese; after many months’ delay they were mortified to learn that no permission to remain would be given, and in 1580 they returned to Manila, not at all disposed to renew the enterprise.

        Philip II,, however, having received the suggestion made by

        the Chinese admiral that he should send an embassy to Peking,

        had already ordered the governor to undertake such an enterprise.

        He fitted out a mission, therefore, in 1580, at the head

        of which was Martin Ignatius. It gives one a low idea of the

        skill of navigators at that day to learn that in this short trip,

        the vessel being carried np the coast northward of Canton, the

        party thought it better to land than to try to beat back to their

        destination. The envoy and all with him were brought before

        the Chinese officers, who, probably entirely misunderstanding

        their object, imprisoned them ; after considerable delay they

        were brought before a hio;her officer and sent on to Canton,

        where they were again imprisoned ; the Portuguese governor of

        Macao subsequently obtained their liberation. This unlucky

        attempt, if Mendoza is right in calling it an embassy, was the

        only one ever made by the Spanish government to communicate

        with the court of Peking nntil the mission of Don Sinibaido de

        Mas in 1847 and his treaty of 18G4. The pecular feature of that treaty was the piivilege, first granted to Spanish merchants, of engaging coolies as contract lal)orcrs for Cuba. The harsh treatment they received there led the Chinese to send a commission of inquiry in 1873, aiul to suspend the validity of this article until the truth could be ascertained. This procedure has resulted in a cessation of imported Chinese laborers at Havana.

        INTERCOUKSE BETWEEN HOLLAND AND THE EAST. 43.J

        The Chinese have carried on a valuable trade at Manila, but the Spaniards have treated them with peculiar severity. They are burdened Avith special taxes, and their immigration is rather restrained than encouraged. The harsh treatment of Chinese settlers there excited the attention and indignation of one of their countrymen many years ago, and on his return to Canton he exercised all his inHuence with officers of his own government, making what he had seen the model and the mative to induce them to treat all foreigners at Canton in the same way. It ended in perfecting the principal features of the system of espionage and restriction of the co-hong which existed for nearly a century, until the treaty of 1842;—another instance of the treatment requited upon foreigners for their own acts.

        The Dutch commerce with the East commenced after their successful struggle against the Spanish yoke, and soon after completing their independence they turned their arms against the oriental possessions of their enemies, capturing Malacca, the Spice Islands, and other places. They appeared before Macao in 1622 with a squadron of seventeen vessels, but being repulsed with the loss of their admiral and about three hundred men, they retired and established themselves on the Pescadores in 1624. Their occupation of this position was a source of great annoyance both to the Spaniards and to the Chinese authorities in Fuhkien. According to the custom of those days, they began to build a fort, and forced the native Chinese to do their work, treating them with great severity. Many of the laborers were prisoners, whom the Dutch had taken in their attacks.

        Alternate hostilities and parleys succeeded, the Chinese declaring that the Dutch must send an envoy to the authorities on the mainland ; they accord higly despatched Yon Mildert to Amoy, and the sub-prefect forwarded him to Fuhchau to the governor. He decided to send a messenger to the Dutch to state to them that trade would be allowed if they would remove to Formosa, but this proposition was refused. However, after a series of attacks and negotiations, the Chinese constantly increasing their forces and the Dutch diminishing in their supplies, the latter acceded to the proposition, and removed to Formosa, where they erected Fort Zealandia in 1G24. It is recorded that the Chinese landed five thousand troops on one of the Pescadore Islands ; and their determined efforts in repelling the aggressions or occupation of their soil by the Dutch probably raised their reputation for courage, and prevented the repetition of similar acts by others. It was doubtless a good stroke of policy on their part to propose the occupation of Formosa to the Dutch in exchange for the Pescadores, for they had not the least title to it themselves, aiul hardly knew its exact size at the character of the inhabitants. The Dutch endeavored ta extend their power over it, but with only partial success; in the villages around Fort Zealandia they introduced new laws among the inhabitants, and instead of their councils of elders, constituted one of their chief men supervisor in every village, to administer justice and report his acts to the governor of the island.

        The moral interests of the natives were not neglected, and in 162G George (Jandidius, a Protestant minister, Avas appointed to labor among them, and took great pains to introduce Christianity. The natives were ignorant of letters, their superstitions resting only on traditions or customs which were of recent origin; the prospects, therefore, of teaching them a better religion were favorable. In sixteen months he had instructed over a hundred in the leading truths of (,’hristianity. The work was progressing favorably, churches and schools were multiplying, the interniarria£o:es of the colonists and natives M-ere brinfofufiitr them into closer relationship with each other, and many thousands of the islanders had been baptized, when the Dutch governors in India, fearful of offending the Japanese, who were then persecuting the Christians in Japan—in which the Dutch helped them, to their lasting disgrace—restricted these benevolent labors, and discouraged the further conversion of the islanders. Thus, as often elsewhere in Asia, the interests of true religion were sacrificed upon the altar of mammon, and the trade thus bought died from inanition.

        During the struggles ensuent upon the overthrow of the Ming dynasty, many thousands of families emigrated to Formosa, some of whom settled under the Dutch, while others planted separate colonies ; their industry soon changed the desolate island into a cultivated country, and increased the produce of rice and sugar for exportation. The immigration went on so rapidly as to alarm the Dutch, who, instead of taking wise measures to conciliate and instruct the colonists, tried to prevent their landing, and thereby did much to irritate them and lead them to join in any likely attempt to expel the foreigners.

        DUTCH OCCUPATION OF FORMOSA. 435

        Meanwhile, their trade with China itself was trifling compared with that of their rivals, the Portuguese, and when the undoubted ascendancy of the Manchus was evident, the government of Batavia resolved to despatch a deputation to Canton to petition for trade. In January, 1653, Schedel was sent in a richly freighted ship, but the Portuguese succeeded in preventing any further traffic, even after the envoy had spent considerable sums in presents to the authorities, and obtained the governor’s promise to allow his countrymen to build a factory.

        Schedel was informed, however, that his masters would do well to send an embassy to Peking, a suggestion favorably entertained by the Company, which, in 1055, appointed Goyer and Keyzer as its envoys. The narrative of this embassy by Nieuwhof, the steward of the mission, made Europeans better acquainted with the country than they had before been—almost the only practical benefit it produced, for as a mercantile speculation it proved nearly a total loss. Their presents were received and others given in return ; they prostrated themselves not only before the Emperor in person, but made the kotow to his name, his letters, and his throne, doing everything in the way of humiliation and homage likely to please the new rulers. The only privilege their subserviency obtained was permission to send an embassy once in eight 3’ears, at which time they might come in four ships to trade.

        This mission left China in 1657, and very soon after, the Chinese chieftain, Ching Ching-kung (Koshinga, or Koxinga as his name is written by the Portuguese), began to prepare an attack upon Formosa. The Dutch had foreseen the probability of this onset, and had been strengthening the garrison of Zealandia since 1G50 while they were negotiating for trade ; Koxinga, too, had confined himself to sending emissaries among his countrymen in Formosa, to inform them of his designs. He set about preparing an armament at Amoy, ostensibly to strengthen himself against the Manchus, meanwhile carrying oil his ordinary traffic with the colony to lull all apprehensions until the council had sent away the admiral and force despatched from Java to protect them, when in June, 1661, he landed a force of twenty-five thousand troops, and took up a stroll”” position. The coinmniiicatinn hctweoii tlic forts being cnt off, the governor sent t\v<> ImiKbvd ami forty nien to dislodiTc the enemy, only luilf of whom retiirneil alive ; one (»f the four ships in the luirbor was burned by the Chinese, and another hastened to Batavia for reinforcements. Koxinga fol-\o\voa\ u\> these successes by cutting off all communication between the garrison and the surrounding country, and compelling the surrender of the garrison and cannon in the small fort.

        Fort Zealandia was now closely invested, but finding himself severely galled, he turned the siege into a blockade, and vented his rage against the Dutch living in the surrounding country, and such Chinese as abetted them. Some of the ministers and schoolmasters were seized and crucified, under the pretext that they encouraged their parishioners to resist ; others were used as ao-ents to treat concerninG; the surrender of the fort. Yalentyn has given a clear history of the occupation of Formosa by his countrymen in his great work, and especially of their defeat at Zealandia. He narrates an incident of Rev. A. Ilambroek, as does also ^^ieuwhof, from whose travels it is quoted.

        Among the Dutch prisoners taken in the country, was one Mr. Hambroek, a minister. This man was sent by Koxinga to the governor, to propose terms for surrendering the fort ; and that in case of refusal, vengeance would be taken on the Dutch prisoners. Mr. Hambroek came into the castle, being forced to leave his wife and children behind him as hostages, which sufficiently proved that if he failed in his negotiation, they had nothing but death to expect from the chieftain. Yet was he so far from persuading the garrison to surrender, that he encouraged them to a brave defence by hopes of relief, assuring them that Koxinga had lost many o” his best ships and soldiers, and began to be weary of the siege. When ho had ended, the council of war left it to his choice to stay with them or return to the camp, where he could expect nothing but present death; every one entreated him to stay. He had two daughters within the castle, who hung upon his nock, overwhelmed’ with grief and tears to see their father ready to go where they knew he must be sacrificed by the merciless enemy. But he represented to them that having left his wife and two other children as hostages, nothing but death could attend them if he returned not: so unlocking himself from his daughters’ arms, and exhorting everybody to a resolute defence, he returned to the camp, telling them at parting that he hoped he might prove serviceable to his poor fellow-prisoners, fvoxinga received his answer sternly ; then causing it to be rumored that the prisoners excited the Formosans to rebel, he ordered all the Dutch male prisoners to be slain ; some being beheaded, others killed in a more barbarous manner, to the number of five hundred, th ir b di .> .sviijipcd quite naked and buried; nor were the women and children spared, many of them. likewise being slain, though some of the best were preserved for the use of the commanders, and the rest sold to the common soldiers. Among the slain were Messrs. Hambruik, Mus, Wiiisam, Ampzingius, and Campius, clergymen, and many schoolmasters.

        KOXIXCiA DRIVES THEM FROM TIIK ISLAND. 4’17

        A force of ten ships and seven hundred men arriving from Batavia, the besieged began to act on the offensive, but were nnal)le to drive Koxinga from the town, though they checked his operations and brought down the garrisons from Kihmg and Tamsui to their aid. A letter from the governor of Fuhkien to Coyet, the Dutch governor, came soon after, suggesting a junction of their forces to drive Koxinga away from the coast, after which both could, easily conquer him in Formosa. This proposal was followed, but no sooner had the five vessels gone than Koxinga made his advances so vigorously that the garrison was forced to surrender, after a siege of nine months and the loss of one thousand six hundred men. Thus ended the Dutch rule in Formosa, after twenty-eight years’ duration.’

        ^ Chinese Repository, Vols. I., p. 414, and XX., p. 543. Journal N. C. Br.R. As. Soc, Vol. XI. (1876), Art. I. Moreau de St.-Mery, Vot/iu/e de VArnbassade de la ComjMignie des Iiuks orientales Ilolldnduises vers V Einpereur de la Chine, tire dujoiirtnd d^Andre Evcnird van, Branm Houckc/eest, translated and published in London, 2 Vols., 1798. J. Nieuwhof, JVamrkenrir/c Beachryrincie ran’t Oesandschap der NederlandtscJie Oost-Lidische Compagnie van Batavia nar Peking in Sina, door de Ileeren Pieter de Ooyer en Jacob de Keyser, Amsterdam,1G64.

        This loss induced the council at Batavia to prosecute their former enterprise against Anioy, where Koxinga still had a garrison. Twelve vessels were fitted out under Bort, who arrived, in 1662, at the mouth of the River Min, where he was visited by deputies from the governor, and induced to send two of his officers to arrange with him concerning operations. The governor was in the country, and the two officers, on reaching his camp, soon saw that there could be no cordiality between their leaders ; this proposal of a foreign power to assist them against the Chinese was too much like that of Wn San-kwei to their chieftains in 1644 for the Manchus to entertain it. Bort, desirous of doing something, commenced a series of attacks on the fleet and garrisons of Koxinga, burning and destroying them in a piratical manner, that was nut less ineffectual toward regaining Formosa and obtaining privilege of trade at Canton than harassing to the Chinese on the coast. lie returned to Batavia in 1663, and was despatched to Fnhkien in a few months with a stronger force, and ordered to make reprisals on both Manchus and Chinese, if necessary, in order to get satisfaction for the loss of Formosa. The governor received him favorably, and after a number of skirmishes against the rebellious Chinese, Amoy was taken and its troops destroyed, which completed the subjugation of the province to the Manchus. As a reward for this assistance, the real value of which cannot, however, be easily ascertained, the governor lent two junks to the Dutch to retake Formosa, but Koxinga laughed at the pitiful force sent against him, and Bort sailed for Batavia.

        These results so cliagrined the council that they fitted out no more expeditions, preferring to despatch an embassy, under Van lloorn, to Peking, to petition for trade and permission to erect factories, lie landed at Fulichau in 1664, where he was received in a polite manner. The imperial sanction had been already received, but he unwisely delayed his journey to the capital until his cargo was sold. While discussing this matter the Dutch seized a Chinese vessel bringing bullion from Java contrary to their colonial regulations, and the governor very properly intimated that until restitution was made no amicable arrangement could be completed ; consequently Van lloorn, in order to save his dignity and not contravene the orders of his own o;overnment, was obliged to allow the bullion to be carried ofp, as if by force, by a police officer.

        EMBASSIES OF VAN IIOORN AND VAN BRAA:\r. 439

        These preliminary disputes were not settled till nearly a year had elapsed, wdien A^an lloorn and his suite left Fulichau, and after a tedious journey up the River Min and across the mountains to llangchau, they reached the canal and Peking, having been six months on the way, ” during which they saw thirty seven cities and three hundred and thirty-five villages.” The same succession of prostrations before an empty throne, followed by state banquets, and accompanied by the presentation and conferring of presents, characterized the reception of this embassy as it had all its predecessors. It ended with a similar farce, alike pleasing to the haughty court which received it, and unworthy the Christian nation which gave it; and the “only result of this grand expedition was a sealed letter, of the contents^ of which they were wholly ignorant, but which did not, in fact, grant any of the privileges they so anxiously solicited.” They had, by their performance of the act of prostration, caused their nation to be enrolled among the tributaries of the Grand khan, and then were dismissed as loyal subjects should be, at the will of their liege lord, with what he chose to give them. It was a fitting end to a career begun in rapine and aggression toward the Chinese, who had never provoked them.

        The Dutch sent no more embassies to Peking for one hundred and thirty years, but carried on trade at Canton on the same footing as other nations. The ill success of Macartney’s embassy in 1793 induced Van Braam, the consular agent at Canton, to propose a mission of salutation and respect from the government of Batavia, on the occasion of Kienlung reaching the sixtieth year of his reign. He hoped, by conforming to Chinese ceremonies, to obtain some privileges which would place Dutch trade on a better footing, but one would have supposed that the miscarriage of former attempts might have convinced him that nothing was to be gained by new humiliations before a court which had just dismissed a well-appointed 3mbassy. The Company appointed Isaac Titsingh, late from lapan, as chief commissioner, giving Van Braam the second place, and making up their cortege with a number of clerks and interpreters, one of whom, De Guignes, wrote the results of his researches during a long residence in Canton, and his travels with the embassy to Peking, under the title of Vo;/-arjen d Peking. It is needless to detail the annoyances, humiliations, and contemptuous treatment experienced by the embassy on its overland journey in midwinter, and the degrading manner in which the Emperor received the envoys : his hauteur was a befitting foil to their servility, at once exhibiting both his pride and their ignorance of their true position and rights.

        They were brought to the capital like malefactors, treated when there like beggars, and then sent back to Canton like mountebanks to perform the three-times-three prostration at all times and before everything their conductors saw fit; avIio on their part stood by and hiughed at their embarrassment in mailing these evolutions in their tight clothes. They were not allowed a single opportunity to speak about business, which the Chinese never associate with an embassy, but were entertained with banquets and theatrical shows, and performed many skillful evolutions themselves upon their skates, greatly to the Emperors gratification, and received, moreover, a present of broken victuals from him, which had not only been honored by coming from his Majesty’s own table, but bore marks of his teeth and good appetite;” they were upon a dirty plate, and appeared rather destined to feed a dog than form the repast of a human creature.” Van Braanrs account of this embassy is one of the most humiliating records of ill-requited obsequiousness before insolent government lackeys which any European was ever called upon to pen. The mission returned to Canton in April, 1706, having attained no more noble end than that of saluting the Emperor, and this, indeed, was all the Chinese meant should be done when themselves suggesting the entire performance; for in order to understand much of their conduct toward their guests, the feelings they entertained toward them must not be lost sight of.

        In 1843 the governor-general at Batavia sent T. Modderman to Canton to make inquiries respecting trade at the newly opened ports and establish consulates. The council there had, in 1839, forbidden Chinese to settle in any of their Indian colonies, owing to their skill in engrossing the native trade; but when this prohibition was removed about 1875, the Chinese showed no disposition to emigrate to Java. In 1803 a treaty was negotiated by M. Van der Ilooven at Tientsin, which placed the trade on the same footing as other nations.

        RELATIONS OF FRANCE AND KTTSSIA WITH CHIXA. 441

        The French Government has never sent a formal mission to the capital to petition for trade and make obeisance, though thnjugii their missionaries that nation has made Europeans better acquainted with China and given the Chinese more knowledge of western countries than all other Christian nations together. In the year 12S!) Pliilij) the Fair received a letter from Argun khan in Persia, and in 1305 another from Oljaitu, both of them proposing joint action against their enemies the Saracens. The originals are still to be seen in Paris. In 1G88 Louis XIV. addressed a letter to Ivanghi, whom he called “Most high, most excellent, most puissant, and most magnaniuious prince, dearly beloved good friend ; ” and signed himself “Your most dear and good friend, Louis.” Li 1844 diplomatic relations were resumed by the appointment of a large mission, at the head of which was M. Lagrenc, by whom a treaty was formed between France and China.’

        The Russians have sent several embassies to Peking, and

        compelled the Chinese to treat them as equals. The first recorded

        visit of Russian agents at Peking is that of two Cossacks,

        Petroff and Yallysheff, in 1567, who, however, did not

        see the Emperor Lungking, who succeeded to the throne that

        year, because they had brought no presents. In 1619 Evashko

        Pettlin i-eached that city, having come across the desert from

        Tomsk ; but he and his companion, having no presents, could

        not see the ” dragon’s face,” and were dismissed with a letter,

        which all the learning at Tobolsk and Moscow could not decipher.

        Thirty-four years after, the Czar Alexis (1653) sent his

        envoy Baikoff, who refused to prostrate himself before the

        Erapei-or Shunchl, and was promptly dismissed. This repulse

        did not interfere with trade, for in the years 1658, 1672, and

        1677 three several trading embassies reached Peking. During

        j»ll this time Russian and Chinese subjects and soldiers frequently

        quarrelled, especially along the banks of the Amur, and

        the necessity of settling these disturbances and pretexts for

        trouble by fixing the boundary line being evident to both nations,

        commissioners were appointed and met at Xipchu, where,

        on August 27, 1689, they signed the first treaty ever agreed

        upon by the court of Peking. The principal points in it were

        the retirement of the Russians from Albazin and Manchuria,

        where they had held their own for thirty-eight years, the fj-eedom

        of trade, and defining the frontier along the Daourian

        Mountains. The missionary Gerbillon was mainly instrumental

        ‘ CMnese Repository, Vol. XIX., pp. 526-535. Yule’s CatJiay, p. cxxx. Re*muriut in Mem. de I’AacJ. Ins., Vol. VII., pp. 367, 391 ff.

        ill settling these disputes, and neitlier party would probably

        have lowered its ari-ogaut claims if it had not been through his

        influence ; the Chinese were far the most difficult to please.’

        Peter sent Ysbrandt Ides in 1G92 as his envoy to Peking to

        exchange the ratitications. llis journey across the wilds and

        wastes of Central Asia took up more time than a voj^age by

        sea, for it was not till a year and eight months that “he could

        return thanks to the great God, who had conducted them all

        safe and well to their desired place.” Ides’ own account of his

        mission contains very slight notices regarding its object or how

        he was received ; but it is now credibly believed that he performed

        the kotoio before the Emperor. About twenty years

        after iiis departure, Kanghi sent a Manchu envoy, Tulishen,

        through Russia to confei” with the khan of the Tourgouth Tartars

        about their return to China, which a portion of them accomplished

        some years after. Tulishen executed his mission so

        well that he was sent again as envoy to the Czar about 1730,

        and reached Petersburg in the reign of Peter II. In 1719 Peter the Great despatched another embassy, under Ismailoif, to arrange the trade then conducted on a precarious footing—an account of which was drawn up by John Bell in 17G3. Ismailoff refused to prostrate himself until it was agreed that a Chinese minister, whenever sent to Petersburg, should conform to the usages of the Russians ; a safe stipulation, certainly, to a court which never demeans itself to send missions. The evident desii-ableness of keeping on good terms with the Russians led the Chinese to treat their envoys with unusual respect and attend to the business they came to settle. One of the most instructive books on the kind of intercourse carried on during this period is the Journal of Lange, who went first in 1716, and thrice afterward, and has left an account of his residence at Kangxi’s capital.’

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. VIII., pp. 417, 500. Du Halde, Description geo’gi’fiphiqiie, historiqne, chronologique, ]iulitique el phyHique iJe V Empire tie la Chine”t deht, T(trf(irie chinoiHC, 4 vols., Paris, 1735. G. Timkowski, Travels of the liiisKian Mission through Mongolia to China, etc., 2 vols., London, 1827. Klaproth, Memoires stir I’ A.sie, Tome I., pp. 1-81.

        ” Published in one volume with Bell: Joitritcy froni St. Petersburgh in Ruatin to Ispahan in Persia, etc., London, 1715.

        RUSSIAN MISSIONS TO PKKIXG. 443

        In 1727 a fifth mission was sent by the Empress Catherine under Count Vladishivitcli, which succeeded in establishing the intercourse on a still better basis, viz., that a mission, consisting of six ecclesiastical and four lay members, should remain at Peking to study the Chinese and Manchu languagea, so that in terpreters could be prepared and communications carried on satisfactorily; the members were to be changed decennially. The caravans, which had been the vehicles of trade, were regulated about 1730 by the establishment, at Kiakhta and Maimaichin, of two marts on the frontier, where it could be brought under regulations; the last reached Peking in 1755. This embassy was the most successful of all, and partly owing to the Emperor Yungcliing”s desire to counterbalance Jesuit intrigues by raising up other interpreters. This treaty, signed August 27, 1727, remained in force till June, 1858—the longest lived treaty on record.

        The narrative of George Timkowski, who conducted the relief sent in 1821, gives an account of his trip from Kiakhta across the desert, together with considerable information relating to the Kalkas and other Mongol tribes subject to China. The archimandrite.

        Hyacinth Batchourin, has given a description of Poking, but such works as the members of the Russian college have written are for the most part still in that language. Up to the present date there have been sixteen archiniandrites (1736 to 1880) and many monks attached to the ecclesiastical mission in Peking.’

        The intercourse of the English with Chiria, though it commenced

        later than other maritime nations of Europe, has been

        far more important in its consequences, and their trade greater

        in amount than all other foreign nations combined. This intercourse

        has not been such as was calculated to impress the Chinese

        with a just idea of the character of the British nation as a

        leading Christian people ; for the East India Company, which

        had the monopoly of the trade between the two countries for

        nearly two centuries, systematically opposed every effort to diffuse

        Christian doctrine and general knowledge among them down to the end of their control in 1834.

        ‘ Dudgeon’s monograph on Russian Intercourse with China contains notices of all events of any importance between the two nations, digested with great care, pp. 80, Peking, 1872. Also, Martin’s China, Vol. I., p. 386.

        The liri^t English vessels anc-liored oft Macao in July, 1G35

        under the coiumand of AVeddell, who was sent to China in ac

        o’ordance witli a “truce and free trade” which liad been entered

        into between the Enghsh merchants and the viceroy of Goa, wlio

        gave letters to the governor of Macao. The iieet was coldlj

        received and AVeddell deluded with vain promises until the

        Portuguese fleet had sailed for Japan, when he was denied permission

        to trade. Two or three of his officers having visited

        Canton, he was very desirous to participate in the traffic, and

        proceeded wi’di his whole fleet up to the Bogue forts, where

        this desire was made known to the commanders of the forts,

        who promised to return an answer in a week. Meanwhile the

        Portuguese so misrepresented them to the Chinese that the

        commander of the forts concluded to end the matter by driving

        them away. Having made every preparation during the j^eriod

        the fleet M’as waiting, an attack was first made upon a wateringboat

        by firing shot at it when passing near the forts.

        ” Herewith the whole fleet, being instantly incensed, did, on

        the sudden, display their bloody ensigns ; and, weighing their

        anchors, fell up with the flood, and berthed themselves before

        the castle, from whence came many shot, yet not any that

        touched so much as ludl or rope ; wdierenpon, not being able to

        endure their bravadoes any longer, each ship began to play

        furiously upon them with their broadsides ; and after two or

        three hours, perceiving their cowardly fainting, the boats were

        landed with about one hundred men : which sight occasioned

        them, w’ith great distractions, instantly to abandon the castle and

        fly ; the boats’ crews, in the meantime, without let, entering the

        same and displaying his Majesty’s colors of Great Britain upon

        the walls, having the same night put aboard all their ordnance,

        fired the council-house and demolished wdiat they could. The

        boats of the fieet also seized a juidv laden with boards and timber,

        and another wuth salt. Another vessel of small moment

        was surprised, by whose boat a letter was sent to the chief

        mandarins at Canton, expostulating their breach of truce, excusing

        the assailing of the castle, and withal in fair terms r&

        i[uiring the liberty of trade.” ‘ This letter was shortly answered,

        ‘ Staunton’s E^mbassy^ Vol. I.

        , y\>. 5-12.

        COMMENCEMENT OF J5KIT1SII INTEKCOUKSE. 44^

        and after a little explanatory negotiation, hastened to a favorable

        conclusion on the part of the Chinese by what they had

        seen, trade was allowed after the captured guns and vessels

        were restored and the ships supplied with cargoes.

        No other attempt to open a trade was made till 1G64, and

        during the change of dynasty which took place in the interim,

        the trade of all nations with China suffered. The East India

        Company had a factory at ijantam in Java, and one at Madras,

        but their trade with the East was seriously inconnnoded by tlie

        war with the Dutch ; when it was renewed in 1664, only one

        ship was sent to Macao, but such v/ere the exactions imposed

        upon the trade by the Chinese, and the effect of the misrepresentations of the Portuguese, that the ship returned without

        effecting sale. This did not discourage the Company, however,

        who ordered their agents at Bantam to make inquiries respecting

        the most favorable port and what commodities were most

        in demand. They mentioned ” Fuhchau as a place of great

        resort, affording all China commodities, as raw and wrought

        silk, tutenague, gold, china-root, tea, etc.” A trade had been

        opened with Koxinga’s son in Formosa and at Amoy, but this

        rude chieftain had little other idea of traffic than a means of

        helping himself to every curious commodity the ships brought,

        and levying heavy imposts upon their cargoes. A treaty was

        indeed entered into with him, in which the supercargoes, as

        was the case subsequently in 1842, stipulated for far greater

        privileges and lighter duties than Chinese goods and vessels

        would have had in English ports. Besides freedom to

        go where they pleased without any one attending them, access

        at all times to the king, liberty to choose their own clerks

        and trade with whom they pleased, it was also agreed ” that

        what goods the king buys shall pay no custom ; that rice

        imported pay no custom ; that all goods imported pay three

        per cent, after sale, and all goods exported be custom free.”

        The trade at Amoy was more successful than at Zealandia, and a small vessel was sent there in 16TT, which brought back a favorable report. In 1078 the investments for these two places were $30,000 in bullion and $20,000 in goods ; the returns were chiefly in silk goods, tutenague, rhubarb, etc.; the trade was continued fur several years, ajiparently with considerable profit, though the Manchus continually increased the restrictions under which it labored. In 16S1 the Company ordered their factories at Anioy and Formosa to be withdrawn, and one established at Canton or Fuhchau, but in 1685 the trade was renewed at Amoy.

        The Portuguese managed to prevent the English obtaining a footing at Canton until about 10S4 ; and, as Davis remarks, the stupid pertinacity with which they endeavored to exclude them from this port and trade is one of the most striking circumstances connected with these trials and rivalries. It is the more inexplicable in the case of the rortuguese, for they could carry nothing to England, nor could they force the English to trade with them at second hand ; theirs M’as truly the ” dog in the manger” policy, and they have subsequently starved upon it.

        In 10S9 a duty of five shillings per pound was laid upon tea imported into England ; and the principal articles of export are stated to have been wrought silks of every kind, porcelain, lacquered-ware, a good quantity of fine tea, some fans and screens.

        Ten years after, the court of directors sent out a consul’s commission to the chief supercargo, Mr. Catchpoolo, which constituted him king’s minister or consul for the whole Empire of China and the adjacent islands. In ITOl an attempt was made by him to open a trade, and he obtained permission to send ships to Chusan or Ningbo; an investment in three vessels, worth £101,300, was accordingly made, but he found the exactions of the government so grievous, and the monopoly of the merchants so oppressive, that the adventure proved a great loss, and the traders were compelled to withdraw. The Company’s hopes of trade at that port nuist, however, have been great, for their investment to Amoy that year was only ,£34,400, and to Canton £40,800. In 1702 Catchpoole also established a factory at Pulo Condore, an island near the coast of Cochin China which had been taken by the English. The whole concern, however, experienced a tragical end in 1705, when the Malays rose upon the English, murdered them all, and burned the factory. The Cochin Chinese are said to have instigated this treacherous at tack to regain the island, which was claimed by them.

        EARLY EFFORTS IX ESTABLISHING A TRADE. 447

        The extortions and grievances suffered by the traders at Canton were increased in 1T02 by the appointment of an individual who alone had the right of trading with them and of farming it out to those who had the means of doing so. The trade seems hardly, even at this time, to have taken a regular form, but by 1720 the number and value of the annual commodities had so much increased that the Chinese established a uniform duty of four per cent, on all goods, and appointed a body of native merchants, who, for the privilege of trading with foreigners, became security for their payment of duties and good behavior. The duty on imports was also increased to about sixteen per cent, and an enormous fee demanded of purveyors before they could supply ships with provisions, besides a heavy measurement duty and cumshaw to the collector of customs.

        These exactions seemed likely to increase unless a stand was taken against them. This was done by a united appeal to the governor in person in 1728 ; yet the relief was only temporary, for the plan was so effectual and convenient for the government that the co-hona; was ei-e lono- re-established as the only medium through which the foreign trade could be conducted. An additional duty of ten per cent, was laid upon all exports, which no efforts were effectual in removing until the accession of Kienlung in 1736. This apparently suicidal practice of levying export duties is, in China, really a continuation of the internal excise or transit duties paid upon goods exported in native vessels as well as foreign.

        The Emperor, in taking off the newly imposed duty of ten per cent, required that the merchants should hear the act of grace read upon their knees ; but the foreigners all met in a bodv, and each one ao;i’eed on his honor not to submit to this slavish posture, nor make any concession or proposal of accommodation without acquainting the I’est. The Emperor also required the delivery of all the arms on board ship, a demand afterward waived on the payment of about ten thousand dollars.

        The Hang merchants shortly became the only medium of communication with the government, themselves being the exactors of the duties and contrivers of the grievances, and when complaints were made, the judges of the equity of their own acta

        In 1734 only one English ship came to Canton, and one waa sent to Anioy, but the extortions there were greater than at the other port, whereupon the latter vessel withdrew. In 1736 the number of ships at Canton was four English, two French, two Dutch, one Danish, and one Swedish vessel ; the Portuguese ships had been restricted to Macao before this date.

        Commodore Anson arrived at Macao in 1742, and as the Centurion was the first British man-of-war which had visited China, his decided conduct in refusing to leave the river until provisions were furnished, and his determination in seeking an interview with the governor, no doubt had a good effect. A mixture of decision and kindness, such as that exhibited by Anson when demanding only what was in itself right, and backed by an array of force not lightly to be trifled with or incensed, has always proved the most successful way of dealing with the Chinese, who on their part need instruction as well as intimidation. The constant presence of a ship of war on the coast of China would perhaps have saved foreigners nnich of the personal vexations, and prevented many of the imposts upon trade which the history of foreign intercourse exhibits, making it in fact little better than a recital of annoyances on the part of a government too ignorant and proud to understand its own true interests, and recriminations on the part of traders unable to do more than protest against them.

        EXERTIONS AND PUNISHMENT OF MR. FLINT. 449

        In consequence of the exactions of the government and the success of the co-hong in preventing all direct intercourse with the local authorities, the attempt was again made to trade at .Vmoy and jSingpo. The llardwicke was sent to Amoy in 1744, and obliged to return without a cargo. Messrs. Flint and Harrison were despatched to Tsingpo in 1755, and were well received ; but when the Ilolderness subsequently came to trade, it was with difficulty that she procured a cargo, and an iuq)erial edict was promulgated soon after restricting all foreign ships to Canton. In 175i> the factor}- at IS’ingpo was demulished, so that Mr. Flint, who repaired there that year, was imable to do anything toward restoring the trade. This gentleman was a person of uncommon perseverance and talents, and had mastered the difficulties of the Chinese language so as to act as interpreter at Canton twelve years before lie was sent on his mission, ” The ungrateful return which his energy and exertions in their service met with from his employers,” justly observes Sir erolin Davis, ” was such as tended in all probability, more than any other cause, to discourage his successors from undertaking so laborious, unprofitable, and even hazardous a work of supererogation.”

        On his arrival at Ningpo, Mr. Flint, finding it useless to attempt anything there, proceeded in a native vessel to Tientsin, from whence he succeeded in making his case known to the Emperor Kienlung. A commissioner was deputed to accompany him overland to Canton ; Mr. Flint proceeded to the English factory soon after his arrival, and the foreigners of all nations assembled before the commissioner, who informed them that the hoppo had been superseded, and all duties remitted over six per cent, on goods and the cumshaw and tonnage dues on ships. The sequel of Mr. Flint’s enterprise was unfortunate, and the mode the Chinese took to bring it about thoroughly characteristic.

        It proved, however, that these fair appearances were destined only to be the prelude to a storm. Some days afterward the governor desired to see Mr. Flint for the purpose of communicating the Emperor’s orders, and was accompanied by the council of his countrymen. When the party had reached the palace, the Hang merchants proposed their going in one at a time, but they insisted on proceeding together ; and on Mr. Flint being called for, they were received at the first gate and ushered through two courts with seeming complaisance by the officers in waiting ; but on arriving at the gate of the inner court they were hurried, and even forced into the governor’s presence, where a struggle ensued with their brutal conductors to force them to do homage after the Chinese fashion until they were overpowered and thrown down. Seeing their determination not to submit to these base humiliations, the governor ordered the people to desist ; and then telling Mr. Flint to advance, he pointed to an order, which he called the Emperor’s edict, for his banishment to Macao, and subsequent departure for England, on account of his endeavoring to open a trade at Ningpo contrary to orders from Peking He added that the native who had written the petition in Chinese was to b^ beheaded that day for traitorously encouraging foreigners, which was performed on a man quite innocent of what these officers were pleased to call a crime. Mr. Flint was soon after conveyed to Tsienshan, a place near Macao, called Casa Branca by the Portuguese, where he was imprisoned two years and a half and then sent to England. ‘

        ‘Davis, Chinese, Vol. I., p. 58.

        Mr. Flint stated to the Company that a fee of one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars to the governor would set him at liberty, but they contented themselves Avith a petition. The punishment he received from the Chinese for this attempt to break their laws would not have been considered as unmerited or unjust in any other country, but the neglect of the Company to procure the liberation of one who had suffered so much to serve them reflects the greatest reproach upon that body.

        The whole history of the foreign trade, as related by Auber

        In his chronological narrative, during the one hundred and fifty years up to 1842 is a melancholy and curious chapter in national intercourse. The grievances complained of were delay in loading ships and plunder of goods on their transit to Canton; the injurious proclamations annually put up by the government accusing foreigners of horrible crimes ; the extortions of the underlings of office ; and the difficulty of access to the high authorities. The Hang merchants, from their position as traders and interpreters between the two parties, were able to delude both to a considerable extent, though their responsibility for the acts and payments of foreigners, over whom they could exercise no real restraint, rendered their .situation by no means pleasant. The rule on which the Chinese government proceeded in its dealings with foreigners was this :

        *’ The barbarians are like beasts, and not to be ruled on the same principles as citizens. AYere any one to attempt controlling them by the great maxims of reason, it would tend to nothing but confusion. The ancient kings well understood this, and accordingly ruled barbarians by misrule ; therefore, to rule barbarians by misrule is the true and best way of ruling them.”

        The same rule in regard to foreign traders was vii-tuallj^ acted on in England during the reign of Henry A”II., and the ideas among the Chinese of their power over those who visit their shores are not unlike those which prevailed in Europe before the Reformation.

        ANOMALOUS POSITION OF FOREIGNERS IX CHINA. 451

        The entire ignorance of foreign traders of the spoken and written language of China brought them into contempt with all classes, and where all intercourse was carried on in a jargon which each party despised, the results were often misunderstanding, dislike, and hatred. Another fruitful source oi difficulty was the turbulent conduct of sailors. The French and English seamen at Whanipoa, in 1754, carried their national hatred to such a degree that they could not pursue their trade without quarrelling; and a Frenchman having killed an English sailor, the Chinese stopped the trade of the former nation

        until the guilty person was given np, though he was subsequently

        liberated. The Chinese allotted two different islands

        in the river at Whampoa for the recreation of the seamen of each

        nation, in order that such troubles might be avoided in future,

        A similar case occurred at Canton in 17S0, when a Frenchman

        killed a Portuguese sailor at night in one of the merchants’

        houses and fled to the consul’s for refuge. The Chinese demanded

        the criminal, and after some days he was given up to

        them and publicly strangled ; this punishment he no doubt merited,

        although it was the fii’st case in which they had interfered

        where the matter was altogether among foreigners. In 1784

        a native was killed by a ball left in a gun when firing a salute,

        and the Chinese, on the principle of requiring life for life, demanded

        the man who had fired the gun. Knowing that the

        English were not likely to give him up, the police seized Mr. Smith, the supercargo of the vessel, and carried him a prisoner into the city. On the seizure of this gentleman the ships’ boats were ordered up from Whampoa with armed crews to defend the factories, A messenger from the Chinese, however, declared that their purpose in seizing Smith was simply to examine him on the affair, to which statement the captive himself added a request that the gunner should be sent up to the authorities and submit to their questions. Trusting too much to their promises, the man was allowed to go alone before the officials within the city walls, when Mr. Smith was immediately liberated and the unhappy gunner strangled, after some six weeks’ confinement, by direct orders of the Emperor. The man, probably, underwent no form of trial intelligible to himself, and his condemiuition was the more unjust, as by Section CCXCII. of the Chinese code he was allowed to ransom himself by a fine of about twenty dollars. As a counterpart of this

        tragedy, the Chinese stated (and there was reason for believing

        tliein) tliat a native who had accidentally killed a British sea

        man about the same time was executed for the casualty.

        The Chinese mode of operations, when it was inipracticablo

        to get possession of the guilty or accused party, was well exhibited

        in the ease of a homicide occurring in 1807. A party

        of sailors had been drinking at Canton, when a scuffle ensued,

        and the sailors put the populace to flight, killing one of the

        natives in tlie onset. The trade was promptly stopped, and the

        liong merchant M’ho liad sccxred the .ship lield responsible for

        the delivery of the offender. Eleven men were arrested and a

        court instituted in the Company’s hall before Chinese judges,

        Captain Rolles, of II. B. M. ship Lion, being present with the

        committee. The actual homicide could not be found, but one

        Edward Sheen \vas detained in custody, which satisfied the

        Chinese M’hile he remained in Canton ; but when the committee

        wished to take him to Macao with them they resisted, imtil

        Captain Holies declai’cd that otherwise he should take the ])risoner

        on board his own ship, which he did. Being now beyond

        their reach, the authorities were fain to account for the affair

        to the supreme triljunul at the capital by inventing a tale, stating

        that the prisoner had caused the death of a native by raising

        an upj)er window and accidentally dropping a stick npon

        liis head as he was passing in the street below. This statement

        was reported to his Majesty as having been concurred in by the

        English after a full examination of witnesses who attested to

        the circumstances ; the imperial rescript affirmed the sentence

        of the Board of Punishments, which ordered that the prisoner

        should be set at liberty after paying the nsual fine of twenty

        dollars provided by law to defray the funeral expenses. The

        trade was thereupon resumed.’

        ‘ Sir G. T. Staunton, Penal Code of Chiiut^ p. 516.

        CIIIXKSK ACTION IN CASP:S OF nOMIClDE. 453

        Another case of homicide occurred at AVhampoa in 1820, when the authorities reported that the butcher of another ship, who had committed suicide the day of the inquest, was the guilty person. The court of directors very properly blamed their agents at Canton for their complicity in this subterfuge, and spoke of ” the paramount advantages which must invariably be derived from a strict and inflexible adherence to truth as the foundation of all moral obligations.” ‘

        Other cases of murder and homicide have since occurred between foreigners and natives. In the instance of the British frigate Topaze at Lin tin Island in 1822, whose crew had been attacked on shore, her captain successfully resisted the surrender of a British subject for the death of two natives in the affray.

        The dignified and united action of the British authorities on this occasion was a striking contrast to the weakness of the Americans the year before in the case of Terrariova. It proved the beneficial results of a stand for the I’ight, for no foreigner has since been executed by the Chinese. It also proved the necessity and advantages of competent interpreters and translators, inasmuch as the case owed much of its success to Dr. Morrison’s aid, which had been rejected by the Hang merchants the previous year.”

        These cases are brought together to illustrate the anomalous

        position which foreigners once held in China. They constituted

        a community by themselves, sui)ject chiefly to their own

        sense of honor in their mutual dealings, but their relations wdth

        the Chinese were like what lawyers call a ” state of nature.”

        The change of a governor-general, of a collector of customs, or

        senior hong merchant, involved a new couree of policy according

        to the personal character of these functionaries. The committee

        of the East India Company had considerable power over

        British subjects, especially those living in Canton, and could

        deport them if they pleased ; but the consuls of other nations

        had little or no authority over their countrymen. Trade was

        left at the same loose ends that politics were, and the want of

        an acknowledged tariff encouraged sniuggling and kept up a

        constant spirit of resistance and dissatisfaction between the native

        and foreign merchants, each party endeavoring to get along

        as advantageously to itself as practicable. IS or was there any

        acknowlediied medium of communication between them, for the

        ‘ Auber, Chirm: An Outline of its Oovernment, Tmws, Policy, etc., p. 286,London, 18;M.

        – ChhuHi’ Repository, Vol. II., pp. 513-515. Moriison’s Memoirs, Vol. XL.App., p. 10- Auber, China, its Government, etc., pp ~88-309.

        (•(.iit^iils, not being credited by the Chinese Government, came

        and went, hoisted or lowered their flags, without the slightest

        notice fi’oni the authorities. Trade conld proceed, perhaps,

        without involving the nations in war, since if it was unprofitable

        it would cease ; but while it continued on such a precarious

        footing national character suffered, and tlic misrepresentations

        produced thereby rendered explanations dilficult, inasmuch as

        neither party understood or believed the other.

        The death of the unfortunate gunner in 1784, and the large

        debts owed to the English by the hong merchants, Avhich there

        seemed no probability of recovering, induced the British Government

        to tnrn its attention to the situation of the king’s subjects in

        China with the purpose of placing their relations on a better

        footing. The flagitious conduct of a Captain M’Clary, who seized

        a Dutch vessel at Whampoa in 1781, which Davis narrates,”

        and the inability of the Company to restrain such proceedings,

        also had its weight in deciding the crown to send an embassy to

        Peking. Colonel Cathcart was appointed envoy in 1788, but his

        death in the Straits of Sunda temporarily deferred the mission,

        which was resumed on a larger scale in 1792, when the Earl of

        Macartney was sent as ambassador, with a large suite of able

        men, to place the relations between the two nations, if possible,

        on a well-understood and secure footing. Two ships were appointed

        as tenders to accompany his Majesty’s ship Lion (04),

        and nothing was omitted, either in the composition of the mission

        or the presents to the Emperor, to insure its success. Little

        is known regarding its real impression upon the Chinese ;

        they treated it with great consideration while it remained in

        the country, although at an estimated cost of $850,000, and probably dismissed it with the feeling that it was one of the most splendid testimonials of respect that a tributary nation had ever paid their court. The English were henceforth registered among the nations who had sent tribute-bearers, and were consequently only the more bound to obey the injunctions of their master.”

        ‘ The Cfiitirsr, Vol. I., p. 03.

        ‘Sir G. L. Staunton, Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China, 3 vols., London, 1798.

        EMBASSY OF LOIID MACA KINKY, 45.0

        To the European world, as well as to the British nation, however, this expedition may be said to have opened China, so great was the interest taken in it and so well calculated were the narratives of Staunton and Barrow to convey better ideas of that remote country. ” Much of the lasting impression which the relations of Lord Macartney’s embassy leave on the mind of his reader,” to quote from a review of it, ” must be ascribed, exclusive of the natural effect of clear, elegant, and able composition, to the number of persons engaged in that business, the variety of their characters, the reputation they already enjoyed or afterward acquired ; the bustle and stir of a sea voyage; the placidity and success which finally characterized the intercourse of the English with the Chinese ; the splendor of the reception the latter gave to their European guests ; the walks in the magnificent gardens of the ‘ Son of Heaven ; ‘ the picturesque and almost romantic navigation upon the imperial canal; and perhaps, not less for the interest we feel for every grand enterprise, skillfully prepared, and which proves successful, partly in consequence of the happy choice of the persons and the means by which it was to be carried into effect.” This impression of the grandeur and extent of the Chinese Empire has ever since more or less remained upon the minds of all readers of Staunton’s narrative ; but truer views were imparted than had before been entertained concerning its real civilization and its low rank among the nations.

        That the embassy produced some good effect is undeniable, though it failed in most of the principal points.. It also afforded the Chinese an opportunity of making arrangements concerning that future intercourse which they could not avoid, even if they would not negotiate, and of acquiring information concerning foreign nations which would have proved of great advantage to them. Their contemptuous i-ejection, ignorant though they decided to remain of the real character of these courtesies, of peaceful missions like those of Macartney, Titsingh, and others, takes away much of our sympathy for the calamities which subsequently came upon them. With characteristic shortsightedness they looked upon the very means taken to arrange existing ill-understood relations as a reason for considering those relations as settled to their liking, and a motive to ^\\\\ further exactions.

        For many years subsequent to this endjassy the trade went on without interruption, though the demands and duties were rather increased than diminished, and the personal liberty of foreigners more and more restricted. The government generally, down to the lowest underling, systematically endeavored to degrade and insult foreigners in the eyes of the populace and citizens of Canton, in order, in case of any disturbance, to have their co-operation and sympathy against the ” barbarian devils,” The dissolute and violent conduct of many foreigners toward the Chinese gave them, alas, too many arguments for their aspersions and exactions, and both parties too frequently considered the other fair subjects for imposition.

        In 1S02 the English troops occupied Macao by order of the governor-general of India, lest it should be attacked by the French, but the news of the treaty of peace arriving soon after, they re-embarked almost as soon as the Chinese remonstrated.

        The discussion was revived, however, in 1808, when the French again threatened the settlement ; and the English, under Admiral Drury, landed a detachment to assist the Portuguese in defending it. The Chinese, who had previously asserted their complete jurisdiction over this territory, and which a little examination would have plainly shown, now protested against the armed occupation of their soil, and immediately stopped the trade and denied provisions to the ships. The English traders were ordered by the Committee to go aboard ship, and the governor refused to have the least communication with the admiral until the troops were withdrawn. He attempted to proceed to Canton in armed boats, but was repulsed, and finally, in order not to implicate the trade any further (a step not at all apprehended in protecting the Portuguese), he wisely withdrew his troops and sailed for India. The success of the native authorities greatly rejoiced them ; a temple was built on the river’s bank to commemorate their victory, and a fort, called ” Ilowqua’s Folly ” by foreignerb(since washed away), erected toguai’d the river at that point.

        ATTITUDE OF CHINESE TUWAKD FOREIGN TKAUEKS. 457

        The Chinese, ignorant of the principles on which international intercourse is regulated among western powers, regarded every hostile deinoiistratiuii between them in their waters as directed toward themselves, and demanding their interference. Though often powerless to defend themselves against their own piratical subjects, as has been manifested again and again—for example, in 1810, and also in 1(500, when Koxinga ravaged the coast—they still assume that they are able to protect all foreigners who ” range themselves under their sway.” This was exhibited in 1814, when the British frigate Doris, against all the acknowledged rights of a nation over its own waters, and simply because it could be done with impunity, cruised off the port of C’anton to seize American vessels. The provincial authorities ordered the Committee to send her away, saying that if the English and Americans had any petty squabbles they must settle them between themselves and not bring them to China.

        The Committee stated their inability to control the proceedings of men-of-war, whereupon the Chinese began a series of annoyances against the merchants and shipping, prohibiting the employment of native servants, entering their houses to seize natives, molesting and stopping ships’ boats proceeding up and down the river on business, hindering the loading of the ships, and other like harassing acts so characteristic of Asiatic governments when they feel themselves powerless to cope with the real object of their fear or anger. These measures proceeded at last to such a length that the Committee determined to stop the British trade until the governor would allow it to go on, as before, without molestation, and they had actually left Canton for Whampoa, and proceeded down the river some distance, before he showed a sincere wish to arrange matters amicably. A deputation from each party accordingly met in Canton, and the principal points in dispute were at last gained. In this affair the Chinese would be adjudged to have been altogether in the right according to international law. At this time the governor general conceded three important points to the Committee, viz., the right of corresponding with the government, under seal, in the Chinese language, the unmolested employment of native servants, and the assurance that the houses of foreigners should not be entered without permission ; iior were these stipulations evei retracted or violated.

        The proceedings in this affair were conducted with no little apprehension on both sides, for the value of the traffic was of such importance that neither party could really think of stepping it. Besides the revenue accruing to government from duties and presents, the preparation and shipment of the articles in demand fur foreign countries give employment to millions of natives in different parts of the Empire, and had caused Canton to become one of the greatest marts in the world. The governor and his colleagues were responsible for the revenue and peaceful continuance of the trade; but through their ignorance of the true principles of a prosperous commerce, their fear of the consequences ]’esidting from any innovation or change, or the least extension of privileges to the few half-imprisoned foreigners, they thought their security la}’ rather in restriction than in freedom, in a haughty bearing to intimidate, and not in conciliation to please their customers. On the other hand, the existence of the East India Company’s charter depended in a good degree upon keeping a regular supply of tea in England, and therefore the success of the Committee’s bold measure of stopping the trade depended not a little upon the ignorance of the Chinese of the great power a passive course of action would give them.

        The government at home, on learning these proceedings, resolved to despatch another ambassy to Peking in order to stato the facts of the case at court, and if possible agree upon somo understood mode of conducting trade and communicating with, the heads of government. Lord Amherst, who like Lord Macartney had been governor-general of Lidia, was appointed ambassador to Peking, and Henry Ellis and Sir George T. Staunton associated with him as second and third commissioners.

        A large suite of able men, with Dr. Morrison as principal interpreter, accompanied the ambassy, and the usual quantity and variety of presents.’ The mission reached the capital August 28, 1816, but was summarily dismissed without an audience, because the ambassador would not perform the kotow

        ‘ Ellis, Embassy to China, London, 1840. Sir J. F. Davis, Sketclies of China, 2 Vols., London, 1841. Clarke Abel, Ndrrative of a Journey in the Interioi of Chiiiii (111(1 a Voyaae to (iiid from that Country in 1816 and 1817, London,1»18. II. Morrison, A View of China, etc., Macao, 1817. LOKI> AMHEKST’s embassy TO I’KKING. 459

        or appear before his Majesty as soon as he un-ived ; tlie intrigues

        of the authorities at Canton with the high officers about

        the Emperor to defeat the ambassy by deceiving their master

        have also been adduced as reasons for its faihire. Its real failure,

        as we can now see, was owing to the utter misconception

        of their true position by the Emperor and his officials, arising

        from their ignorance, pride, isolation, and mendacity, all combining

        to keep them so until resistless force should open them

        to meliorating influences. It was the last attempt of the kind,

        and three alternatives only remained : the resort to force to

        compel them to enter into soine equitable arrangement, entire

        submission to wdiatever they ordered, or the withdrawal of all

        trade until they proposed its resumption. The course of events

        continued the second until the flrst was resorted to, and eventuated

        in laying open the whole coast to the enterprise of western

        nations.

        At the close of the East India Company’s exclusive rights in China, the prospect for the continuance of a peaceful trade was rather dubious. The enterprising Mr. Marjoribanks despatched a vessel to ascertain how far trade could be carried on along the coast, which resulted in satisfactorily proving that the authorities were able and determined to stop all traffic, however desirous the people might be for it. The contraband trade in opium was conducted in a manner that threatened ere long to

        involve the two nations, but the Company nominally kept itself

        aloof from it by bringing none in its ships: the sajne Company,

        however, did everything in India to encourage the

        growth and saleof the drug, and received from it at the time of

        its dissolution an annual revenue of nearly two millions sterling.

        During its whole existence in China the East India Company stood forward as the defenders of the rights of foreigners and humanity, in a manner which no community of isolated merchants could have done, and to some extent compelled the Chinese to treat all more civilly. As a body it did little for the encouragement of Chinese literature or the diffusion of Christian truth or of science among the Chinese, except the printing of Morrison’s Dictionary and an annual grant to the Anglo-Chinese College; and although Dr. Morrison was their official translator for twenty-five years, the directors never gavb liiiii the empty compliment of enrolling him in the list of tlieii servants, nor contributed one penny for carrying- on his great work of translating and printing the Bible in Chinese. They set themselves against all such efforts, and during a long existence the natives of that country had no means put into their hands, by their agency, of learning that there was any great difference in the religion, science, or civilization of European nations and their own.

        The trade of the Americans to China commenced in 1784, the first vessel having left New York February 22d of that year, and returned May 11, 1785 ; it was commanded by Captain Green, and the supercargo, Samuel Shaw, on his return, gave a lucid narrative of his voyage to Chief Justice Jay. His journal, published in 1847, contains the only lecord of this voyage, and furnishes many curious facts about the political and social relations existing between foreigners then in China. Our trade with China steadily increased after this date, and has been the second in amount for many years. The only political event in the American intercourse up to 1842 was the suspension of trade in October, 1821, in consequence of the homicide of a Chinese by a sailor at Whampoa. The American merchants were really helpless to carry the trial of Terranova to a just conclusion against the Chinese law, which peremptorily required life for life wherever foreigners were concerned, and gave him up on the assurance that his life was in no danger.

        They are stated, in a narrative published in the North American lieview, to have told llowtpia at the trial on board the Emily at Whampcja, “We are bound to submit to yowY laws while we are in your waters; be they ever so unjust, we will not lesist them.” The poor man was taken out of the ship by force, while all the Americans present protested against the unfair trial he had had ; he was then promptly carried to Canton and strangled at tlif public execution ground (October 25) ; his body was given up next day, and the trade reopened.’

        ‘Shaw’s Jonrnal, Boston, 1847. North Anirrtrm) Ifrvicir, Jannary, IS’^iry. ChiiirKP /iVyw.v/Vo/v/, So])t(‘ml)(‘r, 18:50 Kir Geo. T. Staiiutou’s iVWi’aa <>/ Ohiiuif Becond editiuii, pp. 4()’J—lo2, 1850.

        AMERICAN TKADE WITH CHINA. 461

        The American Government neither took notice of this affair nor made remonstrance against its injustice, but still left the commerce, lives, and property of its citizens wholly unprotected, and at the mercy of (Chinese laws and rulers. The consuls at Canton were merely merchants, having no salary from their government, no funds to employ interpreters when necessary, or any power over their countrymen, and came and went without the least notice or acknowledgment from the Chinese.

        The trade and intercourse of the Swedes, Danes, Russians, Italians, Austrians, Peruvians, Mexicans, or Chilians, at Canton, have been attended with no peculiarities or events of any moment. None of these nations ever sent ” tribute ” to the court of the Son of Heaven, and their ships traded at Canton on the same footing with the English. The voyage of Peter Osbeck, chaplain to a Swedish East Indiaman, in 1753, contains considerable information relating to the mode of conducting the trade and the position of foreigners, who then enjoyed more liberty and suffered fewer extortions than in later years.’

        The termfaii-l’wel, by which they were all alike called by the Cantonese, indicated the popular estimation, and this epithet of foreign deviV did much, in the course of years, to increase the contempt and ill will which it expressed, not only there but throughout the Empire, for they were thereby maligned before they were known. Another term, /’, has been raised into notice by its condenmation in the British Treaty as an epithet for British subjects or countries. This word, there rendered ‘ harharian,” conveys to a native but little more than the idea that the people thus called do not understand the Chinese language and usages, and are consequently less civilized. This epithet harharian meant to the Greeks those who could not speak Greek, as it did to Shakespeare those who were not English; likewise among the Chinese, under ^were included great masses of their own subjects. By translating icai i as ‘ outside harhai’imis,” foreigners have been misrepresented in the status they held among educated natives, which was not that of savages but of the illiteracy growing out of their ignorance of the language and writings of Confucius.

        ‘ A Voyage to China and the East Indies, translated from the Germun b^Joliu R. Forster, 2 vols. , London, 1771.

        The ancient Chinese hooks speak of four wild nations on the four sides of the country, viz., the fan, i, tih, man / the first two seem to have been applied to traders from the south and west, and grew into more distinct expressions because these traders often acted so outrageously. Other terms, as ” western ocean men,” ” far-travelled strangers,” and ” men from afar,” have occasionally been substituted when i was objected to. When used as a general term, without an opprobrious addition, i is as well adapted as any to denote all foreigners ; but the most recent usage gives prominence to the terms ical hwok and yangjdn (‘outside country’ and ‘ocean man’). Among educated natives the national names are becoming more and more common, as Ying A-wo/i, Fah l-woh, Jlei hoohy Teh kwoh^ for England, France, Americaj Germany, etc.

        CHAPTER XXII.  ORIGIN OF THE FIRST WAR WITH ENGLAND

        The East India Company’s commercial privileges ceased in 1834, and it is worthy of note that an association should have been continued in the providence of God as the principal representative of Christendom among the Chinese, which by its character, its pecuniary interests, and general inclination was bound in a manner to maintain peaceful relations with them, while every other important Asiatic kingdom and island, from Arabia to Japan, was at one time or another during that period the scene of collision, war, or conquest between the nations and their visitors. Its monopoly ceased when western nations no longer looked upon these regions as objects of desire, nor went to Rome to get a privilege to seize or claim such pagan lands as they might discover, and when, too. Christians began to learn and act upon their duty to evangelize these ignorant races.

        China and Japan were once open to such agencies as well as trade, but no effective measures were taken to translate or distribute the pure word of God in them.

        Believing that the affairs of the kingdoms of this world are ordered by their Almighty Governor with regard to the fulfilment of his promises and the promulgation of his truth, the first war between England and China is not only one of great historical interest, but one whose future consequences cannot fail to exercise increasing influence upon many millions of mankind.

        This war was extraordinary in its origin as growing chiefly out of a commercial misunderstanding ; remarkable in its course as being waged between strength and weakness, conscious superiority and ignorant pride ; melancholy in its end as forcing the weaker to pay for the opium within its borders against all its laws, thus paralyzing the little moral pcrsi its feeble government could exert to protect its subjects ; and momentous in its results as introducing, on a basis of acknowledged obligations, one-half of the world to the other, without any arrogant demands from the victors or humiliating concessions from the vanquished. It was a turning-point in the national life of the Chinese race, but the compulsory payment of six million dollars for the opium destroyed has left a stignui upon the English name.

        In 1834 the select Committee of the East India Company repeated its notice given in 1831 to the authorities at Canton, that its ships would no longer come to China, and that a king’s officer would be sent out as chief to manage the affairs of the British trade. The only ” chief ” whom the Chinese expected to receive was a commercial headman, qualified to communicate with their officers by petition, through the usual and legal medium of the Hang merchants. The English Government justly deemed the change one of considerable importance, and concluded that the oversight of their subjects and the great trade they conducted required a commission of experienced men.

        The Tit. Hon. Lord Xapier was consequently appointed as chief

        superintendent of British trade, and ari’ived at Macao July 15,

        1834, where were associated with him in the commission John

        F. Davis and Sir G. B. Bobinson, formerly servants of the

        Company, and a number of secretaries, surgeons, chaplains, interpreters,

        etc., whose miited salaries amounted to $91,000.

        On arriving at Canton the tide-waiters officially repoi’ted that

        three ” foreign devils ” had landed. As soon as Governor Lu

        had learned that Lord Xapier had ]-eached Macao, he ordered

        the hong merchants to go down and intimate to him that he

        nuist remain there until he obtained legal permission to come

        to Canton ; for, having received no orders from couit as to the

        manner in which he should treat the English su[)erintendent,

        lie thought it the safest plan to adhere to the old regulations.

        Lord Napier had been ordered to report himself to the governor

        at Canton 7j>/ lette/’. A short extract from his instructions

        will show the intentions of the English (iovei’iiment in constituting

        the connnission, and the entirely wrong views it had of

        lORD NAriKK Sri’EllINTENDENT OK HKI’ilSII I’KADK. 465

        the notions of the Chinese respecting foreign intercourse, and the character they gave to the English authorities. Lord Palmerston says: In addition to the duty of protecting and fostering the trade of his Majesty’s subjects with the port of Canton, it will be one of your principal objects to ascertain whether it may not be practicable to extend that trade to other parts of the Chinese dominions. . . . It is obvious that, with a view to the attainment of this object, the establishment of direct communications with the jiort of Peking would be desirable ; and you will accordingly diiect your attention to discover the best means of preparing the way for such communications, bearing constantly in mind, however, that j)ecnliar caution and circumspection will be indispensable on this point, lest you should awaken the fears or offend the prejudices of the Chinese Government, and thus put to hazard even the existing opportunities of intercourse by a precipitate attempt

        to extend them In conformity with this caution you will abstain from entering

        into any new relations or negotiations with the Chinese authorities, except

        under very urgent and unforeseen circumstances. But if any opportunity for

        such negotiations should appear to you to present itself, you will lose no time

        in reporting the circumstance to his Majesty’s government, and in asking

        for instructions ; but previously to the receipt of such instructions you will

        adopt no proceedings but such as may have a general tendency to convince the

        Chinese authorities of the sincere desire of the king to cultivate the most

        friendly relations with the Emperor of China, and to join with him in any

        measures likely to promote the happiness and prosperity of their respective Bubjects.

        (jrovernor Lu’s messengers arrived too late to detain the

        British superintendent at Macao, and a military officer despatched

        to intercept liun passed him on the way ; so that the

        first intimation the latter received of the governor’s disposition

        was in an edict addressed to tlie hong merchants, from which

        two paragraphs are extracted :

        On this occasion the barbarian eye, Lord Napier, has come to Canton

        witliout having at all resided at Macao to wait for orders ; nor has he requested

        or received a permit from the superintendent of customs, but has hastily come

        up to Canton— a great infringement of the established laws! The customhouse

        waiters and others who presumed to admit liim to enter are sent with a

        communication requiring their trial. But in tender consideration for the said

        barbarian eye being a new-comer, and unacquainted with the statutes and laws

        of the Celestial Empire, I will not strictly investigate. . . . As to liis object

        in coming to Canton, it is for commercial business. The Celestial Empire appoints

        officers, civil ones to rule the people, military ones to intimidate the

        -nicked. The petty affairs of commerce are to be directed by the merclianta

        themselves : the officers have nothing to hear on the subject. … If any

        affair is to be newly commenced, it is necessary to wait till a respectful memorial be made, clearly reporting it to the great Emperor, and hi? mandate h?

        received ; the great ministers of the Celestial Empire are not permitted to have intercourse by letters with outside barbarians. If the said barbarian eye throws in private letters, I, the governor, will not at all receive or look at them. With regard to the foreign factory of the Company without the walls of the city, it is a place of temporary residence for foreigners coming to Canton to trade ; they are permitted only to eat, sleep, buy and sell in the factories; they are not allowed to go out to ramble about.’

        How unlike were these two docunients and the expectations

        of their writers ! The governor felt that it was safest to wait

        for an imperial mandate before commencing a new affair, and

        refused to receive a letter from a foreign officer. Had he done

        so he would have laid himself open to reprimand and perhaps

        punishment from his superiors ; and in saying that the superintendent

        should report himself and apply for a permit before

        coming to Canton, he only required what the members of the

        Company had always done when they returned from their sum

        mer vacation at Macao. Lord Xapier thought he had tlie same

        liberty to come to Canton without announcing himself that

        other and private foreigners exercised ; but an officer of his

        rank would have pleased the Chinese authorities better by observino;

        their regulations. He had thought of this contingencv

        before leaving England, aiid had requested ” that in case of

        necessity he might have authority to treat with the government

        at Peking ;

        ” this request being denied, he desired that his appointment

        to Canton might be announced at the capital ; this

        not being granted, he wished that a connnunication from the

        home authorities might be addressed to the governor of Canton

        ; but this was deemed inexpedient, and he was directed to

        ” go to Canton and report himself by letter.” These reasonable

        requests involved no loss of dignity, but the court of St. James

        chose to send out a superintendent of trade, an officer partaking

        of both ministerial and consular powers, and ordered him to

        act in a certain manner, involving a violation of the regulations

        of the country where he was going, without providing for tlic

        alternative of his rejection.

        ‘ (Jorrcspondenee relatimj to China (Blue Book), p. 4. Chinese Bepository, Vol. III., p. 188 ; Vol. XL, p. 188.

        HIS LETTER REJECTED I5Y GOVERNOR LU. 467

        To Canton, therefore, he came, and the next day reported himself by letter to the governor, sending it to the city gates. His lordship was directed to have nothing to do with the Hang merchants ; and therefore when they waited upon him the morning of his arrival, with the edict they had been sent down to Macao to ” enjoin upon him,” he courteously dismissed them, with an intimation that “he would communicate immediately with the viceroy in the manner befitting his Majesty’s commission and the honor of the British nation.” The account of the reception of his communication is taken from his correspondence: On the arrival of the party at the city gates, the soldier on guard was despatched to report the circumstance to his superior. In less than a quarter of an hour an officer of inferior rank appeared, whereupon Mr. Astell offered my letter for transmission to the viceroy, which duty this officer declined, addiner that his superior was on his way to the spot. In the course of an hour several officers of nearly equal rank arrived in succession, each refusing to deliver the letter on the plea that higher officers would shortly attend. After an hour’s

        delay, during which time the party were treated with much indignity, not

        unusual on such occasions, the linguists and hong merchants arrived, who entreated

        to become the bearers of the letter to the viceroy. About this time

        an officer of rank higher than any of those who had preceded him joined the

        party, to whom the letter was in due form offered, and as formally refused.

        The officer having seen the superscrijition on the letter, argued, that “as it

        came from the superintendent of trade, the hong merchants were the proper

        channels of communication : ” but this obstacle appeared of minor importance in their eyes, upon ascertaining that the document was styled a letter, and not & petition. The linguists requested to be allowed a copy of the address, which was of course refused.

        About this time the kicang-hielt, a military officer of the rank of colonel, accompanied by an officer a little inferior to himself, arrived on the spot, to whom the letter was offered three several times and as often refused. The senior hong merchant, Howqua, after a private conversation with the colonel, requested to be allowed to carry the letter in company with him and ascertain

        whether it would be received. This being considered as an insidious attempt

        to circumvent the directions of the superintendents, a negative was made to

        this and other overtures of a similar tendency. Suddenly all the officers took

        their departure for the purpose, as it was afterward ascertained, of consulting

        with the viceroy. Nearly three hours having been thus lost within the city,

        Mr. Astell determined to wait a reasonable time for the return of the officers, who shortly afterward reassembled ; whereupon Mr. Astell respectfully offered the letter in question three separate times to the colonel and afterward to the other officers, all of whom distinctly refused even to touch it; upon which the party returned to the factory.’

        * Chinese Bepositori/, Vol. XI. , p. 27.

        The goveriKir ]e})orted this oecurreiu’e at court in a meinorial, in which, after stating that his predecessor had instructed the Company’s supercargoes to malce arrangements tluit “a ?’«//7<;ni[or supercargo, the word. being applied to all foreign consuls] acquainted with affairs should still be appointed to come to Canton to control and direct the trade,” he states what had occurred, and adds:
        The said Larbarian eye would not receive the Hang merchants, but after-M’ard repaired to the outside of the city to present a letter to me, your Majesty’s minister, Lu. On the face of the envelope the forms and style of equality were used, and there were absurdly written the characters Ta Thuj kiroh [‘Great English nation’]. Now it is plain on the least reflection, that in keeping the central and outside [people] apart, it is of the highest importance to maintain dignity and sovereignty. Whether the said barbarian eye has or has not official rank there are no means of thoroughly ascertaining. But though he be really an officor of the said nation, he yet cannot write letters on equality with the frontier officers of the Celestial Empire. As the thing concerned the national dignity, it was inexpedi’^nt in the least to allow a tendency to any approach or advance by which lightness of esteem might be occasioned.

        Accordingly orders Mere given to Ilan Shau-king, the colonel in command of the military forces of this department, to tell him authoritatively that, by the statutes and enactments of the Celestial Empire, there has never been intercourse by letters with outside barbarians ; that, respecting commercial matters, petitions must be

        made through the medium of the hong merchants, and that it is not permitted

        to offer or present letters. . . . On humble examination it appears that

        the commerce of the English barbarians has hitherto been managed by the

        hong merchants and taipans ; there has never been a barbarian e^-e to form a

        precedent. Now it is suddenly desired to appoint an officer, a superintendent,

        which is not in accordance with old regulations. Besides, if the said nation

        has formed this decision, it still should have stated in a petition the affairs

        which, and the way how, such superintendent is to manage, so that a memorial

        miglit be presented requesting yovir Majesty’s mandate and pleasure as to what

        should be refused, in order that obedience might be paid to it and the same be

        acted on accordingly. But tlie said barbarian eye, Lord Napier, wjthout having

        made any plain nqiort, suddenly came to the barbarian factories outside the

        city to reside, and presumed to desire intercourse to and fro by official documents and letters with the officers of the Central Flowery Land; this was, indeed, far out of the bounds of reason.’

        ‘^ Chinese Bepouionji Vol. III., p. 327.

        CONTEST BETWEEN THE COVEIINOR AXD NAPIER. 460

        The governor here intimates that the intention of his government in requesting a taijpan to come to Canton was only to have a responsible officer with whom to communicate. In refusing to receive an ‘eye,” or superintendent, therefore, he did not, in his own view of the case, suppose that he was refusing, nor did he or the court of Peking intend to refuse, the residence of a supercargo, for they were desirous to have responsible heads appointed over the connnerce and subjects of every ration trading at Canton. These occurrences were discussed by the Hon. John Quincy Adams in his lecture upon the war with China, delivered in 1841, in which he alleged that the rejection of Lord JSTapier’s letter and mission was a sufficient reason for the subsequent contest, he showed the impolicy of allowing the Chinese ideas of supremacy over other nations, and exhibited their natural results in the degraded position of foreigners. He had, however, only an imperfect conception of the strength of this assumption,

        but it was not debated in this contest between Governor Lu and

        Lord Napier. The former was not blameworthy for endeavoring

        to carry the laws of his own country into execution, while

        the latter was doing his best to obey the instructions of his own

        sovereign. The question of the propriety of those laws, involving

        as they did the supremacy of the Emperor over the English,

        or the feasibility of those instructions, could only he discussed

        and settled by their principals. Whether this assumption was

        a proper ground of hostilities is altogether another question.

        When Lord Napier’s letter was rejected he would probably have

        referred home to his government for further instructions if it

        had intended to settle the question of supremacy, but he did not

        do so, nor did the ministry refer to it or remonstrate against the

        unhandsome treatment their representative received.

        The refusal of Lord Napier to confer with the hong merchants,

        and of the governor to receive any communication except

        a petition, placed the two parties in an awkward position.

        In his letter the former stated the object of his coming to Canton,

        and requested that his excellency Avould aecoi-d him an interview

        in order that their future intercoui’se might be arranged ;

        and considering the desirableness of giving him accurate views,

        the party at the gate would have acted M’isely in permitting the

        hong merchants to take it to him. The governor was irritated

        and alarmed, and vented his anger upon the unfortunate hong

        merchants. These had two or three interviews with Lord Na’pier after the rejection of the letter, but as they now said it

        Mould not be received unless superscribed _^??’;i, or ‘ petition.’

        they were dismissed. Having heard that there was a party

        among the British residents in Canton who disapproved of the

        proceedings of the superintendent, they vainly endeavored to

        call a meeting of the disaffected on the 10th of August, while his

        lordship assembled all of his countrymen next day, and found

        that they generally approved of his conduct. On the 14th he

        reviews his position in consequence of the rejection of his letter

        ivad the subsecpient conduct of the governor. After recommending

        the renewal of the effort to open better understood relations with the court of Peking by a demand upon the Emperor to allow the same privileges to all foreigners residing in China which Chinese received in foreign countries, he goes on to say:

        My present position is, in one point of view, <a delicate one, because the trade is put in jeopardy on account of the difference existing between the viceroy and myself. I am ordered by his Majesty to ” go to Canton and there report myself by letter to the viceroy.” I use my best endeavors to do so ; but the viceroy is a presumptuous savage, and will not grant the same privileges to me that have been exercised constantly by the chiefs of the committee.

        He rakes up obsolete orders, or perhaps makes them for the occasion ; but

        the fact is, the chiefs used formerly to wait on the viceroy on their return

        from Macao, and continued to do it nntil the viceroy gave them an order to

        wait upon him, whereupon they gave the practice iip. Had I even degraded

        the king’s commission so far as to petition through the liong merchants for an

        interview, it is quite clear by the tenor of the edicts that it would have been

        refused. Were he to send an armed force and order me to the boat, I could

        then retreat with honor, and he would implicate himself; but they are afraid

        to attempt such a measure. What then remains but the stoppage of the trade

        or my retirement ? If the trade is stopped for any length of time the consequences to the merchants are most serious, as they are also to the unoffending

        Chinese. But the viceroy cares no more for commerce, or for the comfort

        and happiness of the people as long as he receives his pay and plunder, than

        if he did not live among them. My situation is different ; I cannot hazard

        millions of property for any length of time on the mere score of etiquette. If

        the trade shall be stopped, which is probable enough in the absence of the frigate, it is possible I may be obliged to retire to Macao to let it loose again.

        Then has the viceroy gained his point and the commission is degraded. Now, my lord, I argue that whether the commission retires by force of arms or by the injustice practised on the merchants, the viceroy has committed an outrage on the Britisli crown which should be equally chastised. The whole system of government here is that of subterfuge and shifting the blame from tlia

        oppositp: vikus of the two parties, 471

        shoulders of the one to the other. … I shall not go, however, without jiublishini; in Chinese and disseminating far and wide the base conduct of the viceroy in oppressing the merchants, native as well as foreign, and of my having taken the step out of pure compassion to them. I can only once more implore your lordship to force them to acknowledge my authority and the king’s commission, and if you can do that you will have no difficulty in opening the ports at the same time.’

        Such were the sentiments and desires which filled the mind of the English superintendent. He is in error in saying that the governor would not grant him the same privileges as had been accorded to the chiefs of the Company. The present question was not about having an interview, but regarding the superscription of his letter ; for the chiefs of the Company sent their sealed communications through the Hang merchants as petitions. The governor stopped the English trade on the 16th, and two days after issued an explanatory paper in reply to the report that his orders on that subject had been carried into effect. This document sets forth his determination to uphold the old regulations, and a few sentences from it are here introduced as a contrast with the preceding despatch. The conviction of the governor in the supremacy of his Emperor over all foreign nations which had sent embassies to his court, and his own official position making him responsible for successfully maintaining the laws over foreigners, must be borne in mind :

        To refer to England : slrould an official personage from a foreign country proceed to the said nation for the arrangement of any business, how could he neglect to have the object of his coming announced in a memorial to the said nation’s king, or how could he act contrary to the requirements of the said nation’s dignity, doing his own will and pleasure? Since the said barbarian eye states that he is an official -personage, he ought to be more thoroughly acquainted with these principles. Before, when he offered a letter, I, the governor, saw it inexpedient to receive it, because the established laws of the Celestial Empire do not permit ministers and those under authority to have private intercourse by letter with outside barbarians, but have, hitherto, in commercial affairs, held the merchants responsible; and if perchance any barbarian merchant should have any petition to make requesting the investigation of any affair, [the laws require] that by the said ttiipiiu a duly prepared petition should be in form presented, and an answer by proclamation awaited.

        * Chinese Repository, Vol. XV., p. 68.

        There has never been such a thing as outside barbarians sending in a letter.

        He then says that there had iic’ver been any official correspondence to and fro between the native officers and the barbarian merchants ; by this he means a correspondence ol equality, which the Chinese Government had indeed never yielded. The idea of supremacy never leaves him—witness, for example, the following strain, peculiarly Chinese :

        The Hang merchants, because the said barbarian eye will not adhere to the old regulations, have requested that a stop should be put to the said nation’s commerce. This manifests a profound knowledge of the great principles of dignity. It is most highly praiseworthy. Lord Napier’s perverse opposition necessarily demands such a mode of procedure, and it would be most right immediately to put a stop to buying and selling. But considering that the said nation’s king has hitherto been in the highest degree reverently obedient,

        he cannot in sending Lord Napier at this time have desired him thus obstinately

        to resist. The some hundreds of thousands of commercial duties yearly

        coming from the said country concern not the Celestial Empire the extent of

        a hair or a feather’s down. The possession or absence of them is utterly unworthy

        of one careful thought. Their broadcloths and camlets are still more

        unimportant, and of no regard. But the tea, the rhubarb, the raw silk of the

        Inner Land, are the sources by which the said nation’s people live and nuiiutain

        life. For the fault of one man, Lord Napier, must the livelihood of the

        whole nation be precipitately cut off? I, the governor, looking up and embodying

        the great Emperor’s most sacred, most divine wish, to nurse and tenderly

        cherish as one all that are without, feel that I cannot bring my mind to

        bear it ! Besides, all the merchants of the said nation dare dangers, crossing

        the seas myriads of miles to come from far. Their hopes rest wholly in the

        attainment of gain by buying and selling. That they did not attend when

        summoned by the hong merchants to a meeting for consultation, was because

        they were under the direction of Lord Napier ; it assuredly did not proceed

        from the several merchants’ own free will. Sliould the trade be wholly cut

        off in one morning, it would cause great distress to many persons, who, having

        travelled hither by land and sea, would by one man, Lord Napier, be

        ruined. They cannot in such case but be utterly depressed with grief. . . .

        I hear the said eye is a man of very solid ai\d expansive mind and placid speech. If he consider, he can himself doubtless distinguish right and wrong: let him on no account permit himself to be deluded by men around him. . . . Hereafter, when the said nation’s king liears respecting these repeated orders and official replies, [he will know] that the whole wrong lies on the barbarian eye ; it is in nowise owing to any want on the part of the Celestial Empire of extreme consideration for the virtue of reverential obedience exercised by the said nation’s king.’

        ‘ Chinese Bejwsitori/, Vol. III., p. 235.

        CHINESE IDEAS OV SUPREMACY. 473

        He consequently sent a deputation of officials to Lord Napier to inquire ‘why he had come to Canton, what business he was appointed to perform, and when he would retire to Macao. The letter was again handed them, but the superscription still remained, and they refused to touch it. They, however, leariuKl enough to be able to inform their master what he wished to know : the real point of dispute between the two could only be settled between their sovereigns. The governor by this deputation showed a desire to make some arrangement, and the trade would probably have been shortly reopened had not Lord Kapier carried out his idea, two days after, of appealing to the people in order to explain the reasons why the governor had stopped the trade and brought distress on them. The paper simply detailed the principal events which had occurred since his arrival, laying the blame upon the*” ignorance and obstinacy “of the governor in refusing to receive his letter, and closino; with—” The merchants of Great Britain wish to trade with all China on principles of mutual benefit ; they will never relax in their exertions till they gain a point of equal importance to both countries; and the viceroy will find it as easy to stop the current of the Canton River as to carry into effect the insane determination of the hong.”

        In many of the former proceedings between the Chinese and foreigners, based as they were upon incorrect ideas, the rules of diplomacy elsewhere observed formed no guide ; but the publication of this statement was unwise and dangerous. Not only did it jeopardize the lives and property of British subjects, but of all other foreigners residing at Canton, to whose safety and interests, as involved with his own dispute. Lord Napier makes no reference in his despatches. Happily, Governor Lu did not appease his irritation by letting loose the populace of Canton, which was highly excited, but by imprisoning members of the co-hong for allowing the superintendent to come to the city.

        The governor and his colleagues stopped the English trade on September 2d, in a proclamation containing many inaccurate statements and absurd reasonings, in which he forbade either natives or foreigners to give aid or comfort to Lord Xapier. Communication with the shipping at AV^hampoa was also interdicted, so that, in reality, the entire foreign trade was interrupted. A guard of Chinese troops was placed near tlio (\)nipany’s factoiy, but no personal distress was felt on account of the interdict. 11. B. M. frigates Andromache and Imogene were ordered up to protect the shipping and persons of British subjects, and the two vessels anchored at Whanipoa on the 11th.

        In their passage through the Bogue they returned the fire from the forts, with little damage to either ; and on anchoring, a lieutenant and boat’s crew were despatched to Canton to protect the English factory. These decisive proceedings troubled the native authorities not a little, who, on their part, prepared for stronger measures by blocking up the river and stationing troops about Whampoa, but were relieved when they found that the ships remained* at their anchorage.

        Lord Xapier sent a protest against the proceedings of the

        governor in stopping the trade, through the Chamber of Commerce

        and hong merchants ; but at this juncture his health gave

        way so rapidly that three days after the frigates had anchored

        he decided to return to Macao and wait for insti’uctions. Tlie

        Chinese detained him on his passage down until the ships were

        out of the river; but he sank and died October 11th, a fortnight

        after reaching that city. As soon as he left Canton the

        trade was reopened. On hearing that the ships had reached

        AVhampoa, the Emperor degraded or suspended all the officials

        who had been in any way responsible ; but when he learned

        that ” Lord Xapier had been driven out, and the two ships of

        war dragged over the shallows and expelled,” he restored most

        of those whom he had thus punished. The governor also vented

        his indignation upon ten of his subordinates, by subjecting them

        to torture in order to “ascertain if they were guilty of illicit

        connection with foreigners.” The drama was closed on the part

        of the Chinese by an imperial mandate : ” The English barbarians

        have an open market in the Inner Land, but there has

        hitherto been no interchange of official communications. Yet

        it is absoluteh’ requisite that there should be a person possessing

        general control, to have the special direction of affairs; wherefore let the governor immediately order the Hang merchants to command the said separate merchants, that they send a letter back to their country calling for the appoint ineiit of luiotlier person as taqxin^ to come for the couti’ol and direction of conunercial affairs, in accordance with the old regulations.”

        STOPPING OF THE TP.ADK AND IJKA’III OF XAI’IKK. 475

        The principles on which the Chinese acted in this affair are

        plainly seen. To have granted official intercourse bv letter

        would have been to give up the whole question, to consider the

        king of England as no longer a tributary, and so release him

        and his subjects from their allegiance. To do so would not only

        permit them to come into their borders as equals, subject to no

        laws or customs, but would fui’ther open the door for resistance

        to their authority, armed opposition to their control, and ultimate

        in possession of their territory. The governor hints at

        this when speaking of the necessity of restraining the barbarian

        eye: “AVith regard to territory, it would also have its consequences.”

        These would be the probable results of allowing

        such a mode of address from the Kalkas, or Tibetans, and the

        Emperor felt the importance of irs concession in a way that

        Lord Xapier himself could not appreciate. Xcvertheless, with

        the inconsistency of children, the Son of Heaven and his courtiers,

        in the mandate just quoted, yi(;ld their obligations to justly

        govern the far-travelled strangers, by requiring them to get a

        countryman ” to exercise general control ” and live among them

        —thus establishing the principle of ex-territoriality within their

        borders which they now find so irksome.

        It is pitiable, and natural too, that the Chinese should have had notions so incorrect and dangerous, for it led them to misinterpret every act of foreigners. Their entire intercourse with Europeans, since the Portuguese first came to their shores, had conspired to strengthen the opinion that all traders were crafty, domineering, avaricious, and contumacious, and must be kept down in every possible way to insure safety to the Chinese natives. The indignation of the Emperor on hearing of the entrance of the ships of war was mixed with great apprehension,

        ” lest there were yet other ships staying at a distance ready to bring in aid to him ” [Lord Xapier]. Ignorant as he was of the true character of the embassies which had been received at Peking, he was still more likely to take alarm at any attempt to open an equal intercourse, and disposed to resist it as he would a forcible occupation of his territory, of which it was, in his view, only the precursor.

        That these were the feelings of the rulers at Peking cannot be doubted; and we must know what views and fears actuated them in order to understand their proceedings. If the position of England in the eyes of the Chinese had been fully known in London, the unequal contest imposed upon Lord Xapier would either have been avoided or directed against the imperial government.

        The offer of an amicable intercourse was given to the Chinese, but through the inapplicable instructions which his lordship received this offer was not made to the weaker and ignorant party in such a way as not to excite its fears, while it fully explained the real position and intentions of England, and through her all Christendom, in seeking intercourse with China. Yet so long as the court of Peking, in virtue of the Emperor’s vicegerency over mankind, claimed supremacy’ over other nations, the struggle to maintain that assumption was sure to come. This false notion did, however, really continue among them for about forty years, till five foreign ministers had their first audience with the Emperor Tungchl, June, 1873, and stood before his throne as they presented their credentials.

        The Pritish residents at Canton saw the point of difficulty clearly, and in a petition to the king in council, dated December 4, 1834, recommended that a commissioner be sent to one of the northern ports with a small fleet to arrange the matter of future intercourse. In this petition they ” trace the disabilities and restrictions under which Pritish connnerce now labors to a long acquiescence in the arrogant assumption of supremacy over the monarchs and people of other countries claimed by the Emperor of China for himself and his subjects,” and conclude that ” no essentially beneficial result can be expected to arise out of negotiations in which such pretensions are not decidedly repelled.”

        PETITION OF BRITISH MERCHANTS TO TIIK KING. 477

        The recommendations of the petitioners were disregarded in England. The cabinet disapproved of the spirit of Lord Napier’s despatches, and intimated to him that it was “not by force and violence that his Majesty intended to establish a commercial intercourse between his subjects and China, but by conciliatory measures.” After the events of 1834 if a commissioner, backed by a small fleet, had Leen iininediatelj appointed to Peking to arrange the terms of future intercourse, the subsequent wai might have been averted, though it is more likely that the imperial court would have rejected all overtures until compelled to treat by force.

        As things were situated at Canton, it was really impossible for

        the Chinese Government to carry on a line of policy with respect

        to foreign intercourse wdiich would at once maintain its assumptions,

        avoid the risk of a rupture, squeeze all the money possible

        out of the trade, and repress the complaints of the Bi-ilish

        merchants. The cessation of the Company’s monopoly, as well

        as its control over all British subjects, had weakened the leverage

        of the local authorities to manage them, to a greater degree

        than they were aware.

        The trade was conducted during the next season to the satisfaction

        of all parties. That of other nations had been practically

        stopped with that of the English, but the suspension was at a

        dull season of the 3’ear. Their consuls took no official part in

        the dispute, though they had some ground for complaint in the

        suspension of their trade and the imprisonment of their countrymen.

        The Chinese shopkeepers known as “outside merchants”

        having been interdicted trading at all with foreignei’s, went to

        the governor’s palace in a laige body and soon obtained a removal

        of the restriction. The hong mei’chants themselves instigated

        this decree, for these shopkeepers, while deriving large

        profits from their business, were almost free from the extortions

        which the monopolists suffered. All the extraordinary expenses

        incurred by the provincial exchequer in the late affair were i”equired

        of these unfortunate men ; and the}^ 7)iifst get it out of

        the trade in the best way they could. Amelioration could not

        be expected from such a system ; for as soon as the foreigners

        began to complain, the hong merchants were impelled by every

        motive to misrepresent their complaints to the governor and

        quash every effort to obtain redress. The situation of foreigners

        there was aptly likened by a wi’iter on the subject to the inmates

        of the Zoological Garden in Regent’s Park : ” They [the animals]

        have been free to play what pranks they pleased, so that

        they made no uproar nor escaped from confinement. The keepers looked sharply after them and tried to keep them (Hiiet, because annoyed by the noise tliey made and responsible for the mischief they miglit commit if they got at Hberty. They might do what was right in their own eyes with each other. The authorities of China do not expect from wild and restless barbarians the decorum and conduct exemplified in their own great family.”

        The peculiar position of the relations with the Chinese and the

        value of the trade, present and prospective, was so great that

        these events called out many pamphleteers both in England and

        the East. The servants of the Company naturally recommended

        a continuance of the peaceable system, nrging that foreigners

        should obey the laws of tlie Empire where they lived and not

        interfere with the restrictions put upon them. Others counselled

        the occupation of an island on the coast, to which Chinese

        “traders would immediately resort, and which was to be held

        only so long as the Emperor refused to open liis ports and allow

        a fair traffic with his people. Othei’S deprecated resort to force

        until a commissioner to Peking had explained the designs and

        wishes of his government, demanded the same privileges for

        foreigners in China that the Chinese enjoyed abi’oad, and then,

        in the event of a refusal, compel acquiescence. Some advised

        lettiuii: thing’s take their own course and conducting trade

        as it could be at Canton until circumstances compelled the

        Chinese to act. ” That which we now require is not to lose the

        enjoyment of what w^e have got,” said the Duke of Wellington,

        and his advice was followed in most respects. A few thought it

        would be the wiser way to disseminate juster ideas of the position,

        power, and wishes of England and all foreign nations among the

        Chinese in their own language. They argued very properly that

        ignorance on these points would neutralize every attempt to

        bring about a better state of things ; that although the Chinese

        were to blame for their uncompromising arrogance, it was also

        their great misfortune that they really had had little opportunity

        to learn the truth respecting their visitors. All these suggestions

        looked forward to no long continuance of the present undefined,

        anomalous relations, and all of them contained much pertinent

        advice and many valuable items of information ; but ii

        CONTINUATION OF THE TRADE. 479

        was a question not more difficult than important what course of

        procedure was the best. AVliile the point of supremacy seemed

        to be settled in favor of the Son of Heaven, the virus of the

        contraband opium trade was working out its evil effects among

        his subjects and hastening on a new era.

        The British superintendents now lived in Macao pending the

        action of their government, merely keeping a clerk at Canton

        to sign manifests. The foreign residents established the Society

        for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, and other benevolent

        projects mentioned in a previous chapter ; they also sent two

        or three vessels along the coast to see what openings existed for

        entering the countrj’, preaching the gospel, or living on shore.

        The results of the voyages fully proved the impossibility of entering

        the country in an open manner without the permission

        of the rulers, and the limited intercourse with the people also

        showed that the character of foreigners was generally associated

        with the opium trade. The dwellers immediately on the coast

        were eager for an extension of the traffic, because it brought

        them large gains, and the officers at the principal ports were

        desirous of participating in the emoluments of their fellows

        at Canton ; but those who had the good of the countiy at

        heart (and there are many such in China) thought that the extension

        of foreign trade would bring with it unmitigated evil

        from the increased use of opium.

        Sir G. B. Robinson, the superintendent, remained at Lintin

        on board a cutter among opium ships anchored there during the

        season of 1835-30, and was so well satisfied with his position

        that he recommended his government to purchase a small ship

        for the permanent acconunodation of the commission there beyond

        the reach of the Chinese officers, and to vest its powers in

        a single individual. He also expressed his conviction that there

        was little hope of establishing a proper understanding with the

        Chinese Government, except by a resort to force and the occupation

        of an island off the mouth of the river:

        I see no grounds to apprehend the occurrence of any fearful events on the north-east coast, nor can I h\arn what new danger exists. I am assured from the best authority that the scuffles between different parties of smugglers and mandarins, alike engaged and competing in the traffic, are not more serious or frequont than in this province. In no case have Europeans been engaged in any kind of conflict or affray : and while this increasing and lucrative trade is in the hands of the parties whose vital interests are so totally dependent ou its safety and continuance, and by whose prudence and integrity it has been brought into its present increasing and flourishing condition, I think little apprehension may be entertained of dangers emanating from imprudence on their part. Should any unfortunate catastrophe take place, what would our

        position at Canton entail upon us but responsibility and jeopardy, from which

        we are now free ? On the question of smuggling opium I will not enter in

        this place, though, indeed, smuggling carried on actively in the government

        boats can hardly be termed such. Whenever his Majesty’s government directs

        us to prevent British vessels engaging in the traffic, we can enforce any order

        to that effect, but a more certain method would be to prohibit the growth of

        the poppy and the manufacture of opium in British India ; and if British

        ships are in the habit of committing irregularities and crimes, it seems doubly

        necessary to exercise a salutary control over them by the presence of au authority

        at Lintin.

        Taking all things into consideration, this is a remarkable despatch

        to be sent by the representative of a Cliristian government

        writing from the midst of a fleet of smugglers on the

        shores of a pagan country. ” The scuilles caused by the introduction

        of opium are,” he remarks, ^’not more serious or frequent

        on the coast than about Canton ; ” though even there,

        l)i-obably, not one-half which did occur were known ; but Europeans

        never personally engaged in any of them. They only

        brought the cause and object of these collisions where the people

        could get it, and then quietly looked on to see them fight

        about it. Tlie ” prudence and integrity ” of the merchants were

        engaged in cherishing it to a high degree of prosperity, and

        they were not likely to act imprudently. The orders of the

        supreme government for its officers on the coast to stop the

        traffic were utterly powerless, through the cupidity and venality

        of tho.se officers and their underlings ; yet their almost complete

        failure to execute them does not impugn the sincerity of

        the court in issuing them. There is not the least evidence to

        show that the couii of Peking was not sincere in its desire to

        suppress the trade, from the first edict in 1800 till the war broke

        out in 1840. The excuse that the government smuggled because its revenue cruisers engaged in it and the helpless provincial authorities winked at it, is no more satisfactory than to make the successful bribery of custoui-liousc officers in Enghiiul or elsewhere a proof of the corruption of the treasury department.

        SIR GEORGE ROBINSON ON OPHT^r-SM (tggF.IXG. 481

        The temptation of an ” increasing and lucrative ” trade was as strong to the unenlightened pagan Chinese smuggler as it was to the Christian merchants and monopolists who placed the poisonous drug constantly within his reach. It would have been far more frank on the part of the British superintendent to have openly defended a traffic affording a revenue of more than two millions sterling to his own government, and suggested that such an ‘” increasing and lucrative ” business should not be impeded, than to say that he could stop British ships enji:ao;iiio: in it as soon as he received orders to that effect.

        The existence of tlie commission at the outer anchoi-ages was

        fully known to the authorities at Canton, but no movement

        toward reopening tlie intercourse was made by either party.

        Lord Palmerston instructed the superintendent not to comnmnicate

        with the governor-general through the hong merchants,

        nor to give his written connnnnications the name of

        petitions. Captain Elliot succeeded Sir George in 183G, and

        innnediately set about reopening the connnunication with the

        Chinese officei’s in the same way that the supercargoes of the

        Company had conducted it. lie defended this course upon

        the grounds that he had no right to direct official communication with the governor, and that the remarkable movements of the Chinese and the state of uncertainty in respect to the whole foreign trade rendered it desirable to be at Canton. The successor of Lu, Tang Ting-ching, M’illingly responded to this proposition by sendiug a deputation of three officers to Macao with the hong merchants to make some inquiries before memorializing the Emperor. In his report the governor avoided all reference to Lord Napier, and requested his Majesty’s sanction to the present request as being in accordance with the orders that the English merchants should send home to have a supercargo come out to manage them. It was of course granted; and the British connnission, having received a ” red permit “

        from the collector of customs, returned to Canton April 12,

        1837, after an absence of about thirty months. In his note to

        the governor upon receiving the imperial sanction, Captain Eliot says: “The undersigned respectfully assures his excellencj’ that it is at once his duty and his anxious desire to conform in all things to the imperial pleasure ; and he will therefore heedfully

        attend to the points adverted to in the papers now before

        him.” This language was decided, and his excellency after-

        Mard called upon the superintendent to do as he had promised.

        The remarkable movements of tlie supi’eme government here

        referred to grew out of a memorial from IIu Xai-tsi, formerly

        salt commissioner and judge at Canton, proposing the legalization

        of the opium trade. In this paper he acknowledges tliat

        it is impossible to stop the traffic or use of the drug ; if the

        foreign vessels be driven from the coast, they will go to some

        island near by, where the native craft will go off to them ; and

        if the laws be made too severe upon those who smoke the drug

        they will be disregarded. By legalizing it, he says, the drain of

        specie will be stopped, the regular trade rendered more profitable

        and manageable, and the consumption of the drug regulated.

        He proposes instant dismissal from office as the penalty for all

        functionaries convicted of smoking, while their present ineffectual

        attempts to suppress the trade, which i-esulted in general

        contempt for all law, would cease, and consequently the dignity

        of government be better maintained. The ti-ade on the coast

        would be concenti’ated at Canton, and the fleet at Lintin broken

        up, thereby bringing all foreigners more completely under

        control.

        This unexpected movement at the capital caused no little stir

        at Canton, and the hong merchants presently advertised the foreigners

        that soon there would no longer be any use for the receiving-

        ships at Lintin. Captain Elliot wrote that he thought

        legalization had come too late to stop the trade on the coast, and,

        with a prescient eye, adds that the “feeling of independence

        created among British subjects from the peculiar mode of conducting

        this bi’anch of the trade,” would ere long lead to graver

        difficulties and acts of violence requiring the armed interference

        of his govennncnt. The impression Avas general at Canton

        that the trade would be legalized, and increased preparations

        were accordingly made in India to extend the cultivation. The

        governor and his colleagues reconnnended its legalization on the

        PROPOSAL TO LEGALIZE TFIE OPIUM TRADE. 483

        grounds that ” the tens (»f millions of precious money which

        now annually ooze out of the Empire will be saved,” the duties

        be inei’eased, the evil practices of transporting contraband goods

        by deceit and violence suppi-essed, numberless quarrels and litigations

        arising therefrom and the crimes of wortliless vagrants

        diminished. They also deluded themselves with the idea that if

        the officers were dismissed as soon as convicted, the intellif^ent

        part of society would not indulge their depraved appetites, but

        let the ” victims of their own self-sacrificing folly,” the poor

        opium-smokers, be found only among the lower classes. In connection

        with this report, the hong merchants replied to various

        inquiries respecting the best mode of carrying on the opium

        trade in case it should be legalized, and their mode of conducting

        commerce generally ; adding that it was bej-ond their power to

        control thesnniggling traffic or restrain the exportation of sycee,

        and showed that the balance of trade would naturally leave the

        country in bullion. These papers are fairly drawn up, and their

        perusal cannot fail to elevate the character of the Chinese for

        consideration, carefulness, and business-like procedure.’

        There were other statesmen, however, who regarded Ilii Xaitsi’s

        memoi’ial as a dangerous step in the downward path, and

        sounded the alarm. Among these the foremost was Chu Tsun,

        a cabinet minister, who sent in a counter-memorial couched

        in the strongest terms. He advised that the laws be more

        strictly maintained, and cited instances to show that when the

        provincial authorities earnestly set about it they could put the

        trade down ; that the people would soon learn to despise all laws

        if those against opium-smoking were suspended ; and that recreant

        officers should be superseded and punished. His indignation

        warms as he goes on : ” It has been represented that

        advantage is taken of the laws against opium by extortionate

        underlings and worthless vagrants, to benefit themselves. Is it

        not known, then, that when government enacts a law, there is

        necessarily an infi-action of that law ? And though tlie law

        should sometimes be relaxed and become ineffectual, yet surely

        it should not on that account be abolished ; any more than we

        ‘ Chinese Eepositoi-y, Vol. V., pp. 139, 259, 385 fiE.

        eliould altogether cease to eat because of stoppage of the throat

        The laws which forbid the people to do wrong may be likened

        to the dikes which prevent the overflowing of water. If any

        one urging, then, that the dikes are veiy old and therefore useless,

        we should have them thrown down, w hat words could ex-

        ]u-ess the consequences of the impetuous lush and all-destroying

        overflow! Yet the provincials, when discussing the subject of

        opium, being perplexed and bewildered by it, think that a prohibition

        which does not iiUerhj prohibit is better than one which

        does not effectually prevent the importation of the drug. . . .

        If we can l)ut prevent the importation of o])ium, the exportation

        of dollars will then cease of itself, and the two offences will both

        at once be stopped. Moreover, is it not better, by continuing the

        old enactments, to find even a partial remedy for the evil, than by

        a change of the laws to increase the importation still further? “

        lie then proceeds to show that the native article could not

        compete with the foreign, for it would not bo as well luainifactured,

        and moreover ” all men prize what is strange and undervalue

        whatever is in ordinary use.” Its cultivation would occupy

        rich and fertile land now used for nutritive grains : ” To draw

        off in this way the waters of the great fountain requisite for the

        production of food and raiment, and to lavish them upon the

        root whence calamity and disaster spring forth, is an eri-or like

        that of the physician who, when treating a mere external disease,

        drives it inward to the heart and centre of the body. Shall

        the fine fields of Kwangtnng, ^vhich produce their three crops

        every year, be given up for the cultivation of this noxious Meed ‘i”

        He says the question does not concern property and duties, but the welfare and vigor of the people ; and quotes from the 7//,vtory of Formosa a passage showing the way in which the natives there were enervated by using it, and adds that the purpose of the English in introducing opium into the country has been to weaken and enfeeble it. Kanghi long ago (1717) remarked, he observes, ” There is cause for apprehension, lest in the centuries or millenniums to come China may be endangered by collisions with the various nations of the AYest who come hither from beyond the seas.” And now, in less than two centuries, “weseo the commencement of that danger which he apprehended.”

        CIIU T8UN OPPOSES THE PROPOSITION. 485

        The suggestion of II ii Nai-tsi, to allow it to the people ami interdict the officers, is called bad casuistry, ” like shutting a woman’s ears before you steal her earrings/’ He shows that thi& distinction will be vain, for it will be impossible to say who is of the people and who are officers, for all the latter are taken from the body of the former. The permission will induce people to use it who now refrain from fear of the laws ; for even the proposal has caused ” thieves and villains on all hands to raise their heads and open their eyes, gazing about and pointing the finger under the notion that wheu’once these prohibitions

        are repealed, thenceforth and forever they may regard themselves

        far from every restraint and cause of fear.” He asserts

        that nothing l)ut strong laws rigidly carried into effect will restrain

        them from their evil ways, and concludes by recommending

        increased stringency in their execution as the only hope of

        reformation.

        This spirited paper was supported by another fvom a sub-censor,

        Hii Kiu, on the necessity of checking the exportation of

        silver, and reconnnending that a determined officer be sent to

        punish severely the native traitors, which would add dignity to

        the laws ; and then the barbarians would be awed and consequently

        reform and be entirely defeated in their designs of conquering

        the country. He cites several instances of their outrageous

        A’iolation of the laws, such as levelling graves in Macao

        for the purpose of making a road over them, landing goods

        there for entering them at Canton in order to evade the duties

        and port charges, and even riding in sedans with four bearers,

        like Chinese officers. Force needed only to be put foi’th a little

        and they would again be humbled to subjection ; but if they

        still brought the pernicious drug, then inflict capital punishment

        upon them as well as upon natives. The sub-censor agrees with Chu Tsun regarding the designs of foreigners in doing so, that they wished first to debilitate and impoverish the land as a pi-cparatory measure, for they never smoked the drug in their own country, but brought it all to China. This prevailing impression was derived mainly from the abstinence of foreign merchants and seamen.

        Both these papers were transmitted to Canton for deliberation, although the local officers had already sent a memorial to the cabinet approving the suggestions of Hii Nai-tsi. At this time, however, it was properly remarked that ” there had been a diversity of opinion in regard to it, some requesting a change in the policy hitherto adopted, and others recommending the continuance of the severe prohibitions. It is highly important to consider the subject carefully in all its bearings, surveying at once the whole field of action so that such measures may be adopted as shall continue forever in force, free from all failure.”

        This subject, the most important, it cannot be doubted, which had ever been deliberated upon by the Emperor of China and his council, was now fairly brought before the whole nation ; and if all the circumstances be taken into consideration, it was one of the most remarkable consultations of any age or country.

        A long experience of the baneful effects of opium-smoking upon the health, minds, and property of those who used it, had produced a deep conviction in the minds of well-wdshers of their country of the necessity of some legal restraint over the people; while the annual drainage of specie at the rate of three or four million sterling for what brought misery and poverty in its train, alarmed those who cared only for the stability and prosperity of the country. The settlement or management of the question was one of equal difficulty and importance, and the

        result proved that it was quite beyond the reach of both their

        power and wisdom. Fully conscious of the weak moral principle

        in themselves and in their countrymen, they considered it

        right to restrain and deter the people by legislative enactments

        and severe penalties. Ignorant of the nature of commercial

        <lealings, they thought it both practicable and necessary to limit

        the exportation of specie; for not having any substitute for

        coin or any system of national credit, there was serious hazard,

        otherwise, that the government would ultimately be bankrupted.

        It is unjust to the Chinese to say, as was argued b}’ those who

        had never felt these sufferings, that all parties were insincere in

        their efforts to put down this trade, that it was a mere affectation

        of morality, and that no one would be more chagrined to see it

        stop than those apparently so strenuous against it. This assertion

        was made bv Lord Palmerston in Parliament and re-echoed

        THE MATTER REFERRED TO CANTON”. 487

        by the Indian officials ; but those who have candidly examined

        the proceedings of the Chinese, or have lived among the people

        in a way to learn their real feelings, need not be told how incorrect

        is the remark. The highest statesman and the debilitated,

        victimized smoker alike agreed in their opinion of its bad effects,

        and both were pretty nnich in the position of a miserable lamb

        in the coil of a hungry anaconda.

        The debate among the Chinese excited a discussion among

        foreigners, most of whom were engaged in the traffic. Here

        the gist of the question turned upon the points whether opium

        was really a noxious stinnilant 2^^^ ^^1 ^.nd whether the Chinese

        government was sincere in its prohibitions in the face of the

        notorious connivance of the officers along the coast from Hainan

        to Tientsin. One writer conclusively proved its baneful effects

        upon the system when taken constantly, and that its habitual

        use in the smallest degree almost certainly led to intemperate or

        uncontrollable use ; he then charges the crime of nuirder upon

        those who traffic in it, and asserts that ” the perpetuating and

        encouraging and engaging in a trade which promotes disease, misery, crime, madness, despair, and death, is to be an accomplice

        with the guilty principals in that tremendous pursuit.” He

        exposes the fallacy, liypocrisy, and guilt of the question whether

        it be less criminal for a man to engage in a pursuit which he

        knows to be injurious to his fellow-men, because if he does not

        do so some one else will. The Court of Directors, even, whom

        all the world knows to be chief managers of the cultivation,

        manufacture, and sale of the drug, says in one of its despatches

        that ” so repugnant are their feelings to the opium trade, they

        would gladly, in compassion to mankind, put a total end to the

        consumption of opium if they could. But they cannot do this,

        and as opium will be grown somewhere or other, and will l)e

        largely consumed in spite of all their benevolent wishes, they

        can only do as they do ” !

        Another Englishman engaged in the traffic defended it on the ground that what is bad now was always bad ; and the Emperor and his ministers had doubtless other grounds for their sudden opposition. He asserts that opium is ” a useful soother, a harmless luxury, and a precious medicine, except to those wli “abuse it,” and that while a few destroy themselves, the prudent many enjoy a pleasing solace, to get which tends to produce the persevering economy and the never-ceasing industry of the Chinese. He estimates that at a daily allowance of one and onethird ounce not more than one person in three hundred and twenty-six touches the pipe, and that there were not inore than nine hundred and twelve thousand victimized smokers in the Empire. He also remarked that the present mode of conducting the trade by large capitalists kept it respectable, and that if their characters were held up to odium and infamy it would get into the hands of desperadoes, pirates, and marauders. He looked upon the efforts to put it down as utterly futile as the proclamations of Elizabeth were to put down hops, or the Counterl) laste of James to stop tobacco.

        This rejoinder was responded to by two M’riters, who clearhcxhil)

        ited its nnsoundness and ridiculed the plea that the trade

        should be kept in the hands of gentlemen and under the direction

        of a monopol}’. The smuggler brought his vessel on the

        coast, and there waited till the people came oif for his merchandise,

        disposing of it without the least risk to himself, ” coolly

        commenting on the injustice of the Chinese government in refusing

        the practice of international law and reciprocity to countries

        whose subjects it only knows as engaged in constant and

        gross infraction of laws, the breaking of M’hich affects the basis

        of all good government, the morals of the country.” The true

        character of the smu”-“;lini»; trade is well set forth :

        Reverse the picture. Suppose, by any cliaucc, that Cliinese junks were to

        import into England, as a foreign and fashionable luxury, so harmless a thing

        as arsenic or corrosive sublimate ; that after a few years it became a rage ; that

        thousands, yea, hundreds of thousands used it, and that its use was, in consequence

        of its bad effects, prohibited. Suppose that, in opposition to the prohibition,

        junks were stationed in St. George’s Channel with a constant supply,

        taking occasional trips to the Isle of Wight and the mouth of the Thames when

        the officers were sufficiently attentive to their duty at the former station to prevent

        its introduction there. Suppose the consumption to increase annually,

        and to arouse the attention of the government and of those sound-thinking

        men who foresaw misery and destruction from the rapid spread of an insidious,

        unprofitable, and dangerous habit. Suppose, in fact, that, muUiUy vomive, all

        which has been achieved here had been practised there. Suppose some con-

        Beivators of the public morals to be aroused at last, and to remonstrate againsJ

        DISCUSSION AMONG THE FOREIGNERS. 489

        its use and increase ; and that among the nation sending forth this destroyer to prey on private happiness and pnhlic virtue, one or two pious and wellmeaning bonzes were to r’jiuonstrato with their countrymen on the enormity of their conduct : —how wonderfully consolatory to one party, and unanswerable to the other, must be the remark of Ihe well-dressed and well-educated Chinese merchant: ” Hai ya ! my friend, do not you see my silk dress and the crystal knob on my cap; don’t you know that I have read and can quote Confucius, Mencius, and all the Five Books ; do you not see that the barbarians are passionately

        fond of arsenic, that they will have it, and even go so far as to pay for

        it ; and can you, for one moment, doubt that it would not be much worse for

        tliem if, instead of my bringing it, it were left to the cliance, needy, and uncertain

        supply which low men of no capital could afford to bring V ” ‘

        Tlie writer sliows that instead of only one person in every

        three hiindi-ed and twenty-six using the pipe, it was far more

        probable that at least one out of every one hundred and fifty

        (or about two million five hundred thousand in all) of the population

        was a victimized smoker. The assertion of its being a

        harmless luxury to the many, like wine or beer, is disputed, and

        the sophisticated argument of its use as a means of hospitality

        exploded. ” What would a benevolent and sober-minded

        Chinese think,” he asks, ” were the sophistry of the defendei’s

        of this trade translated for him ? Where would he find the

        high-principled and high-minded inhabitants of the far-off

        coimtry ? How could he be made to comprehend that the believers

        in and practisers of Christian morality advocated a trade

        so ruinous to his country ? That the government of India compelled

        the growth of it by unwilling ryots; and that, instead of

        its being brought to China by ‘ desperadoes, pirates, and marauders,’

        it was purveyed by a body of capitalists, not participating

        certainly in what they carry, but supplying the Indian revenue

        safely and peaceably ; that the British government and others

        encouraged it ; and that the agents in the traffic M-ere constantly

        residing at Canton, protected by the government whose

        laws they outraged, but monstrously indignant, and appealing to

        their governments, if No. 2 longcloths are classed as No. 1 through the desperate villany of some paltry custom-house servant ?”

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol V., p. 409.

        The other writer exposes the sinful fallacy of the argument of expediency, and then proceeds to show how great an obstacle it is in the way of diffusing the gospel among the Chinese. We nnist refer to their own remarks’ for the fuller development of the arguments, but this one showed the earnestness of his convictions by offering a premium of £100 for the best essay ” showing the effects of the opium trade on the commercial, political, and moral interests of the nations and individuals connected therewith, and pointing out the course they ought to pursue in regard to it.” There was, however, so little interest in the subject that this premium was neverawarded, though the proposal was extensively advertised both in China and England.

        The governor of Canton and his colleagues soon learned that

        the feeling at court was rather against legalizing the drug,

        though they were directed to report concerning the amount of

        duty proper to be levied on it ; and to show their zeal, arrested

        several brokers and dealers. A-ming, one of the linguists, M’as

        severely tortured and exposed in the cangue for exporting

        sycee ; others escaped similar treatment by absconding. The

        chief superintendent naively expressed his opinion that ” the

        legalization of the trade in 0})ium would afford his ]\[ajesty’s

        government great satisfaction,” but suggested that the gradual

        diversion of British capital into other channels would be attended

        with advantageous conse(piences. To one situated between

        his own government, which promoted the preparation

        and importation of opium, and the Chinese government, which

        was now making extraordinary efforts to regulate it, and

        deeply sensible of the injury resulting from its use to the

        people around him, and to the reputation of his own and all

        foreign nations from the constant infraction of the laws, the proposed

        step of legalization offei-cd a timely relief. Xo one was

        more desirous of putting a stop to this destructive traffic than

        Captain Elliot, but knowing the impossibility of cheeking it by

        laws, he naturally wished to see the nniltitude of political and

        commercial evils growing out of snuiggling done away with.

        There were, indeed, many things to urge in favor of this

        ‘ Chinese liepository, Vol. V., pp. 407, 41o, uud passim.

        TUE PKOHIBITOKY LAWS ENFORCED. 491

        course ; but the fact ought never to be lost sight of, and be

        mentioned to the lasting credit of the Emperor Taukwang and

        his advisers, in the midst of their perplexity and weakness, that

        he would not admit opium because it was detrimental to his people.

        The conflict was now fairly begun ; its issue between the

        parties, so unequally matched—one having almost nothing but

        the right on its side, the other assisted by every material and

        physical advantage—could easily be foreseen. Captain Elliot,

        as the recognized head of the British trade, received an order

        through the Iiong merchants from the provincial authorities to

        drive away the i-eceiving-ships from Lintin, and send the Emperor’s

        commands to his king, that lieneeforth they be prohibited

        coming. He replied that he could not transmit any orders

        to his own sovereign which did not come to him direct from

        the government, and quoted the recent instance of the governor-

        general of Fuhkien communicating directly M’ith the captain

        of a British ship of w^ar. The governor was therefore

        forced to send his orders to the prefect and colonel of the

        department to be enjoined on Captain Elliot. He replied by

        promising to send it to his country, and adds, in true diplomatic

        style, unworthy of himself and his nation : ” He has already

        signified to your excellency, with truth and plainness, that his

        commission extends only to the regular trade with this Empire ;

        and further, that the existence of any other than this trade has

        nev’eryet been suljmitted to the knowledge of his own gracious

        sovereign.” Captain Elliot transmitted with these “orders” a

        minute account of the condition of the opium trade, and a

        memorandum respecting the desirableness of opening comnnmication

        with the court. Lord Palmerston, in reply, intimates

        that “her Majesty’s government do not see their way in such a

        measure with sufficient clearness to justify them in adopting it

        at the present moment.” He adds that no protection can be

        afforded to ” enable British subjects to violate the laws of the

        country to which they trade. Any loss, therefore, which such

        persons may suffer in consequence of the more effectual execution

        of the Chinese laws on this subject, must be borne by the parties who have brought that loss on themselves by their own acts.” A most paradoxical but funvonient position for this ‘• honorable ” officer of the Englisli goveriiuieiit to assiiiiie, and worthy to be recorded in contrast to the utterances from J-‘eking.

        ^’ear the close of 1837 the British flag was again hauled

        down at Canton, and the superintendent returned to Macao because

        he refused to superscribe tlie word p/’/iyOr ‘petition,’ upon

        his communications, according to his instructions, and the governor

        declined to receive them without it. In July, 1838, Sir

        Frederick Maitland arrived in the Wellesley (T-l), and was

        brought into correspondence with the Chinese Admiral Kwan,

        in consequence of the forts firing upon an English schooner

        passing the Bogue and stopping her to inquire Nvhether he or

        any of his crew or women were on board. The Wellesley and

        her two consorts were anchored near the forts, and the Chinese

        admiral made a full apology for the mistake ; his conduct in

        the affair was very creditable both to liis judgment and temper.

        As soon as Sir Fj-ederick arrived, Captain Elliot vainly

        endeavored to reopen correspondence with the governor by

        sending an open letter to the city gates, which was received

        and taken to him, but returned in the evening because it had

        not the requii’cd superscription.

        INCREASE OF SMl’GGLIXG AND AFFRAYS. 493

        Having now fully taken the sense of the Empire in the replies received from all its highest officials, the Emperor DaoGuang increased his efforts to suppress the trade. In April, 1838, a native named Kwoh Si-ping was publicly strangled at Macao by express command of the Emperor, as a warning to others not to engage in exporting sycee or introducing opium. The execution was conducted by the district magistrate and subprefect with dignity and order in the presence of a crowd of natives and foreigners. More than fifty small craft under the English or American flag were constantly plying off the port of Canton, most of them engaged in smuggling. Sometimes the government exerted its power ; boats were destroyed, smugglers seized and tortured, and the sales checked ; then it M-enton again as briskly as ever. These boats were easily caught, for the government could exercise entire control over its own subjects; but when the foreign schooners, heavily urmcd and manned, sailed up and down the river delivering the drug, the revenue

        cruisers vvei’e afraid to attack them. The hong merchants addressed

        a note to all foreign residents concerning them, the close

        of which vividly exhibits their unlucky position as the ” responsible

        advisers’” of the barbarians : “Lately we have repeatedly

        received edicts from the governor and lioppo severely reprimanding

        us ; and we have also written to you, gentlemen of the different

        nations, several times, giving you full information of the

        orders and regulations, that you might perfectly obey them and

        manage accordingly ; but you, gentlemen, continue wholly regardless.”

        Collisions became more and more frequent between the Chinese

        and their rulers, in consequence of the increased stringency of

        the orders from court. In September, in an affray near Whampoa

        between the militarj’ and villagers, several persons were

        killed and scores arrested. The retailers at Canton were imprisoned,

        and those found in other places brought there in

        chains. In Ilupeh it was reported that the officers had punished

        arrested smokers by cutting out a portion of the upper lip

        to incapacitate them from using the pipe. Still, such was the

        venality of the officers that even at this time the son of Governor

        Tang himself was engaged in the traffic, and many of the

        underlings only seized the drug from the smuggling-boats to retail

        it themselves. The memorial of Hwang Tsioh-tsz”, advising

        the penalty of death, was promulgated in Canton ; and the

        Empd’or’s rescript urged to stronger measures. In a rapid survey

        of the ill effects from the use of the drug, Hwang aeknoMdedges

        that it had extended to Manchuria, and pervaded all ranks

        of official and humble life. The efflux of silver “into the insatiate

        depths of transmarine regions ” had caused the rate of

        exchange for cash to rise until it was difficult to carry on the

        business of government. lie then reviews the different plans

        proposed for checking the cause of all this evil, such as guarding

        the ports, stopping the entire foreign trade, arresting the smugglers,

        shutting up the shops, and, lastly, encouraging the home

        growth. lie confesses that the bribes paid the coast-guard service

        and the maritime officei-s are so great as entirely to prevent

        their vigilance; and that the home-prepared drug does not yield the same stimulus as the foreign article. As a last resort, he proposes to increase the penalties upon the consumers, laying all the blame upon them, and advises death to be awarded all who smoke opium after a year”s warning has been given them. The well-known subdivision of responsibility was to be made doubly strong by requiring bonds of every tithing and hundred that there were no smokers within their limits. Officers found guilty were not only to be executed, but their children deprived of the privilege of competing at the public examination. One cannot withhold a degree of sympathy for the helpless condition of the officers and statesmen of a great Empire sincerely desirous of doing their country service, and yet so sadly ignorant of their false position by their assumption of supremacy over the very nation whom they could not restrain, and whose officials they rejected for a formality. They might as well have tried to concert a measure to stop the YangZi Jiang river in its impetuous flow, as to check the opium trade by laws and penalties.

        TRADE STOPPED AT CANTON”. 495

        On December 3, 1SB8, about two peculs of opium were seized while landing at the factories, and the coolies carried into the city. They declared that they had been sent to Whampoa by Mr. Lines, a British merchant, to obtain the opium from an American ship consigned to Mr. Talbot. The governor ordered the Hang merchants to expel these two gentlemen and the ship within three days, on the garbled testimony of the two coolies. Mr. Talbot sent in a communication, stating that neither the ship nor himself had anything to do with the opium, and obtained a reversal of the order to leave. The Hang merchants were justly irritated, and informed the Chamber of Commerce that they would not rent their houses to any who would not give a bond to abstain from such proceedings, and refusing to open the trade until such bonds were given; they furthermore declared their intention to pull Mr. Innes’ house down if he refused to depart. The Chamber protested that ” the inviolability of their personal dwellings was a point imperatively necessary ” for their security ; the Hang merchants then )-esorted to entreaty, stating their difficult position between their own rulers on one side, who held them responsible for executing their orders, and the foreigners on the other, over whom they had little or no power. The Chamber could only express its regret at the unjust punishment inflicted on a Hang merchant, Punhoyqua, for this, and reassert its inability to control the acts of any foreigner.

        The governor had put himself in this helpless condition by

        refusing Captain Elliot’s letters ; and it is remarkable that he

        hesitated to arrest Mr. Innes, when one word would have set

        the populace on the factories and their tenants, and destroyed

        them all. As an alternative, he now resolved to show foreigners

        what consequences befel natives who dealt in opium ; and

        while Mv. Innes still remained in Canton, he sent an otRcer

        with fifteen soldiers to execute Ilo Lau-kin, a convicted dealer,

        in front of the factories. The officer was proceeding to carry

        his orders into effect near the American flag-stafP, when the

        foreigners sallied out, pushed down the tent he was raising, and

        told him in loud tones not to execute the man there. Quite

        unprepared for this opposition, he hastily gathered up his implements

        and went into a neighboring street, where the man

        was strangled. Meanwhile a crowd collected to see these extraordinary

        proceedings, whom the foreigners endeavored to

        drive away, supposing that a little determination would soon

        scatter them. Blows, however, were returned, the foreigners

        driven into their factories, and the gates shut ; the crowd had

        now become a mob, and under the impression that two natives

        had been seized, they began to batter the fronts and break the

        windows with stones and brickbats. They had had possession

        of the square about three hours, and the danger was becoming

        imminent, when the Pwanyu hien, or ‘ district magistrate,’ came

        up, with three or four other officers, attended by a small body

        of police. Stepping out of his sedan he waved his hand over

        the crowd, the lictors pouncing upon three or four of the most

        active, whom they began to chastise upon the spot, and the

        storm was quelled. About twenty soldiers, armed with swords

        and spears, took their stand in a conspicuous quarter ; the magistrate

        and his retinue seated themselves, leaving the hong

        merchants and the police to disperse the crowd. The foreigners

        were also assured that all should be kept quiet during the

        night, but not a word was said to them regarding their conduct in interfering with the execution or their lolly in bringing this danger upon themselves. This occurrence tended to impress both the government and people with contempt and hatred for foreigners and their characters, fear of their designs, and the necessity of restraining them. The majority of them Avere engaged in the opium trade, and all stood before the Empire as violators of the laws, while the people themselves suffered the dreadful penalty.

        There is no room for the details and correspondence connected with this remarkable incident.’ Captain Elliot now reappeared in Canton, and at a general meeting expressed his conviction of the cause of these untoward events in the snniggling traffic on the

        river, declaring his intention of ordering all the British-owned

        vessels to leave it within three days ; he moreover expressed tlie

        hope that the further step of opening connnunication with the

        provincial authorities to obtain their co-operation to drive them

        out would be prevented by their speedy departure. Injunctions

        and entreaties to his countrymen were, however, alike unavailing,

        and he accordingly addressed the governor, stating liis wish to

        co-operate in driving them out. In a public notice he remarked

        that ” this course of traffic was rapidly staining the British

        character with deep disgrace ” and exposing the regular commerce

        to innninent jeopardy, and that he meant to shrink from

        no responsibility in drawing it to a conclusion. The governor,

        as was expected, praised the superintendent for his offer, but

        left him to do the whole work; lenuirking, in that peculiar

        strain of Chinese conceit which so effectually forestalls our

        sympathy for their difficulties, that ” it may well be conceived

        that these boats trouble me not one iota :”—as if all he had to

        do was to arise in his majesty, and they were gone. The boats,

        hoM’ever, gradually left the river. Mr. Innes retired, and the

        regular trade was j-esumed in January.

        Chinese Jtepositai’y, Vol. VII. , pp. 437-456.

        ArPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONER LIN. 497

        No British consular officer has been placed in a more difficult and humiliating dilemma, and Captain Elliot did himself honor in his efforts. The English newspapers ridiculed him as a tidewaiter of the Chinese custom-house, a man who aided the cowardly authorities to carry their orders into effect, thereby staining the honor of her Majesty’s commission. Although ho did not intend to draw a line between the heinousness of the opium trade inside of the I’ogue and its harmlessness beyond that limit, still there were good reasons, under his peculiar position, for some action to show the Chinese government that British power would not protect British subjects in violating the laws of China.

        At this period the Peking govermnent had taken its course

        of action. Reports had been received from the provincial authorities

        almost unanimously recommending increased stringency

        to abolish the traffic. History, so far as we know, does

        not record a similar example of an arbitrary, despotic, pagan government taking the public sentiment of its own people before

        adopting a doubtful line of conduct. It was a far more momentous

        and difficult question than eyen the cabinet deemed it to

        be, while their conceit and ignorance incapacitated them from

        dealing with it prudently or successfully. There can be no reasonable

        doubt that the best part of his people and the moral

        power of the nation were with their sovereign in this attempt.

        Hii Xai-tsi was dismissed for proposing legalization, and three

        princes of the blood degraded for smoking opium ; arrests, fines,

        tortures, imprisonments, and executions were frequent in the

        provinces on the same grounds, all showing the determination

        to eradicate it. The governor of llukwang, Lin Tseh-sii, was

        ordered to proceed to Canton, with unlimited powers to stop the

        traffic. The trade thei’e was at this time almost suspended, the

        deliveries being small and at losing pi-ices. Many underlings

        were convicted and summarily punished, and on February

        2Gth Fung A-ngan was strangled in front of the factoi-ies

        for his connection with opium and participation in the affray

        at Whampoa. The foreign flags, English, American, Dutch,

        and French, were all hauled down in consequence. The entire

        stoppage of all ti-ade ^yas thi-eatened, and the governor urged

        foreigners to send all opium ships from Chinese waters.

        Commissioner Lin arriyed in Canton March lOth. The Emperor sent him to inquire and act so as thoroughly to remove the source of the evil, foi-, says he, ” if the source of the evil lie not clearly ascertained, how can we hope that the stream of pernicious consequences shall be stayed? It is our full hope that the long-indulged habit will be forever laid aside, and every root and o-erni of it entirely eradicated : we would fain think that our ministers will be enabled to substantiate our wishes, and so remove from China the dire calamity/’ It was reported in Canton that the monarch, when recounting the evils which had long afflicted his people by means of opium, paused and wept, and turning to Lin, said : ” How, alas ! can I die and go to the shades of my imperial father and ancestors, until these direful evils are removed ! ” Such was the chief purpose of this movement on the part of the Chinese government, and Lin was invested with the fullest powers ever conferred on a subject. Although long experience of the ineffectiveness of Chinese edicts generally lead those residing in the country to regard them as mere verbiage, still, to say that they are all insincere and formal because they are ineffectual, is to misjudge and pervert the emotions of common humanity. Lin appears to have been well fitted for the mission , and if he had been half as enlightened as he was sincere, he would perhaps have averted the war which followed, and been convinced that legalization was the most judicious step he could recommend.

        The connnissioner spent a week making inquiries, during

        which time nothing was publicly heard from him; while natives

        and foreigners alike anxiously speculated as to his plans. It was

        not until March 18th that his first proclanuitions were issued to

        the hong merchants and foreigners ; that to the latter required

        them to deliver up all the opium in the storeships, and to give

        bonds that they would bring no more, on penalty of death.

        The poor hong merchants were, as usual, instructed regarding

        their responsibility to admonish the foreigners, and strictly

        charged to procure these bonds, or they would be made examples

        of. Three days were allowed for compliance with these demands.

        Thehoppo had already issued orders detaining all foreigners

        in Canton—in fact, making them prisoners in their own

        houses; comnnmication with the shipping was suspended, troops

        were assembled about the factories, and armed cruisers stationed

        on the river. The Chamber of Commerce wrote to the hong

        LIN DEMANDS A SURRENDER OF OPII’M. 499

        merchants on the 20th^ through their chamiian,W. S, Wetniore,

        an American, stating that they would send a definite reply in

        four days, and adding that ” there is an almost unanimous feeling

        in the community of the absolute necessity of the foreign

        residents of Canton having no connection with the opium traffic/’

        This paper was taken to the commissioner, and ahout ten

        o’clock P.M. the hong merchants again met the Chaniber, and

        told them that if some opium was not given up two of their

        number would be beheaded in the morning. The merchants

        present, including British, Parsees, Americans, and others, acting

        as individuals, then subscribed one thousand and thirtyseven

        chests, to be tendered to the commissioner ; but the hong

        merchants reported next morning that this amount was insufficient.

        In the afternoon Lin sent an invitation to Mr. Dent, a

        leading English merchant, to meet him at the city gates, who

        expressed his willingness to go if the commissioner would give

        him a safe-warrant guaranteeing his return within a day. The

        hong merchants returned without Inm ; and the next morning

        two of them, Howqua and Mowqua, came again to his house

        with chains upon their necks, having been sent with an express

        order for him to appear. They repaired to the Chamber of

        Commerce then assembled, but all soon returned to Mr. Dent’s

        house, where an animated debate took place, which resulted in

        the unanimous decision on the part of the foreign residents

        that he should not go into the city without the safe-warrant.

        This unexpected demand caused much discussion among foreigners, as it was doubtless a contrivance to secure a hostage; and the refusal of the former to give a written safe-warrant would probably have ended in seizing Mr. Dent and imprisoning him, if Ilowqua, the senior hong merchant, had not allowed everything to wait over one day till Monday. Mr. Dent’s partner had that day seen i\\e a7i-chah sz\ or ‘provincial judge,’ in the city to explain why he hesitated to go to Lin.

        On the 22d Captain Elliot sent a note to the governor expressing his readiness to meet the Chinese officers, and use ” his sincere efforts to fulfil the pleasure of the great Emperor as soon as it was made known to him.” The Chinese could hardly draw any other conclusion from this admission than that he had the power, as well as the inclination to put down the opium trade, which he certainly could not do ; it tended therefore to deceive them. This note was followed by a letter to Captain Blake, of the Larne, requesting his assistance in defending British property and life, and by a circular ordering all British ships, opium and others, to proceed to Hongkong and prepare themselves to resist every act of aggression. A second circular to British subjects detailed the reasons which compelled him to withdraw all conlidencc in the “justice and moderation of the provincial government,”‘ and demand passports for all his countrymen who wished to leave Canton, while counselling every one to make preparations to remove on board ship. Elliot

        now proceeded to Canton, which he safely reached about sunset

        Sunday evening, dressed in naval uniform and closely attended

        by cruisers watching his movements. The British flag was

        then hoisted, and Captain Elliot, conducting Mr. Dent to the

        consulate in the most conspicuous manner, summoned a public

        meeting, read his notice of the previous day, and told the hong

        merchants to inform the commissioner that he was willing to

        let Mr. Dent go into the city if he could accompany him.

        His coming up the river had excited the apprehensions of

        the Chinese that he meant to force his way out again, and

        oi’ders were issued to close every pass around the factories. By

        nine o’clock that evening the foreigners, about two hundred

        and Feventy-fi\e in number, Avere the only inmates of their

        houses. Patrols, sentinels, and officers, hastening hither and

        thither, with the blowing of trumpets and beating of gongs,

        added confusion to the darkness of the night.

        THE FOKEIGNEKS IMPRISONED IN THE FACTORIES. 501

        On the 25th most of the foreign merchants of all nations signed a paper pledging themselves ” not to deal in opium, nor to attempt to introduce it into the Chinese Empire : ” how many of the individuals subsequently broke this pledge on the ground that it Avas forced from them cannot be stated, but part of the firms which signed it afterward actively engaged in the trade. Captain Elliot applied for passports for himself and countrymen, and requested the return of the servants, avoiding all reference to his promise of three days before, or mention of the cause of these stringent proceedings. His requests were refused ; no native was allowed to bring food or water to the factories; letters could not be sent to AVlianipoa or Macao, except at ininiiucnt risk ; the continciiient was complete, and had been effected without the least personal harm. The heavy punishment which had fallen on Kwoh Si-ping, Ho Lau-kin, and Fung A-ngan had now come near to the foreign agents of the traihc ; but not an individual had been touched.

        The commissioner next issued an exhortation to all foreigners,

        urging them to deliver the drug on four grounds, viz., because

        they were men and had reason ; becanse the laws forbade its

        use, nnder severe penalties ; because they should have feelings

        for those who suffered from using it ; and because of their

        present duress, from which they would then be released. This

        paper, as were all those issued by Lin, was characterized by an

        uimsual vigor of expression and cogency of reasoning, but betrayed the same arrogance and ignorance which had misled his predecessors. One extract will suffice. Under the first reason why the opium should be delivered up, lie says that otherwise the retribution of heaven will follow them, and cites some cases to prove this: Now, our great Emperor, being actuated by the exatted virtue of heaven itself, wishes to cut off this deluge of opium, which is the jilainest proof that such is the intention of high heaven! It is then a traffic on which heaven looks with disgust, and who is he that may oppose its will ? Thus in the instance

        of the English chief Robarts, who violated our laws ; he endeavored to

        get possession of Macao by force, and at Macao he died! Again, in 1834, Lord

        Napier bolted through the Bocca Tigris, but being overwhelmed with grief and

        fear he almost immediately died : and Morrison, who had been darkly deceiving

        him, died that very year also! Besides these, every one of those who have

        not observed our laws have either been overtaken with the jiidgments of heaven

        on returning to their country, or silently cut off ere they could return

        thither. Thus then it is manifest that the heavenly dynasty may not be opposed I Two communications to Captain Elliot, from Lin through the prefect and district magistrates, accompanied this exhortation,

        stating his view of the superintendent’s conduct in contumaciously

        resisting his commands and requiring him to give np the

        opium. For once in the history of foreign intercourse with

        China, these commands were obeyed, and after intimating his readiness to comply, Captain Elliot issued a circular on Marcb

        27th, which from its important results is quoted entire :

        I, Charles Elliot, chief superintendent of the trade of British subjects in

        China, presently forcibly detained by the provincial government, together with

        all the merchants of my own and the other foreign nations settled liere, without

        supplies of food, deprived of our servants, and cut off from all iutercoui’se

        with our respective countries (notwithstanding my own official demand to be

        set at liberty that I might act without restraint), have now received the commands

        of the high commissioner, issued directly to me under the seals of the

        honorable officers, to deliver into his hand all the opium held by the people

        of my own country. Now I, the said chief superintendent, thus constrained by

        paramount motives affecting the safety of the lives and liberty of all the foreigiu’rs

        here present in Canton, and by other very weighty causes, do hereby,

        in the name and on the behalf of her Britannic Majesty’s government, enjoin

        and require all her Majesty’s subjects now present in Canton, forthwith to

        make a surrender to me for the service of her said Majesty’s government, to be delivered over to the government of China, of all the opium under their respective control : and to hold the British ships and vessels engaged in the opium trade subject to my immediate direction : and to forward me without delay a sealed list of all the British-owned opium in their respective possession.

        And I, the said chief superintendent, du now, in the most full and unreserved manner, hold myself responsible for, and on the behalf of her Britannic Majesty’s government, to all and each of her Majesty’s subjects surrendering the said British-owned opium into my hands, to be delivered over to the Chinese government. And I, the said chief superintendent, do further especially caution all her Majesty’s subjects here present in Canton, owners of or charged with the management of opium the property of British subjects, that failing the surrender of the said opium into my hands at or before six o’clock this day, I, the said superintendent, hereby declare her Majesty’s government wholly free of all manner of responsibility in respect of the said British-owned opium.

        And it is specially to be understood that proof of British property and value of all British-owned opium surrendered to mo agreeable to this iu)tic(>, shall bedetermined upon principles, and in a manner liereafter to be defined by her Majesty’s government.

        ‘The guarantee offered in this notice was deemed sufficient by

        the merchants, thoui2;h Captain Elliot had no authority to take

        such a responsibility, and exceeded his powers in giving it ; being

        the authorized agent of the crown, however, his government

        was responsible for his acts, though the notice did not, nor

        could it, set any price npon the sui-rendercd property.

        At the time it was given it could not l)e honestly said that

        ‘ Cliinese Repository, Vol. VII., p. 633.

        CAPTAIN ELLIOT S CIRCULAR. 503

        tlic lives of foreigners were in jeopardy, and Lin liad promised

        to reopen the trade as soon as the opium was delivered and the

        bonds given. What the other ” very weighty causes ” were

        nnist be guessed ; but the requisition was promptly answered,

        and before night twenty thousand two hundred and eighty-three

        chests of opium had been surrendered, which Captain Elliot the

        next day tendered to the connnissioner. Their market value at

        tlie time was not far from nine millions of dollars, and the cost

        price nearly eleven millions. Directions were sent to twentytwo

        vessels to anchor near the Bogue, to await orders for its

        delivery, the commissioner and the governor themselves going

        down forty miles to superintend the transfer. On April 2d the arrangements for delivering the opium were completed, and on May 21st it was all housed near the Bogue.

        When the guard M-as placed about the factories, no native

        came near them for three days, but on the 21>tli a supply of

        sheep, pigs, poultry’, and other provisions was “graciously bestowed

        ” upon their inmates, most of whom refused them as

        gifts, which impressed Lin with the belief that they were not

        actually suffering for food. On May 5th the guards and boats

        M-ere removed, and communication resumed with the shipping.

        Sixteen persons, English, Americans, and Parsees, named as

        principal agents in the opium trade, were ordered to leave the

        country and never return. On the 24th Captain Elliot left

        Canton, accompanied by the ten British subjects mentioned

        among the sixteen outlawed persons. In order still further to

        involve her Majesty’s ministers in his acts, he forbade British

        ships entering the port, or any British subject living in Canton,

        on the ground that both life and property were insecure; there were, however, no serious apprehensions felt by other foreigners remaining there ; and the propriety of the order was questioned by those who were serious sufferers from its action.

        This success in getting the opium encouraged Lin to demand the bond, but although the captains of most of the ships signed it when the port was first opened, it was not required long after. The British merchants at Canton prepared a memorial to the foreign secretary of their government, recapitulating the aggressive acts of the Chinese government in stopping the legal trade, detaining all foreigners in Canton until the opium was surrendered, and requiring them to sign a hund not to bring it again, which involved their responsibility over those whom they could not control; but nothing was said in it of their own unlawful acts, no reference to their promises of a few months before, no allusion to the causes of these acts of aggression. Its burden was, however, to urge the government to issue a notice of its intentions respecting the pledge given them by the superintendent in his demand for the opium.

        Lin referred to Peking for orders concerning the disposal of

        the opium, and his Majesty commanded the Mhole to be destroyed

        by him and his colleagues in the presence of the civil

        and military officers, the inhabitants of the coast, and the foreigners,

        ” that they may know and tremble thereat.” Captain

        Elliot, on the other hand, before it had all been delivered, wrote

        to his government, April 22d, his belief that the Chinese intended

        to sell it at a high price, remunerating the owners and

        pocketing the difference, ])reparatory to legalizing the traffic,

        and making some arrangements to limit the annual importation

        to a certain number of chests ; consequently he recommended

        an ” innnediate and strong declaration to exact complete indemnity

        for all manner of loss ” from the Chinese. lie calls Lin “false and perfidious,” though it is difficult to see why he applies these epithets to one who seems to have sincerely endeavored to carry out instructions, while his own communicfttions certainly tended to mislead him. The sense of the responsibility he had assumed, and the irritating confinement under which it was written, account, in a measure, for this despatch, so different in its tenor from his previous declarations.

        THE OPIU.>r YIELDED AND DESTROYED. 505

        The opium was destroyed in the most thorough manner, by Hiixiiig it in parcels of two hundred chests, in trenches, with lime and salt water, and then drawing off the contents into the adjacent creek at low tide. Overseers were stationed to prevent the workmeunor villagers from ])urloining the opium, and one man was summarily executed for attempting to carry away a small quantity. No doubt remained in the minds of persons who visited the place and examined the operation, that the entire quantity of twenty thousand two hundred and ninety-one eliests received from the English(eiglit nioi-e having been sent from Macao) was completely destroyed:—a solitary instance in the history of the world of a pagan monarch preferring to destroy what would injure his subjects, rather than to fill hisown pockets with its sale. The whole transaction M’ill ever remain one of the most remarkable incidents in human history for its contrasts, and the great changes it introduced into China.’

        The course of events during the remainder of the year 1839 presents a strange mixture of traffic and hostility. The British merchants were obliged to send their goods to Canton in ships sailing under other Hags, which led the commissioner to issue placards exhorting British captains to bring their ships into port. This procedure brought out a rejoinder from Captain Elliot, giving the reasons why he had forbidden them to do so, and complaining of his own unjust imprisonment as unbecoming treatment to the “officer of a friendly nation, recognized by the Emperoi*, who had always performed his duty peacefully and irreproachably.” Captain Elliot’s own correspondence shows, however, that this is an unfair statement of the political relations between them.

        While this matter of trade was pending, a drunken affray occurred at Hongkong with some English sailors, in which an inoffensive native named Lin Wei-lii lost his life. The commissioner ordered an inquest to be held, and demanded the nnn–derer, according to Chinese law. The superintendent empanelled a regular court of criminal and admiralty jurisdiction at Ilongicong, to try the seamen who had been arrested. He also offered’ Sir Robert Peel declared that this property was obtained by her Majesty’s agent without any authority ; but when the six millions of dollars were received from the Chinese as indemnity, the British government made its subjects receive their money in London, charged them with all expenses insteal of paying it in China, and priced the opium at scarcely half what the East India Company had received from it, by taking the market rates when the trade at Canton was nominal. The merchants lost, with accruing interest, about two millions sterling, and “Sir R. Peel transferred a million sterling from their pockets to the public treasury.”—Chinese liepositon/, Vol. XIIL, p. 54 (from London paper).

        CHAPTER XXIII. PROGRESS AND RESULTS OF THE FIRST WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND CHINA

        On June 22, 1840, before the advance part of the British force reached China, Sir Goi’don Bremer published a notice oi the blockade of the port of Canton. The Americans living There had requested Lin to let all their ships arriving before it was laid on come directly up the river, lie granted the application, but declared it ” to be an egregious mistake, analogous to an audacious falsehood, that the English contemplated putting on a hlo’^kade.”” Captain Elliot also issued a manifesto to the people, which was widely dispersed, setting forth the grievances which had been suffered by the English at the hands of Lin, and assuring them that noliarm would come while they pursued their peaceful occupations—for the quarrel was entirely between the two governments, and the Queen had deputed high officers to make known the truth to the Emperor.

        Sir Gordon Bremer’s force of live ships of war, three steamers,

        and twenty-one transports reached Tingliai harbor July 1th. In

        reply to a summons to surrender, the Chinese officers declared

        their determination to resist as far as their means allowed ; but

        complained of the hardship of being made answerable for

        wrongs done at Canton, upon which place the blow should properly

        fall. The attack was made on Sunday, July 5th, when the

        Wellesley (74) opened her guns on the town, which were

        answered by the juidcs and batteries. A few minutes sufficed

        to silence the latter, and three thousand men landed and

        menaced Tinghai, whose walls were lined with soldiers. The

        town was. evacuated dm-ing the night, most of the respectable

        inhabitants going to NingBo ; many of the Chinese high officials were killed, which, with the experience of the terrible foreign force brought against them, disheartened their troops beyond measure.

        AERIVAL OF THE J5KITISH—FALL OF TINGIIAI, 515

        Two days after this attack tiie joint plenipotentiaries, Admiral G. Elliot and Captain Elliot, arrived in the Melville (74) at Cliusan. To the authorities at Amoy and Ningbo they sent copies of Lord Palmerston’s letter to the Emperor, with a request to forward them to Peking ; the officials declined, however, undertaking any such responsibility.

        The prefect of Ningbo took measures to prevent the people of Chusan from ” aiding and comforting” their conquerors by sending police-runners to mark those who supplied them ; a purveyor from Canton was seized and brought back. An idea that the Chinese people wished to throw off the Manchu yoke, and a desire to conciliate the islanders, led the British to take less decided measures for supplying themselves with provisions than they otherwise would. A small party was sent to recapture the puwvyor, but its unsuccessful trip over the island showed the unwillingness of the people to have anything to do with their invaders, while their dread was increased by the arrest of several village elders. Mr. Gutzlaff was stationed at Chusan, doing his best to reassure the people ; and as he went around exhorting them to act peaceably, some of them asked him, ” If you are so desirous of peace, why did you come here at all ?”

        After arranging the government of the island, the stations of

        the troops, and blockading of Amoy, Ningpo, and the mouths

        of the Min and Yangtsz’ Rivers, the two plenipotentiaries left

        Tinghai and anchored off the Pei ho August 11th, Captain Elliot

        went ashore, and finding that Kislien, the governor-general of

        Chilli], was at Taku, delivered the letter to his messenger, who

        returned with a request for ten days’ delay in which to lay it

        before the Emperor. During this interval the ships visited the

        coast of Liautung to procure provisions, which they obtained

        with some difficulty. No message coming ofp, a strong boat force was sent ashore on the 28th, with a menacing letter to Kishen, wdien it was ascertained that the reply had in reality been awaiting the return of the ships during several days. Arrangements were now made for a personal interview at Taku between Kisheu and Captain Elliot, on Sunday, August 30th, in a large tent. Kislien argued his side of the question with great tact and ability, sincerely urging the argument that his master had the most unquestionable right to treat the English

        as he had done, for they were and had em-olled themselves his

        tributary subjects. He could not treat definitely on all the

        points in dispute, and obtained a further delay of six days in

        order to refer again to Peking. The conclusion was the reasonable

        arrangement that Kishen should meet the English

        plenipotentiaries at Canton, where the truth could be better

        ascertained ; and on September 15th the squadron returned to Chusan.

        While these things were taking place at Taku, there had occurred a few skirmishes elsewhere. A shipwrecked crew had fallen into Chinese hands and been carried to 3s’ingpo, and some foraging parties were roughly handled. Lin tried to inspirit his troops by offering large rewards for British ships and subjects, and a force of about one thousand two hundred men was stationed in and around the Barrier at Macao. Captain Smith, however, moved two sloops and a steamer near their position, and soon drove the soldiers away, destroying their guns and barracks.

        Lin was busy enlisting volunteers and preparing the defences

        of Canton, but in the sunnner he was ordered to return ” with

        the speed of flames ” to Peking. His Majesty was uimeccssarily

        severe upon his servant : ” You have not only proved

        yourself unable to cut off their trade,” he says, ” but you have

        also proved yourself unable to seize perverse natives. You

        have but dissembled with empty words, and so far fi’om having

        been any help in the affair, you have caused the waves of confusion

        to arise, and a thousand interminable disorders are

        sprouting ; in fact, you have been as if your arms wei’c tied,

        without knowing what to do : it appears, then, you are no bettor

        than a wooden image. When I meditate on all these things,

        J am lilled with anger and melancholy.” Trade was carried on

        notwithstanding the blockade, by sending tea and g(Kxls thi’ough

        Macao ; and many ships loaded for England and the United

        States.

        INTERVIEW BETWEEN ELLIOT AND KISIIEN. 517

        Admiral Elliot entered into a truce with Tlipu, governorgeneral

        of (“lielikian*;, by wliicli each party agreed to observe

        certain boundaries. ISickness and deatli had made sad inroads

        into the health and numbers of the troops at Tinghai, owing to

        their bad location, malaria, and iiii]>ro{)er food ; more than four

        hundred out of the four thousand landed in July having died,

        and three times that number being in the hospitals. The

        people dared not reopen their shops until after the truce ; the

        visits paid to various parts of the island better informed the

        inhabitants of the personal character of their temporary rulers,

        and a profitable trade in provisions encouraged them to farther

        acquaintance.

        The two plenipotentiaries returned November 20th, and immediately sent a steamer bearing a despatch from Ilipu to Kishen; the vessel was fired upon by an officer unacquainted with the meaning of a white flag—the intent and privileges of which were after this understood; Kishen made an ample apology for this mishap. Negotiations were resumed during the month of December, but the determination of the Chinese to resist rather than grant full indemnity for the opium was more and more apparent.

        Kishen probably found more zeal among the people for a fight than he had supposed, but his own desires were to settle the matter ” more soon, more better.’” What demands were made as a last alternative are not known, but one of them,

        the cession of the island of Hongkong, he refused to grant, and

        broke off the discussion. Commodore Bremer thereupon attacked

        and took the forts at Chuenpi and Taikok-tau on January

        7th, when the furthei- progress of his forces was stayed bv

        Kishen, who was present and saw enough to convince him of

        the folly of resistance.

        On January 20th the suspended negotiations had proceeded so far that Captain Elliot announced the conclusion of preliminary arrangements upon four points, viz., the cession of the island and harbor of Hongkong to the British crown, an indemnity of six millions of dollars in annual instalments, direct official intercourse upon an equal footing, and the immediate resumption of English trade at Canton. By these arrangements Chusan and Chuenpi were to be immediately restored to the Chinese, the prisoners at Ningbo released, and the English allowed to occupy Hongkong. One evidence of Kishen’s

        ” scrupulous good faith,” mentioned in Captain Elliot’s notice,

        is the edict he put up on Hongkong, telling the inhabitants

        they were now under English authority. Two interviews took

        place after this, at the last of which it was plain that two of the

        four stipulations, viz., the first instalment of a million of dollars,

        and opening of trade by February 1st, would not be fulfilled.

        The intimations of the designs of the court were so

        evident that the treaty was probably never even presented to

        the Emperor for ratification.

        Kishen carried his negotiations thus far, with the hope perhaps

        that an adjustment of the ditficulties on such terms would

        be accepted by his imperial master. On the other hand, Lin

        and his colleagues memorialized him as soon as Kishen came to

        Canton against peaceful measures, and their reconnnendations

        as to the necessity of resistance were strongly backed by the

        mortifying loss of Cliusan. The approach of a large force to

        the Pei ho alarmed his Majesty, and conciliatory measures were

        taken, and a reference to Canton proposed before settling the

        dispute ; when the men-of-war left, he was inclined for peace,

        and issued orders not to attack the ships while the discussions

        were going on. But the memorials had already changed iiis

        mind, and war was determined on at the date of signing the

        treaty. It is probable if, instead of seizing Chusan, which had

        given no cause of provocation, the English had gone up the

        Yangtsz’ kiang and Pei ho, and stationed themselves there until

        their demands were granted, peace would have been soon made.

        But, in that case, would the vain notion of their supremacy have

        left the Chinese ?

        Looking back forty years, one can recognize the benefit to

        both parties whicli resulted from the failure of this treaty. The

        great desire of Chi’istian people, who believed that China was

        finally to receive the gospel, was that it might be opened to

        their benevolent effoi’ts, l)ut this treat)’ left the country as closed

        as ever to all good influences, commercial, political, social, and

        religious, while the evils of smuggling, law-breaking, and opium-

        Bmoking remained unmolested. The crisis which had brought

        FAILURE OF NEGOTIATIONS AT THE BOGUE. 519

        out this expedition was not likely soon to recur, and if this

        failed to break down its seclusiveness, no other nation Mould

        attempt the task. Every well-wisher of China cherished the

        hope that, since this unfortunate conflict nnist needs be, its outcome

        would leave the entire land fully accessible to the regenci–

        ating, as well as shielded from the evil influences of Christian

        nations.

        Captain Elliot appreciated the dilemma into which the Emperor

        had been brought by the acts of Lin, and knew that

        ignorance was much more the misfortune than the fault of

        both ; he acted humanely, therefore, in pui’suing a mild course

        at first, until the points at issue had been fairly brought before

        the people as well as the cabinet. However justly some parts

        of his conduct may have merited criticism, this praiseworthy

        feature of his policy by no means earned the torrent of abuse

        he received for consistently pursuing such a course. His countrymen

        would have had him burn, kill, and destroy, as soon as

        the expedition reached the coast, before even stating his

        demands at court ; and during his negotiations with Ivishen,

        and when Chusan was restored, a smile of contempt at his supposed

        gullibility was everywhere seen. The treaty of the Bogue, though formed in good faith by both commissioners, was rejected by both sovereigns, though for opposite reasons; by Victoria, because it did not grant enough, by Taukwang, because it granted too much.

        The Emperor issued orders to resume the war, collect troops

        from the provinces upon Canton and Tinghai, in order to ” destroy

        and wipe clean away, to exterminate and root out the

        rebellious barbarians,” and urged the people to regard them

        with the same bitterness they did their personal enemies. His

        mandate is couched in strong terms, saying that his enemies

        have been rebellious against heaven, opposing reason, one in

        spirit with the brute beasts, ” beings that the overshadowing

        vault, and all-containing earth can hardly suffer to live,” obnoxious

        to angels and men, and that he must discharge his

        heaven-conferred trust by sweeping them from the face of the

        earth. This decree exhibited the true principles of action of

        this proud government, which deliberately rejected the offer of peace, and determined to npliold its fancied supremacy to the utmost. China nnist now win or hi’eak.

        Ilostih} intentions had become so evident that Captain Elliot

        announced that Commodoi’e l>i-emer would return to the Bogue

        with tlie force ; the boats of the Nemesis were fired upon while

        sounding, and the battery near Anunghoy was attacked the

        same day that Clnisan was evacuated. Rewards of $50,000

        were ofPered for Elliot, Bremei-, Morrison, and other ringleaders,

        and all the defences put in the best condition. On Februarv

        20th the Bogue foi’ts were all taken. Admiral Kwan falling

        at his post. The British had nine ships, assisted by less than

        five Inmdred troops, and two steamers. The Chinese force was

        prol)ably over three thousand, but it made no resistance after

        tlie batteries were taken ; the total loss Avas supposed to be not

        far from a thousand. The forts were built so solidly that few

        were kihed by tlie broadsides of tlie ships, and their magazines

        so well protected that no explosions took- place; the powdeifound

        in them was nsed to demolish the walls. There were in

        all eight large forts on the sides of the river and AVangtong

        Island, forming altogether a line of batteries which would have

        been impregnable in the hands of European troops, and was not

        without reason deemed to be so by the Chinese themselves.

        The next day the small ships moved up to the First Bar, where

        a long fortification on the river bank, and an intrenched camp

        of two thousand troops, defended by upward of a hundred

        cannon, with a strong raft thrown across the river, showed a

        resolution to make a stand. The ships and steamers opened a

        hot tire upon the batteries and camp, which returned it as well

        as they could, but the loss of life was greatest when the English

        landed. Many instances of personal bravery showed that the

        Chinese were not all destitute of courage, but without discipline

        and better weapons it was of no avail. Nearly one-fourth

        were killed, their camp burned, the Chesapeake and all her

        stores blown up, and most of the crew killed. The raft was

        easily removed b}^ the steamers, to the mortification of the

        Chinese, who had trusted that this might prove a permanent

        barrier to the approach of ships to the city. From this point

        the way was open to within five miles of Canton, and when the forts at that place were taken, the prefect met Captain Elliot on March od with a Hag of truce proposing a suspension of hostilities for three days.

        CAPTURE OF THE APPKOACIIES TO CANTON”. 621

        Kishen had already been ordered to return to Peking to

        await his trial; his nieniorial’ on hearing of his degradation

        does him credit. Iliang was left in command of the province

        until four general officers, leading large bodies of troops, should

        arrive. The highest of these was Yihshan, a nephew of the

        Emperor, assisted by “i’ang Fang, Lungwan, and Tsishin. On

        the part of the English, Major-dreneral Sir Hugh Gougli arrived

        fi’om India to take command of the land forces, and Sir Gordon

        Bremer sailed for Calcutta to procure recruits. Bodies of troops

        were gathering in and around Canton to the amount of five

        or six thousand, most of whom had come from the North-West Provinces, and were not less strange and formidable to the citizens than were their foreign” enemies.

        After the truce, had expired the English moved toward Canton

        by both the channels leading to the city, the iron steamer

        Nemesis proceeding up the Irmer Passage, subduing all obstacles

        in her way until every fort, raft, battery, camp, and stockade

        between the ocean and Canton had been taken or destroyed,

        and the city lay at their mercy. The factories had been kept

        safely, and were occupied by British troops just two years

        after Lin had imprisoned the foreigners there. A second truce

        was agreed upon March 20th, by which trade was allowed to

        proceed on the old mode ; merchant ships accordingly advanced

        up the river, and for about six weeks trade went on uninterruptedly—one party getting their tea and the other their duties.

        The new governor, Ki Kung, together with the “rebel-quelling general ” Yihshan, then arrived, and the people, thinking that a slight cause would disturb the truce, took advantage of it to remove their effects, well aware how much they would suffer from their own army in case of trouble.

        ^Chinese Repository, Vol. X., p. 335.

        Toward the middle of May the hostile intentions of the Chinese were manifest, though cloaked under professions of amity; and on the 21st Captain Elliot notilied all foreigners to go

        aboard ship. The secret prepai-ations for attack were very extensive. Large fire-boats and rafts were prepared, masked batteries erected along the river, troops quartered in the temples, and large camion placed in the streets. The day before the notice of Captain Elliot was issued, the prefect had the impudence to publish a proclamation assuring all classes of the

        peaceful intentions of the commissioners. Finding their prey

        gone, a night attack was made by land and water on the ships,

        but none were seriously injured. As daylight advanced the

        Xemesis went in pursuit of the fire-boats and junks, and burned

        upward of sixty, while three men-of-war silenced the batteries

        along shore. Meantime the Chinese troops searched the factory

        buildings for arms and pillaged three of the hongs, to the

        consternation of the prefect, who told the commissioner that he

        would be forced to pay for losses thus sustained. On the 24th

        the land and naval forces under Sir Hugh Gongh and Sir Fleming

        Senhouse arrived from Hongkong and prepared to invest

        the city. Most of the troops debarked above it, at Xeishing,

        under the personal directions of Sir Fleming, M’ho had provided

        many boats in which the force of two thousand six hundred

        men, besides followers, guns, and stores, were toM’ed about

        twelve miles. A detachment landed and took possession of the

        factories. Sir Hugh Gough remained near the place of debarkation

        till the next morning, when the whole body moved

        onward to attack the forts and camps behind the city. As the

        English advanced the Chinese found that their shot did not

        reach them, so that after an hour”s firing they began to collect

        outside of the forts, preparatory to retiring. The advance

        puslied on, and sent them scampering down the hills toward

        the city ; the intrenched camp was cai’ried with considei’able

        loss to its defenders, who everywhere ran as soon as the fight

        came to close quarters ; but in the forts there were many furious

        struo;o;:les.

        THE CITY RANSOMED. 523

        On the 20th a driving rain stopped all operations ; and a ])arley was also requested from the now deserted city walls by two officers, who agreed to send a deputation to make arrangements for surrender. Night came on before any heralds appeared, so that it was not till morning that the troops were in position, the guns loaded and primed, port-fires lighted, and

        everything in readiness to open lire, when a messenger arrived

        from captain Elliot, desiring fm-ther operations to be

        delayed until he had concluded his negotiations. The terms

        were : that the forces should remain in position until a ransom

        of $(),000,000 was paid ; that the three imperial commissioners

        and all their troops should march sixty miles from the city; that compensation for the loss of property in the factories and

        burning the Spanish brig Bilbaino should be at once handed

        over or secured ; and that the Chinese troops, nearly fifty thousand

        in number, should evacuate the city. Captain Elliot ought

        indeed to have demanded a personal apology from Yihshan and

        his colleagues for their infamous treachery before letting them

        go. His acceptance of this ransom and sparing the city from

        capture were sharply criticised at the time, and the contemptuous

        bearing of the citizens during the sixteen ensuing years

        of their possession proved that it was an ill-timed mercy. How

        nuich influence the ordeis from home to be careful of the teatrade

        had in this course cannot be learned.

        While the English forces were occupying the heights the

        lawless soldiers from Kweichau and Kwangsi began to plunder

        the citizens, who retaliated till blood was shed and more than a

        thousand persons were killed in the streets ; a patriot mob of

        v^illagers, numbering about fifteen thousand, attacked the few

        British troops left on the hills north of the city, but a prompt

        advance on the part of Sir Hugh drove this rabble a rout of

        some three miles. Upon their reappearance next day, the prefect

        was told that if they were not instantly dispersed the city

        would, be bombarded ; the threats and persuasions of the commissioners,

        aided by a British officer, finally induced the mob to

        retire. The superiority of discipline over mere numbers was

        probably never more remarkably exhibited ; though the Chinese

        outnumbered the English more than forty to one, not a single

        foreigner was killed.

        On the 31st the prefect furnished five hundred coolies to assist in transporting the guns and stores to the river side^ and ten days after Captain Elliot’s first notice everything was restored to the Chinese. The casualties among the British forces were fourteen killed and one hundred and twelve wounded, but about three hundred died from sickness. The losses of the Chinese from first to last could hardly have been much under five thousand men, besides thousands of cannon, ginjals, and

        matchlocks. In posting their forces, placing their masked batteries,

        and equipping their troops and forts, the Chinese showed

        considerable strategy and skill, ])ut lack of discipline and confidence

        rendered every defence unavailing. Yihshan and his associates

        memorialized the Emperor, detailing their reasons for

        ransoming the city and requesting an inquiry into their conduct.^

        The sickness of the troops compelled the British force to

        remain at Hongkong to recruit and wait for reinforcements.

        Commodore 13remer returned as joint plenipotentiary, bringing

        additional forces from Calcutta, and the expedition was on the

        point of sailing northward when both he and Captain Elliot

        were wrecked in a tyfoon, and this detained the ships a few

        days longer. Before they sailed Sir Henry Pottinger and ^Vdmiral

        Sir William Parker arrived direct from England to supersede

        them both. Sir Henry announced his appointment and

        duties, and also sent a communication to the governor of Canton,

        assuring him that the existing truce would be observed as

        long as the Chinese did not arm their forts, impede the regular

        trade, which had been lately reopened to British ships by imperial

        command, or trouble the merchants residing in the factories.

        The trade went on at Canton, after this, without any

        serious interruption during the M-ar, the usual duties and

        charges being paid as if no hostilities existed.

        The expedition moved northward, August t^lst, under the

        joint conniiand of Sii” Hugh Gough and Admiral Parker, consisting

        of two seventy fours and seven other ships of war, four

        steamers, twenty-three transports, and a surveying vessel, carrying

        in. all about three thousand five hundred troops. Six ships

        and four or five liundicd Indian troops remained off (‘anton

        and at Hongkong, to compel the observance of the tmice. The

        force reached Amoy, and after a hasty reconnoissance attacked

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. X. (p. 402), in which, and in Vols. “VIII., IX., and XI., most of the official papor.s issued from the Chinese and English authorties during the war are contained.

        FALI OF AMOY AND TINGHAI. 5*25

        all its defences, which were carried without inuch loss of life on

        either side. The city was taken on the 27t]i, and all the arms

        and public stores, wall-pieces, ginjals, matchloc-ks, shields, uniforms,

        bows, arrows, spears, and quantities of powder were destroyed

        ; five hundred cannon were found in the forts. AVlien

        II. M. S. Blonde came into this harbor, fourteen months previous,

        to deliver the letter for Peking, the fortifications consisted

        only of two or three forts near the city, but every island and pro

        tecting headland overlooking the harbor had since been occupied

        and arn.ed, while a line of stone wall more than a mile long, with

        embrasures roofed by large slabs covered with earth to protect

        the guns, had been built, and batteries and bastions erected al

        well-chosen points. The broadsides of the ships had little effect

        liere, and it was not until the troops landed and drove out tha

        garrisons, who “stood right manfully to their guns,’” that the

        fire slackened, and the Chinese retreated. The city was completely

        pillaged by native robbers, who ran riot during several

        weeks until the craven authorities came back and resumed tliei.v

        functions. The island of Kulang su was garrisoned by a detachment

        of five hundred and fifty troops, and three ships left

        to protect them. The British found one two-decker among the

        war junks, built on a foreign model, launched and i-eady for

        sea, canying twenty guns; all were bui-ned.

        The English fieet again entered the harbor of Tinghai, September

        29th, and found the beach much altered since February.

        Stone walls and fortifications extended two miles in front of the

        suburbs, besides sand-bags and redoubts thrown up q}\ well-selected

        positions. They were taken after a defence marked with

        unusual courage ; the general connnanding the battery and all his

        suite were killed at their posts, and many hand-to-hand confiicts

        took place. But bravery and numbers were alike unavailing,

        and in two hours their defences were cleared, the walls of the

        town escaladed, the whole force scattered, and the island subdued,

        with the estimated loss to the Chinese of a thousand men.

        Great quantities of oitlnance, among which were forty brass guns made in imitation of foreign howitzers, with military stores and provisions in abundance, were seized. A detachment was sent throughout the island to drive oft’ the enemy’s troops, and announce to the inhabitants that they were now under English authority. They evinced none of the alarm they had done the year before; provisions came in, shops were opened, and confidence in these proclamations generally exhibited. A military government was appointed, and a garrison of four hundred men left to protect the island.

        The military operations in Chehkiang were conducted by

        Yukien and Yu Pu-yun ; l)<)th these men had urged war, and

        had done all they could to fortify Tinghai and Chinhai, whose

        batteries and magazines showed the vigor of their operations.

        The English fleet proceeded to Chinhai October 9th, and a force

        of about two thousand two hundred men, with twelve field

        pieces and mortars, landed next morning to attack the citadel

        and intrenched camp. There were nearly five thousand men in

        this position, who formed in good order as the English advanced,

        opening a well-directed fire upon the front column, but (piite

        neglecting two detachments on their flanks ; as the three opened

        upon them nearly simultaneously, their force was completely

        bewildered, and all soon broke and fled. Knowing nothing of

        the mode of asking for quarter, while some fled into the country,

        the greater part retreated toward the watei’, pursued by the

        three colunms, hundreds being shot and hundreds drowned. Sir

        Hugh (lough sent out a flag with Chinese written upon it, to

        inform them that their lives >vould be spared if they yielded, but

        not more than five hundred either could or would throw down

        their arms. The water was soon covered with bodies, and fully

        fifteen hundred soldiers lost their lives. The town and its

        defences Avere bombarded, and the troops driven out. Yukien

        endeavored to drown himself on seeing the day was lost,

        but being ])revented he retreated to Yiiyau, whiere he comnntted

        suicide, as was said, by swallowing gold leaf. lie was a

        Manchu, and could not brook his master’s displeasure; but his

        atrocious crueltv to two Englishmen who fell into his hands,

        one of whom was flayed and tlien burnt to death, had aroused

        general detestation against him. About one hundred and flfty

        pieces of brass ordnance, with great quantities of gunpowder

        and other military stores, were destroyed. Tlie guns and carriages

        in the fort and batteries were so well made and phiced

        CAPTURE OF CIIINIIAI AND NINGPO. 527

        that ill some cases the victors on eutering turned tlieni against

        the flying Chinese. The frame of a wlieel vessel, intended to

        he moved hy human power, was found near Chinhai, sliowing,

        as did the brass guns, traversing carriages, and frigate at Amoy,

        that the Chinese were ah-eady imitating tlie machinery of war

        from their foes.

        Niiigpo was taken without resistance on the 13th. Many of

        the people left the city, and those who remained shut themselves

        in their houses, writing ,sA?^H nihi, ‘submissive people,’

        on the doors. Captain Anstruther took possession of his old

        prison—where he found the identical cage he had been carried

        in—and released all the inmates to make way for his detachment

        of artillery. About !5lOO,000 in sycee were found in this building,

        upward of $70,000 in the treasury’, many tons of copper

        cash in the mint, and rice, silk, and porcelain in the public

        stores, forming altogether the most valuable prizes yet secured.

        Sir Henry Pottinger intended at first to burn the city, but, happily

        for his reputation, he decided to occupy it as winter quarters.

        Leaving a garrison at Chinhai, he returned to Hongkong

        in February, 1842, Sir Hugh and the admiral remaining at the

        north.

        The fall of Anioy, Tinghai, Chinhai, and Xingpo, instead of

        disheartening the Emperor, served rather to inspirit him. His

        commissioners, generals, and high officers generally did the best

        their knowledge and means enabled them to do, and when defeated,

        endeavored to palliate the discomfiture they could not

        entirely conceal by misrepresenting the force brought against

        them, and laying the blame upon the common people, the elements,

        the native traitors who aided the British, or the inefficiency

        of the naval armaments. The troops sent home Avith

        tokens of victory from Canton stimulated the war spirit in the

        western provinces. After they had gone Yihshan concocted

        measures of defence, one of wliich was to enlist two or

        three thousand volunteers, or “village braves,” near the city.

        and place them under their own officers. The people having

        been taught to despise foreigners were easily incensed against

        them, and several cases of insult and wantonness were repeated

        and magnified in order to stir up a spirit of revenge. These patriots supposed, nioi-eover, tliat it” the great Emperoi had failed on Mt-y/’, instead of entrusting the conduct of the (piarrel to truckling traitorous polti’oons like Kishen and the prefect, they could li ve av ^ -^ l»iin of his enemies.

        Consequently the truce was soon broken in an underhand

        manner by sinking hundreds of tons of stones in the river.

        II. M. S. lloyalist levelled ;;:he fortifications at the Bogue, and

        Captain Is ias destroyed a number of boats at Whampoa. After

        the destruction of these forts and his retirement from the rivci\

        Yihshan directed his attention to erect in o- forts near the citv,

        casting guns, and drilling the volunteers, v.-ho numbered nearly

        thirty thousand at the new year. He also gave a public dinner

        to the rich men of the city, in order to learn their willingness

        to contribute to the expenses of these measures. However,

        since no serious obstacles were placed in the way of shipping

        teas by the provincial officers, from the duties on which they

        chiefly derived the funds for these undertakings, the Britisli

        officers deemed it advisable to let them alone.

        The case was different at other ))oints. The imperial government

        had supposed that Amoy would be attacked, because the

        visit of the Blonde showed that the barbarians, “sneaking in

        and out like rats,” knew of its existence ; but the people of that

        province, except near Amoy, took no particular interest in the

        dispute, and probably knew far less of it than was known in

        most parts of England and the United States; no newspapei\s,

        with “own correspondents” to write the “latest accounts from

        the seat of war,” narrated the progress of this struggle, which to

        them was like the silent reflection of distant lightning in their

        own quiet firmament. The sack of Amoy was a heavy blow to

        its citizens, but the plunderers were mostly their countiymen; and when Captain Smith of the Druid had been there a short

        time in command, and his character became known, they returned

        to their houses and shops, supplied the garrison with provisions,

        and even brought back a desei’ter, and assisted in chasing

        some ])irates. Rumors of attack were always bi’ought to

        him, and his decthwations allayed their fears, so that after the

        sulj pi’efect resumed his authority no distui’bance occurred. The

        p.xplanations of the missionaries on Kulang su, in diffusing a

        better understanding of the object in occupying that island, also contributed to this result.

        DETERMINED MEASURES OF DP:FKN(n:. 529

        The loss of Chinhai and Xingpo threw the eastern parts of

        Chehkiaug open to the invaders, and alarmed the couit far more

        tlian the destruction of Canton would have done. The Emperor

        appointed his nephew, Yihking, to be ” majesty-bearing genei-alissimo,” and with him Tih-i-shun and Wunwei, all Manchus, to

        command the grand army and arouse the dwellers on the seacoast

        to arm and defend themselves. ” Ministers and people !

        Inhabitants of our dominions ! Ye are all the children of our

        dynasty ! For two centuries ye have trod our earth and eaten

        our food. Whoever among you has heavenly goodness nnist

        needs detest these rebellious and disordei-ly barbarians even as

        ye do your personal foes. On no account allow yourselves to be

        deceived by their wiles, and act or live abroad with them.”

        Such was the closing exhortation of an imperial proclamation

        issued to encourage them. In order to raise funds for its operations,

        the government resorted to the sale of office and titles

        of nobility, and levied benevolences from rich individuals and

        contributions from the people ; which, when large in amount,

        were noticed and rewarded. Kishen, who had been tried at

        Peking and sentenced to lose his life, was for some reason reprieved

        to be associated with Yihking as an adviser, but never

        proceeded beyond Chihli. Lin was also recalled from Ili, if

        indeed he ever went be^’ond the Great “Wall, and Ih’pu, whose

        treatment and release of the prisoners at Xingpo had gained

        him the good-will of the English, was also sentenced to banishment,

        but neither did he go beyond the Desert,

        Defences were thrown up at Tientsin and Taku to guard the

        passage to the capital, but the bar at the mouth of the Pei ho

        was its sufficient protection. Fearing tliat the English would

        advance upon the city of Ilangchau, the troops of the province

        and all its available means were put into requisition. Sir Hugh

        Gough could only approach it by a land march from Kingpo,

        and deemed it advisable to wait for reinforcements, his available

        force being reduced to six hundred men on entering that city.

        The rewards given to the families of those who had fallen in

        battle, and the posthumous honors conferred by the Emperor, stimnfated others to deeds of valor and a determination to accomplish their master’s vengeance. Yukien, ” who gave his

        life for his country, casting himself into the water,” received

        high titular honors in the hall of worthies, and his brother was

        permitted to bring his corpse within the city of Peking. The

        names of humbler servants were not forgotten in the impei-ial

        rescripts, and a place was granted them among those whom the

        “king delighteth to honor.” Thus did the Chinese endeavor

        to reassert their supremacy, though their counsels and efforts

        to chastise the rebellious barbarians were not unlike the deliberations of the rats upon ” how to bell the cat.”

        The occupation of Ningpo was an eyesore to the Chinese

        generals, but the citizens had learned their best interests and

        generally kept quiet. They showed their genius in various contrivances

        to carry off plunder, such as putting valuable articles

        in coffins and ash-baskets, wrapping them around corpses, packing

        them under vegetables or rubbish. One party overtook two

        persons near Ningpo running off with a basket between them; on overtaking and recovering it, a well-dressed lady was found

        coiled up, who, however, did not scream when detected. Another

        was found in a locker on board a junk, and as the captain was

        desirous of examining the mode of bandaging her feet, he told

        his men to lift the body out of the closet, when a scream explained

        the trick ; she was dismissed, and the money she had

        endeavored to hide put into her hands. Opium M^as found in

        most of the official residences ; its sale received no serious check

        from the war, and no reference was made to it by either party.

        Toward the end of the year 1841, information was received

        of the collection of a large force at Yiiyau. Two iron steamei’S

        soon landed seven hundred men, who took up a position for the

        night, intending to escalade the walls in the morning ; but their

        defenders evacuated the ])lace. The marines and seamen took

        the circuit of the walls, and found the troops, about a thousand

        strong, drawn up in array ; and the two, after exchanging their

        fire, started on the run. The ])ublic stores wore destroyed, and

        the town left to the care of its citizens, without inncli loss of life

        on either side. On his return the general visited Tsz’ki, l)Ht

        the troops and the authorities had decani])eth The rice found in

        CHINESE ATTEMPT TO RECAPTURE NINGPO. 581

        Hie granaries was distributed to the townsmen, and the detachment

        returned to Ningpo December 31st. On u simiUir visit to

        Fimghwa it was found that the authorities and troops liad fled,

        so that to destroy the government stores and distribute the rice

        to the people was all that remained to be done. These two

        expeditions so terrified tlie ” majesty-bearing genei-alissimo,”

        Yihking, and his colleagues, that they fled to Suchau, in

        Kiano-su. With such leaders it is not strano;e that the villagers

        near Ningpo wished to enrol themselves under British rule;

        and the effect of the moderation of the English troops was seen

        in the people giving them little or no molestation after the first

        alarm was over, and supplying their wants as far as possible.

        The force had fairly settled in its quarters at Kingpo, when

        the Chinese opened the campaign, March 10th, by a well-concerted

        night attack on the city. During the preceding day,

        many troops entered the city in citizen’s clothes, and stationed

        themselves near the gates ; and about three o’clock in the morning

        the western and southern gates were attacked and driven

        in. Colonel Morris ordered a party to retake the south gate,

        which was done, wnth considerable loss to the enemy ; as usually

        happened, the moment the Chinese were opposed their main

        object was forgotten, and every man sought his own safety,

        thereby exposing himself more fully to destruction. On the

        approach of daylight the garrison assembled at the western

        gate, and dragging two or three howitzers through it, came

        upon the main force of the enemy drawn up in compact form,

        headed by an officer on horseback. The volleys poured into

        this dense mass mowed them down so that the street was choked

        with dead bodies, and the horse of the leader actually covered

        with corpses, from which he was seen vainly endeavoring to

        release himself. Those who escaped the fire in front were

        attacked in rear ; at last about six hundred were killed, and the

        whole force of five thousand scattered by less than two hundred

        Europeans, with the loss of one man killed and six wounded.

        The British then prepared to attack an intrenched camp of

        eight thousand troops near Tsz’ki, and about twelve hundred

        w^ere embarked in the steamers. The Chinese had chosen their

        ground vs^ell, on the acclivity of two hills behind the town, and ill Older to confound and dispei’se their enenij completely, tlia attacking force was divided so as to fall upon them on three

        sides siniultane(»usly, which was done with great slaughter. The Chinese did not run until they began to close in with their opponents, when they soon found that their intimidating gesticulations and cheers, their tiger-faced shields and two-edged swords, were of no avail in terrifying the barlnirians or resisting their pistols, bayonets, and furious onset. In these cases,

        emulation among the different parties of English troops to

        distinguish themselves occasionally degenerated into unmanly

        slaughter of their flying enemy, who were looked u})(>n i-ather

        as good game than fellow-men, and pursued in some instances

        several miles. INIost of the Chinese troops in this engagement

        and in the attack on Ningbo were from the western proviriCes, and

        superior in size and bodily strength to those hitherto met. They

        had been encouraged to attack Ningbo by a bounty to each man

        of four or five dollars, and pieces of sycee were found on their

        bodies. The Chinese lost a thousand slain on the field, many by

        their own act ; the English casualties were six killed and thirty seven wounded.

        The conquerors set fire to the Chinese camp in the morning,

        consuming all the houses used as arsenals, with arms and amnninition

        of ever}’ kind. The force then proceeded to the Changki

        pass, a defile in the mountains, but the imperialists had abandoned

        their camp, leaving only ” a considerable (juantity of

        good bread.” In his despatch Sir Hugh speaks of the forbearance

        shown by his men toward the inhabitants ; and efforts

        were taken by the English, throughout the war, to spare the

        people and respect their property. The English thus dispersed

        that part of the Grand Army which had been called out by the

        Emperor and his ” majesty-beariiig generalissimo” to annihilate

        tlie rebels. The fugitives spread such dismay among their

        comrades near Ilangchau that the troops began to desert and

        exhibit symptoms of disbanding altogether; the spirit of dissatisfaction

        was, moreover, increased by the people, who very

        naturally grumbled at being obliged to support their unsuccessful

        defenders, as well as submit to their tyrannous exactions.

        The Chinese near Isingpo and Chinhai had so nmch confi

        CAPTUKE OF TSZ’kI AXD CIIAPl’, , 533

        deuce in the Englitli, luid were so greatly profited by tlieir

        presence, that no disturbances took place. The rewards offered

        by the Cliinese generals for prisoners induced the people to lay

        in wait for stragglers. One, Sergeant Campbell, was seized

        near Tinghai, put into a bag to be carried to the coast, where he

        was shipped in a junk and landed at Chapu, before being relieved

        of his hood. One of his ears was cut off with a pair of

        scissors, but after reaching ilaugchau he was well treated.

        During his captivity there he was often questioned by the Chinese

        ofiicers as to the movements, forces, and arms of his countrymen,

        and received a high idea of their intelligence from the

        character of their inquiries.

        The entire strength with Sir Hugh Gough, in May, consisted

        of parts of four English regiments, a naval brigade of two hundred

        and fifty, and a few Indian troops, in all about two

        thousand five hundred men ; the fleet comprised seven ships of

        war and four steamers. On the ITth the whole anchored in

        the harbor of Chapu, about forty miles above Chinhai. About

        six thousand three hundred Chinese troops and one thousand

        seven hundred Manchus were posted herein forts and intrenched

        camps. The English landed in three columns, as usual without

        opposition, and promptly turned the orderly arranged army and

        garrisons of their opponents into a mass of fugitives, each man

        throwing away his arms and uniform and flying upas de geant.

        A body of three hundred Manchus, seeing their retreat cut

        off, retired into an enclosed temple, whose entrance was both

        narrow and dark. Every one who attempted to enter it was

        either killed or wounded, one of whom was Lieutenant-Colonel

        Tomlinson. At length a part of the wall was blown in, which

        exposed the inmates to the rifles of tlieir foes, and a rocket or

        two set the building on fire, by which the inmates were driven

        from their position to the rooms below ; when resistance ceased

        only fifty were taken prisoners, the others having been burned

        to death or suffocated. The total loss of the invaders was thirteen

        killed and fifty-two wounded.

        The defences of Chapu being carried, with a loss to the

        enemy of about one thousand five hundred, the English moved

        on the city. This was the first time the Manchus had really come in contact with the English ; and either fearing that indiscriminate slaughter would ensue on defeat, as it would have

        done had they been the victors, or else unable to brook their

        disgrace, tliej destroyed themselves in great numbers, first immolating

        their wives and children, and then cutting their own

        throats. Scores of bodies were found in their quarters, some

        not entirely dead ; others were prevented from self-destruction,

        and in many instances, young children were found attending

        upon their aged or infirm parents, awaiting in dread suspense

        the visit of the conquerors, from whom they expected little less

        than instant destruction. The English sui-geons endeavoi-ed to

        bind up the wounds of such Chinese as fell in their waj-, and

        these attentions had a good effect upon the high Chinese officers,

        Ilipu himself sending a letter in which he thanked the

        general and admiral for their kindness in giving the hungry

        rice to eat and caring for the wounded. The old man endeavored

        to requite it by making the condition of his prisoners as

        easy as he could, and paid them money on their release. When

        the English generals, having destroyed all the government

        stores, re-embarked, the prisoners were released with a small

        present, and on their retui-n to Hangchau loudly proclaimed

        their praises of the foreigners.

        The expedition proceeded northward to the mouth of the

        Yangtsz’ kiang, and reached the embouchure of the AVusung,

        where the ships took their allotted positions, June 16th, before

        the well-built stone batteries, extending full three miles along

        the western banks of the river. One of these works enclosed

        the town of Paushan and mounted one hundred and thirty-four

        guns ; the others counted altogether one hundred and sevent}’–

        five guns, forty-two of which were brass. These defences wei-e

        manned by a Avell-selected force, under the command of Chin

        Hw^a-ching. The ships had scarcely taken their stations when

        the battei-ies opened, and both sides kept up a caimonading for

        about two hours, the Chinese w^orking their guns with nnich

        skill and effect. When the marines landed and entered, they

        bravely nieasui-ed weapons with them, and died at their posts.

        Among the war junks were several new wheel-boats, having two

        wooden paddle-wheels turned by a capstan, which interlocked

        FALL OF THE WUSUNG BATTERIES. 535

        its cogs into those upon the shaft, and was worked by men on

        the gun-deck. These were paddling out of danger, when the

        steamers overtook and silenced them. The number of Chinese

        killed was about one hundred, out of not less than live thousand

        men composing the garrison and army. The governor-general,

        Kiu Kien. who was present, in reporting the loss of the forts

        and dispersion of the troops, says he braved the hottest of the

        light, ” where cannon-balls innumerable, ilying in awful confusion

        through the expanse of heaven, fell before, behind, and

        on either side of him ; while in the distance he saw the ships

        of the rebels standing erect, lofty as the mountains. The fierce

        daring of the rebels was inconceivable ; officers and men fell at

        their posts. Every efPort to resist and check the onset was in

        vain, and a retreat became inevitable.”

        Among the killed was General Chin, who had taken unwearied

        pains to drill his troops, appoint them to their places, and

        inspirit them with his own courageous self-devotion. In a

        memoir of him, it is said that on the mcyningof the attack “he

        arrayed himself in his robes of state, and having prayed to

        heaven and earth, ordered all his ofiicers and soldiers to get

        their arms and ammunition ready.” JS^iii Kien^s conduct was

        not such as to cheer them on, and most of the officers ” came

        forward and begged to retire ” when they saw the dilapidated

        state of the batteries. Chin’s second suggested a retreat when

        the marines entered the battery, but he drew his sword upon

        him, saying, ” My confidence in you has been misplaced.” He

        again inspirited his men, himself loading and firing the ginjals,

        and fell pierced with wounds on the walls of the fort, bowing

        his head as he died in the direction of the Emperor’s palace.

        His Majesty paid him high honors, by erecting shrines to him

        in his native village and at the place where he fell ; in the

        Ching-hwang miao at Shanghai there is a sitting image of him

        in his robes of state, before which incense is burned. A reward

        of a thousand taels was given his family, and his son was made

        a k’d-jin by special patent. In this notice it is stated as a current

        rumor in Shanghai, that about a fortnight after his death

        Chin sent down the news through the divining altar at Sungkiang,

        that he had been promoted by the Supreme Kuler of

        536 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        Heaven to the rank of second general-in-eliief of the Board of

        Thunder, so tliat although he coukl not, while alive, repay the

        imperial favor by exterminating the rebels, he could still afford

        some aid to his country.

        The stores of every kind ‘.vere destroyed, except the brass

        pieces, among which were one Spanish gun of old date, and

        a Chinese piece more than three centuries old, both of them

        of singular shape, the latter being like a small-mouthed jar.

        The British landed on the 19th, two thousand in all, and proceeded

        to Shanghai by land. After the capture of “Wusung,

        Mr. Gutzlaff, who accompanied the admiral as interpreter, succeeded

        in reassuring the people and inducing them to stay in

        their dwellings ; he was also employed in procuring provisions.

        The ships silenced two small batteries near the city with a

        single broadside, and the troops entered it without resistance.

        The good effects of previous kindness shown the people in

        respecting their property were here seen. Captain Loch says

        that on the march along the banks he passed through two villages

        where the shops were open, with their owners in them,

        and that groups of people Avere assembled on the right and left

        to see them pass. The troops occupied the arsenals, the pawnbrokers’

        shops, and the temples, destroying all the government

        stores and distributin<; the rice in the granaries among the

        people. The total number of caimon taken was three lumdred

        and eighty-eight, of which seventy-six M’ere of brass ; some of

        the latter were named ” tamer and subduer of the barbarians ;”

        others, “the robbers’ judgment,” and one piece twelve feet long

        was called the ” Barbarian.” The citizens voluntarily came

        forward to supply provisions, and stated that there had been a

        serious affray in the city a few days befoi’c between them and

        their officers, who wished to levy a subsidy for the defence of

        the city, which even then they w’ere on the point of abandoning.

        The boats before the walls were crowded with inhabitants ffying

        with their property, many of whom returned in a few days.

        The troops retired from Shanghai June 23d, leaving it less

        injured than any city yet taken, owing chiefly to tlie efforts

        made by the people themselves to protect their property. The

        eight hundred junks and upward lying off the town were unSHANGHAI

        TAKEN. 631

        lianiied, but their owners no doubt were made to contribute

        toward the 8300,000 exacted as a ransom. Sir Henry Pottiiiger

        now rejoined the expedition, accompanied by Lord Saltoun,

        with hii-ge reinforcements for both arras, and immediate preparations

        were made for proceeding up the Yangtsz’, to interrupt

        the con^nnmication by the Grand Canal across tliat river.

        Tiie Chinese officers, unable to read any European language,

        learned the designs of their enemy chiefly by rumors, which

        natives in the employ of the English brought them, and consequently

        not unfrequently misled his Majesty—unwittingly, in

        mentioning the wrong places likely to be attacked, but wilfully

        as to their numbers and conduct in the hour of victory. The

        fall of Shanghai and the probable march upon Sungkiang and

        Suchau greatly alarmed him, and he now began to think that

        the rebels really intended to proceed up to Kanking and the

        Grand Canal, which he had been assured was not their purpose.

        He accordingly concentrated his troops at Chinkiang, Nanking,

        Suchau, and Tientsin, four places which he feared were

        in danger, and associated Kiying and llipu as commissioners

        M-ith the governor-general, Xiu Ivien, to superintend civil affairs;

        military matters were still left under the management of the

        imbecile Yihking. Only a few places on the Yangtsz’ kiang

        offered eligible positions for forts, and Xiu Kien wisely declined

        to stake the Great River at Chinkiang, lest it should alarm the

        inhabitants. Fire-rafts and boats were, however, ordered for

        the defence of that city, and reinforcements of troops collected

        there and at XaiAing, some of whom were encamped witliuot

        the city, and part incorporated with the garrison. The

        tone of the documents which fell into the hands of the English

        showed the anxiety felt at court regarding the result of this

        movement up the river.

        The British plenipotentiary published and circulated a manifesto

        at this date for ” the information of the people of the

        country.” In this paper he enumerated, in much the same

        manner as Captain Elliot had done, the grievances the English

        l)ad suffered at Canton from the spoliations, insults, and imprisonment

        inflicted upon them by Lin in order to extort opium,

        which was given up by the English superintendent to rescue

        538 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        himself and Ins countiTnien from deatli. . The tluplicity of the

        Chinese government in sending down Kislien as a commissioner

        to Canton to arrange matters, and then, while he was negotiating,

        to break off the treaty and treacherously resort to war, was

        another “gi-and instance of oifence against England.” The bad

        treatment of kidnapped prisoners, tlie mendacious reports of

        victories gained over the English, wliicli misled the Emperor

        and retarded the settlement of the war, was another cause of

        offence. The restriction of the trade to Canton, establishment

        of the monopoly of tlie hong merchants, the oppressive and unjust

        exactions imposed upon it tlirongh their scheming, and

        many other minor grievances which need not be enumerated,

        formed the last count in this indictment. Three things must

        be granted before peace could be made, viz., tlie cession of an

        island for commerce and the residence of merchants ; compensation

        for losses and expenses ; and allowing a friendly and

        becoming intercourse between the officers of the two countries

        on terms of equality. This proclamation, however, nnide no

        mention of the real cause of the war, the opium trade, and in

        that respect was far from being an ingenuous, fair statement of

        the question. It was much more like one of Xapoleon’s bulletins

        in the Moniteur, and considering the moral and intellectual

        condition of Great Britain and China, failed to uphold the high

        standing of the former.

        While Sir Henry Pottinger knew that the use of this drug

        was one of the greatest evils which afflicted the people, he

        should have, in a document of this natui’e, left no room for the

        supposition, on the part of either ruler or subject, that the war

        was undertaken to uphold and countenance the opium trade.

        He could not have been ignorant that the Emperor and his

        ministers supposed the unequal contest they were waging was

        caused b\’ their unsuccessful efforts to supjiress the traffic ; and

        that if they were defeated the opium trade must goon unchecked.

        The question of supremacy was set at rest in this proclamation ;

        it must be given up ; but no encouragement was held out to

        reassure the (vhinese government in their lawful desire to restrain

        the tremendous scourge. Wh}^ should he ? If he encouraged

        any action against the trade, he could expect little promotion or

        PROCLAMATIONS ISSUED BY BOTH PARTIES. 539

        .•eward from liis superiors in Indiii or England, who looked to

        it for all the revenue it could be made to bring ; or consideration

        from the merchants, who would not thank him for telling

        the Chinese they might attack the opium clippers wherever the}’

        found them, and seize all the opium they could, and English

        •power would not interfere.

        The Emperor issued a proclamation about the same time,

        recapitulating his conduct and efforts to put a stop to the war,

        stating what he had done to ward off calamity and repress the

        rebels. The opium ti-ade, and his efforts for a long time to

        repress it, and especially the measures of Lin, are in this papei

        regarded as the causes of the war, which concludes by expressing

        his regrets for the sufferings and losses occasioned his subjectl

        by the attacks of the English at Amoy, Chusan, Xingpo, and

        elsewhere, and exhorting them to renewed efforts. It is a mat

        ter of lasting regret that the impression has been left upon the

        minds of the Chinese people that the war was an opium war,

        and waged chiefly to uphold it. But nations, like individuals,

        must usually trust to might more than right to maintain their

        standing ; and when conscious weakness leads them to adopt

        underhand measures to regain their rights, the temptation which

        led to these acts is rarely thought of in the da}’ of retribution.

        The money demands of England were not deemed at the tijiie

        to be exacting, but she should, and could at this time in an

        effectual manner, through her plenipotentiary, have cleared herself

        from all sanction of this traffic. If Lord jVIelbourne could

        wish it were a less objectionable traffic. Sir Henry Pottinger

        might surely have intimated, in as public a manner, his regret at

        its existence. He probably did not deem the use of opium very

        deleterious.

        The number of ships, steamers, transports, and all in the

        expedition, when it left Wusung, July Otli, was seventy-two,

        most of them large vessels. They were arranged in five divisions,

        with an advance squadron of five small steamers and tenders to

        survey the river, each division having a frigate or seventy-four

        at its head. The woild has seldom seen a more conspicuous

        instance of the superiority of a small body possessing science,

        skill, and discipline, over immense nmltitudes of undisciplined.

        540 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        ignorant, and distrustful soldiers, than was exhibited in this bold

        manoeuvre. ]^ot to speak alone of the great disparity in numbers,

        the distant quarters of the globe whence the ships were

        collected, the many languages and tribes found in the invading

        force, the magnitude of their ships, abundance of their supplies,

        and superiority of their weapons of war, the moral energy and

        confidence of power in this small troop over its ineffective adversary

        was not less conspicuous. The sight of such a fleet sailing

        up their Great River struck the inhabitants with mingled astonishment

        and dread.

        Chinkiang lies half a mile from the southern bank of tha

        Yangtsz’, surrounded by a high wall four miles in circuit, and

        liaving hills of considerable elevation in its rear. The canal

        conies in from the south, close to the walls on its western side,

        and along the shores of both river and canal are extensive suburbs—

        at this time completely under the command of the guns

        of the ships, which could also bombard the city itself from some

        positions. A bluff hill on the north partly concealed the town

        from the ships, and it was not till this hill- top had been gained

        that the three Chinese encampments behind the city could be

        seen. The general divided his small foi-co of seven thousand

        men into three brigades, under the connnand of ]\rajor-Generals

        Lord Saltoun, Schoedde, and Bartlcy, besides an artillery brigade

        of live hundred and seventy rank and file, under Lieutenant-

        Colonel Montgomerie. The Chinese encampments contaiiR'(l

        moi-e than three thousand men, most of them soldiers from

        IJupeh and Chehkiang provinces. The Manchu garrison within

        the city consisted of one thousand tw^o hundred regular troops

        and eight hundred Mongols from Ivoko-nor, together/ with eight

        hundred and thirty -five Chinese troops, making altogether from

        two thousand six hundred to two thousand eiglit hundred fighting

        men ; the entire force was under the command of Hailing,

        who had made such a disposition of his troops and strengthened

        his means of defence as well as the time allowed. lie closes his

        last communication to the Emperor with the assurance that “he

        cannot do otherwise than exert his whole heart and sti-ength in

        endeavors to repay a small fraction of the favors he has enjoyed

        from his ijcovernment.”

        ATTACK UPON CHINKIANG. 541

        The right brigade, under Lord Saltoun, .sdou drove tlie imperialists

        out of their camp, who did not Avait for his near

        approach, but brolve and dispersed after firing tliree or four distant

        volleys. Captain Loch says that while the i)arty of volunteers

        were approaching the camp, they passed through a small

        hamlet on the liills; “the village had not been deserted; some

        of the houses were closed, while the iidiabitants of others were

        standing in the streets staring at us in stu})id wonder ; and

        although they were viewing a contest Ijetween foreigners and

        their fellow-countrymen, and in danger themselves of being

        shot, were coolly eating their meals.”‘

        The centre brigade, under ]\Lijor-General Schoedde, landed

        on the northern corner of the city, to escalade the walls on that

        side and prevent the troops from the camp entering the gates.

        He was received by a w^ell-sustained iii-e, his men placing their

        ladders and mounting in the face of a determined resistance ; as

        soon as they gained the parapet they drove the Tartars before

        them, though their passage was bravely disputed. While they

        were mounting the walls a fire was kept up on the city on the

        northern and eastern sides, under cover of which, after clearing

        the ramparts, they proceeded to the western gate, conquering

        fill opposition in the northern part (tf the city, and driving the

        Tartars to the southern quarter.

        The left brigade, under Major-Genei-al Bartley, did not i-each

        the western side as soon as was expected, being delayed by the

        canal, here between seventy and eighty feet broad, which formed

        a deep ditch on this side. The western gate was blown in, the

        blast carrying before it a high pile of sand-l)ags heaped against

        the inside to strengthen the bars. While this work was going

        on, seven boats carrying artillerymen entered the canal to proceed

        up to the gate ; but when nearly opposite they were repulsed

        by a severe lire from the walls, and the men compelled to abandon

        the three leading boats and take refuge in the houses along

        the banks ; the others halted under cover of some houses until

        their comrades rejoined them, when all j-eturned to the ships.

        Two hundred marines now landed, and with three iiundred

        sepoys soon recovered the boats and carried back the M^ounded

        men. The party then planted their ladders in the face of a

        f)42 THK MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        spirited fire from the walls, and succeeded in carrying them

        against all opj)Ositioii.

        All resistance at the three gateways having been overcome, it

        was supposed that the city was nearly subdued. Sir Hugh consequently

        ordered a halt for his men on account of the heat, and

        despatched a small force to proceed along the western ramparts

        to occupy the southern gate. This squad had proceeded about

        half a mile when it met a body of eight hundred or one tliousand

        Taitars regularly drawn up in an open space. They fired

        with steadiness and regularity, but their bi-avery was of no

        avail, for the party, giving them one volley, charged down the

        bank and scattered them immediately, though not without some

        resistance. The dispersed Tartars, however, kept up a scattering

        fire along the streets and from the houses, wliicli served

        chiefly to irritate their enemies and increase their own loss.

        The heat of the day having passed, the commander-in-chief,

        guided by Mr. Gutzlaff and some Chinese, marched with two

        regiments into the southern quarter of the city. The scenes of

        desolation and woe which he met seem to have sickened the

        gray-haired warrior, for lie says in his despatches, “finding dead

        bodies of Tartars in every house we entoi-ed, principally women

        and children, thrown into M’ells or otherwise murdered by their

        own peo]>le, I was glud to withdraw the ti’oops from this frightful

        scene of destruction, and place them in the northern quarter.”

        It was indeed a terrific scene. Captain Loch, who accompanied

        Sir Hugh, says they went to a large building thought to be the

        prefect’s house, which was forced open and found entirely

        deserted, thougli completely furnished and of great extent

        ;

        ” we set fire to it and marched on.” What the object or advantage

        of this barbarous act was he does not say. Leaving the

        general, he turned down a street and burst open tlie door of a

        large mansion ; the objects which met his view were shocking.

        After we had forced our way over piles of furniture placed to barricade

        the door, we entered an open court strewed with rich stuffs and covered with

        clotted blood; and upon the steps leading to the hall of ancestors there were

        two bodies of youthful Tartars, cold and stiff, who seemed to be brothers.

        Having gained the threshold of their abode, they had died where they had

        fallen from loss of blood. Stepping over those bodies we entered the hall, and

        TRAGIC SCENES IN THE CITY. 5-J3

        met face to face three women seated, a motlier and two daughters, and at their

        feet lay two hodies of elderly men, with their tliroats cut from car to ear, their

        senseless heads resting upon the feet of their relations. To the right were two

        young girls, heautiful and delicate, crouching over and endeavoring to conceal

        a living soldier. In the heat of action, when the blood is up and the struggle

        is for life between man and man, the anguish of the wounded and the .sight of

        misery and pain is unheeded ; humanity is partially obscured by danger ; hut

        when excitement subsides with victory, a heart would be hardly human that

        could feel unaffected by the retrospection. And the hardest heart of the oldest

        man who ever lived a life of rapine and slaughter could not have gazed on

        this scene of woe unmoved. I stopped, horror-stricken at what I saw. The

        expression of cold, unutterable despair depicted on the mother’s face changed

        to the violent workings of scorn and hate, which at last burst forth in a paroxysm

        of invective, afterward in floods of tears, which apparently, if anything

        could, relieved her. She came close to me and seized me by the arm, and

        with clenched teeth and deadly frown pointed to the bodies, to her daughters,

        to her yet splendid house, and to herself ; then stepped back a pace, and with

        firmly closed hands and in a husky voice, I could see by her gestures, spoke of

        lier misery, her hate, and, I doubt not, her revenge. I attempted by signs to

        explain, offered her my services, but was spurned. I endeavored to make her

        comprehend that, however great her present misery, it might be in her unprotected

        state a hundredfold increased ; that if she would place herself under

        my guidance, I would pass her through the city gates in safety into the open

        country ; but the poor woman would not listen to me, and the whole family

        was by this time in loud lamentation. All that remained for me to do was to

        prevent the soldiers bayoneting the man, who, since our entrance, had attempted

        to escape.’

        The destruction of life was appalling. Some of tlie Manchus

        slmt the doors of their houses, while through the crevices persons

        could be seen deliberately cutting the throats of their

        women, and destroying their children by throwing them into

        wells. In one house a man was shot while sawing his wife’s

        throat as he held her over a well into which he had already

        thrown his children ; her wound was sewed up and the lives of

        the children saved. In another house no less than fourteen

        dead bodies, principally women, were discovered ; while such

        was their terror and hatred of the invadei’s, that every JManchu

        preferred resistance, death, suicide, or flight, to surrender. Out

        of a Manchu population of foui thousand, it was estimated that

        not more than five hundred survived, the greater part having

        perished by their own hands.

        ‘ Capt. G. G. Loch, Narrative of Events in China, p. 109.

        544 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        The public offices were ransacked and all anus and stores

        destroyed ; oulj §60,000 iu sjcee were fouud iu the treasury

        The populace began to pillage, and in one instance, fearing a

        stop might be put to their rapacity, tliey set fire to the buildings

        at each end of a street in order to plunder a pawnbroker’s

        shop without interference. The streets and lanes were strewed

        with silken, fur, and other rich dresses Avhich the robbers had

        thrown awa}^ when they saw something more valuable, and the

        sepoys and camp-followers took what they could find. Parties

        were accordingly stationed at the gates to take everything

        from the natives as they went out, or which they threw over the

        walls, and in this way the thieves M’ere in tlieir turn stripped.

        Within twenty-four hours after the troops landed, the city and

        suburbs of Chinkiang were a mass of ruin and destruction;

        part of the eastern wall was subsequently blown iu and all the

        gates dismantled to prevent any treachery. The total loss of

        the English was thirty-seven killed and one hundred and thirtyone

        wounded.

        A cui’ious contrast to the terrible scenes i-‘oin*:; on at Chinkiang

        was seen at Iching hien, on the northei’u side of the river.

        Four days before, the approach of the steamer Nemesis had

        caused no little consternation, and iu the evening a Chinese

        gentleman came off to her with a few presents to learn if thei-e

        was any intention of attacking the town, lie was told that if he

        would send supplies of meat and provisions no huiin would be

        done, and all he brought should be paid for. In the morning

        ])rovisi(>ns were furnished, and he remained on board to see the

        steamer chase and bring junks to; being nnich amazed at these

        novel operations, which gave him a new idea of the energy of

        the invaders. In the evening connnands were given him to

        bi-ing provisions in larger quantities, and three boats went up to

        the town to procure them. The people showed no hostility,

        and through his assistance the English opened a market in the

        courtyard of a temple, at which supplies were purchased, put

        aboard snudl junks, and conveyed to the fleet. On the 21st the

        same person came, according to agi’cement, to accompany a large

        ])arty of English from the ships to his house, where he had

        prepared an entertaimnent for them. Through the medium of

        RECEPTION OF THE ENGLISH AT ICHING. 545

        a Chinese boj commniiicatiou was easily carried on, and tlie

        alarms of the townspeople quieted ; a proclamation was also

        issued stating that every peaceable person would be unharmed.

        This gentleman had invited a large company of his relatives and

        friends, and served up a collation for his guests ; all this time

        the firing was heard from Chinkiang, where the countrymen of

        those so agreeably occupied were engaged in hostile encounter.

        On returning to their boats an additional mark of I’espect was

        shown by placing a M’ell-dressed man each side of every officer

        to fan him as he walked. At the market-temple another entertainment

        was also served up. Xo injury was done by either

        side, and the forbearance of the English was not without good

        effect. Such queer contrasts as this have frequently characterized

        the contests between the Chinese and British,

        Some of the large ships were towed up to Nanking, and the

        whole fleet reached it August 9th, at which time preparation

        had been made for the assault ; but desirous of avoiding a repetition

        of the sad scenes of Chinkiang, the British leaders had

        also sent a communication to Kiu Kien, oifering to ransom the

        city for iB3,00(»,000.

        This celebrated city lies about three miles south of the river,

        but the north-east corner of an outer wall reaches within seven

        hundred paces of the water ; the western face runs along the

        base of w^ooded hills for part of its distance, and is then continued

        through flat grounds around the southern side, both being

        defended b}- a deep ditch. The suburbs are on this low ground,

        M-here Sir Hugh Gough intended to bombard the place and

        make an entrance on the eastern side, M’liile diversions at other

        points perplexed the garrison. Ills force consisted of only four

        thousand five hundred effective men ; there were, as nearly as

        could be learned, six thousand Manchu and nine thousand Chinese

        troops within the city. On the 11th Lord Saltoun’s brigade

        landed at a village from whence a j)aved road led to one of the

        eastern gates, and other detachments were stationed in the

        neighborhood. Everything was in readiness for the assault by

        daylight of August loth, and the governor-general was told

        that it would assuredly be made unless the commissioners produced

        their authority for treating.

        546 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        In the interval between the downfall of Chinkian”; and in^

        vestment of Nanking, several eonnnnnications were received

        from the Chinese officers, and one from Kiying, couched in

        conciliatory language, and evincing a desire for peace. Sir

        Henry Pottinger replied in the same strain, deploi’ing tlie war

        and calamities caused by its continuance, but stating that he

        could have no interview with any individual, however exalted,

        M’ho was not properly connnissioned to treat for peace. It is

        probable that the Emperor did not receive any suggestion from

        his ministers in regard to making peace until after the fall of

        Chinkiang, and it was a matter of some importance, therefore,

        for Ilipu and his colleague to delay the attack on Nanking until

        an answer could be received from the capital. The usual doubts

        in the minds of the English as to their sincerity led them to

        look npon the whole as a scheme to perfect the defences, and

        gain time for the people to retire ; consequently the pi-eparations

        for taking the city went on, in order to deepen the conviction

        that if one party was practising any deception, the other

        certainly was in earnest.

        On the night of the l-4th, scarcely three hours before the

        artillery was to open, Ilipu, Kiying, and Niu Ivien addressed a

        joint letter to Sir Henry Pottinger requesting an interview in

        the morning, Mhen they M’ould produce their credentials and

        arrange for furtlier proceedings. This request was granted with

        some reluctance, for the day before the jyuehing .sz’ and Tartar

        commandant had behaved very unsatisfactorih’, refusing to exhibit

        the credentials or discuss the terms of peace or ransom.

        The distress ensuent upon the blockade was becoming greater

        and greater ; more than seven hundred vessels coming from the

        south had been stopped at Chiidciang, and a large fleet lay in

        the northern branch of the canal, so that some possibility

        existed of the whole province falling into anarchy if the pressure

        were not removed. The authorities of the city of Yangchau,

        on the canal, had already sent half a million dollars as

        the )-ansom of that place, while Niu Kien would only offer a

        third of a million to ransom the capital.

        The Eni])eror*’s authority to treat with the English was, however,

        exhibited at this meeting, and in return Sir Henry’s was

        ARRANGEMENTS EOIl CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES. 547

        fully explained to them. The delegates on the part of the

        conmiistiioners were Hwang ^S’gun-tiing, secretary to Kiying,

        and Chin, the Manchii commandant, while Major Malconi,

        secretary of legation, and Mr. J. 11. Morrison acted on the part

        of the plenipotentiary. Captain Loch, who was present, humorously

        describes the solemn manner in which the Emperor’s

        commission was brought out from the box in wdiich it was deposited,

        and the dismay of the lower attendants at seeing the

        foreigners irreverently handle it and examine its authenticity

        with so little awe. The skeleton of the treaty was immediately

        drafted for Hwang to take to his superiors. General Chin

        laughingly remarked that though the conditions were hard,

        they were no more so than the Chinese would have demanded

        if they had been the victors. The bearing of these officers

        was courteous, and Hwang especially found favor with all who

        were thrown into his company.

        The utmost care being requisite in drawing up the articles,

        most of the work falling upon Mr. Morrison, it was not till late

        at night on the 17th that the final draft was sent to the

        Chinese. The plenipotentiary, on the 18th, desired the general

        and admiral to suspend hostilities, at which time arrangements

        were also made for an interview the next day between the representatives

        on both sides. The English officers meantime explored

        the vicinity of the city, and the demand for provisions

        to supply the force caused a brisk trade highlj’ beneficial to the

        Chinese, and well calculated to please them.

        On the 19th Kiying, tlipu, and jS^iu Kien, accompanied by a

        large suite, paid their first visit to the English. The steamer

        Medusa brought them alongside the Cornwallis, and Sir Henry

        Pottinger, supported by the admiral and general, received them

        on the quarter-deck. The ship was decked with flags, and the

        crowd of gayly dressed officers in blue and scarlet contrasted

        well with the bright crapes and robes of the Chinese. This

        visit was one of ceremon\’, and after partaking of refreshments

        and examining the ship the commissioners retired, expressing

        their gratification at what they saw. They conducted themselves

        with decorum in their novel position, and Kiying and

        llipu, though both brought up in the full persuasion of the

        54:8 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        Bupremacj of their sovereign over the rulers of all other nations,

        and particularly over the English, manifested no ill-concealed

        chagrin. They liad previously sent up a report of the prugj’uss

        of the expedition after the capture of Chinkiang, rec[uesting

        in it that the demands of the invaders might be conceded ; the

        inefficiency of their troops is acknowledged, and a candid statement

        of the impossibility of effectual resistance laid before his

        Majesty, with cogent reasons for acceding to the demands of the

        Englisli as the wisest course of procedure. The further disasters

        which will ensue if the war is not brought to a close

        are hinted at, and the concession of the points at issue considered

        in a manner least humbling to imperial vanity. The sum

        of $21,000,000 to be paid is regarded by them as a present

        to the soldiers and sailors before sending them home

        ;

        partly as the liquidation of just debts due from the hong merchants,

        whose insolvency made them chargeable to the government,

        and partly as indemnification for the opium. Trade at

        the five ports was to be allowed, because fonr of them had already

        been seized, and this was the only w’ay to induce the

        invaders to withdraw, while Hongkong could be ceded inasnnich

        as they had already built houses there. The memorial is a

        curious effort to render the bitter pill somewhat palatable to

        themselves and their master.

        The English plenipotentiary, accompanied by a large concourse

        of officers, returned the visit on shore in a few days, and were

        met at the entrance of a temple by the commissioners, who led

        them through a guard of newly uniformed and unarmed soldiers

        into the building, the bands of both nations striking up their

        music at the same time. This visit continued tlie good understanding

        which prevailed ; the room had been carpeted and ornamented

        with lanterns and sci-olls for the occasion, while the

        adjacent grounds accommodated a crowd of natives. On the 20tli

        Sir Henry Pottinger and his suite, consisting of his secretary,

        ]\[ajor Malcom, Messi-s. Morrison, Thorn, and Gutzlaff, the three

        interpreters, and three other gentlemen, proceeded about four

        miles to the landing-place on the canal, where they were met by

        a brigadier and two colonels; the banks of the canal wei’c lined

        with troops. The party then took their horses, and, preceded

        AKTICLES OF THE TIJEATY OF NANKING. 549

        by a mounted escort, were received at tlie city gate by the secretaries

        of llipu ; the procession advanced to the place of meeting,

        guarded by a detachment of Manchu cavahy, whose shaggy

        ponies and llowing dresses presented a singular contiast to the

        envoy’s escort and their beautiful Arabs, lie himself was conducted

        through the outer gate, up the court and through the

        second gateway, ascending the steps into the third entrance,

        where he dismounted and entered the building with the commissioners

        and governor-general. The room had been elegantly

        fitted up, and a crowd of official attendants dressed in their ceremonial

        robes stood around. Sir Henry occupied the chief seat

        between Kiying and Ili’pu, their respective attendants being

        seated in proper oi’der, with small tables between every two

        persons, while dinner was served up in usual Chinese style.

        These formalities being over, the thirteen articles of this most

        important treaty were discussed :

        I.—Lasting peace between the two nations.

        II.—The ports of Canton, Amoy, Fuhchau, Kingpo, and

        Shanghai to be opened to British trade and residence, and trade

        conducted according to a well-understood tariff.

        III.—” It being obviously necessary and desirable that British

        subjects should have some port whereat they may careen and

        refit their ships when required,” the island of Hongkong to be

        ceded to her Majesty.

        lY.—Six millions of dollars to be paid as the value of the

        opium which was delivered up ” as a ransom for the lives of

        II. B. M. Superintendent and subjects,” in March, 1839.

        Y.—Three millions of dollars to be paid for the debts due to

        British merchants.

        YI.—Twelve millions to be paid for the expenses incurred in

        the expedition sent out ” to obtain redress for the violent and

        unjust proceedings of the Chinese high authorities.”

        YIL—The entire amount of $21,000,000 to be paid before

        December 31, 1845.

        YIII.—All prisoners of war to be immediately released by

        the Chinese.

        IX.—The Emperor to grant full and entire amnesty to those

        of his subjects who had aided the British.

        J^O THE MIDDLE KINGDOM

        X. —A regular and fair tariff of export and import customs

        and other dues to be established at the open ports, and a transit

        duty to be levied in addition whicli will give goods a free conveyance

        to all places in China.

        XI.—Official correspondence to be hereafter conducted on

        terms of equality according to the standing of the parties.

        XIl.—Conditions for restoring the places held by British

        troops to be according to the payments of money.

        XIII.—Time of exchanging ratifications and carrying the

        treaty into effect.

        The official English and Chinese texts of this compact and a

        literal translation of the Chinese text are given in the (JJunese

        Repodtoi’ij^ Vols. XIII. and XIV.; in that serial is also to be

        found a full account of the struggle which was thus brought to

        a close. Looked at in any point of view, political, commercial,

        moral, or intellectual, it will always be considered as one of the

        turning points in the history of mankind, involving the welfare

        of all nations in its wide-reaching consequences.

        When matters connected with the treaty had been arranged,

        Sir Henry proposed to say a few words upon ” the great cause

        that produced the disturbances which led to the war, viz., the

        trade in opium.” But upon hearing this (Captain Loch says)

        they unanimously declined entering upon the subject, until they

        were assured that he had introduced it merely as a topic for

        private conversation.

        The}’ then evinced much interest, and eagerly requested to know why wB

        would not act fairly toward them by prohi1)iting the growth of tlie poppy in

        our dominions, and thus effectually stop a traffic so pernicious to the human

        race. This, he said, in consistency with our constitutional laws could not he

        done ; and he added that even if England chose to exercise so arbitrary a

        power over her tillers of the soil, it would not check the evil, so far as the

        Chinese were concerned, while the cancer remained uneradicated among themselves,

        but that it would merely throw the market into other hands. It, in

        fact, he said, rests entirely with yourselves. If your people are virtuous, they

        will desist from the evil practice ; and if your officers are incorruptible and

        obey your orders, no opium can enter your country. The discouragement of

        the growth of the poppy in our territories rests principally with you, for nearly

        the entire produce cultivated in India travels east to China ; if, however, the

        habit has become a confirmed vice, and you feel that your power is at present

        inadequate to stay its indulgence, you may rest assured your people will pro*

        DISCUSSION OF THE OPIUM t^UESTION. 551

        cure the drug in spite of every enactment. Would it not, therefore, he better at

        once to legalize its importation, and by thus securing the co-operation of the

        rich and of your authorities, from whom it would thus be no longer debarred,

        thereby greatly limit tlie facilities which now exist for smuggling ? They

        owned the plausibility of the argument, but expressed tliemselves persuaded

        that their imperial master would never listen to a word upon the subject.

        To convince them that what he said was not introduced from any sinister

        wish to gain an end more advantageous for ourselves, he drew a rapid sketch

        of England’s rise and progress from a barbarous state to a degree of wealth and

        civilization unpai’alleled in the history of the world ; which rajiid rise was

        principally attributable to benign and liberal laws, aided by commerce, which

        conferred power and consequence. He then casually mentioned instances of

        governments having failed to attain their ends by endeavoring to exclude any

        particular objects of popular desire ; tobacco was one of those he alluded to,

        and now that it was legalized, not only did it produce a large revenue to the

        crown, but it was more moderately indulged in in Britain than elsewhere.’

        To the well-wisher of his fellow-iueu this narrative suggests

        many melancholy reflections. On the one hand were fonr or

        five high Chinese officers, who, although pagans and unacquainted

        with the prhiciples of true virtue, had evidently sympathized with

        and upheld their sovereign in his fruitless, misdirected endeavors

        to save his people from a vicious habit. ” Why will you not

        act fairly toward us by prohibiting the growth of the poppy ?

        is their anxious inquiry ; for they knew that there was no moi’al

        principle among themselves strong enough to resist the opium

        pipe. ” Your people must become virtuous and your officers

        incorruptible, and then you can stop the opium coming into your

        borders,” is the reply ; precisely the words that the callous

        rumseller gives the broken-hearted wife of the besotted drunkard

        when she beseeches him not to sell liquor to her enslaved

        husband. ” Other people will bring it to you if Ave should stop

        the cultivation of the poppy ; if England chose to exercise so

        arbitrary a power over her tillers of the soil, it would not check

        the evil,” adds the envoy; “you cannot do better than legalize

        it.” Although nations are somewhat different from individuals

        in respect to their power of resisting and suppressing a vice,

        ‘ Loch’s Events in China, p. 173, London, 1843. This same point is slightly

        referred to by Lieutenant Ouchterlony, on page 448 of his Chinese War, where

        he states that Sir Henry had prepared a paper for the information of the Chinese

        officials, proposing to them to permit the traffic in opium to be by barter

        552 Tin-: MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        and Sir Henry did riglit to speak of the legal difficnlty in the

        way of restraining labor, yet how heartless was the excnse,” if we

        do not bring it to you others will.”” Xo suggestion was made

        to them as to the most judicious mode of restraining what they

        were told they could not prohibit; no hint of the farming

        system, which would have held out to them a medinm path between

        absolute freedom and prohibition, and probably been

        seriously considered by the court ; no frank explanation as to

        the real position the English government itself held in respect

        to the forced growth of this pernicious article in its Indian territories.

        How much nobler would that govermnent have stood

        in the eyes of mankind if its head and ministers had instructed

        their plenipotentiary, that when their other demands were all

        paid and conceded no indemnity should have been asked for

        smuggled opium entirely destroyed by those who had seized it

        within their borders under threats of worse consequences. That

        government and ministry which had paid a liundred millions for

        the emancipation of slaves could surely aiford to release a pagan

        nation from such an imposed obligation, instead of sending their

        armies to exact a few millions which the revenue of one year,

        derived from this very article alone, M’ould amply discliarge to

        their ONvn subjects. For this pitiful sum nnist the great moral

        lesson to the Emperor of China and his subjects, which could

        have been taught them at this time, be lost.

        Sir Henry inquired if an envoy would be received at Peking,

        should one be sent from England, which Kiying assured him

        Mould no doubt be a gratification to his master, though what

        ideas the latter connected with such a suggestion can only be

        inferred. The conference lasted thi-ee or four hours, and when

        the procession returned to the barges, through an immense

        crowd of people, nothing was heard from them to indicate dislike

        or dread ; all other tlioughts were merged in overpowering

        curiosity. It was remarkable that this was the anniversary of

        the day when English subjects, among Avhom were the three

        interpreters here present, left Macao in 1831), by order of Lin;

        on August 26, 1840, the plenipotentiaries entered the Pei ho to

        seek an interview with Kishen ; that day, the next year, Amoy

        and its extensive batteries fell ; and now the three years’ game

        THE TREATY SIGNED AND RATIFIED. 653

        is won and China is obliged to bend, her magnates come down

        from tlieir eminences, and her wall of supremacy, isolation, and

        conceit is shattered beyond the possibility of restoration. Iler

        rulers apparently submitted with good grace to the hard lesson,

        which seemed to be the only effectual means of compelling

        them to abandon their ridiculous pretensions ; though it cannot

        be too often repeated that the effect of kindness, honorable

        dealing, and peaceful missions had not been fairly tried. ‘

        Arrangements were made on the 29tli to sign the treaty on

        board the Corn wall is. After it was signed all sat down to

        table, and the admiral, as the host in his flagship, gave the

        healths of their Majesties, the Queen of England and the Emperor

        of China, which was announced to the fleet and army by

        a salute of twenty-one guns and hoisting the Union Jack and a

        yellow flag at the main and mizzen. The treaty was forwarded

        to Peking that evening. The embargo on the rivers and ports

        was at once taken off, the troops re-embarked, and preparations

        made to return to Wusung. The six millions were paid without

        much delay, and on September 15th the Emperor’s ratification

        was received. The secretary of legation, Major Malcom,

        immediately left to obtain the Queen’s ratification, going by

        steam the entire distance (except eighty miles in Egypt) from

        Kanking to London—an extraordinary feat in those days.

        The imperial assent was also published in a rescript addressed

        to Kiying, in reply to his account of the settlement of affairs, in

        which he gives directions for disbanding the troops, rebuilding

        such forts as had been destroyed, and cultivating peace as Avell

        as providing for the fulfilment of the articles. It is, on the

        whole, a dignified approval of the treaty, and breathes nothing

        of a spirit of revenge or intention to prepare for future resistance.

        The fleet of ships and transports returned down the river and

        reassembled at Tinghai, at the end of October, not a vessel

        having been lost. Even before leaving Xanking, and in the passage

        down the river, the troops and sailors, especially the Indian

        regiments, were reduced by cholera, fever, and other diseases,

        some of the transports being nearly disabled ; the deaths

        amounted to more than a thousand before reachini; Ilono-kons.

        554 THE .MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        On arriving at Anioy tlio plenipotentiary was highly ineented

        on hearing of the melancholy fate of the captive crews of the

        Xerbudda and Ann, wrecked on Formosa. The first, a transport,

        contained two hundred and seventy-four souls, and when she

        went ashore all the Europeans abandoned two hundred and

        forty Hindus to their fate, most of whom fell into the liands of

        the Chinese. The Ann was an opium vessel, and lier crew of

        fifty-seven souls were taken prisoners and carried to Taiwan fu.

        The prisoners were divided into small parties and had little

        conmumieation with each other during their captivity, M’hich

        was aggravated by Mant of food and clothing, filthy lodgings,

        and other hardships of a Chinese jail, so that many of the Indians

        died. The survivors, on August loth, with the exception

        of ten persons, were carried out to a plain near the city, one of

        whom, ]Mr. Xewman, a seacunnie on board the Ann and the

        last in the procession, gave the following account

        :

        On being taken ont of his sedcan, to have his hands shackled beliind his back,

        he saw two of the prisoners with their irons otf and refusing to have them

        put on. They had both been drinking and were making a great noise, crying

        out to him that tliey were all to have their heads cut off. He advised them to

        submit quietly, but they still refusing, he first wrenched off his own and then

        j)ut them into theirs, to the great pleasure of the soldiers, but when the soldiers

        wished to replace liis he declined. As they were on the point of securing

        him he accidentally saw the chief officer seated close to him. Going befoi’e

        him he threw himself on his head and commenced singing a few Chinese

        words which he had fretjiiently hoard repeated in a temple. The officer was

        HO pleased with this procedure that he turned round to the soldiers and ordered

        them to carry him back to the city. All the rest, one hundred and ninetyseven

        in number, were i)laced at small distances from each other on their

        knees, their feet in irons and hands manacled behind their backs, thus waiting

        for the executioners, who went round and with a kind of two-handed

        sword cut off their heads without being laid on a block. .Afterward their

        bodies were thrown into one grave and their heads stuck up in cages on the

        seashore.’

        A journal was kept by Mr. Gully to within tliree days of his

        death, and another by Captain Denham of the Ann, one of the

        prisoners saved to send to Peking.* Both contain full accounts

        Chinese Reponit^yry, Vol. XII., p. 248.

        ” Journah of Mr. GvUi/ and CapUiin Denlutni during a Cajdivity in China in

        1842. London : Chapman & Hall, 1844.

        MASSACRE OF SIIIIMV P.ECKIJD CREWS ON FORMOSA. 555

        of the treatment of the luihuppy captives, and diminish the

        synipathy felt for tlie defeat of the government whicli allowed

        such shuighter. It was said to have been done by orders from

        court, grounded on a lying report sent up by the Mancliu commandant,

        Tahuiigah. When their sad fate was learned Sir

        Henry l*ottinger published two proclamations in Chinese, in

        which the principal facts were detailed, so that all might know

        the truth of the matter; a demand nuide fur the degradation and

        punishment of the lying officers who had superintended it, and

        the confiscation of their property for the use of the families of the

        sufferers, lliang, the governor-general, expressed his sincere regret

        to the English envoy at what had taken place, and examined

        into the facts himself, which led to the degradation and

        banishment of the conmuuidant and intendant. While the prisoners

        were still at Taiwan fu, II. M. S. Serpent was sent over

        from Anioy to reclaim them, by which expedition the truth of

        the barbarous execution was first learned ; this vessel afterward

        went tiiere to receive the shipwrecked crew of the Ilerculaneum

        transport.

        The citizens of Amoy, jSiingpo, and Shanghai hailed the cessation

        of the war and the opening of their ports to foreign

        trade ; but not so at Canton. The discharged volunteers still

        remained about the city, notwithstanding orders to return home

        and resume their usual employments, most of whom probably

        had neither. Scheming demagogues took advantage of a rumor

        that the English army intended to form a settlement opposite

        the city, and issued a paper in the name of the gentry, calling

        upon all to combine and resist the aggression. The enthusiasm

        it caused was worked up to a higher pitch b}^ an inflannnatory

        manifesto, in which desperate measures were plainly intinuited ;

        but the district magistrates took no steps against them. An

        invitation was circulated for the citizens and gentlemen from

        other provinces to meet at the public assembly hall to consult

        upon public affairs. A counter but less spirited manifesto was

        pasted up in the hall, which had the effect of inducing about

        half the people to disperse. The writers of this paper dissuaded

        their countrymen from hasty measures, by telling them’ that no

        556 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        land could be taken or dwellings occupied without periuission

        from the provincial authorities, and urged upon them to live at

        peace with tlie English, in accordance Avith the injunctions of

        their wise sovereign.

        A brawl occurred in Hog Lane on December Gth, between

        some hucksters and lascars, who -were pursued into the Square,

        where the mob rapidly increased, and about two o’clock began

        pulling down a brick wall around the Company’s garden and

        forcing open one of the factories, which was speedily pillaged,

        the inmates escaping through the back doors. The British flagstaff

        was fired by a party which kept guard around it, and the

        flames connnunicating to the verandah, other parts soon caught,

        and by midnight the three hongs east of Ilog Lane were burning

        furiously. The ringleaders, satisfied with firing the British

        consulate, endeavored to prevent thieves carrying away the

        plunder ; but they were forced to escape about midnight. These

        wretches soon began to quan-el among themsch’es for the dollars

        found in the ruins, and it was not till noon that the police

        and soldiers ventured to attack the knotted groups of struggling

        despei’adoes and arrest the most conspicuous, and with the aid

        of boats’ crews from the shipping recapture some of the specie.

        Full compensation was subsequently made to the foreigners for

        the losses sustained, amounting to $67,397, and some of the

        ringleaders were executed.

        A. large part of the officers in the army and navy engaged in

        the war received promotion or honorary titles. Sir Hugh was

        made a baronet, and, after more service in India, elevated to

        the peerage, with the title of Lord Gough, Baron of Chinkiang

        fu ; the plenipotentiary and the admiral obtained Grand Crosses

        of the liath. The three interpreters, Messrs. Morrison, Thorn,

        and Gutzlaff, whose services had been arduous and important,

        received no distinctive reward from their government. The

        amount of prize money distributed among the soldiers and

        sailors was small. The losses of the English from shipwreck,

        sickness, and casualties dm-ing tlie war amounted to more than

        three thousand ; the mortality was greatest among the Indian

        regiments and the European recruits, especially after the opei”

        ations behind Canton and the capture of Chinkiang.

        SETTLEMENT OF COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS. 557

        While the English goveniiiieiit lewarded its officers, the Emperor

        expressed his displeasure at the conduct of the major

        part of his surviving generals, but distributed posthumous

        honors to those who had died at their posts. Hailing, with liis

        wife and grandson, were honored with a fane, and his sons promoted.

        Kiying was appointed governor-general at ]^anking.

        Tliougli many civil and military officers were condemned to

        death, none actually lost their lives, except Yu Pu-yun, the

        governor of Chehkiang, who fled from JS^ingpo in October,

        1841.

        The settlement of the duties and regulations for carrying

        on foreign commerce immediately engaged the attention of the

        plenipotentiary. He called on the British mei’chants for information,

        but so utterly desultory was the manner in which the

        duties had been formerly levied, that they could give him little

        or no reliable information as to what was really done with the

        money. The whole matter was placed by both parties in the

        hands of Mr. Tliom, who had been engaged in business at Canton,

        and Hwang Ngan-tung, secretary to Kiying. To settle these

        multifarious affairs and restore quiet, Ilipu was sent to Canton

        as commissioner. On his arrival, he set about allaying the popular

        discontent at the treaty, and his edict ‘ is a good instance of

        the mixture of flattery and instruction, coaxing and connnanding,

        which Chinese officers frequently adopt when they are not

        sure of gaining their end by power alone, and do not wish to irritate.

        In this instance it did much to remove misapprehension

        and allay excitement, but its author had not long been engaged

        in these arduous duties before he ” made a vacancy,”

        aged seventy-two, having been more than half his life engaged

        in high employments in his country’s service ; his conduct and

        foresight in the last two years did credit to himself and elevated

        his nation. Ilis associate, Kiying, took his place and exchanged

        the ratifications of the treaty of Nanking at Hongkong with Sir

        Henry Pottinger, ten months after it had been signed by the

        same persons. The island was then taken possession of on behalf

        • Chinese Repository, Vol. XXL, p. lOG.

        of the Queen by proclamation, and the warrant read appointing Sir Henry governor of the colony. Its influence on +he well-being of China since that period has been less than was anticipated by those who looked to the higher welfare and progress of a British colony so near to it as likely to be an example for good. A free port has encouraged smuggling to a degree that constantly irritates and baffles the native authorities on the mainland, and leads to armed resistance to their efforts toward collecting lawful revenue, especially on opium ; while the influx of Chinese traders, attracted by its greater security, is gradually converting the island into a Chinese settlement protected by British rule. The peninsula of Kowhmg, on the north side of the harbor, was added in 1860, to furnish ground for the

        commissary departments of the forces. The influence of a wellordered

        Christian government exercising a beneficent rule over

        a less civilized race under its sway, is soon neutralized by licensing

        the opium farms and gambling saloons and lending its moral

        sanction to smuggling.

        The tariff and commercial regulations were published July 22d.

        In this tariff, all emoluments and illegal exactions superimposed

        upon the imperial duties were prohibited, and a fixed duty

        put on each article, which seldom exceeded five per cent, on

        the cost ; all kinds of breadstuffs were free. ( ‘ommercial dealings

        were placed on a well -understood basis, instead of the

        former loose way of conducting business ; the monopoly of the

        hong merchants was ended, the fees exacted on ships were abolished,

        and a tonnage duty of five mace per ton substituted ; the

        charge for pilotage was reduced so much that the pilots were

        nearly stripped of all they received after paying the usual fees

        to the tidewaiters along the river. Disputes between English

        and Chinese were to be settled by the consuls, and in serious

        cases by a mixed court, when, upon conviction, each party was

        to punish its own criminals.

        The proclamation giving effect to these i-egulations was one

        of the most important documents ever issued by the Chinese

        government ; as an initiation of the new order of things, it

        was creditable to the people whose rulers were of themselves

        and could utter such words to them. After referring to the war

        and treaty of peace, Kiying goes on to say, respecting the tariff,

        THE NEW TARIFF PROCLAIMED. 559

        that as soon as replies shall be received from tlie Buai-d of Tlev^

        enue, “it will then take effect witli refei-ence to the commerce

        with China of all countries, as well as of England. Henceforth,

        then, the weapons of war shall forever be laid aside,

        and joy and profit shall be the perpetual lot of all ; neither sli<i;ht

        nor few will be the advantages reaped by the merchants alike

        of China and of foreign countries. From this time foi-ward,

        all must free themselves frou] prejudice and suspicions, pursuing

        each his proper avocation, and careful always to retain no inimical

        feelings from the recollection of the hostilities that have

        before taken place. For such feelings and i-ecollections can luive

        no other effect than to hinder the growth of a good understanding

        between the two peoples.” It should be moreover added, as

        due praise to the imperial government, that none of the many

        liundreds who served the English on ship and shore against

        their country were afterward molested in any way for so doing.

        Many were apprehended, but the commissioner says he ” has

        obtained from the good favor of his august sovereign, vast and

        boundless as that of heaven itself, the remission of their punishment

        for all past deeds ; » . . they need entertain no appi-

        ehension of being hereafter dragged forward, nor yield in

        consequence to any fears or suspicions.”

        ‘These new arrangements pleased the leading Chinese merchants

        better than they did the hoppo and others who had lined

        their pockets and fed their friends with illegal exactions. The

        never-failing sponge of the co hong could no longer be sucked,

        but for a last squeeze the authorities called upon the merchants

        for five millions of dollars, which they refused to pay, and

        withdrew from business with so much determination and union

        that the hoppo and his friends were foiled ; they finally contributed

        among themselves about one million seven hundred

        thousand dollars, which was nearly or quite their last benevolence

        to their rulers. Ilowqua, the leading member of the body during

        thirty years, died about this time, aged seventy-five ; he was,

        altogether, the most remarkable native known to foreigners, and

        while he filled the difficult station of senior merchant, exhibited

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. XII., p. 443.

        great shrewdness and ability in jiumaging the deHcate and difficult

        affairs constantly thrown upon him. lie came fi-oni Amoy

        when a voung man, and his property, probably over estimated

        at four millions sterling, passed quietly into the hands of his

        children.’

        Tlie foreign community also suffered a great loss at this time

        in the death of John Ilobert Morrison, at the age of twentynine,

        lie was born in China, and had identified himself with

        the best interests of her people and their advancement in

        knowledjre and Christianity. At the age of twenty, on his

        father’s decease, he was appointed Chinese secretary to the

        British superintendents, and filled that responsible situation

        with credit and efficiency during all the disputes with the proyincial

        authorities and commissioner Lin, and of the war, until

        peace was declared. His intimate acquaintance with the policy

        of the Chinese government and the habits of thought of its officers

        eminently fitted him for successfully treating with them,

        and enlightening them upon the intentions and wishes of foreign

        powers ; while his unaffected kindness to all natives assured

        them of the sincerity of his professions. The successful conduct

        of the negotiations at Xanking depended very much upon him,

        and the manner in which he performed the many translations

        to and from Chinese, connected with that event, was such as to

        secure the confidence of the imperial connnissioners, in their

        ignorance of all foreign languages, that they were fairly dealt

        with.

        He was eminently a Christian man, and whenever opportunity

        allowed, failed not to speak of the doctrines of the Bible to his

        native friends. The projected revision of the Chinese version

        of the Scriptures by the Protestant missionaries engaged his

        attention, and it was expected would receive his assistance.

        With his influence, his pen, his property, and his prayers, he

        contributed to the welfare of the people, and the confidence felt

        in him by natives who knew him was often strikingly exhibited

        ‘ Compare The Fan Kwae at Canton before Treaty Days, by an Old Residejit

        (Mr. W. C. Hunter), London, 1882; a little volume which, besides many personal

        reminiscences of the characters mentioned in this narrative, furnishes an interesting picture of life in Canton a half century ago.

        DEATH OF JOHN K. MOKKISON. 561

        at Canton durin*^ tlio coniinotions of 1841 and the negotiations

        of 1843. lie died at Macao August 29th, a jear after the treaty

        of i^anking was signed, and was l)nried by the side of liis

        parents in the Pi’otestant burying-gronnd. Sir lleiny Pottinger

        announced his death as a “positive national calamity,” and it was so received ‘by the government at home, he also justly added that ” Mr. Morrison was so well known to every one, and so beloved, respected, and esteemed by all wdio had the pleasure and happiness of his acquaintance or friendship, that to attempt to pass any panegyric upon his private character would be a mere waste of words ;” while his own sorrow was but a type of the universal feeling in which his memory and merit are embalmed. As a testimony of their sense of his worth, the foreign community, learning that he had died poor,

        leaving a maiden sister who had been dependent upon him, and

        that his official accounts were in some confusion, immediately

        came forward and contributed nearlj’ fourteen thousand dollars

        to relieve his estate and relatives from all embarrassment.

        The negotiations were concluded by the English and Chinese

        plenipotentiaries signing a supplementary treaty on October 8th

        (the day was a lucky one in the Chinese calendar), at the Bogue.

        This treaty provided, among other things, for the admission of

        all foreigners to the iive open ports on the same terms as English

        subjects ; it was inserted at the request of Kiying, that all

        might appreciate the intentions of his government ; for neither

        he nor his master knew anything of that favorite phrase, ” the

        most favored nation,” and expected and wished to avoid all controversy by putting every ship and flag on the same footing.

        It might have been expected that the Chinese government

        would have now taken some action upon the opium trade, which

        was still going on unchecked and unlicensed. Opium schooners

        were passing in and out of Hongkong liarbor, though the drug

        sold by the Indian government at Calcutta was not allowed by

        the colonial British government at Hongkong to be stored on

        shore. Yet no edicts wei-e issued, few or no seizui-es made, no

        notice taken of it ; no proposition to repress, legalize, or inanage

        it came from the imperial commissioner. The old laws denouncing

        its use, purchase, or sale under the penalty of deati* still remained on the statute book, but no one feared or cared for them. This conduct is fully explained by the supposition that, having undergone so much, the Emperor and his ministers thought safety from future trouble with the British lay in enduring what was past curing ; they had already suffered greatly

        in attempting to suppress it, and another war might be caused

        by meddling with the dangerous subject, since too it M^as now

        guarded by well-armed British vessels. Public opinion was still

        too strong against it, or else consistency obliged the monarch to

        forbid legalization.’

        Sir Henry Pottingcr, hearing that persons were about sending

        opium to Canton under the pretense that unenumerated articles

        were admissible by the new tariff at a duty of five per

        cent., issued a proclamation in English and Chinese, to the intent

        that such proceedings were illegal. lie also forbade British

        vessels going bej-ond lat. 32° X., and intimated to the Chinese

        that they might seize all persons and confiscate all vessels found

        above that line, or anywhei*e else on the coast besides the five

        ports ; and, moreover, published an order in council wdiich

        restricted, under penalty of $500 for each offence, all British

        vessels violating the stipulations of the treaty in this respect.

        All this was done chiefly to throw dust in their eyes, and put

        the onus of the contraband traffic on the Chinese government

        and the violation of law on those who came off to the smuggling

        vessels, and these proclamations and orders, like their edicts,

        were to be put ” on record.” This was shoAvn when Captain

        Hope, of II.M.S. Thalia, for stopping two or three of the opium

        vessels proceeding above Shanghai, was recalled from his station

        and ordered to India, where he could not “interfere in such a manner

        with the undertakings of British subjects “—to quote Lord

        Palmerston’s despatch to Captain Elliot. This effectually deterred

        other British officers from meddling with it.

        Yet the commercial bearings of this trade were clearly seen

        in England, and a memorial to Sir Bobert Peel, signed by two

        hundred and thirty-five merchants and manufacturers, was drawn

        ‘ Montgomery Martin, China ; Political, Commercial, and Social, Vol. II.,

        Chap. IV. (London, 1847)—a chapter containing some most suggestive reflections

        on this subject by a member of her Majesty’s government at Hongkong.

        RENEWAL OF THE OPIUM DISCUSSION. 563

        np, in which they proved that tlie ” commerce with China cannot^r

        be conducted on a permanently safe and satisfactory basis so long

        as the contraband trade in opium is permitted. Even if legalized,

        the trade would inevitably undermine the commerce of Great

        Britain with China, and prevent its being, as it otherwise might

        be, an advantageous market for our manufactures. It would operate

        for evil in a double way: first, by enervating and impoverishing

        the consumers of the drug, it would disable them from becoming

        purchasers of our productions ; and second, as the Chinese

        would then be paid for their produce chiefly as now in opium, the

        quantity of that article imported by them having of late years

        exceeded in value the tea and silk we receive from them, our

        own manufactures would consequently be to a great extent precluded.”

        The memorial shows that between 1803-08 the annual

        demand for M’oollens alone was nearly $750,000 more than

        it was for «Z^ products of British industry between 1834—39 ; while

        in that interval the opium trade had risen from three thousand to

        thirty thousand chests annually. Nothing in the annals of commerce

        ever showed more conclusively how heartless a thing trade

        is when it comes in contact with morality or humanity, than

        the discussions respecting the opium traffic. These memorialists

        plead for their manufactures, but the East India Company

        would have been soi-ry to have had their market spoiled : what

        could Sir Robert Peel, or even Wilberforce, if he had been

        premier, do against them in this matter ? The question was

        which party of manufacturers should be patronized. But none

        of these “merchants and manufacturers of the highest standing

        and respectability ” refer to the destruction of life, distress of

        families, waste of mind, body, and property, and the many other

        evils connected with the growth and use of opium, except as connected

        with the sale of their goods. One paper, in order

        to compound the matter, recommended the manufacture of

        morphine to tempt the Chinese, in order that, if they would

        smoke it, they might have a delicate preparation for fashionable

        smokers.

        The conduct of the ministry in remunerating the merchants

        who had surrendered their property to Captain Elliot was appropriate

        to the character of the trade. The $6,000,000, instead of being divided in Cliina aiijOiig those m’Iio were to receive it —as could have been done without expense—was cariied to England to be coined, which, with the freight, reduced it considerably. Then by the manner of ascertaining the market value at the time it was given up, and the holders of the opium script got their pay, they received scarcely one-half of what was originally paid to the East India Company, either directly or indirectly, thereby reducing it nearly a million sterling. Furthermore, by the form of payment they lost nearly one-fifth even of the promised sum, or about one million two hundred thousand dollars. Then they lost four years” interest on their whole capital, or about four million dollars more. What the merchants lost, the government profited. The Company gained during these four years at least a million sterling by the increased price of the drug, while Sir Eobert Peel also transferred that amount from the pockets of the merchants to the public treasury. It was an imdignified and pitiful haggling with the merchants and owners of the opium, whom that ministry had encouraged for many years in their trade along the Chinese coast, and then forced to take wdiat was doled out.

        Public opinion will ever characterize the contest thus brought

        to an end as an oj/ium war, entered into and cai’ried on to

        obtain indemnity for opium seized, and—setting aside the niceties

        of western international law, M’liich the Chinese government

        knew nothing of—most justly seized. The British and American

        merchants who voluntarily subscribed one thousand and

        thirty-seven chests to Commissioner Lin, acknowledged themselves

        to be transgressors by tliis very act. Yet war seemed to

        be the only way to break down the intolerable assumptions of

        the court of Peking ; that a Avar M’ould do it was quite plain

        to every one acquainted with the character of that court and the

        genius of the j^eople, and the result has shown the expectation

        to have been M’cU based. Members of Parliament expi’cssed

        their gratification at being at last out of a bad busines^s ; their

        desire, frequently nttered, that the light of the gos])(‘l and the

        blessings of C’hristian civilization might now be introduced

        among the millions of China, was a cheap peace-offering of good

        wishes, some^\llat in tin- manner t)f the old Hebrews sacrificing

        treatip:.s mith otiieu powers. 565

        a kid when tbej liad eoniniitted a trespass. Tlie short but pithy

        digest of the whole war by Justin McCarthy, in Chapter X. of

        the Ilisturij of Our Ocn Times, brings out its leading features

        in a fairly candid manner.

        The announcement of the treaty of Xanking caused considerable

        sensation in Europe and America, cliictly in commercial

        circles. M. Augusto Moxhet, the Belgian consul at kSingapore,

        was sent on to China to make such inquiries for transmission to

        his government as would direct it in its efforts to open a trade.

        The Xetherlands government sent orders to the authorities at

        Batavia, who despatched M. Tonco Modderman for the same

        purpose. The king of Prussia appointed ]\I. Grube to proceed

        to China to prosecute researches as to the prospect of finding

        a market for German mamifactnres. The Spanish ministry,

        through the authorities at Manila, designated Don Sinibaldo de

        Mas in this new sphere. The governor of Macao, M. Pinto,

        before returning home, was appointed commissioner on behalf

        of II. M. F. Majesty, to treat respecting the rights and privileges

        of Macao under the new order of things, and succeeded in

        obtaining some stipulations favorable to the trade of the place,

        but could not get the Chinese to cede it to Portugal. These

        gentlemen arrived in China during the latter part of 1S43, and

        most of them had interviews or communication with Kiying before

        he returned to court in December.

        The governments of the United States and France early appointed

        ministers extraordinary to the court of Peking. Caleb Cushing, commissioner on behalf of the United States, brought a letter from the President to the Emperor, which is inserted in full as an instance of the singular mixture of patronizing and deprecatory address then deemed suitable for the Grand Khan by western nations :

        LETTER TO THE EMPEROR OF CHINA FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

        I, John Tyler. President of the United States of America -which States are: Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, ^Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan—send you this letter of peace and friendship, signed by my own hand.

        I hope your healtli is good. China is a great Empire, extending over a great

        part of the world. The Chinese are numerous. You have millions and millions

        of subjects. The twenty-six United States are as large as China, though

        our people are not so numerous. The rising sun looks upon the great mountains

        and great rivers of China. When lie sets, he looks iipon rivers and

        mountains equally large in the United States. Our territories extend from

        one great ocean to the other ; and on the west we are divided from your dominions

        only by the sea. Leaving the mouth of one of our great rivers, and

        going constantly toward tlie setting sun, we sail to Japan and to the Yellow

        Pea.

        Now, my words are that the governments of two such great countries should

        be at peace. It is proper, and according to tlie will of lieaven, that they should

        respect each other, and act wisely. 1 therefore send to your court Caleb Cushing,

        one of tlie wise and learned men of this country. On his first arrival in

        China, he will iiujuire for your health. He has strict orders to go to your

        great city of Peking, and there to deliver this letter. He will have with him

        secretaries <tnd interpreters.

        The Chinese love to trade with our jteople, and to sell them tea and silk, for

        which our people pay silver, and sometimes other articles. But if the Chinese

        and the Americans will trade, tliere shall be rules, so that they shall not break

        your laws or our laws. Our minister, Caleb Gushing, is authorized to make a

        treaty to regulate trade. Let it be just. Let there be no unfair advantage on

        either side. Let the people trade not only at Canton, but also at Anioy, Ningpo,

        Shanghai, Fuhchau, and all such other places as may o.Ter profitable exchanges

        both to China and the United States, provided they do not break your

        laws nor our laws. We shall not take the part of evil-doers. We shall not

        uphold them that break your laws. Therefore, we doubt not that you will be

        pleased that our messenger of peace, with this letter in his hand, shall come

        to Peking, and there deliver it ; and that your great officers will, by your order,

        make a treaty with liim to regulate a.fairs of trade—so that nothing may

        happen to disturb the pea(;e between China and America. Let the treaty be

        signed by your own imperial hand. It shall be signed by mine, by the authority

        of our great council, the Senate.

        And so may your health be good, and may peace reign.

        Written at Washington, this twelfth day of July, in the. year of our Lord

        one thousand eight hundred and forty-three. Your good friend.

        Mr. Gushing arrived in Cliiiia in the frigate Brandy wine,

        Commodore Parker, February 24^, 1844. The announcement

        of tlie general objects of lii.s mission, and the directions he had

        to proceed to Peking, was made to Governor Cliing, who instantly

        informed the com-t of his arrival ; and with a promptitude

        indicative of the desii-e of the Emperor to give no cause

        of offence, Kiying was reappointed commissioner, with highei

        EMBASSY FROM THE UNITED STATES TO CHINA. 567

        powers than before. The frigate had brought out a flagstaff

        and vane for the consulate at Canton ; the vane was in the

        form of an arrow, and as it turned its barb to tlie four points of

        the compass, the superstitious people tliought it conveyed destructive

        influences around, transfixing all the benign operations

        of heaven and earth, and thereby causing disease and calamitv

        among them. An unusual degree of sickness prevailed at tliis

        time in the city and its environs, which the geomancers and

        doctors declared would not cease until the deadly arrow was removed.

        The people accordingly w^aited on the consul, Mr. Forbes, to request the removal of the arrow, which he acceded to, and substituted a vane of another shape. The gentry issued a placard the next day, connuending its removal, and requesting the people to harbor no ill-will toward the Americans as the cause of the sickness.

        Kiying having announced his appointment and jxnvers to the

        people, proceeded to the Bogue to meet Sir Henry Pottinger,

        and be introduced to Governor Davis, from whence he went to

        Macao and took up his residence in the village of Wanghia, in

        the suburl)S of that city. lie had associated three assistants

        with himself, viz., Hwang Ngan-tung, Pwan Sz’-shing, one of

        the late hong merchants, and Chau Chang-ling, a prefect. II.

        E. Hon. Caleb Cushing was sole commissioner and envoy extraordinary; Fletcher AVebster, Esq., was secretary ; Rev. E.

        C. Bridgman, D.D., and Pev. Peter Parker, M.D., were joint

        Chinese secretaries, and Dr. Bridgman, chaplain ; Messrs. J. H.

        O’Donnell, R. Mcintosh, S. Hernisz, T. R. AVest, and John R.

        Peters, Jr., were attached to the legation.

        Mr. Cushing had already prepared the general outline of the

        treaty, which greatly abridged the negotiations, and the few

        disputed or doubtful points in the draft having been modified

        and settled, it was signed at AVanghia on July 3, 1844, by the

        two plenipotentiaries, Commodore Parker, and a few other

        Americans, a large company of Chinese being present. Its fulness

        of details and clear exhibition of the rights conceded by

        the Chinese government to foreigners dwelling within its borders,

        made it the leading authority in settling disputes among

        them until 1860.

        Soon after Ki’ying left Canton the populace began to show

        signs of disturbance. A party of gentlenieu wei’e walking in

        the Company’s garden, when the gate was burst open by a mob

        and they were obliged to escape by boats. On the next evening

        the mob again collected, with the intention of getting possession

        of the large garden, but were driven out of the passage without

        much opposition. Two or three Americans, in escorting one of

        their countrymen to his house, were attacked by missiles on

        their return ; whereupon one of them fired low to drive the

        people back, but unhappily killed a native, named Sil A-mun.

        The case was investigated by the district magistrate, and a

        report made by the governor to Kiying; but Cliing took no

        pains to send a sufficient force to repress the populace. In a

        communication to the American consul he says, after ordering

        him to deliver up the murderer : ” It has been ascertained that

        the man who was killed was from the district of Tsingyuen,

        having no relatives in Canton. But if he had been a citizen, it

        would have become at the moment an occasion for attack, for it

        would have been told to the populace, and they would have revenged

        it by again setting fire to the factories and plundering

        their contents, or something of that sort. The people are highly

        irritated against the offender, and it is impossible but that they

        have constant debates among themselves until they are revenged.”

        A party of marines from the corvette St. Louis came up to

        Canton the next day, and qiiiet was restored. Kiying brought

        the case before Mr. Cushing, stating it to be his conviction that

        “the murderer ought to forfeit his life,” and begging him to

        give orders for a speedy examination of the ease. In his reply

        Mr. Cushing expressed his regret at what had occurred, his

        willingness to institute an inquiry, and added a few remarks

        upon the necessity of better protecting foreigners at Canton,

        in order to prevent the recurrence of such scenes, and embroiling

        the two counti’ics. Kiying replied in a considerate maimer,

        still upholding the authority of his government and laws: “It

        seems from this that, regarding our nations and their subjects,

        the people of our land may be peaceful, and the citizens of the

        United States may be peaceful, and yet, after their governments

        CASES OF RIOT AND HOMICIDE IN CANTON. 569

        luive become amicable, that tlien tlieir people may become inim

        ical ; and albeit the authorities of the two governments may

        day after day deliberate upon friendship, it is all nothing but

        empty M-ords. Thus, while we are deliberating and settling a

        treaty of peace, all at once the people of our two countries are

        at odds and taking lives.” lie also speaks of the overbearing

        and violent character of the people of Canton :

        Since the period when the English brought in sohiiers, these ladrones have been banding together and forming societies ; and while some, taking advantage of their strength, have plundered and robbed, others have called upon the able-bodied and valiant to get their living. Therefore, employing troop&, which is the endangering of the authorities and [peaceable] people, is the profit of these miscreants ; peace and good order which traders, both native and foreign, desire, is what these bad men do not at all wish. … I have heard that usually the citizens of Canton have respected and liked the officers and people of the United States, as they were peaceable and reasonable ; that they would, even when there was a cause of difference, endeavor to settle it, which is very unlike the English. But unexpectedly, on the 16th instant, a cause for animosity was given in the shooting of Sii A-mun. I have heard different accounts of this affair ; I judge reasonably in thinking that the merchants oi your country causelessly and rashly took life. But the populace are determined to seek a quarrel, and I very much fear lest they will avail of this to raise commotion, perhaps under the pretence of avenging his death, but doubtless with other ideas too.

        The American minister referred in a subsequent commnnication

        to the death of the boy Sherry, in May, 1841, when the

        boat’s crew from the ship Morrison was captured. This affair

        had been already bronght to the notice of the Chinese government

        by Commodore Kearny, and a sum of $7,800 paid for

        losses and damages sustained ; but the present was a fitting

        opportunity for reviving it, since it and the case of Sii A-mun

        furnished a mutual commentary npon the necessity of securing

        better protection for foreigners. Kiying made an investigation

        of the case, and reported the successive actions of his predecessor,

        Ki Knng ; so thoroughly indeed was his reply divested of all

        the rhodomontade usnally seen in Chinese state papers, that one

        could hardly believe it was written by a governor-general of

        Canton. The exciting circumstances of the first casualty did

        indeed go far to extenuate it; though now both Kiying and his

        superiors could not but see that the time for demanding life foi life had passed away. The commissioner was, however, in a

        dilemma. He could only appease the populace by stating in his

        proclamations that he was making every effort to ascertain who

        was the murderer and bring him to justice, and they must leave

        the management of the case in the hands of the regular authorities.

        On the other hand, the arguments of Mr. Cushing and

        the stipulations in the English treaty, both convinced him that

        foreign nations would not give up their treaty right of judging

        their own countrymen. He finally escaped the trouble by deferring

        the petitioners and relatives of the deceased awhile, and

        then appeasing them by a small donation.

        In conducting these negotiations, and settling this treaty “between

        the youngest and oldest empires in the world,” Mr. Cushing

        exhibited both ability and knowledge of his subject. In his

        instructions he was directed to deliv^er the President’s letter to

        the Emperor in person, or to an officer of rank in his presence; and, therefore, on his arrival he informed the governor that he had been sent to the imperial court, and being under the necessity of remaining a few weeks at Macao, he improved the first opportunity to inquire after the health of his Majesty. Whether

        he regarded the mere going to court as important camiot be inferred

        from his correspondence, but if so, he should have gone

        directly to the mouth of the Pei ho and waited there for a commissioner to be sent to meet him. Vet the real advantages of

        such a proceeding at this time would have been trifiing, and its

        risks and contingencies very serious; as the Emperor was not

        dis])osed to forego that homage required of all who appeared

        before him, however willing he might be to grant commercial privileges, it was undesirable to excite discussions on this point.

        ^Moreover, the appointment of Kiying with such unusual powers

        indicated a favorable disposition toward the Americans. It was

        fortunate that the two plenipotentiaries wei-e at hand when the

        riot and homicide occurred, while the discussion which grew out

        of those events was no snuill benefit to the local government.

        The secret of nmch of the ])ower of the Emperor of China consists

        in the acknowledgment by his subjects of his sacred character

        as the Son of Heaven ; and although that lofty assumption

        uuist come down before the advance of western civilization, and

        CONCLUSION OF THE FKKNCIl TKEATV. 571

        will ere long criiinble of itself, to have asked for an audience

        when tliis formalitj was known to be inadmissible would have

        irritated him, and put the foreign minister in an indefensible

        position. The subsequent discussions proved how deeply rooted

        in the Chinese mind was this attribute ; the peaceful settlement

        of the question in 1873 could not have been anticipated

        hi 1844.

        The French ambassador, II. E. Th. de Lagrene, arrived in

        China August 14th. In addition to the two secretaries, MM. le

        Marquis de Ferriere le Yoyer and le Comte d’liarcourt, five

        other gentlemen were sent out to make investio-ations into the

        commerce, arts, and industrial resources of the Chinese. M. de

        Lagrene took possession of the lodgings prepared for him at

        Macao, in the same building which Mr. Gushing had occupied.

        Kiying immediately made arrangements for opening the negotiations

        by sending his three associates to congratulate the French minister on his arrival; he himself reached Macao September 29th. The gratification of the Chinese statesmen at finding that the missions from the American and French governments were not sent, like the English expedition, to demand indemnity and the cession of an island, was great. Their arrival had been foreshadowed among the people of Canton, the number of ships of war had been exaggerated, and the design of the

        ambassadors strangely misrepresented as including the seizure

        of an island. These reports could hardly fail to reach and have

        some effect upon the highest officers in the land. The time,

        therefore, was favorable, not merely to obtain the same political

        and commercial advantages which had been granted to England,

        but further to explain to the Chinese officers something of the

        relations their nation should enter into with the other powers of

        the earth. The first interviews between Kiying and M. de Lagrene

        were held in October, and the treaty of Wanghia taken as

        the basis of agreement. The negotiations were amicably settled

        by the signing of the treaty at Whampoa on October 23d.

        This act may be said to have concluded the opening of China,

        so far as its government was prepared for the extension of this

        intercourse.

        The instalments due according to the treaty of NanJing were not yet all paid, but the Chinese had shown their desire to fulfil their engagements, and the $.21,000,000 were received by the English within a short period of the specified time. This was a minor consideration, however, in comparison with the great

        advantages gained by England for herself and all Christendom

        over the seclusive and exclusive system of former days, which

        had now received such a shock that it could not only never

        recover from it, but was not likely even to maintain itself where

        the treaties had defined it. The intercourse begun by these

        treaties went on as fast as the two parties found it for tlieir

        benefit. The war, though eminently nnjust in its cause as an

        opium war—and even English officers and authors do not try to

        disguise that the seizure of the opium was tlie real reason for an

        appeal to arms, though the imprisonment of Captain Elliot and

        other acts was the pretext—was still, so far as human sagacity

        can perceive, a wholesome infliction upon a government which haughtily refused all equal intercourse with other nations, or explanations regarding its conduct, and forbade its subjects having free dealings with their fellow-men.

        ‘ If in entering upon the conflict England had published to the

        world her declaration of the reasons for engaging in it, the

        merits of the case would have been better understood. If she

        had said at the outset that she commenced the struggle with the

        Emperor because he would not treat her subjects resorting to

        his shores by his permission with common humanity, allowing

        them no intercourse with his subjects, nor access to his officers;

        because he contemptuously discarded her ambassadors and consular agents, sent with friendly design ; because he made foolish

        regulations (which his own subjects did not observe) an occasion

        of offence against others when it suited him, and had despoiled

        them of their property by strange and arbitrary pi-occcdings,

        weakening all confidence in his equity ; lastly, because he kept

        liimself aloof from other sovereigns, and shut out his people

        from that intercourse with their fellow-men which was their

        privilege and right ; her character in this war would have appeared

        far better. But it is the prerogative of the Governor of

        nations to educe good out of evil, and make the wrath, the

        avarice, and the ambition of men to serve his purposes and advanco his own designs, although their intentions may be far otherwise.

        CONDITION OF CIIIXA AFTER THE WAR. 573

        The external and internal relations of the Chinese Empire at

        the close of the year 1844 were in a far better state than one

        M’onld have snpposed they conld have become in so short a time

        after such a convulsion. The cities and provinces where the

        storm of war had beat most violently were i-eviving, the authority

        of the officers was becoming re-established, the bands of

        lawless desperadoes were gradually dispei’sing, and the people

        resuming their peaceful pursuits. No ill-will was manifested in

        Amoy on account of the losses its citizens had sustained, nor at

        Ningpo or Shanghai for their occupation by Englisli troops.

        The English consuls at the five ports had all been received, and

        trade was connnencing under favorable auspices. The opium

        trade—for this dark feature everywhere forces itself into the

        prospect—was also extending, and opium schooners plying up

        and down the coast, and anchoring on the outside limits of

        eveiy port to deliver the drug.

        The citizens of Canton, however, maintained their hereditary

        ill-will toward foreigners, and proceeded to such lengths that

        the local government became powerless to carry the stipulation

        of the British treaty, to enter its city gates, into effect. Governor

        Davis proceeded to Canton in May, 1847, with several

        vessels of war, capturing all the guns at the Bogue in his progress

        up the river, and compelled the authorities to grant a

        larger space for residences and wai-ehouses on the south side of

        the Pearl River, to be occupied as soon as arrangements could

        be made. It was also agreed that the gates should be unconditionally

        opened within two years, so that foreigners might have

        the same access to this city as to the other four ports. When

        the time came for this to be carried out, the Emperor ordered

        Governor-General Sli to mind the voice of the people and disregard

        this engagement, which had probably never received his

        sanction. A careful examination of the Chinese text of all the

        treaties showed that an explicit permission to enter the citadel

        {c/iin(/), or walled portion of the marts opened to foreign commerce,

        was not given. In consequence of this vagueness the

        Hongkong authorities, acting under instructions from London,

        did not press the point, and the gates of Canton remained inviolate

        till January, 1858.”

        • C/iinese Repositoiy, Vols. XVIII. , pp. 216,275; XV., p. 40 ff. Davis,Cfiina durinff the War (tiul mice the Peace, 1852. Vol. II., Chaps. V. and VI ,passim. Among other authorities on the war may be mentioned Lord Jocelyin,Six Months with ilte Chinese Expedition, London, 1841 ; K. Stewart Mackenzie,Narrative of the Second Campaign in China, London, 1842; Col. Aithur Cunynghame,liecoUections of Service in China, 1853 ; Lieut. John Ouchterlony,The Chinese War, 1844 ; The Last Tear in China to the Peace of Xaiding, by a Field Officer, London and Philadelphia, 1848 ; Auguste Haussmann, L<iChine, resume historiqiie, etc., Paris, 1858 • Ad. Barrot in the Revue des DeuxMondes for February 15, March 1, June 1, and July 1, 1842.

      7. WELLS WILLIAMS《The Middle Kingdom》15-18

        CHAPTER XV.  INDUSTRIAL ARTS OF THE CHINESE

        The superiority of the Chinese over their immediate neighbors in the enjoyments of life and in the degree of security for which individuals can look under the protection of law have their bases chiefly in the industiy of the people. Agriculture holds the first place among the branches of labor, and the honors paid to it by the annual ploughing ceremony are given from a deep sense of its importance to the public welfare ; not alone to provide a regular supply of food and labor for the population, but also to meet the wants of government by moderate taxes, and long experience of the greater ease of governing an agricultural than a mercantile or warlike community. Notwithstanding the encouragement given to tillage, many tracts of land still lie waste, some of it the most fertile in the country; partly because the people have not the skill and capital to drain and lender it productive, partly because they have not sufficient prospect of remuneration to encourage them to make the necessary outlay, and sometimes from the outrages of local banditti making it unsafe to live in secluded districts.

        Landed property is held in clans or families as much as possible, and is not entailed, nor are overgrown estates frequent.

        The land is all held directly from the crown, no allodial property being acknowledged ; if mesne lords existed in feudal times they are now unknown. The conditions of common tenure are the payment of an annual tax, the fee for alienation, with a money composition for personal service to the government, a charge generally incorporated into the direct tax as a kind of scutage. The proprietors of land record their names in the district and take out a hung ki, or ‘ red deed,’ which secures them in possession as long as the ground tax is paid. This sum varies according to the fertility, location, and use of the land, from $1.50 per acre for the best, down to twenty or thirty cents for unproductive or hilly fields. As the exactions for alienation oi sale of lands are high, amounting to as much as one-third of the sale price sometimes, the people accept white deeds from each other as proofs of ownership and responsibility for taxes. As many as twenty or thirty such deeds of sale occasionally accompany the original hung Ai, without which they are suspicious if not valueless. In order to keep the knowledge of the alienations of land in government offices, so that the taxes can be assured, it is customary to furnish a kl-wei, or ‘ deed-end,’ containing a note of the terms of sale and amount of tax liable on the property.

        There is no other proof of ownership required ; and the simplicity and efficiency of this mode of transfer offer a striking contrast to the cumbrous rules enforced in western kingdoms. Revised codes of land laws are issued by the provincial authorities when necessary, as was done in 1846 at Canton.’

        The paternal estate and houses thereon descend to the eldest son, but his brothers can remain upon it with their families, and devise their portion inperpetuo to their children, or an amicable composition can be made ; daughters never inherit, nor can an adopted son of another clan succeed. A mortgagee must enter into possession of the property and make himself responsible for the payment of the taxes ; unless explicitly stated, the land can be redeemed any time within thirty years on payment of the original sum. Sections XC. to C. of the Code contain the laws relating to this subject, some of which bear a resemblance to those established among the Hebrews, and intended to secure a similar result of retaining the land in the same clan or tribe.

        » T. T. Meadows in N. C. Br. R. A. S. Transactions, Hongkong, 1848, Vol. 1

        TENURE AND CULTIVATION OF THE SOIL. 3

        The enclosure of recent alluvial deposits cainiot be made without the cognizance of the authorities, but the terms are not onerous; for waste hillsides and poor spots ample time is allowed for a return of the capital expended in reclaiming them before assessment is made.

        The Chinese are rather gardeners than farmers, if regard be had to the small size of their grounds. They are ignorant, too, of many of those operations whereby soils naturally unfruitful are made fertile and the natural fertility sustained at the cheapest rate by proper manuring and rotation of crops ; but they make up for the disadvantages of poor implements by hard work. Their agricultural utensils are few and simple, and are probably now made similar to those used centuries ago. The broad hoe is used in soft land more than any other tool ; the weight of its large wooden blade, which is edged with iron, adds impetus to the blow. Spades, rakes, and mattocks are employed in kitchen gardening, and the plough and harrow in rice cultivation. The plough is made of wood, except the iron-edged share, which lies flat and penetrates the soil about five inches. The whole implement is so simple and rude that one would think the inventor of it was a laborer, mIio, tired of the toil of spading, called the ox to his aid and tied his shovel to a rail ;—fastening the animal at one end and guiding the other, he was so pleased with the relief that he never thought of improving it much further than to sharpen the spade to a coulter and bend the rail to a beam and handle. The harrow is a heavy stick armed with a single row of stout wooden teeth, and furnished with a framework to guide it ; or a triangular machine, with rows of iron teeth, on which the driver rides to sink it in the ooze.

        The buffalo is used in rice cultivation, and the ox and ass in dry ploughing ; horses, mules, cows, and goats likewise render service to the farmer in various ways, and are often yoked in most ludicrous combinations. The team which Nieuhoff depicts of a man driving his wiie and his ass yoked to the same plough is too bad for CluTia often to present, though it has been so frequently repeated and used to point a comparison that one almost expects on landing to see half the women in the harness. It may be doubted, however, if this country can vie with some portions of Germany and Holland in the matter of mongrel teams employed on farms.

        The arrangements of farriers’ shops in China are very similar to those of European countries, saving that the tools are of the simplest character. The manner of trussing up the poor beast which is to be shod would seem, however, an unnecessary exercise of caution in the case of a majority of the over-worked horses and nuiles. The animal is fastened to a frame and lifted almost entirely off the ground, while a rope twisted al>out his nose and tightened at will with a turn-stick controls the least attempt at unruliness. Iron shoes are employed in the north: in the south, where horses are little used, they are usually left nnsliod^ though the fore feet are often covered with leather shoes which lit the lioof.

        METHOD OF PLANTING RICE. 5

        An early rain is necessary to the preparation of rice-fields, except where water can be turned upon them. The grain is first soaked, and when it begins to swell is sown very thickly in a small plat containing licpiid manure. “When about six inches high the shoots are planted into the fields, which, from being an unsightly marsh, are in a few days transformed to fields clothed with living green. Holding the seedlings in one hand, the laborer wades through the nnid, at every step sticking into it five or six sprouts, which take root without further care ; six men can transplant two acres a day, one or two of whom are engaged in supplying the others with shoots. The amount of grahir£(j|IU2£d to sow a Chinese mao in this way is thirty-seven and one-half catties, or three hundred and thirty pounds-Wbout^two and one-halTUushels to an Jiinglish acre. The produce is on an average tenfokh Rent ofTaiid is usually paid according to the amount of the crop, the landlord paying the taxes and the tenant stocking the farm ; leases are for three, four, or seven years ; the terms vary according to the position and goodness of the soil.’

        Grain is not sown broadcast, and this facilitates hoeing and weeding the fields as they require. Two crops are planted, one of which ripens after the other; maize and pulse, millet and sesamnm, or sorghum and squash are thus grown together. The plough is an efficient tool in soft soil, but a wide hoe, the blade set almost at a right angle, is the common implement in the north. Barrow describes a drill-plough in common use in the north which remarkably economizes time and seed. ” It con-Eisted of two parallel poles of wood shod at the lower extremity

        ‘ The amount of tribute rice sent to Peking from Kiangsu Province is 01)0,000 tons of 640 catties, or 974,400 peculs Chelikiang ” 44r),000 ” ” ” 633,000 ” Kiangsi ” 80,000 ” ” ” 112,000 ” Hupeh ” 50,000 ” ” ” 70,000 “1,789,400 “Of this the Chinese Company carried in 1875 to Tientsin. . 626,900 “Went by junks 1,162,500 «

        with iron to open the furrows ; these poles were placed upon wheels; a small hopper was attached to each pole to drop the seeds into the furrow, which were covered with earth by a transverse piece of wood fixed behind, that just swept the face of the ground.”‘

        The extent to which terrace cultivation has been described as common is a good instance of the way in which erroneous impressions concerning China obtain currency from accounts not exactly incorrect, perhaps, but made to convey- wrong notions by the mode of their description. The hills are terraced chiefly for rice cultivation or to retain soil which would otherwise be washed away ; and this restricts their gradation, generally speaking, to the southern and eastern provinces. Most of the hills in Kwangtung and Fuhkien are unfit for the plough except near their bases, while in the north it is unnecessary to go to great expense in terracing for a crop of cotton, wheat, or millet. Much labor has been expended in terracing, and many hillsides other -M’ise useless are thus rendered productive; but this does not mean that every hill is cut into plats, nor that the entire face of the country is one vast garden. Terracing was probably a more important feature of agriculture in Palestine in former days than it is in China. The natural terraces of the loess districts, and their extraordinary convenience as well as fertility, have already been noticed in a former chapter. These, it should however be remembered, do not occur south of the Yangzi River.

        The ingenuity of the farmer is well exhiluted in the various modes he employs to insure a supply of water for his rice. In some places pools are made in level fields as reservoirs of rain, from which the water is lifted as occasion requires by well sweeps.

        ‘ Travels in China, London, 1804.

        TERRACE CULTIVATION AND IRRIGATION. 7

        It is also expeditiously raised by two men holding a pail between them by ropes, and with a swinging motion rapidly dipping the water out of the tank into little furrows. A favorite plan is to use a natural brooklet and conduct it from one plat to another till it has irrigated the whole hillside. It is where such water privileges offer that the terrace cultivation is best developed, especially in the neighborhood of large cities, where the demand for provisions promises the cultivator a sure reward for his labor. The appearance of the slopes thus graduated into small ledges is beautiful; each plat is divided by a bank serving the triple purpose of fence, path, and dyke, and near which the • rills glide with refreshing lapse, turning whithersoever the master willeth. This primitive method of upland irrigation is carried out far more perfectly in China than in Switzerland, where it is better known to the generality of travelers. Water is not often wasted upon grass meadows in the former country. The food these marshy plats furnish to insects, mollusks, snakes, and birds is surprising to one who examines them for the first time.

        Wheels of various sorts are also contrived to assist in this labor, some worked by cattle, some by human toil, and others carried round by the stream whose waters they elevate.j The last are very common on the banks of the rivers Siang, Ivan, Min, and their affluents, wherever the banks are convenient for this purpose.

        High wheels of bamboo, firmly fixed on an axle in the bank, or on pillars driven into the bed, and furnished with buckets, pursue their stately round, and pour their earnings of two hundred and fifty or three hundred tons a day into troughs fixed at an elevation of twenty or thirty feet above the stream. The box-trough, containing an axle to be turned by two men treading the pedals, is rather a more clumsy contrivance, used for slight elevations ; the chain of paddles runs around two axles and in the trough as closely as possible, and raises the water ten or twelve feet in an equable current.

        Few carts or wagons are used with animals in the southern and eastern provinces where boats are at all available, human strength supplying the means of transportation ; the implements of husbandry and the grain taken from the fields both being carried on the back of the laborer. It is not an uncommon sight about Canton to see a ploughman, when he has done his work, turn his buffalo loose and shoulder his plough, harrow, and hoe, with the harness, and carry them all home. It is when one crosses the Yangtsz’ on his way north that pack animals are met transporting goods and food in great droves ; here, too, people on carts and wheelbarrows fill the roads. On the Great Flain a sail is raised on the latter when a fair wind will heln the man to trundle it over a level way.

        The Chinese manure the plant rather than the ground, both

        in the seed and growing grain. The preparation of manure

        from night soil, by mixing it with earth and drying it into cakes,

        furnishes employment to multitudes who transport at all hours

        their noisome loads through the narrow city streets. Tanks

        are dug by the wayside, paila are placed in the streets and retiring

        stalls opened among the dwellings, whose contents are

        carried away in boats and buckets ; but it is a small compensation

        for this constant pollution of the sweet breath of heaven

        to know that the avails are to be by and by brought to market.

        Science may yet ascertain how the benefits of this necessai-y

        work can be obtained without its disgusting exposure among

        the Chinese. Besides this principal ingredient of manure vats,

        MANUFACTURE AND USE OF MANURES. 9

        other substances are diligently collected, as liair from the bar ber’s shop, exploded tire-ci”ackers and sweepings from the streets, lime and plaster from kitchens and old buildings, soot, bones, tish and animal remains, the mud from the bottom of canals and tanks, and dung of every kind. In Kiangsu a small leaf clover {^Medleago satlva) is grown through the winter upon ridges raised in the rice-fields, and the plants pulled up in the spring and scattered over the fields to be ploughed and harrowed into the wet soil with the stubble, their decomposition furnishing large quantities of ammonia to the seedlings. Vegetable rubbish is also collected and covered with turf, and then slowly burned; the residue is a rich black earth, which is laid upon the seeds themselves when planted. The refuse left after expressing the oil from ground-nuts, beans, vegetable tallow, tea, and cabbage seeds, etc., is mixed with earth and made into cakes, to be sold to farmers. The bean-cake made in Liautung thus aids the cotton and sugar planter in Swatow with a rich compost.

        The ripe grain is cut with bill-hooks and sickles, or pulled up by the roots; scythes, mowing-machines, and cradles are unknown where human arms are so plenty. Rice-straw is made into brooms and besoms; the rice is thrashed out against the side of a tub having a curtain on one side, or bound into sheaves and carried away to be stacked. The thrashing-floors about Canton are made of a mixture of sand and lime, well pounded upon an inclined surface enclosed by a curb; a little cement added in the last coat makes it impervious to the rain; with proper care it lasts many years, and is used by all the villagers for thrashing rice, peas, mustard, turnips, and other seeds, either with unshod oxen or flails. Where frost and snow come the ground requires to be repaired every season ; and each farmer usually has his own.

        The cultivation of food plants forms so large a proportion of those demanding the attention of the Chinese, that excepting hemp, indigo, cotton, silk, and tea, those raised for manufacture are quite unimportant. The great cotton region is the basin of the Yangzi Jiang, where the white and yellow varieties grow side hy side. The manure used is nnul taken from the canals and spread with ashes over the ploughed fields, in which seeds are sown about the 20th of April. The seeds are planted, after sprouting, five or six in a hole, being rubbed with ashes as they are put in, and weeded out if necessary. After the winter crops have been gathered cotton-fields are easily made ready for the shoots, which, while growing, are carefully tended, thinned, hoed,

        and weeded, until the flowers begin to appear about August. As

        the pods begin to ripen and burst the cultivator collects them

        before they fall, to clean the cotton of seeds and husks. The

        weather is carefully watched, for a dry summer or a wet autumn

        are alike unpropitious, and as the pods are ripening from August

        to October, it is not uncommon for the crop to be partially lost.

        The seeds are separated by a wheel turning two rollers, and the

        cotton sold by each farmer to merchants in the towns. Some

        he keeps for weaving at home ; spinning-wheels and looms

        being common articles of furniture in the houses of the peasantry.

        Cotton is cultivated in every province, and most of it is used where it grows. Around Peking the plant is hardly a foot high ; the bolls are cleaned for wadding to a great extent, while the woody stalks supply fuel to the poor. Minute directions are given in Sii’s EneyelojKedia of Agriculture respecting the cultivation of this plant, whose total crop clothes the millions of the Empire without depending on any other land.’

        ‘Fortune’s Wanderings, Cliap. XIV.; Chinese Itejjository, Vol. XVIIT., pp. 449-409.

        COTTOX, HEMP, MULBEKKY, AND SUGAR. 11

        Hemp is largely cultivated north of the Mei ling, and also grows in Fuhkien ; grass-cloth made from the iJulicltos htilhosus is used for sunuuer dresses. There are four plants which produce a fibre made into cloth known under this name, viz.: the Cannahis sativa, or connnon hemp, at Canton; the Bn’Jnncfia nivea, a species of nettle ; the S’ula tillarfoHay or abutilon hemp, in Chihli ; and the Hibiscus cannahinus. The coloring matter used for dyeing blue is derived from two plants, the Pohjgonuin tinctoriurii at the south, and the tlen tshig {Isatls indujotlcci) cultivated at Shanghai and Chusan. The mulberry is raised as a sluide and fruit tree in the northern provinces, where it forms a beautiful plant fifty feet high ; elsewhere the consumption of the leaves renders its culture an important branch of labor in the silk-pr(xliicing provinces. Some growers allow it to attain its natural height, others cut it down to increase the branched

        and the produce of leaves. In Chelikiang it is cut in January

        and deprived of its useless brandies, leaving only the outer ones,

        which are trinnned into two or three points in order to force

        the plant to extend itself. The trees are set out in rows twelve

        feet or more apart, each tree being half that distance from its

        neighbor and opposite the intervals in the parallel rows; the

        interspaces are occupied with legumes or greens. The trees are

        propagated by seed and by suckers, but soon losing their vigor

        from being constantly sti’ipped of leaves, are then rooted up

        and replaced by fresh nurslings.

        Sugar is only a southern and southeastern crop. The name che^ by which it is known, is an original character, which favors the opinion that the plant is indigenous in China, and the same argument is applicable to wheat, hemp, mulberry, tea, and some of the common fruits, as the plum, pear, and orange. The canes are pressed in machines, and the juice boiled to sugar or boiled and hawked about the streets for consumption by the people. The sugar-mill consists merely of two upright cylinders, between which the cane is introduced as they turn, and the juice received into reservoirs; it is then boiled down and sent to the refiners to inidergo the necessary processes to fit it for market ; much is lost by this slovenly manufacture.

        Many plants are cultivated for their oil, used in the arts or in

        cooking. The seeds of two or three species of Elcococea belonging

        to the Euphorbiaceous family, and the Cu/raspu/yans,

        are gathered, and by pressure furnish an oil to mix with lacker

        and paints, or to smear boats as a preservative against teredoes

        and other insects. It is deleterious when taken into the system,

        but does not appear to injure those who use or express it.

        The tallow-tree {StlUiiKjia schtfera) grows over the eastern provinces ; it is a beautiful tree, resembling the aspen in its shape and foliage, and would form a valuable addition to the list of shade-trees in any country. Mr. Denny, the United States Consul at Shanghai, has recently sent a quantity of these seeds to California, where efforts are being made to grow them.

        The tree has been introduced into India for its timber. The seeds grow in clusters like ivy berries, and are collected in November; when ripe the capsule divides, and falling off discovers two or three kernels covered with the pure, hard white tallow. When the tallow is to be prepared, these are picked from the stalks and put into an open wooden cylinder with a perforated bottom, in which they are well steamed over boiling water. In ten or fifteen minutes the tallow covering; the seeds becomes soft, and they are thrown into a stone mortar and gently beaten with mallets to detach it. The whole is then

        sifted on a hot sieve, by which the tallow is separated from the

        kernels, though containing the brown skin which envelops the

        latter and presenting a dirty appearance. The tallow in this

        state is enclosed in a straw cylindei”, or laid upon layers of straw

        held together by iron hoops, and subjected to pressure in a rude

        press, from which it runs clear in a semifluid state and soon

        hardens into cakes. The candles made from it become soft in

        liot weather, and are sometimes coated by dipping them in colored

        wax.’ From one hundred and thirty-three pounds of nuts

        is obtained some forty or fifty pounds of tallow.

        The departments of floriculture and arboriculture have received

        great attention, but the efforts of their promoters are directed

        to producing something curious or bizarre, rather than

        improving the quality of their fruits or enlarging the number

        of their flowers. A common mode of multiplying specimens is

        to slit the stem and insert half of it in damp earth tied around

        the stalk until it has rooted, and then cutting off the whole.

        Dwarfing trees or forcing them to grow in grotesque shapes

        employs much time and patience. The juniper, cypress, pine,

        elm, bamboo, peach, plum, and flowering-almond are selected

        for this purpose ; the former is trained into the shapes of deer

        or other animals, pagodas, etc., with extraordinary fidelit}’, the

        eyes, tongue, or other parts being added to complete the resemblance.

        ‘ Fortune’ii ]\'(iii(k’ri’ii(j.s, ^. 78.

        CEKKMONY OF PLOUGHING AND SPUING FESTIVAL. 13

        The principle of the operation depends upon retarding the circulation of the sap by stinting the supply of water, confinino; the roots, and bendino; the branches into the desired form when young and pliable, afterwards retaining them in clieir forced position in pots, and clipping off all the vigorous shoots, until, as is the case of the cramped fee.t of women, nature gives up the contest and yields to art. Thesq^Uike the similar exhibitions in sculpture and painting, indicate the uncultivated taste of the people, who admire the fantastic and monstrous more than the natural. Some of the clumps placed in large earthen vases, consisting of bamboos, Howers, and

        dwarf trees growing closely together upon a piece of rock-work,

        and overshadowing the water in the vase, in which gold-fish

        swim through the crevices of the stone, are beautiful specimens

        of Chinese art. Without understanding the principles of an

        aquarium, the people have succeeded in combining animal and

        vegetable life in these elegant ornaments of their houses.

        The annual ceremony of ploughing is of very ancient origin. At Peking it consists in ploughing the sacred field in the Temple of Agriculture with a highly ornamented plough kept for the purpose, the Emperor holding it while turning over three furrows, the princes five, and the high ministers nine. These furrows were, however, so short that the monarchs of the present dynasty altered the ancient rule, ploughing four furrows and returning again over the ground. The ceremony finished, the Emperor and his ministers repair to the terrace adjoining the plat, and remain till it has all been ploughed. The crop of wheat is used in idolatrous services. The rank of the actors renders the ceremony more imposing at Peking, but the people of the capital oidy know that such a performance takes place, as they are not admitted inside of the enclosure when it is observed by the Emperor and his suite. This ceremony is also required of all high officers throughout the Empire, and is attended with more or less parade in April.

        In the provinces its celebration varies, and as there are two festivals coming near together connected with agriculture, one or the other of them is apt to predominate. The annual ploughing ritual is one, and the //// chan, or ‘ Eirst day of spring,’ is the other and prior in date. The prefect of every city and his subordinates on that day repair to the appointed spot outside of the walls, accompanied by music and a great procession of the citizens, carrying through the streets a paper image of the buffalo or ox, which, with the idol image worshipped at the same time, are at some places taken into his yamun. Here the whole is placed on an altar, and the officials present walk around and whip the effigy with rods before it is set on fire

        and scrambled for by the people present. Besides the paper

        ox, a clay one is also made and taken beyond the eastern gate,

        sometimes accompanied by or holding hundreds of little images

        inside ; after the ceremonies are over it is broken up, and

        the pieces and small images are carried off by the crowd to

        scatter the powder on their own fields, in the hope of thereby

        insuring a good crop.

        In Ningbo the principal features of the ceremony consist of

        a solemn worship by all the local officers of a clay image of a

        buffalo and an idol of a cow-herd. The prefect then ploughs a

        small piece of ground, and he and his associates disperse till the

        morrow, when they come together in another temple at dawn.

        Here a series of prostrations and recitals of pra^’ers are performed

        by the “fathers of the people” in their presence, some

        of whom have no respect for the worship, Mhile others, perhaps,

        evince deep reverence. As soon as it is over the clay ox is

        brought out, and a procession consisting of all the officers pass

        around it repeatedly, striking the body at a given signal, and

        concluding the ceremony by a heavy blow on the head. The

        crowd then rush in and tear the effigy to pieces, each one carrying

        off a portion to strew on his fields.’

        The various modes of catching and rearing fish exhibit the contrivance and skill of the Chinese quite as much as their agricultural operations. Some persons reckon that at least one tenth of the population in the prefecture of Kwangehau derive their food from the water, and necessity leads them to invent and try many ingenious ways of securing the finny tribes.

        ‘ PereCibot in Mem. cone, les Chinois, Tome III., p. 499. Penal Code, pp.94-106, 520. Chinese nepository, Vol. II., p. :}50 ; Vol. III., pp. 121, 231; Vol. v., p. 485. La Chine Ouverte, p 340. Foreign Mixnionari/ Chronide, Vol. XIII., p. 290. Gray’s China, Vol. II., pp. 115-117. Doolittle’s Social Life, Vol. TI., pp. 18-23. Revue de V Orient, Tome V. (1844), p. 297. Baron d’Hervey Saint-Denys, Recherchea stir VAc/ricnUure et VHorticuUitre des Ohi mis, Paris, 1850. Journal iV: C Br. R. A. Soc, No. IV., pp. 209 fif.

        FISHING ANL> FISHERMEN ALONG THE COAST. 15

        Xets woven of hempen thread are boiled hi a solution of gambier to preserve them from i-otting. The smacks which swarm along the coast go out in pairs, partly that the crews may afford mutual relief and protection, but chiefly to join in dragging the net. In the sliallows of rivers rows of heavy posts are driven down and nets secured to them, which are examined and changed at every tide. Those who attend these nets, more-over, attach scoops or drag-nets to their boats, so loaded that they will sink and gather the sole, ray, and other fish feeding near the bottom. Lifting-nets, twenty feet square, are suspended from poles elevated and depressed by a hawser worked by a windlass on shore ; the nets are baited with the whites of eggs spread on the meshes.

        Group and Residence of Fishermen near Canton.

        ‘ The fishermen along the coast form an industrious, though rather turbulent community, by no means confining their enterprises to their professed business when piraty, dakoity, or marauding on shore hold out greater prospects of gain. When their boats become unseaworthy they are still considered landworthy, and are transformed into houses by setting them bodily upon a stone foundation above the reach of the tide, or breaking them up to construct rude huts.

        The Fishing Cormorant.

        Cormorants are trained in great numbers to capture fish in the rivers and lakes ; they will disperse at a given signal and return with their prey, but not often without the precaution of a neck-ring. A single boatman can easily oversee twelve or fifteen of these birds, and although hundreds may be out upon the water each one knows its own nuister. If one seize a fish too heavy for him alone, another comes to his assistance, and the two carry it aboard ; but such cases are very rare compared with others where the w^eak or young bird is unceremonioaisly robl)ed of its capture. When several hundreds of them fish together the scene becomes animated and noisy in the extreme. The birds themselves are fed on bean-curd and eels or fish. They lay eggs when three years old, which are often hatched under barnyard liens, and the chickens fed with eel’s blood and hash. They do not fish during the summer months. The price of a pair varies from five to eight dollars.

        METHODS OF CATCHING FIRII. 17

        Mussels are caught in cylindrical basket-traps attached to a single rope and drifted with the tide near the bottom. Similar traps fur catching laiul-crabs are laid along the edges of rice fields, baited with dried fish. When the receding tide leaves the river banks dry the boat peo^Tje get overboard and wade in the mud, or push themselves along on a board with one foot, in search of such things as harbor in the ooze.

        In moonlight nights low, narrow shallops, provided with a wide white board fastened to the wale and floating upon the water, are anchored in still water; as the moon shines on the board the deceived fish leap out upon it or into the boat; twenty or thirty of these decoy boats can . be seen near Macao engaged in this fishery on moonlight evenings. Sometimes a boat furnished with a treadle goes up and down near the shores striking boards against its bottom and sides ; the startled fish are caught in the net dragging astern. The crews of many small boats combine to drive the fish into their nets by splashing and striking the water, or into a pool on the margin of the river at high tide, in which they are easily retained by wattles, and scooped out when the water has fallen. Divers clap sticks together under water to drive their prey into the nets set for

        them, or catch them with their toes when, terrified at the noise,

        they hide in the mud. Xeither fly-fishing nor angling with hook

        and line is much practised ; its tedium and small returns would

        be poor amends to a Chinese for the elegance of the tackle or

        the science displayed in adapting the fly to the fish’s taste.

        By these and other contrivances the Chinese capture the

        finny tribes, and it is no surprise to hear that China contains as

        many millions of people as there are days in the 3’ear when one

        sees upon what a large proportion of them feed and how they

        live. Their expenditure of human labor appears enormous to

        those who are accustomed to the manufactories and engines of

        western lands, but perhaps nothing would cause so much distress

        in China as the prematui’o and inconsiderate introduction of labor-saving machines. Population is so close upon the means of production, not seldom overpassing them, that those who would be thrown out of employment would, owing to their ignorance as to the best resources and want of means to do anything by themselves, suffer and cause incalculable distress before relief and labor could be furnished them. Therere, for instance, six or seven 3’ards near Canton where logs are sawed by hand, but all of them together hardly turn out as many feet of boards as one water-wheel turning three or four saws would do. Yet the two hundred men employed in these yards would perhaps be half-starved if turned off in their present condition, even if they did not destroy their competitor; though there is every reason for believing that improvements will be introduced as soon as those wdio see their superiority are assured they can be made profitable.

        The mechanical arts and implements of the Chinese partake of the same simplicity which has been remarked in their agricultural,—as if the faculty of invention or the notion of altering a thing had died with the discoverer, and he had had the best guarantee for the patent of his contrivance in the deprivation of all desire in his successors to alter it. This servility of imitation marks them in many things, but in machinery and metallurgy is chiefly owing to ignorance of the real nature of the ma*”erials they use, a knowledge which has only recently become familiar to ourselves. In the absence of superior models, it produces a degree of apathy to all improvement which strangely contrasts with their general industry and literary tastes. Simplicity of design pervades all operations, and when a machine directs in the best known manner the power of the hand which M’ields it, or aids in executing tiresome operations, its purpose is considered to be fully answered, for it was intended to assist and not to supplant human labor. Yet with all their simplicity some of them are both effectual and ingenious, and not a few are made to answer two or three ends. For example, the bellows, an oblong’ box divided into two compartments, and worked by a piston and two valves in the upper, which forces the wind into the lower part and out of the nozzle, is used by the travelling tinker as a seat when at work and a chest for his tools when his work is done ; though it does not, indeed, serve all these purposes with efliciency.

        CONDITION OF THE MECHANICAL ARTS. 19

        In the arts of metallurgy the Chinese have attained only to mediocrity, and on the whole do not equal the Japanese. To this deficiency may perhaps be ascribed their little progress in some other branchet^ which could not be executed without tools of peculiar size or nicety. Mines of iron, lead, copper, and zinc are worked, though the modes employed in digging the ore, preparing and smelting it, and purifying the metals have not yet been fully examined. Gold is used sparingly for ornaments, but is consumed in vast quantities for gilding; gold thread is commonly imported, and the ingots are known only as bullion. Mr. Gordon found the people in the country parts of Fuhkien quite ignorant of its value, for he could only pass doubloons for a dollar apiece, the natives having never seen them before.

        The Chinese workmanship in chased, repousse, and carved work of gold and silver—baskets, card-cases, teapots, combs, etc.—is almost unequalled. Their jewelry, too, admirably exhibits the delicate filigree work which agrees so well with their genius. Flower-baskets wnth chased flowers and figures of various sorts enamelled on the outside of the open work of wire, and set with precious stones, may perhaps be regarded as the masterpiece of native art in the working of metals.

        • Davis’ Chinese, Vol. II. , p. 235. Penny Cydopcedia, Art. Coppeb. Natalia Rondot, Commerce de la Chine, 1849, p. 142.

        Steel is everywhere manufactured in a rude way, but the foreign importation is gradually supplying a better article. The quality of this metal made is best shown by the carvings in the hardest stones for ornaments, which have never been exceeded elsewhere. Iron is cast into thin plates and various machines of considerable size, but the largest pieces they make, viz., bells and cannon, are small compared with the shafts and steamhammers turned out abroad. Wrought iron is chiefly worked up into nails, screws, hinges, and small articles needed in daily life, though its quality is remarkably good. The jWi tung, argentan or ‘ white copper’ of the Chinese, is an alloy of copper 40.4, zinc 25.4, nickel 81.6, and iron 2.6, and occasionally a little silver; these proportions are nearly the same as German-silver. ” When in a state of ore, it is said to be powdered, mixed with charcoal dust, and placed in jars over a slow fire, the metal rising in the form of vapor in a distilling apparatus, and afterward condensed in water.” ‘ When new, this alloy appears as lustrous as silver, and is uuiTiufactured into incensejars, flower-stands for temple service, boxes, a vast variety of fancy articles, and a few household utensils not intended to be used near the fire. Puzzling specimens of work are made of it, such as teapots enclosed in chinaware and ornamented with a handle and a spout of stone, and having characters on the sides. The white copper varies a good deal in its appearance and malleability, owing probably to mixtures added after distillation.

        Copper is less used than iron for culinary vessels, but will

        probably increase as rapid importation diminishes the cost, for

        iron rusts quickly in the southern parts. The manufactures of

        gongs, cymbals and trumpets, lamps, brass-leaf for working

        into the hin kwa, or tinsel-flowers used in worship, and the

        copper coin of the country, consume probably four fifths of all

        the copper used. The gong is employed on all occasions,

        and its piercing clamor can be heard at any time of day and

        night, especially if one lives near the water. It is an alloy of

        twenty parts of tin with eighty of copper, and is made b}””

        melting one hundred catties of hung tung, or ‘ red copper,’

        with twenty-five catties of tin. The alloy is run into thin plates,

        and the gongs are made by long and expert hammering until

        the requisite sonorousness is obtained.

        Bells and tripods are frequently cast of a large size. The

        bells at Peking (mentioned in Volume I., p. 79) are peculiarly

        rich in quality of tone ; they are almost invariably made without

        tongues, being sounded with a mallet. The tripods for

        receiving the ashes of papers consumed in worship also bear

        inscriptions of a religious character ; the priests of temples containing

        them take great pride in showing their ancient bells,

        tripods, and other like rarities. The pieces of bronze formerly

        produced under the patronage of the Emperor Ivienlung, as

        incense tripods, lions, astronomical instruments, and the infinite

        variety of ornaments, probably represent their highest attainments

        in this branch of metallurgy for beauty and excellence.

        CHINESE ATTAINMENTS IN METALLURGY. 21

        The metallic mirrors, once the oidy reflectors the Chinese manufactured, are now nearly supei-seded by glass ; the alloy is like that of gongs with a little silver added. These mirrors have long been remarkable for a singular property which some of them possess of reflecting the raised characters or device on the back when held in the sun ; this is caused by their outline being traced upon the polished surface in very shallow lines, the whole plate being afterward rubbed until the lines are equally

        bi;ight with the other parts, and only rendered visible by the

        strongest sunlight.’ Besides the metallic articles already mentioned,

        the ornamental and antique bronze and copper figures,

        noticeable fur their curious forms and fine polishing and tracery,

        afford the best specimens of Chinese art in imitating the human

        figure. They are mostly statuettes, representing men,

        gods, birds, monsters, etc., in grotesque shapes and attitudes ;

        some of them are beautifully ornamented with delicate scrolls

        and flowers in niello work of silver or gold wire inserted into

        grooves cut in the metal.

        The manufacture of glass is carried on chiefly at Canton, and its increasing use for windows, tumblers, lamps, mirrors, and other articles of household furniture, shows that the Chinese are quite ready to adopt such things from foreign countries as they find to be advantageous. The importation of broken glass for remelting has entirely ceased, but flints are carried from England for the use of glass-blowers. The furnaces are small, and from the ignorance, on the part of the workmen, of the constituents of good glass, their products are not uniform.

        ‘ Other and perhaps more correct explanations of this peculiarity have been given.

        Foreign window glass is now brought so cheaply that the native inferior article, which distorts objects seen through it, is disappearing; colored articles and chandeliers are still made. The most finished articles which the Chinese have yet produced are ground shades for Argand lamps. Beautiful ornaments are made of the liao-ll, the old native name for a vitreous composition like strass, between glass and porcelain. Ear-rings, wristlets, snuff-bottles, jars, cups, etc., are made of it, plain, colored, and variegated, in vast variety. Some of these articles exhibit different tints in layers, each layer being ground away where it is not wanted, as in cameo carving; blue, red, and yellow are the prevailing colors. The art of producing it has been known longer than glass-making, but was invented later than that of porcelain.

        The cutting and setting of hard and precious stones is carried on to some extent. Spectacles are cut and ground in lathes from crystal, smoky quartz, and a variety of rose quartz resembling the cairngorm-stone, which the Chinese call cha-tsing^ or ‘tea-stone,’ from its color. Their spectacles are not always true, and the wearer is obliged to have tliem ground away until his eyes are suited. The pebble is cut in a lathe, by a wire-saw working in its own dust, into a round shape Avitli plane edges.

        When worn, the rim rests upon the cheek-bones; the frame has a hinge between the glasses, and the machine is sometimes kept on the ears by loops or weights. Foreign-shaped spectacles are supplanting these primitive optics, but the prejudice is still in favor of crystal. The cutting of diamonds is sometimes attempted, but it is not a favorite gem among the Chinese.

        Diamonds and corundums are both employed to drill holes in clamping and mending broken glass and porcelain ; tumblers, jars, etc., are joined so securely in this way without cement as to hold fluids. Both these gems are used to cut glass, but another mode, not unconnnon, is to grease the place to be fractured, and slowly follow the line along by a lighted jossstick until it breaks.

        Sir John Davis condensed all the important information known half a century ago concerning the materials and manufacture of porcelain in his valuable work, but great advance has since been made in a better understanding of this branch of Chinese industry. The wordj)o?’ccla/’}i is derived h’on\ p<»\’ellana, which was given to the ware by the Portuguese under the belief that it was made from the fusion of egg-shells and fish’s glue and scales to resemble the nacre of sea-shells (Cypr?ea) or porcellana. This instance of oft-hand nomenclature is like that of the Chinese calling ca,outchouc elephmifs skin horn its appearance.

        MATERIALS AXD M ANrKACTUIlE OF I’OIICKLAIX. 23

        M. Julien’s translation of the Klmj-teh chin Tun Luh (Paris, 1856) furnishes the native accounts of the porcelain manufactures at Kingteh chin, in Kiangsi, and adds so nmch from other sources that his work is a veritable classic in its special branch. He places the invention of porcelain between b.c. 185 and A.D, 85, and opening the first kiln, at Sinping (not far from the present centre of llonan province), under the reign of Changti of the Eastern Han dynasty. From this the manufacture gradually extended as raw materials were found in other localities, especially in Fauliang, on the eastern shores of the Poyang Lake, where the best ware is still made. A second

        preface to this work, written by M. Salvetat, of the manufactory

        at Sevres, gives the details of the introduction of the art

        into Europe about 1722, and the subsequent improvement to

        the time when European Avares far exceeded the Chinese or

        Japanese for beauty. During the dreadful ravages of the Taiping

        rebellion the manufactories at Kingteh were all stopped.

        A very brief epitome of M. Salvetat’s paper will indicate the

        ingredients of porcelain and their manipulation : Two substances

        enter into all kinds of this ware ; one a strong, infusible

        material which endures great heat, and the other, fusible at a

        low temperature, which communicates its transparency to the

        other as they together pass through the furnace. The first

        of these is called Ixiolin, fi-om the name of a range of hills east

        of Kingteh chin, known as Kao Lituj or ‘ High Ridge,’ a word that has been adopted in Europe as a term for all varieties of the argillaceous or feldspathic components of porcelain. The other is known as jx’h-tun-tss”, a Chinese term properly applied to the bricks of prepared silex, called tun, but now generally adopted to denote the fusible element. The discovery near Taochau fu of both of these in great purity led to the establishment of the kilns there in a.d. 583 ; and Chinese artists discriminate many varieties of each. It is apparently only since A.D. 1000, or thereabouts, that these kilns have produced the choice pieces now so highly prized.

        The kaolin comes from decomposed granite, and is reduced by trituration and several washings to an impalpable powder; this last precipitate is put on cloths, one above another, and dried under slight pressure to a uniform paste ready for the furnace. The a^ka?- oi j>eh-Ui n-Uz’ are prepared in a similar manner; other workmen mix the clay and the quartz—the bones and the flesh, as they are aptly called bv the Chinese — in such proportions as the ware requires. In general, Chinese porcelain is more silicious than European, containing 70 parts of silex, 22 of alumine, G of potash and soda, with traces of lime, manganese, magnesia, and iron. Sevres ware has 58 silex, 34^ alumine, 3 alkali, and 4^ lime ; as the feldspar decreases the beauty of the ware diminishes, but its durability and usefulness increase.

        To make ready the paste for the furnace, the Ijricks of both

        ingredients are trodden in a large basin by buffaloes or men till

        they are well mixed into a watery mass, which is then worked

        and kneaded again on slate slabs in small pieces till it is delivered

        into the hands of workmen to be fashioned on lathes and

        frames into the desired forms and sizes. These craftsmen work

        with very simple machinery, as is apparent from the rude drawings

        of their operations. M. Salvetat gives high praise to their

        skill in producing large jars without the aid of the machinery

        used in Europe, and indicates the great use they make of their

        feet in these operations — a feature of all Asiatic artisans which

        attracts the traveller’s notice wherever he goes. Some of their

        procedures are inferior and ruder than the Japanese potters exhibit,

        but space does not allow them to be described in this

        sketch.

        The glazing on Chinese ware contains silex mixed with lime

        and the ashes of burnt ferns, in such proportions as are found

        suitable for the diiferent varieties. During the mixing of these

        ingredients the ashes are mostly eliminated, and the glazing

        really consists of quartz flexed by carbonate of lime. The liquid

        glaze is applied to the biscuit by dipping, by aspersion, and by

        washing, according to the nature of the ware ; sometimes it is

        blown through a tube in a dewy shower oft repeated.

        STYLES AND MATERIALS OF PORCELAIN DECORATION. 2.1

        When ready for the furnace, the pieces are carried to work, men specially skilled in properly firing them, where the different sizes are placed in ovens particularly fitted to bake each kind. Large jars require a separate oven so as to adapt the fire to their size and thickness, continuing it at a uniform blast for several days. Cups and small pieces are baked one on top of another in smaller ovens, some of which are open and others closed. Coal and wood are both used for fuel. The pieces are taken from the furnaces when successfully baked, to be decorated and colored in all the various hues and pictures which have made Chinese porcelain so much sought after. Some of their ground colors of red, yellow, and green have not been equaled elsewhere ; a careful analysis indicates the presence of the

        oxides of copper, cobalt, iron, lead, antimony, and manganese.

        Some of the rarest and most beautiful tints seem to have been

        the result of happy experiment, the knowledge of which died

        with its manufacture. It is not often that the Chinese artist

        adorns his plaque or jar with mythological or religious characters,

        preferring to let his fancy run riot in grotesque combinations

        of natural scenes, amid which, however, the unerring

        instinct or tlie accumulated experience of many successive generations

        seldom permit him to wander from a truly artistic

        conception. The amount of labor devoted to some minute

        treasure of porcelain decoration is little short of fabulous. Mr.

        Matthew x\rnold”s picture of the “cunning workman” who

        Pricks with vermilion some clear porcelain vase,
        An emperor’s gift—at early morn lie paints,
        And all day long, and when night comes, the lamp
        Lights up his studious forehead and thin hands, could probably be seen scores of times in the humbler quarters of great cities in China.

        Their ignorance of analytical chemistry compels them to follow a rule of thumb in the composition of their colors ; but generally they use oxide of copper for green and bluish greens, gold for reds, oxide of cobalt for blues, of antimony for yellows, and of arsenic and tin for whites. The preparation and application of these materials admit of less scope and beauty than are found on the finest European ware, and their result is more like enamelling than painting. M. Salvetat admits that the Chinese potter has excelled in producing craqii^ele ware, and certain hues, as sea-green, deep rosedon reds, and brilliant blues, which have not been equalled in Europe.

        One elegant mode of ornament peculiar to them is seen in the tao-mhi(j ts3′-Vi, lit., ‘clear, bright porcelain,’ called eyelet-hole ware or grains of rice, made in the reign Kienlung. The paste is cut through by a kind of stamp which takes out enough to form the figure, in which the glaze is inserted before the piece is finally joined and ready for the kihi. When tired the glaze becomes transparent ; different patterns are frequently painted on the two surfaces, in which advantage is taken of the eyeletholes to adapt them to two sets of figures. An instance of mechanical skill is occasionally seen in their articulated vases, in which one jar is baked inside of another, the outer one being perforated so as to show off the object within; the baking of such pieces must be very difficult and uncertain.

        The ware sold at Canton for foreign use is painted in that city to suit the caprice of purchasers, and during the present century has become identified abroad with Chinese art, wdiile it is really a combination of two or three styles. Its peculiarity consists in covering the dish with medallions and vignettes in bright colors, containing figures of heroes, arms, birds, etc., or scenes oti a colored or white ground. Such ware is not commonly used by the Chinese, but its manufacture is unhappily beginning to affect their national taste. This style is quite different from the well-known blue willow pattern which has long been regarded as the real CdeHtlal ware. This color does mark the common pottery and stoneware used all over the Empire by the poor, but the pattern is not so common.

        It is not possible to enter here into all the niceties of this

        subject, which is now attracting great attention, and has been

        examined by Jacqnemart, Prime, Young, and many others.

        Further researches into native and foreign books and collections

        will bring out new facts, legends, and specimens, while we may

        look for rare old pieces, as has been the case with the discovery

        of the small perfume bottles in Egypt, as soon as full liberty is

        given over all Asia to seek and dig.

        Besides table furniture, porcelain statuettes and idols are common, and vases often bring extravagant prices, owing to some quality of fineness, coloring, antiquity, or shape, which native connoisseurs can only appreciate. The god of porcelain himself is usually made of this material. D’Entrecolles, in his account of the manufacture of the ware, says that this deity owes his divinity to his self-innnolation in one of the furnaces.

        CHINESE BOTTLES DISCOV EKED IN EGYPT. 27

        in utter despair at being able to accomplish the Emperor’s orders for the production of some vases of peculiar fineness ; the pieces which came out of the furnace after the wretch was burned pleased his Majesty so much that he deified him. Cheap stoneware is made at Shaukinii;, in Kwangtung, and many other places, some of it very pure and white.

        The exportation of })orcelain has formed a very ancient branch of commerce westward, and it is not strange that specimens should occasionally be met with even at a great distance from China. The discovery of Chinese bottles in Egypt and Asia Minor, containing quotations from Chinese poets, shows that intercourse existed between the extremes of Asia in the tenth or eleventh centuries. Rosellini seems to have been the earliest to notice these relics of an ancient trade, during his researches in Egypt in 1828, when he obtained two or three. In a letter written in reply to one from Sir J. F. Davis, he states that he found one of these little bottles in a ” petit panier tissn de feuilles de palmier,” with other objects of Egyptian manufacture, in a tomb, whose date he places between b.c. 1800 and 1100. His words are, ” Ayant penetre dans un de ces trois tombeaux j’y ai trouve,” etc., which is as explicit as possible. He also adds, that many fragments of similar bottles had been offered to him by the peasants, which he had looked upon as quite modern till this discovery showed that they were real antiques.

        Since then, several more have been picked up ; Dr. Abbott’s Egyptian collection in Kew York contains seventeen, all of which came from Egypt, but none, besides llosellini’s, out of a tomb directly into the hands of an Egyptologist. Layard and Cesnola bought similar bottles in Cyprus and Arban. However, one well-authenticated fact, like that of llosellini’s discovery, gives some evidence of a similar ancient origin to others precisely like it in shape, coloring, and inscriptions, for the trade between Arabia and Egypt to China has long since ceased ; but as fifty years have passed without another bottle occurring in any of the numerous tombs opened by careful and competent persons, one is inclined to think that Ttosellini’s tomb may have been twice used to bury mummies in, or that he mistook its age.

        The inscriptions ;inJ style of writing of five different kinds have been engraved, and Sir Walter H. Medhnrst gives a translation of each, tracing the lines to their original authors. One of them is from AV’ ang Wai (a.d. 702-745), and reads, JSLlng

        yueh sung chung chao, ‘ The bright moon shines amidst the

        firs.’ A second i-eads, Chlh isai Uz’ shan chung, ‘ Only in the

        midst of these mountains,’ and it dates a.d. 831-837. A third

        is contracted from a line by Wei Ying-wuh (a.d. 702-795),

        being part of a stanza of eight lines, as follows: IIivo lal ijta

        yih nien, ‘ The flowers open, and lo, another year !

        ‘ A fourth

        dates from a.d. 1068-1085, and is from the famous poet Su

        Tung-po : Hang hioa hung sJiih 11, ‘The apricot flowers bloom

        for miles around ;

        ‘ this is abridged from a distich in pentameter as follows:

        One mass of color, the apricot flowers bloom for miles around ;

        The successful graduate urges on his steed as if flying. .

        Sir John Davis ascribes this inscription to a Chinese song written prior to the Christian eia, but gives no proof of so early a date, and he is probably in error. The fifth inscription is of the same date as the last ; it forms part of a quatrain by Chao Yung, and reads, Liao teh shaojhi eld, ‘ Which few, I ween, can comprehend.’

        In Prime’s work on pottery he has given fac-similes of five bottles whose inscriptions are the same as those explained by Medhnrst ; his No. 142 and No. 14G is the second in this list ; his No. 143 is the first ; his 144 is the third ; and his 145 is the fifth and is different in shape from the others. The characters on the one found at Arban by Layard are written in a very cursive style.’

        ‘ Davis’ Sketches, Vol. II., pp. 72-84. Medhurst’s Ohinn, p. 135. Julien’s Histoire de la Porcelain Ohinow’, pp. xi-xxii. Prime’s Pottery and Porcelain^ p. 232. N. G. Br. R. A. S. Tranmctions, 1852, pp. 34-40 ; 1854, p. 93.

        INSCRIPTIONS UPON THE BOTTLES. 2l3

        The age and origin of these bottles has excited much inquiry, but the weight of evidence points to their having been taken to Egypt and Arabia by the Arabs who traded at Canton and Hang Zhou down to the end of the Sung dynasty in 1278. They were, as AVilkinson suggests in his Ancient Kgijpthin^, probably used by the purchasers to hold Void, to paint the eyes and eyelids of women ; their original use was probably to liokl peppermint and other oils, bandoline and tooth-powders, though

        snuff is now generally carried in them, as glass bottles contain

        the essences and oils seen in shops. The uniformity in size, shape,

        coloring, and decoration in these bottles indicates that the

        trade was rather confined to one port in China, for at present a

        vast variety in all these particulars would be seen, as I ascertained

        some years ago at Canton when unsuccessfully looking

        in the shops for some having inscriptions like those discovered

        in Egypt. Mr. Fortune found one having the same inscription

        as Xo. 2, and Sir Harry Pai-kes came across three others, but

        their rarity now proves the change ; and these were probably

        real antiques. The latter found two other inscriptions on similar

        bottles in China, whose authors lived a.d. 584 and later; and

        argues against their high antiquity from the metre having been

        introduced in later times. The strongest proof of their modern

        origin is the material and the date of the style of writing, neither

        of which could have been prior to the Han dynasty if Chinese

        records are Avorth anything ; such simple lines as these five

        could indeed have been handed down and adopted by later poets from lost authors, but this possibility weighs nothing against the others. The more antiquarian researches extend in Asia, however, the more shall we find that the books and inscriptions now extant do not contain the earliest dates of inventions and travels.

        The cheap pottery of the Chinese resembles the Egyptian

        ware in color and brittleness, but is less porous when unglazed.

        Tea-kettles, pans, plates, teapots, and articles of household use,

        bathing-tubs, immense jars, comparable to hogsheads, for liolding

        water, fancy images, statuettes, figurines, toys, flower-pot >,

        and a thousand other articles are everywhere burned from clay

        and sold at extremely low prices. The jars are used in shops

        to contain liquids, powders, etc. ; in gardens to keep fish, collect

        rain, and receive manure and offal ; and in boats and houses for

        the same purposes that barrels, ])ails, and pans are put to elsewhere.

        “Water will boil sooner and a dish of vegetables be

        cooked more expeditiously in one of these earthen pots than in

        metal ; the caloric seems to permeate the clay almost as soon as

        it is over the fire. Druni-shaped stools and garden seats, vitruvian

        ornaments for balustrades, fanciful llower-pots in the shape

        of buffaloes, representing the animal feeding under the shade of

        a tree growing out of its body, lishes, dragons, phoinixes, and

        other objects for decorating the ridges and for gargoyles are

        manufactured of this ware. Flat ligures of the human form

        are set into frames to represent groups of persons, or elegantly

        shaped characters are arranged into sentences, both of them to

        put on the walls of rooms, making altogether a great variety of

        purposes to which this material is applied.

        The lacquered-ware peculiar to China and Japan owes its

        histre to the prepared sap of a kind of sumach {IlJius vernieifera)

        cultivated in both countries for this purpose. AVood oils

        are obtained from other plants, such as the C’urcas, Augia,

        J^Jleococcus, and lihus semi-alatus^ and the different qualities of

        lacquered-ware are owing to the use of these inferior ingredients.

        The real varnish-tree is described bv De Guiiiiies as resemblini»;

        the ash in its foliage and bark ; it is about tifteen feet in height,

        and when seven j-ears old furnishes the sap, which is carefully

        collected in the summer nights from incisions cut in the truidv.

        It comes to market in tubs holding the cakes, and those who

        collect it are careful to cover their faces and hands from contact

        with this irritating juice as they prepare it for market. A good

        yield of a thousand ti-ees in one night would be twenty pounds

        avoirdupois weight of sap. The best sort is tawny rather than

        white in its inspissated state, and is kept well protected from the

        air by tarred paper. The body of lacquered-ware is usually seasoned

        pine, well smoothed, and the grooves covered with hempen lint

        or paper. A sizing of pig’s gall, often mixed with very fine

        sand, makes a priming. The prepared lacquer is composed of the

        sap dissolved in spring-water, adding ground-nut oil, pig’s gall,

        and rice vinegar in the sunshine with broad flat brushes till it

        is thoroughly mixed.

        The principal object in preparing the wood is to cover it with a priming that wall receive the lac(]uer and remain impervious to changes in temperature. This preparation varies a good deal according to the quality of the ware ; it is laid on evenly, coat after coat, allowing each to dry before the next is spread.

        UlANUFACTUKE OF LACQUEKED-WARE. 81

        The last coating is rubbed with puiuice or the finest sandstone, finishing this priming with ;i .smooth piece of slate. When ready the piece is taken into a close room having paper lattices and shut out from any air, where it receives a coating of clear lacquer. It is then put into a dark room to dry. The operation is repeated ten or fifteen times for the best kinds. Some workmen are so sensitive to the liquid lacquer that they cannot safely do this part of the manufacture ; others go through all the processes without annoyance. Coloring matter to give the lacquer a brown hue, or to make an imitation of venturuia(or aventui’lne^ a brownish glass spangled throughout with copper filings) by mixing gold leaf, is added during these operations.

        The gilding is performed by another set of workmen in a

        large workshop. The figures of the design are drawn on thick

        paper, which is then pricked all over to allow the powdered

        chalk to fall on the table and form the outline. Anotlier

        workman completes the picture by cutting the lines with a burin

        or needle, and filling them with vermilion mixed in lacquer, as

        tliick as needed. This afterward is covered by means of a hairpencil

        with gold in leaf, or in powder laid on with a dossil ; the

        gold is often mixed with fine lampblack. The proper lacquer

        is seldom used otherwise than in making this ware. The Chinese

        term for UiU includes this and all kinds of oils and paints,

        so that some confusion arises in describing their materials.’ A beautiful fabric of lacquered-ware is made by inlaying the nacre of fresh and salt-water shells in a rough mosaic of fiowers, animals, etc., into the composition, and then varnishing it. Another highly prized kind is made by covering the wood with a coating of fine powdered cinnabar and varnish three or four lines in thickness, and then carving figures upon it in relief. The great labor necessary to produce this ware renders it expensive, and it is not now produced.

        ‘ N. Rondot, Commerce (le la Chine, p. 120 ; Journal Asuttique, IV. Series,Tome XI., 184y, pp. 34-05 ; Clduene Commercial Cruidc, 5th Ed., p. 134.

        The oils obtained from the nuts of other trees by simple pressure and by refining them afterward are quite numerous. The details of their manufacture and application may yet furnish many new hints and processes to western arts. The oil of the Eleococcus, after pressing (according to De Guignes), is boiled with Spanish white in the proportion of one ounce to half

        a pound of oil ; as it begins to thicken it is taken off and poured

        into close vessels. It dissolves in turpentine and is used as a

        varnish, either clear or mixed with different colors ; it defends

        woodwork from injury for a long time, and forms a good painter’s

        oil. Boiled with iron rust it forms a reddish brown varnish.

        In order to prevent its penetrating into the wood when

        used clear, and to increase the lustre, a priming of lime and

        hog’s blood simmered together into a paste is previously laid on.

        The manufacture of silk is original among the Chinese, as

        well as those of porcelain and lacquered-ware, and in none of

        these have foreigners yet succeeded in fully equalling the native

        products. The notices of the cultivation of the nmlberry

        and the rearing of silk-worms found in Chinese works have

        been industriously collected and published by M. Julien by

        order of the French government—another instance of the

        intelligent care of this nation to aid one of its great industries.

        The introduction by M. Beauvais indicates certain })oints

        worthy of the notice of cultivators ; it has been remarked that

        the hints thus obtained from Julien’s translation have been of

        more value to the peoj)le employed in silk culture in France

        than all that has been paid by the govei-nment for the promotion

        of Chinese literature from their first outlay in tlie last century.

        The earliest notice in the SJuo Kimj of silk culture occurs in the Yu Kiing. It is said the mulberry grounds were made fit for silk-worms, when speaking of the draining of Yen Chau (parts of Shantung and Cliihli), as if it was an usual culture ; other references to silk in the same book show it to have been a well-known fabric at that date (b.c. 2204). The allusion, therefore, in the Book of Odes to silks of many sorts also strengthen the notice in the Wei li’i^ which says :

        Slling shi, the Empress of Hwangtl, began to rear silk-worms:

        At this period Hwangti invented the art of making clotliing.

        ORIGIN AND IMPOUTANCE OP^ THE SILK INDUSTRY. 33

        This legend carries tlie art back to u.r. 2600, or perhaps five

        centuries after the Deluge. Siling is said to have been her

        birthplace, and Lui Tsu her right name ; she was deified and is

        still worshipped as the goddess of silk under the name of Yuenfi.

        In this act, as De Guignes observes, the Chinese resemble other

        ancient nations in ascribing the invention of spinning to women,

        and deifying them ; thus the Egyptian Isis, the Ljdian Arachne,

        and the Gi-ecian Athene also handled the distaff. A temple

        called the Sten-tsaii Tao exists in the palace grounds dedicated

        to Yuenfi, wherein she is worshipped annually in April by the

        Empress. The altar, grounds, sacrifices, ritual, and buildings

        are all in imitation of those in the Temple of Agriculture, of

        which they are a counterpart. The Book of Rites contains a

        notice of the festival held in honor of weaving, which corresponds

        to that of ploughing by the Emperor. ” In the last month

        of spring the young Empress purified herself and offered a sacrifice to the o:oddess of silk-worms. She went into the eastern fields and collected mulberry leaves. She forbade noble dames and the ladies of statesmen adorning themselves, and excused her attendants from their sewing and embroidery, in order that they might give all their care to the rearing of silkworms.”

        The present enclosure was put up by Yungching in 17-12, but its buildings are now much dilapidated. The attention of the Chinese government to this important branch of industry has been unremitted, and at this day it supplies perhaps one-half of all the gai’tnents worn by the people. In the paraphrase to the fourth maxim of the Shing Yu, it is remarked : ” In ancient times emperors ploughed the lands and empresses cultivated the mulberiy. Though the most honorable, they did not disdain to toil and labor, as examples to the whole Empire, in order to induce all the people to seek these essential supports.” One-half of the lllastrations of Agriculture and Weaving are devoted to delineating the various processes attending this manufacture ; and Julien quotes more than twenty works and authors on this subject. Among other uses to which this material is put, may be remembered, in the second chapter of this work, the burning of many thousand pieces of plain, coarse silk as part of the offerings to the gods at Peking, and in the annual sacrifices before the tablets of Confucius.

        ‘While the worms are growing, care is taken to keep them

        undisturbed bj either noise or bright light; they are often

        changed from one hurdle to another that they may have roomy

        and cleanly places ; the utmost attention is paid to their condition

        and feeding, and noting the right time for preparing them for

        spinning cocoons. Three days are required for this, and in six

        it is time to stifle the larvae and reel the silk from the cocoons; but this being usually done by other workmen, those who rear the worms enclose the cocoons in a jar buried in the ground and

        lined with mats and leaves, interlaying them with salt, which

        kills the pnpfe but keeps the silk supple, strong, and lustrous ;

        preserved in this manner, they can be transported to any distance,

        or the reeling of the silk can be delayed until convenient.

        Another mode of destroying the cocoons is to spread them on

        trays and expose them by twos to the steam of boiling water,

        putting the upper in the place of the lower one according to

        the degree of heat they are in, taking care that the chrysalides

        are killed and the silk not injured. After exposure to steam the

        silk can be reeled off immediately, but if placed in the jars they

        must be put into warm water to dissolve the glue before the

        floss can be unwound.

        ‘ Julien, Culturer des Muriers, 1837 ; Pauthier, Chine Moderne, p. 21; Hedde, Cat(tlo(pu’ (JcH Prodvits Serigenes, 1848, pp. 100-287; Chinese Fepos/ton/, Vol.XVIII,, pp. :K)8-;314 ; Commercial Guide, 5th Ed., p. 136 ; Mailla, Ilistoire de la Chine, Tome I., p. 24 ; Biot, Tcheon-li, passim, 1851.

        REARING AND TltKATMENT OF SILK- WORMS. 85

        The commission sent from France to China in 1844 to make inquiries into its industries consisted of skilled men, and their reports embody a great amount of details nowhere else to be found. The digested catalogue of the exhibits of M. Iledde at St. Etienne in 1848 contains four hundred and fifty-three articles relating to silk and mulberry alone. The amount of silk goods exported has never regained its value previous to 1854, in consequence of the destruction of skilled workmen and manufactories during the Tai-ping rebellion, and raw silk still forms the bulk of the export. The finest silk comes from Chehkiang province, and is known as tsatli,, tay-saam, and yuenhwa in commerce ; the centre of the culture is at Ilii-chau, a prefecture in the northwest of that province. The mulberry grows everywhere, and none of the provinces are without some silk, but Kwangtung, Sz’chuen, and Chehkiang furnish the best and most.

        Great attention is paid in Shantung, Sz’chuen, and Kweichau

        to collecting wild silk from the cocoons of worms which

        feed on the ailantus, oak, and xanthoxylum. The insect is the

        Attacus ei/nthia, and its food the tender leaves of the ailantus

        and Quercus mongholica in Shantung, where great quantities of

        durable silk is woven. It is not so lustrous as that produced by

        the bombyx-worm, which feeds on the mulberry leaf, and comparatively

        little is exported. The proportion of manufactured

        silks sent abroad is less now than it was fifty years ago, but the

        home consumption is so enormous that an annual export to

        the value of nearly ninety millions of dollars has little effect

        on the prices. In 1854 the price of the best raw silk was

        about $330 a bale, and the expoi-t over fifty-one thousand bales ;

        in 1860, the sanie sort was $550, and the export nearly eighty

        thousand bales ; this increase in price was owing chiefly to disease

        in the trees in Europe, though the ravages of war in both

        Chehkiang and Kwangtung had destroyed much property in

        this branch.

        The loom in China is worked by two hands, one of whom sits on the top of the frame, where he pulls the treadles and assists in changing the various parts of the machine. The workmen imitate almost any pattern, excelling particularly in crapes, and flowered satins and damasks for oflficial dresses.

        The common people wear pongee and senshaw, which they frequently dye in gambler to a dust or black color ; these fabrics

        constitute most durable garments. Many of the delicate silk

        tissues known in Europe are not manufactured by the Chinese,

        most of their fabrics being heavy. The lo, or law, is a beautiful

        article like grenadine and seldom sent abroad ; it is used

        for summer robes, muscpiito curtains, festoons, and other purposes.

        The English words .satin, .senshaw, and sill’ are probably

        derived from the Chinese terms sz’-twan, sien-sha, and sz\

        intermediately through other languages.

        The skill of the Chinese in embroidery is well known, and

        the demand for such work to adorn the dresses of officers

        and ladies of every rank, for ornamenting purses, shoes, caps,

        fans, and other appendages of the dress of both sexes, and in

        working shawls, table covers, etc., for exportation, furnishes

        employment to myriads of men and women. The fj’ame is

        placed on pivots and the pattern marked out upon the plain

        surface. There are many styles, with thread, braid, or floss,

        and an infinite variety in the quality, pattern, and beauty of the

        work ; it is the art of Chinese women, and every young lady is

        expected to know how to do it. (3n fire screens the design appears

        the same on both sides, the ends of the threads being

        neatly concealed. This mode of embroidery seems also to have

        been known among the Hebrews, from the expression in Deborah’s

        song (Judges V. 30), “Of divers colors of needle-work

        on both sides,” which Sisera’s mother vainly looked for him to

        bring home as spoil for her. Books are prepared for emljroiderers

        containing patterns for their imitation or combination.

        The silk used is of the finest kind and colqr, gold and silver

        thread being introduced to impart a lusti’e to the figures on

        caps, purses, and shoes. Tassels and twisted cords for sedans

        or lanterns, knobs or buttons worn on the winter caps, and elegant

        fan and pipe-cases, purses or fobs, constitute only a few

        of the products of their needles. Spangles are made from

        brass leaves by cutting out a small ring by means of a doubleedged

        stamp, which at one drive detaches from the sheet a

        wheel-shaped circle ; these are flattened by a single stroke of

        the hammer upon an anvil, leaving a minute hole in the centre.

        Another way of making them is to bend a copper wire into a

        circle and flatten it. Their own needles are very slender, and

        are rapidl}’ giving way to the foreign article ; in sewing the

        tailor holds it between the forefinger and thumb, pressing

        against the thimble on the thumb as he pushes it into the cloth.

        Our ascertaining the date of the introdnctioii of cotton as a

        textile plant into China depends very nmch on the meaning of

        certain words rendered eofton. by some amiotators in the Slia

        King. The weight of proof is, however, strongly adverse to

        this view ; but a historical notice dated about a.d. 500 plainly

        COTTON-GROWING AND MANUFACTURE. 37

        refers to cotton robes ; in a.d. G70 it was called by a foreign

        name kih-pei, a contracted foi”m of the Sanscrit name harjya-n.

        The present name of nuen-hwa^ or ‘ cotton Hower,’ was naturally

        given to it from the resemblance of its seed envelope to

        the silky covering of the seeds of the muh-iriien shu^ or tree

        cotton {Boniba.i’), common in Southern China. It was, however,

        one thing to admire cotton cloth brought as tribute, and

        quite another to introduce cotton-growing into China, which

        does not seem to have been attempted until the Sung dynasty.

        Early in the eleventh century the plant was brought over and

        cultivated in the northwestern provinces by persons from

        Khoten, where it M’as grown. If this tardy adoption seems

        difficult to explain, the still slower introduction of silk-growing

        (in A.D. 550) into Asia Minor from Cliina, twelve centuries

        after her fabrics had been seen there, is more surprising. The

        opposition to cotton cultivation on the part of silk and hemp

        growers was so persistent that the plant had not fairly won its

        way into favor until the Yuen dynasty ; and this was owing to

        a public-spirited woman, Lady Hwang, who distributed seeds

        throughout Kiangnan, now the great cotton region.

        The duvable cotton cloth made in the central provinces, called nankeen by foreigners, because Kanking is famous for its manufacture, is the chief produce of Chinese looms. It is now seldom sent out of the country, and the natives are even taking to the foreign fabric in its stead. Cotton seed in that part of China is sown early in June, about eighty pounds to an acre ; in a good year the produce is about two thousand pounds, diminishing to one-half in poor seasons. It is manured with liquid bean-cake, often hoed, and the bolls gathered in October, usually by each family in its own plot. The seeds are separated by passing the pods between an iron and wooden roller on a frame, which presses out the seeds and does not break them. The cleaned cotton is then bowed ready for spinning,

        and the cloth is woven in sinq^le looms by the people who are

        to wear it after it is dyed blue. The looms used in weaving

        cotton vary from twelve to sixteen inches in M’idth ; they are simple

        in their construction ; no figures are woven in cotton fabrics,

        nor have the Chinese learned to print them as chintz or calico. Whether the varied articles from the west now brought into close competition with this primitive Chinese manufacture will finally captivate the consumer’s choice, and neutralize its production, depends chiefly on what can be substituted therefor. At present, such is the extent of the native crop that prices would not probably advance ten per cent, if the whole foreign importation of raw and manufactured cotton should suddenly stop. The only attempt to estimate the product has been in Kiangnan, at The Cobbler and his Movable Workshop.

        twenty-eight thousand five hundred tons, a figure below rather

        than above the truth.”

        Leather is used to protect the felt soles of shoes and make saddles, bridles, quivers, harness, etc., but the entire consumption is small, and the leather extremely poor. Buffalo and horse-hides are tanned for sole leather, and calf-skin for upper leather to supply shoes for foreigners at the ports. Alum, saltpetre, gandjicr, and urine are the tanning materials employed, and the rapid manner in which the process is completed renders the leather both porous and tender.

        ‘ Journal N. G. Dr. li. A. 8. (1859); Ghinese Repository, XVIII., pp. 449-469; N. Rondot, Counnnre de In Oliiiie, 1849, p. 72; Fortune, WanderiiKja,Chap. XIV. (18.47) ; Grosier, Ilidolrc dc la Chine, Toiiiu 111., pp. 193-204.

        LKATIIEK AND WOOLLEN FABRICS. 39

        Cobblers go about the streets plying their trade, provided with a few bits of nankeen, silk, and yellowish sole leather with which to patch their customers’ shoes. It is no small convenience to a man, as he passes along the street, to give his old shoe to a cobbler and his ragged jacket to a seamstress, while he calls the barber to shave him as he waits for them ; and such a trio at work for a man is not an unconnnon sight.

        The chief woollen fabrics produced are felts of different qualities

        and rngs or carpets woven from coarse camel’s-hair yarn.

        Tanned sheep-skins furnish the laboring poor in the northern

        provinces with clothing, and elsewhere felt supplies them with

        material for shoes, hats, and carpets. The fulling process is

        not very thoroughly done, and the fabric soon disintegrates

        unless protected by matting or cotton. The consumption of the

        good qualities for hats is large among out-door workmen, who

        prefer the doubled kind made in the shape of a hollow cycloid,

        so that it can be turned inside out. Camel’s-hair rugs supply

        a durable and cheap covering for the brick divans and tiled

        floors in the colder districts, but the thick soles of Chinese shoes

        obviate the need of additional protection to the feet. Some of

        these rugs are fine specimens of art in their arrangement of patterns

        and figures in colored woollen yarns, though far inferior

        to the Persian. Pretty rugs are also made of dog, deer, and foxskins

        sewed together in a kind of mosaic. Knitting and ornamental

        works in wool are unknown, since the far more elegant

        and durable embroidery in silk takes the place of these as fancy

        work amoneo; dames of hioC*-h and low deiOiiee.

        The subject of tea culture and the preparation of its leaf

        have engaged the attention of writers among the Chinese and

        Japanese ; while its effects on the human system as a beverage

        have been discussed most carefully by eminent western chemists

        and pathologists. Its virtue in restoring the energies of the

        body and furnishing a drink of the gentlest and most salubrious

        nature has been fully tested in its native land for many centuries,

        and is rapidly becoming known the world over. The

        following are some of the leading facts relating to the plant and

        the preparation and nature of the leaf, derived from pei’sonal

        observation in the country or from the writings of competent

        observers.

        Tea does not grow in the northern provinces of China and Japan ; its range lies between the twenty-third and thirty-fifth degrees of latitude, and reaching in longitude from Yedo to Assam. No accounts have come to us of the tea shrub being cultivated for its infusion till a.d. 350. The people in different

        parts of China gave different names to the successive pickings

        of the leaves, which have now become disused. Our word tea

        is derived from the common sound of the character for the

        pla!it at the city of Anioy, where it is tay ; at Canton and Peking

        it is clta, at Shanghai dzo, at Fuhchau ta. The Russians and

        Portuguese have retained the word cha, the Spanish is te or tay,

        and the Italians have both te and cha. Tea is so nearly akin to

        the various species of camellia that the Chinese have only one

        name for alL The principal difference to the common observer

        is in the thin leaf of the tea and the leathery glabrous leaf of

        the beautiful Camellia Japonica. When allowed to grow they

        both become high trees. The tea flower is small, single, and

        y white, has no smell, and soon falls; its petals are less erect than

        the camellia. The seeds are three small nuts, like filberts in

        color, enclosed in a triangular shell which splits open when ripe,

        with valves between the seeds. Its taste is oily and bitter. Two

        species of camellia are cultivated for their oily seeds, the oil

        being known as tea-oil among the natives ; it is used for lamps

        and cooking. There is probably only one species of the tea

        plant, and all the varieties have resulted from culture ; but the

        Thea vh’idls is most cultivated. The nuts are ripe in October.

        They are put in a mixture of sand and earth, dampened to keep

        them fresh till spring ; they generate heat and spoil if not thus

        separated. In March they are sown in a nursery, and the

        thrifty shoots transplanted the next year in rows about four feet

        apart. Leaves are collected when the plant is three years old,

        and this process is continued annually to a greater or less extent,

        according to the demand and strength, until the whole

        bush becomes so weak and diseased that it is j)ulled up for firewood

        to give place to a new shoot. On the average this is about

        the eighth year. The plants seldom exceed three feet; most

        of them ai’C half that height, straggling and full of twigs, often

        covered with lichens, but well hoed and clean around their roots.

        TEA CULTURE. 4J

        All tea plantations are merely patches of the shrnbs cared for by small fanners, who cultivate the plants and sell the leaves to middle-men, or more often pick the crop themselves if they can afford to do so. The great plantation or farm, with its landlord and the needy laborer, each class trying to get as nmch as possible out of the other, are unknown in China ; the farmer has not there learned to employ skill, machinery, and capital all for his own advantage, but each farmstead is worked by the family, who rather emulate each other in the reputation of their tea. Tea is cultivated on the slopes or bases of hills, where the drainage is quick and the moisture unfailing. This

        is of more consequence than the ingredients of the soil, but

        plants so continually depauperated and stripped require rich

        manure to supply their waste. In Japan the tea shrubs are

        sometimes grown as a hedge around a garden lot, but such

        plants are not stripped in this way. In gathering the earliest

        leaves, the pickers are careful to leave enough foliage at the end

        of the twigs ; and the spring rains are depended on to stimulate

        the second and full crop of leaves. When these are scant or

        fail the tea harvest diminishes, and the regularity of the rains

        is so essential to a profitable cultivation that it will be one of

        the causes of failure whei-e everything else in soil, climate, manuring,

        and manufacture may be favorable.

        The first gathering is the most carefully done, for it goes to make the best sorts of black and green tea ; and as the greatest part of the leaves are still undeveloped, the price must necessarily be very much higher. Such tea has a whitish down, like that on young birch leaves, and is called ijecoe, or ‘ white hair,’ and is most of it sent to England and Russia. In the last century, the green tea known as Young Ilyson was made of these

        half-opened leaves picked in April and named from two words

        meaning ‘ rains before.’ The second gathering varies somewhat

        according to the latitude—May 15th to June, when the foliage

        is fullest. This season is looked forward to by women and

        children in the tea districts as their working time ; they run in

        crowds to the middle-men, who have bargained for the leaves on

        the plants, or apply to farmers who have not hands. The average

        produce is from sixteen to twenty-two ounces of green leaves for the healthiest plants, down to ten and eight ounces. The tea when cured is about one-fifth of its first weight, and one thousand square yards will contain about three hundred and fifty plants, each two feet across. They strip the twigs in the most summary manner, and fill their baskets with healthy leaves as they pick out the sticks and yellow leaves, for they are paid

        in this manner. Fifteen pounds is a good day’s work, and six to

        eight cents is a day’s wages. The time for picking lasts only

        ten or twelve days. There are curing houses, where families

        who grow and pick their own leaves bring them for sale at the

        market rate. The sorting emploj’S many hands, for it is an important

        point in connection with the purity of the various descriptions,

        and much care is taken by dealers, in maintaining the

        quality of their lots, to have them cured carefully as well as

        sorted properly.

        The management of this great branch of industry exhibits some of the best features of Chinese country life. It is only over a portion of each farm that the plant is grown, and its cultivation requires but little attention compared with rice and vegetables. The most delicate kinds are looked after and cnred by priests in their secluded temples among the hills; these often have many acolytes who aid in preparing small lots to be sold at a high price.

        When the leaves are brought in to the curers they are thinly spread on shallow trays to dry off all moisture by two or three hours’ exposure. Meanwhile the roasting pans are heating, and W’hen properly warmed some handfuls of leaves are thrown on them, and rapidly moved and shaken up for four or five minutes.

        The leaves make a slight crackling noise, become moist and flaccid as the juice is expelled, and give off even a sensible vapor. The whole is then poured out upon the rolling table, where each workman takes up a handful and makes it into a manageable ball, which he rolls back and forth on the rattan table to get rid of the sap and moisture as the leaves are twisted. This operation chafes the hands even with great precaution.

        THE MANUFACTUKE OF TEA. 43

        The balls are opened and shaken out and then passed on to other workmen, who go through the same operation till they reach the headnum, who examines the leaves to see if they have become curled. When properly done, and cooled, they are returned to the iron pans, under which a low cliarcoal fire is burning in the brickwork which supports them, and there kept in motion by the hand. If they need another rolling on the table it is now given them ; an hour or more is spent in this manipung Tea.

        lation, when they are dried to a dull green color, and can be

        put away for sifting and sorting. This color becomes brighter

        after the exposure in sifting the cured leaves through sieves of

        various sizes ; they are also winnowed to separate the dust,

        and afterward sorted into the various descriptions of green tea.

        Finally, the finer kinds are again fired three or four times, and the coarse kinds, as Twankay, Hyson, and Hj’son Skin, once. The others furnish the Young Hyson, Gunpowder, Imperial, etc. Tea cured in this way is called luh cha^ or ‘green tea,’ by the Chinese, while the other, or black tea, is termed hung cha, or ‘red tea,’ each name being taken from the tint of the infusion.

        After the fresh leaves are allowed to lie exposed to the air

        on the bamboo trays over night or several hours, they are

        thrown into the air and tossed about and patted till they become

        soft ; a heap is made of these wilted leaves and left to

        lie for an hour or more, when they have become moist and

        dark in color. They are then thrown on the hot pans for

        five minutes and rolled on the i-attan table, previous to exposure

        out-of-doors for three or four hours on sieves, during which

        time they are turned over and opened out. After this they get

        a second roasting and rolling to give them their final curl. When

        the charcoal fire is ready, a basket shaped something like an

        hour-glass is placed endwise over it, having a sieve in the

        middle on which the leaves are thinly spread. AYlien dried

        five minutes in this way they undergo another rolling, and are

        then thrown into a heap, nntil all the lot has passed over the

        fire. When this firing is finished, the leaves are opened out

        and are again tliinly spread on the sieve in the basket for a few

        minutes, which finishes the drying and rolling for most of the

        heap, and nuxkes the leaves a uniform black. They are now

        replaced in the basket in greater mass, and pushed against its

        sides by the hands in order to allow the heat to come up

        through the sieve and the vapor to escape ; a basket over all

        retains the heat, but the contents are turned over until perfectly

        dry and the leaves become uniformly dark.

        GREEN AND BLACK TEAS. 45

        It will be seen frojn this that green tea retains far more of the peculiar oil and sap in tlie leaves than the black, which undergo a partial fermentation and emit a sensibly warm vapor as they lie in heaps after the first roasting. They thus become oxidized by longer contact in a warm moist state with the atmosphere, and a delicate analysis will detect lants, as hemlock, belladonna, etc., for the

        apothecary’s shop.

        Green teas are mostly produced in the region south of the

        Yangtsz’ River and west of Kingpo among the hills as one goes

        toward the Poyang Lake in Chehkiang and Xganhwui. The

        black tea comes from Fuhkien in the southeast and llupeh and

        Hunan in the central region ; Kwangtung and Sz’chuen provinces

        produce black, green, and brick teas. While the leaves of each

        species of the shrub can be cured into either green or black tea,

        the workmen in one district are able, by practice, to produce

        one kind in a superior style and quality ; those in another region

        will do better with another kind. Soil, too, has a great influence,

        as it has in grape culture, in modifying the produce. Though

        the natives distinguish onl}^ these three kinds, their varieties are

        far too numerous to remember, and the names are mostly unknown

        in commerce.

        Of black teas, the great mass is called Congou^ or the ‘ wellworked,’

        a name which took the place of the Bohea of one hundred

        and fifty years ago, and is now itself giving way to the term

        English Breakfast tea. The finest sorts are either named from

        the place of their growth, or jnore frequently have fancy appellations

        in allusion to their color or form. Orange Pekoe is

        named ” superior perfume ;” pure Pekoe is ” Lau-tsz’ eyebrows ;”

        “carnation hair,” “red plum blossom,”” “lotus kernel,” “sparrow’s

        tongue,” ” dragon’s pellet,” ” dragon’s whiskei-s,” ” autumn

        dew,” ” pearl flower,” or Chilian, are other names ; Souchong

        and Pouidiong refer to the modes of packing.

        In the trade, teas are more commonly classified by their locality

        than their names, as it is found that well-marked differences in

        the style of the produce continue year after year, all ecpially

        well-cured tea. These arise from diversities in soil, climate,

        age, and manufacturing, and furnish materials for still further

        nuiltiplying the sorts by skilfully mixing them. Thus in black

        teas we have Ilunan and llupeh from two provinces, just as

        Georgia uplands and Sea Island indicate two sorts of cotton ;

        Ningyong, Kai-sau, Ho-hau, Sing-chune-ki, etc., and many

        others, which are unknown out of Ohina, are all names of places.

        One gentleman has given a list of localities, each furnishing its quota and peculiar product, amounting in all to forty-five for black and nine for green. The area of these regions is about four hundred and seventy thousand square miles.

        It will have been seen already that the color of green tea, as

        well as its quality, depends very much on rapid and expert drying.

        When this kind is intended for home consumption soon

        after it is made, the color is of little consequence ; but when the

        hue influences the sale, then it is not to be overlooked by the

        manufactui’er or the broker. The first tea brought to Europe

        was from Fuhkien and all black ; but as the trade extended probably

        some of the delicate Hyson sorts were now and then seen

        at Canton, and their appearance in England and Holland appreciated

        as more and more was sent. It was found, however,

        to be very difficult to maintain a uniform tint. If cured too

        slightly, the leaf was liable to fermentation during the voyage ;

        if cured too much, it was unmarketable, which for the manufacturer

        was worse yet. Chinese ingenuity was equal to the call.

        Though no patent office was at hand to register the date when

        coloring green tea commenced, it is probably more than one

        hundred j-ears since. The three hundred and forty-two chests and

        half chests wdiich were so summarily opened on board the Dartmouth,

        the Eleanor, and the Beavei”, when their contents were

        thrown overboard in Boston harbor, on December 16, 1773,

        furnishes probably no index of the consumption of tea in New

        England at that time. It was all called Bohea by John Adams,

        who speaks of three cargoes, as if the vessels had nothing

        else of note in their holds.

        Dr. Holmes, in his ballad on the Boston Tea Party at its

        centennial celebration, says in the last verse:
        The waters in the rebel bay
        Have kept the tea-leaf savor—
        Our old North Enders in their spray
        Still taste a Hyson flavor ;
        And Freedom’s teacup still o’erflows
        With ever fresh libations,
        To cheat of slumber all her foes
        And cheer the wakening nations.

        COLORING GREEN TEAS, 47

        It has been noticed that emigrants to Au^^tralia, who had seldom tasted green tea before leaving England, usually prefer it in their new homes, as new settlers do in tins country. The prevailing notion that green tea is cured on copper arose, no doubt, from the conclusion that real verdigris was the only source of a verdigris color, and the astringent taste confirmed the wrong idea. A more difficult question to answer is the inquiry, Why is it still believed ?

        The operation of giving green tea its color is a simple one.

        A quantity of Prussian blue is pulverized to a very fine powder,

        and kept ready at the last roasting. Pure gypsum is

        burned in the charcoal fire till it is soft and fit foi easily triturating.

        Four parts are then thoroughly mixed with three parts

        of Prussian blue, making a light blue powder. About five

        minutes before finally taking off the dried leaves this powder

        is sprinkled on them, and instantly the whole panful of two or

        three pounds is turned over by the workman’s hands till a

        uniform color is obtained, llis hands come out quite blue, but

        the compound gives the green leaves a brighter green hue. The

        quantity is not great, say about half a pound in a hundred of

        tea ; and as gypsum is not a dangerous or irritating substance,,

        being constantly. eaten by the Chinese, the other ingredient remains

        in an almost infinitesimal degree. If foreigners preferred

        yellow teas no doubt they coiild be favored, for the Chinese

        are much perplexed to account for this strange predilection, as

        they never drink this colored or faced tea. Turmeric root has

        been detected, too, in a very few analj’ses, but probably these

        were lots that needed to be refined at Canton to cover up mildew

        or supply a demand. The reasons for not drinking this

        tea are, however, owing more to the nature than the color of

        the leaf. The kinds of green tea are fewer than the black, and

        the regions producing it are less in area. Gunpowder and Imperial

        are foreign-made terms ; the teas are known as siau elm

        and ta chu by native dealers. The first is rolled to resemble shot

        or coarse gunpowder; the other is named “sore crab’s eyes,”

        “sesamura seeds,” and “pearls.” Ilyson is a corruption of yutsieny

        ‘ before the rains,’ and of Ili-chun, meaning ‘ flourishing

        spring.’ The last is alleged to be the name of a maiden who suggested

        to her father as long ago as 1700, or thereabouts, a better

        mode of sorting tea, and his business increased so much as his fine Hyson became known that he gave it her name. Members of this same family are still engaged in making this same tea, and the chop, known as the Ut Yih-hing, or ‘ Li’s Extra Perfume,’ is now in market, and has maintained its reputation for nearly two hundred years. Oolong is obtained in Fuhkien—a black tea

        with a green tea flavor, named Black Dragon from a story

        tliat Su was struck with the fragrance of the leaf from a plant

        Mdiere a black snake was found coiled. The great mart for

        green tea is Twankay, in Chehkiang province.

        A chop is a well-known term in the tea trade ; it is derived

        from the Chinese word ehoj), or ‘ stamp’, such as an ofiicial uses,

        and in the tea trade denotes a certain number of packages from

        the same place, and all of the same quality. In the course of years

        the uniform excellence of a certain chop, like that of a certain

        vineyard, gives it a marketable value. A laAvsuit arose in 1873

        between two American houses at Canton in regard to the right to

        a certain chop of tea, among two brokers, each of whom claimed

        to sell the genuine lot. Such chops range from fifty to one thousand

        two hundred chests, averaging six hundred. English teatasters

        have learned that an admixture of scented teas in common

        sorts of Congou adds much to the flavor and sale. This is

        not often done for native-drank tea, and is chiefly practised at

        Canton. The flowers used are roses, Olea fragrans, tuberose,

        orange, jasmine, gardenia, and azalea. The stems, calyx, and

        other parts are carefully sorted out, so that only the petals remain.

        When the tea is ready for packing, dry and warm, tlie

        fresh flowers are mixed with it (forty pounds to one liundred

        pounds for the orange), and left thus in a mass for twenty-four

        hours ; it is then sifted and winnowed in a fanning mill till

        the petals are separated. If the odor is insuflicient, the operation

        may be repeated with the jasmine or orange. The proportion

        of jasmine is a little more than orange ; of the azalea,

        nearly half and half. The length of time required to obtain

        the proper smell from these flowei-s difi’ers, and among them all

        tea scented with the azalea is said to keep its perfume the longest.

        The mode of scenting tea diifei-s somewhat according to the

        flower itself, for the small blossom of the Qloa cannot be

        separated by sifting as rose or jasmine leaves can. Tea thus

        SCENTED AND ADULTERATED TEAS. 49

        perfumed is sent to England as Orange Pekoe and Scented Caper.

        It is mixed witli fiiu; teas ; and there is much to commend

        in thus increasing tlie aroma and taste of this healthy beverage.

        The Scented Caper comes in the form of round pellets, which

        are made of black tea softened by sprinkling water on it until

        it is pliable ; it is then tied in canvas bags and rolled with the

        feet by treading on it for a good while till most of the quantity

        takes this form ; as soon as perfumed it is packed for shipment.

        When rolled and dried, such tea needs only a facing to make it

        into Impei-ial and Gunpowder among the green teas.

        The Chinese have been charo;ed with adulteratino; their tea

        by mixing in other leaves with the true tea-leaf, and adding

        other ingredients far vvoi-se than rose, jujube, and fern leaves,

        and the cases which have been proved of lie-tea being sent off

        have been applied to the entire export. The stimulus for some

        of this adulteration has come from the foreigner, who desires

        to get good pure tea at half its cost of manufacture. The foregoing

        details will plainly show that an article which has to go

        through so many hands before its infusion is poured out of the

        teapot on the other side of the world, and where the only machinery

        used is a fanning mill and a roasting pan, cannot be furnished

        at much under twenty-five cents a pound for the common

        sorts. The villanous mixture known at Shanghai as ma-hi cha^

        or ‘ race-course tea,’ was the answer on the part of the native

        manufacturer to the demand for cheap tea, mitil the consumers

        in Great Britain protested at the deception put on them, and

        its importation was prohibited. Which of the parties was most

        blameworthy may be left for them to settle, but in our own

        papers, of course, most of the blame rested on the tempted party.

        It is not to be inferred, however, that all cheap tea is adulterated.

        The process of manufacture leaves a large percentage of broken

        material, which can be worked into passable tea ; the produce

        of many regions has not the flavor of the finest sorts, and, as it

        is with wines, will not bear so much cost in curing. The tea

        brokers know this, and things equalize themselves. The dust,

        the leaf ribs, and the siftings are all consumed by the poor natives,

        who mix other leaves, too, with the real leaf. Tea can perhaps bear comparison with any other great staple of food in this respect ; and when we can fairly estimate the consumption of tea sent out of China and Japan at more than three hundred millions of pounds, it must be conceded that it is a very pure article—not as much, probably, as even five per cent, of false leaf.

        One mode of using tea known among Tibetans and Mongols

        remains to be noticed. The rich province of Sz’chuen, in the

        w-estern part of China, furnishes an abundance of good tea’; much

        of which is exported to Ilussia by way of Si-ngan fu and Kansuh,

        to supply the inhabitants of Siberia. This brick tea is cured

        by pressing the damp leaves into the form of a brick or tile,

        varj’ing in size and weight, eight to twelve inches long and one

        thick ; in this form it is far more easily carried than in the leaf.

        In Tibet, as we have seen, it appears more as a soup than an infusion.

        The brick tea is composed of coarse leaves, or of stalks moistened

        by steaming over boiling water, and then pressed till dry

        and hard. When used, a piece is broken off and simmered with

        milk and butter and water, with a touch of vinegar or pepper.

        The dish is not inviting at first, but Abbe Hue endorses its

        refreshing qualities in restoring the failing energies. The pressing

        and drying is assisted by sprinkling the mass with ricewater

        as it is forced into the moulds. The Chinese mix other

        leaves with real tea to eke it out, in districts where it is not

        commonly grown, but they do not regard this as adulteration.

        Willow leaves are common in such mixtures. Large caravans

        cross the plateau laden with brick tea.

        Packing tea is mostly done in the interior, where it is cured.

        The large dry leaves frequently found inside are usually furnished

        by a peculiar species of bamboo ; the lead is made into

        thin sheets by pouring the melted metal on to a large square

        brick, covered with several thicknesses of paper, and letting

        another brick drop down instantly on it. In order to test the

        honesty of the packing, the foreign merchant often walks over

        the three hundred to six hundred chests which make a chop,

        and selects any foui* or five he may choose for examination. If

        they stand the inspection the whole is taken on their guaranty,

        and are then -weighed, papered, labelled, and mottoed ready for

        shipping. In all these matters the Chinese are very expert. It

        INTRODUCTION OF TEA INTO EUROPE. 61

        is impossible to calculate the number of persons to whom the

        tea trade furnishes employment ; nor could machinery well

        come into use to displace human labor.

        The introduction of tea among western nations was slow at

        first. Marco Polo has no notice of its use. The Dutch brought

        it to Europe in 1591 according to some accounts ; but a sample

        or two did not make a trade, and there would have been reference

        to it if it had been used. In 1G60 Samuel Pepys writes,

        September 28th : “I did send for a cup of tea (a China drink),

        of which I had never drank before.” Nearly seven ^-ears after

        he says : ” Home, and thei-e find my wife making of tea, a drink

        which Mr. Pellin, the pothicai-y, tells her is good for her cold

        and defluxions.” In 1670 the importation into England was 79

        pounds ; in 1685 it was 12,070 pounds ; most of it came from

        Batavia and sold for a long time between £10 and £5 a pound

        weight. In 1657 Mr. Garney opened a shop in London to sell

        the infusion, and paid an excise of 8d. per gallon ; the present

        duty is 2s. Id. per pound, or 4^ pounds to each person in a year,

        nearly all of which, as it is in Europe and elsewhere, is black

        tea. In 1725 only 375,000 pounds were consumed in Great

        Britain. The actual quantity now in the United Kingdom is

        126,000,000 pounds, besides much on the way. The importation

        into the United States is worth $18,000,000 to $19,000,000,

        say 60,000,000 pounds. Russia takes more good tea than any

        other nation and pays more for it, because the former overland

        trade to Siberia could not afford to transport pooi- tea. The export

        from Assam is now 20,000,000 pounds, but those sorts are

        too strong for the public taste when used alone, and are consumed

        in mixtures. Tea is a native of Assam, but its discovery

        only dates from 1836 or thereabouts. It is cultivated in Java

        and Brazil, but there is not much to encoui’age the manufacturer

        in any country where coffee supplies a similar beverage,

        and the price of labor makes it equal to the imported article.

        The remarkable work on agriculture of Paul Sii, a convert to

        Christianity in 1620, contains a brief account and directions for

        cultivating tea. In concluding the chapter he urges the greater

        use of tea as against spirits. ” Tea is of a cooling nature, and if

        drunk too freely will produce exhaustion and lassitude. Country people before drinking it add ginger and salt to eoiniteract this cooling property. It is an exceedingly useful plant ; cultivate it and the benefit will be widely spread ; drink it and the animal spirits will be lively and clean. The chief rulers, lords, and

        great men esteem it ; the lower people, the poor and beggarly,

        will not be destitute of it ; all use it daily and like it.”

        The chemical analyses which have made known to us the

        components of the four or five substances used as warm beverages,

        viz., tea, coffee, mate, cocoa, guarana, and kola, indicate

        three constituents found in them, to which, no doubt, their virtues

        are owing.

        A volatile oil is observed when tea is distilled with water; about one pound conies from one hundred pounds of dried tea, possessing its peculiar aroma and flavor to a high degree. Much of it is pressed from the leaves when rolled and cured, but little as still remains, its effects upon the human system are noticeable

        and sometimes powerful. Tea-tasters who continually taste the

        rpiality of the various lots submitted by sample for their approval,

        do so by breathing upon a handful of leaves and instantly

        covering the nose, so as to get this volatile aroma as one important

        test. They also examine the infusion in several diffei’ent

        ways, by its taste, color, and strength. Long practice in this

        business is alleged to have deleterious influence upon their nervous

        systems. The other beverages we drink, as well as tea,

        derive their peculiar and esteemed flavor and aroma from

        chemical substances produced in them during the process of

        drying and roasting; at least nothing of them can be perceived

        in their natural state. Another substance in tea regarded as

        the chief inducement and reward in its effect on the system is

        the peculiar pi’inciple called theine. If a few finely powdered

        leaves are placed on a watch-glass, covered with a paper cap

        and placed on a hot plate, a white vapor slowly rises and

        condenses in the cap in the form of colorless crystals. They

        exist in different proportions in the different kinds of tea, from

        one and one-half to five or six per cent, in green tea. Theine

        lias no smell and a slightly bitter taste, and does not therefore

        attract us to drink the infusion ; but the chemists tell us that

        it contains nearly thirty per cent, of nitrogen. The salts in

        CONSTITUENTS AM) EFFECTS OF TEA. 53

        other beverages, as coffee and cocoa, likewise contain nnicli nitrogen,

        and all tend to repair the waste going on in the human

        system, reduce the amount of solid food necessary, diminish too

        the wear and tear of the body and consequent lassitude of the

        mind, and maintain the vigor of both upon a smaller amount

        of food. Tea does this more pleasantly, perhaps, than any of

        the others ; but it does more than they do for old people in

        supplementing the impaired powers of digestion, and helping

        them to maintain their flesh and uphold the system in health

        longer than they otherwise would. It is no wonder, therefore,

        that tea has become one of the necessaries of life ; and the

        sexagenarian invalid, too poor to buy a bit of meat for her

        meal, takes her pot of tea with M’liat she has, and knows that

        she feels lighter, happier, and better fitted for her toil, and enjoys

        life more than if she had no tea. Unconsciously she

        echoes what the Chinese said centuries ago, ” Drink it, and the

        animal spirits will be lively and clear.”

        The third substance (which is contained in tea more than in the

        other beverages mentioned) forms also an important ingredient

        in l)etel-nut and gaml)ier, so extensively chewed in Southern

        Asia, viz., tannin or tannic acid. This gives the astringent

        taste to tea-leaves and their infusion, and is found to amount

        to seventeen per cent, in well-dried l)lack tea, and much more

        than that in green tea, especially the Japan leaf. The effects

        of taimin are not clearly ascertained as apart from the oil

        and the tlieine, but Johnston considei-s them as conducing

        to the exhilarating, satisfying, and narcotic action of the beverage.

        A remaining ingredient worthy of notice in tea, in common

        with other food-plants, is gluten. This fornjs one-fourth of the

        weight of the leaves, but in oi’der to derive the greatest good

        from it which proper methods of cooking might bring out, we

        must contrive a mode (»f eating the leaves. The nutritious

        property of the gluten accounts for the general use of brick tea

        throughout the Asiatic plateau. Hue says he drank the dish

        in default of something better, for he was unaccustomed to

        it, but his cameleers would often take twenty to forty cups

        a day.

        If the sanitary effects of tea upon the system are so great and

        wholesome, its inliuence since its general introduction among

        occidentals cannot be overlooked. The domestic, quiet life and

        habits of the Chinese owe much of their strength to the constant

        use of this beverage, for the weak infusion which they sip

        allows them to spend all the time they choose at the tea-table.

        If they were in the habit of sipping even their weak whiskey

        in the same way, misery, poverty, quarrels, and sickness would

        take the place of thrift, quiet, and industry. The general temperance

        seen among them is owing to the tea nmch more than any

        other cause. It has, moreover, won its way with us, till in the

        present generation the associations that cluster around the teatable

        form an integral part of the social life among Englishspeaking

        peoples. One of the most likely means to restrict the

        use of spirits among them is to substitute the use of warm

        beverages of all kinds by those whose s^-stem has not become

        vitiated. Tea is one of the greatest benefits to the Chinese,

        Japanese, and Mongols, and its universal use, for at least fifteen

        centuries, throughout their territories has proven its satisfaction

        as a nervine, a stimulant, and a beverage. If one passing

        through the streets of Peking, Canton, or Ohosaka, and seeing

        the good-natured hilarity of the groups of laborers and loiterers

        around the cha-hwan and the cha-ya of those cities, doubts

        the value of tea as a harmonizer and satisfier of hmnan wants

        and passions, it must be taken as a proof of his own unsatisfied

        cravings.

        It is a necessary of life to all classes of natives, and that its

        use is not injurious is abundant!}^ evident from its general acceptance

        and increasing adoption ; the pi-ejudice against the

        beverage out of China may be attributed chiefly to the use of

        strong green tea, which is no doubt prejudicial. If those who

        have given it up on this account will adopt a weaker infusion

        of black tea, general experience is proof that it will do them no

        harm, and they may be sure that they will not be so likely to

        be deceived by a colored article. iS’either the Chinese nor

        Japanese use milk or sugar in their tea, and the peculiar taste

        and aroma of the infusion is much better perceived without

        those additions. Tea, when clear, cannot be drunk so strong

        PREPARATION OF CASSIA AND CAMPHOR. 55

        without tasting an unpleasant bitterness, which tliese diluents

        partly hide.’

        Among other vegetable productions whose preparation affords

        employment are cassia and camphor. The cassia ti-ee

        {Cinnamomuvi cassia) grows connnonly in Ivwangsi, Yunnan,

        and further south ; the leading mart for all the varieties of this

        spice in China is Ping-nan, in the former of tliese provinces.

        The kind known as l”wei-jA, or ‘ skhiny cassia,’ affords the principal

        part of that spice nsed at the west. The bark is stripped

        from the twigs by running a knife along the branch and gradually

        loosening it ; after it is taken off it lies a day in the sun,

        when the epidermis is easily scraped off, and it is dried into the

        quilled shape in which it comes to market. The immatm-e

        flowers of this and two other species of Cinnamonnnn are

        also collected and dried nnder the name of cassia IjiuIk^ and often

        packed with the bark ; they re<|uire little or no other preparation

        than simple drying. The leaves and bark of the tree

        are also distilled, and furnish oil of cassia, a powerful and

        pleasant oil employed by perfumers and cooks. • Few genera of

        plants are more useful to man than those included under the

        old name of Laurus, to which these fragrant spices of cassia

        and cinnamon belong; their wood, bark, buds, seeds, flowers,

        leaves, and oil are all used by the Chinese in carpentry, medicine,

        perfumery, and cookery. The confusion arising from

        using the term cassia for the spice instead of confining it to the

        medicine {Cassia senna) has been a constant source of error.

        The camphor tree {Cam])1ioi’a ojjicinarum) is another species

        of Laurus, found along the southern maritime regions and Formosa,

        and affords both timber and gum for exportation and domestic

        use. The tree itself is large, and furnishes excellent

        planks, beams, and boards. The gum is procui’ed from the

        branches, roots, leaves, and chips by soaking them in water until

        the liquid becomes saturated ; a gentle heat is then applied

        to this solution, and the sublimed camphor received in inverted

        cones made of rice-straw, from which it is detached in impure

        ‘Fortune’s Tea DistricU (1852); Chinme Ticpositwy, Vol. VIII., pp. 182-164, Vol. XVIII., pp. 13-18; Davis’ ChiiicHC, Vol. II., pp. 336-449; Chineim Cominercial Guide (1863), pp. 141-148 ; Ball’s Tea Vulture and Manufacture.

        grains, resembling unrefined sugar in colore Grosier describes

        another mode of getting it by Taking out the coagulum inspissated

        from the solution into an iron dish and covering M’ith

        powdered earth ; two or three layers are thus placed in the dish,

        when a cover is luted on, and by a slow heat the camphor sublimes

        into it in a cake. It comes to market in a crude state,

        and is refined after reaching Europe. The preparation of the

        gum, sawing the timber for trunks, articles of furniture, and

        vessels in whole or in part, occupies great numbers of carpenters,

        Bhipwrights, and boat-buildci*s. The increasing demand for

        the gum and boards has caused the rapid destruction of so

        many trees in Formosa that there is some ground for fear lest

        they ere long be all cut off.

        Many of the common ni;uii])ulations of Chinese ^vorkmen afford

        good examples of their ingenious modes of attaining th©

        same end which is elsewhere reached by complex machinery.

        For instance, the l)aker places his fire on’ a large iron plate

        worked by a crane, and swings it over a shallow pan embedded

        in masonry, in* which the cakes and pastry are laid and

        soon baked. The price of fuel compels its economical use

        wherever it is em}>loyed ; in the forge, the kitchen, the kiln, or

        the dwelling, no waste of wood or coal is seen. As an instance

        in point, the mode of burning shells to lime affords a good example.

        A low wall encloses a space ten or twelve feet across,

        in the middle of which a hole connnunicates underneath the

        wall through a passage to the pit, where the fire is urged by a fan

        turned by the feet. The wood is loosely laid over tlie bottom

        of the area, and the fire kindled at the orifice in the centre and

        fanned into a blaze as the shells are rapidly thrown in until the

        wall is filled up ; in twelve hours the shells are calcined.

        Toward evening scores of villagers collect around the burning

        pile, bringing their kettles of rice or vegetables to cook. The

        good-humor manifested by these gi’oups of old and young is a

        pleasing instance of the sociability and equality witnessed

        among the lower classes of Chinese. The lime is taken out

        next morning and sifted for the mason.

        Handicraftsmen of every name are content with coarse-looking

        tools compared with those turned out at Sheflield, but the

        APPLIANCES OF CHINESK WORKMEN. 67

        work prodnced by some of tliem is far from conteiriptible.

        The bench of a carpenter is a low, narrow, inclined form, like a

        urawing-knife fi’ame, upon which he sits to plane, groove, and

        work his boards, using his feet and toes to steady them. His

        augurs, bits, and gimlets are worked with a bow, but most of

        the edge-tools employed by him and the blacksmith, though

        similar in shape, are less convenient than our own. They are

        sharpened with hones or grindstones, and also with a cold steel

        like a spoke-shave, with which the edge is scraped thin. The

        aptitude of Chinese workmen has often been noticed, and

        Travelling Blacksmith and Equipment.

        among tliem all the travelling blacksmith takes the palm for his

        compendious establishment. ” T saw- a blacksmith a few days

        since,” writes one observer, ” mending a pan, the arrangement

        of w’hose tools was singularly compact. His fire was held in an

        iron basin not unlike a coal-scuttle in shape, in the back corner

        of which the mouthpiece of the bellows entered. The anvil

        was a small scpiare mass of iron, not very unlike our own, placed

        on a block, and a partition basket close by held the charcoal

        and tools, with the old iron and other rubbish he carried. The

        water to temper his iron was in an earthen pot, which just at

        this time was most usefully employed iii boiling his dinner

        over the forge fire After he had done the job he took off his dinner, threw the water on the fire, picked out the coals and put

        them back into the basket, threw away the ashes, set the anvil

        astride of the bellows, and laying the tire-pan on the basket,

        slung tlie bellows on one end of his pole and the basket on the

        other, and walked off.” ‘ The mode of mending holes in castiron

        pans here noticed is a peculiar operation. The smith first

        files the lips of the hole clean, and after heating the dish firmly

        * C,

        I 11 111

        Itinerant Dish-nnender

        places it on a tile covered with wet felt. He then pours the

        liquid iron, fused in a crucible by the assistance of a flux, upon

        the hole, and immediately patters it down with a dossil of felt

        until it covers the edges of the pan above and below, and is

        then, while cooling, hannnered until firndy fixed in its ]>lace.

        Another ingenious and effectual method of mending porcelain

        and all manner of crockery ware is performed by itinerant

        workmen, who travel about with their workshop on their

        * Chinese Repository, Vol. X., j). 473.

        WOOD AND IVORY CARVING. 59

        shoulders, as seen in tlio cut. By means of minute copper

        clamps, even the most delicate article of China-ware may be repaired

        and made to answer the purpose of a new piece ; since

        no cement is used in this style of mending, it has the additional

        advantage of standing innnei’sioiv in water.

        The great number of craftsmen who ply their vocations in

        the street, as well as the more mmierous class of hucksters

        who supply food as they go from house to house, furnish mucli

        to annise and interest. Each of them has a peculiar call. The

        barber twangs a sort of tweezers like a long tuning-fork, the

        peddler twirls a hand-drum with clappers strung on each side,

        the refuse-buyer strikes a little gong, the fruiterer claps two bamboo

        sticks, and the fortune-teller tinkles a gong-bell ; these, with

        the varied calls and cries of beggars, cadgers, chapmen, etc., fill

        the streets with a concert of strange sounds.

        The delicate carving of Chinese workmen has often been described; many specimens of it are annually sent abroad. Few products of their skill are more rcnuxrkable than the balls containing ten or twelve separate spheres one within another. The manner of cutting them is ingenious. A piece of ivory or wood is first made perfectly globular, and then several conical holes are bored into it in such a manner that their apices all meet at the centre, which becomes hollow as the holes are bored into it. The sides of each having been marked with

        lines to indicate the number of globes to be cut out, the w^orkman

        inserts a chisel or burin with a semicircular blade, bent so

        that the edge cuts the ivory, as the shaft is worked on the

        pivot, at the same depth in each hole. By successively cutting

        a little on the inside of each conical hole, the incisures meet,

        and a sphericle is at last detached, which is now turned over

        and its faces one after another brought opposite the largest

        hole, and firmly secured by wedges in the other a})ertures, while

        its surfaces are smoothed and carved. When the central sphere

        is done, a similar tool, somewhat larger, is again introduced

        into the holes, and another sphere detached and smoothed in

        the same way, and then another, until the whole is completed,

        each being polished and carved before the next outer one is

        connnenced. It takes three or four months to complete a ball with fifteen inner globes, the price of which ranges from twenty to thirty dollars, according to the delicacy of the carving. Some writers have asserted that these curious toys were made of semi spheres nicely luted together, and they have been boiled in oil for hours in order to separate them and solve the mystery of their construction.

        Fans and card-cases are carved of wood, ivory, and mother-of-pearl in alto-relievo, with an elaborateness which shows the great skill and patience of the workman, and at the same time his crude conception of drawing, the figures, houses, trees, and other objects being grouped in violation of all propriety and perspective. Beautiful ornaments are made by carving roots of plants, branches, gnarled knots, etc., into fantastic groups of birds or animals, the artist taking advantage of the natural form of his material in the arrangement of his figures. Models of pagodas, boats, and houses are entirely constructed of ivory, even to representing the ornamental roofs, the men working at the oar, and women looking from the balconies. Baskets of elegant shape are woven from ivoiy splinths; and the shopmen at Canton exhibit a variety of seals, paper-knives, chessmen, counters, combs, etc., exceeding in finish and delicacy the same kind of work found anywhere else in the world. The most

        elaborate coat of arms, or complicated cypher, will also be imitated

        by these skilful carvers. The national taste prefers this

        style of carving on plane surfaces ; it is seen on the walls of

        houses and granite slabs of fences, the woodwork of boats and

        shops, and on articles of furniture. Most of it is pretty, but the

        disproportion and cramped position of the figures detract from

        its beauty when judged by strict rules of western art.

        The manufacture of enamels and cloisonne wares has lately

        received a great stimulus from their foi’eign demand. A copper

        vase is formed of the desired shape by hammering and soldering,

        on whose clean surface the figures to be enamelled are

        etched to show where the strips of copper are to be soldered

        before their interspaces are enamelled. This solder is made of

        borax and silver, and melts at a higher temperature than the

        enamel, which is reduced to a paste and filled into each cell of

        the pattern by brushes and styles, until the whole design is

        MANUFACTURE OF CLOlSONNfi, MATS, ETC. 61

        gone over. Tlie various colored liao, or ingredients, are prepared

        in cakes by artists who keep their composition secret, but

        all the substances occur in China. The (piality of the ware

        depends on the skill in mixing these cakes and fusing the colors

        in a charcoal fire, into which the piece is placed ; imperfection^

        and holes are covered and tilled up when it is cooled, and the

        piece is again and again exposed to the fire. After the third ordeal it is ground smooth and polished on a lathe, and the brass work gilt. The specimens now made show very fine work, but their coloring hardly equals those of Kienlungs reign or still earlier in the Ming dynasty.

        Fancy Carved Work.

        Much inferior work has also been palmed off for that of the golden period of this art. The manufacture of mats for sails of junks and boats, floors, bedding, etc., employs thousands. A sail containing nearly four hundred square feet can be obtained for ten dollars. The rolls are largely exported, and still more extensively used in the country for covering packages for shipment. A stouter kind made of bamboo splinths serves as a material for huts, and fulfils many other purposes that are elsewhere attained by boards or canvas. Rattans are largely worked into mats, chairs, baskets, and other articles of domestic service. Several branches of manufacture have entirely grown up, or been much encouraged by the foreign trade, among which the preparation of vermilion, beating gold-leaf, cutting pearl buttons, dyeing and trimming pith-paper for artificial flowers, weaving and painting fancy window-blinds, and the preparation of sweetmeats are the principal. The beautiful vermilion exported from Canton is prepared by triturating one part of quicksilver with two of sulphur until they form a blackish powder, which is put into a crucible having an iron lid closely luted down. When the fire acts on the mixture the lid is cooled to effect the sublimation ; the deposit on the top is cinnabar and that on the sides is vermilion, according

        to the Chinese ; all of them are powdered, levigated, decanted,

        and dried on tiles for use in painting and pharmacy, coloring

        candles and paper, and making red ink. The excellence of Chinese vermilion depends on the thoroughness of the grinding.’

        ‘ Compare an article by Julien in the Nouv. Journ. Asiatique, Tome V., 1830,pp. 208 ff.

        PHASES OF CHINESE INDUSTRIAL LIFE. 63

        It has often been said that the Chinese are so averse to change and improvement that they will obstinately adhere to their own modes, but, though slow to alter well-tried methods, such is not the case. Three new manufactures have been introduced during the present century, viz., that of glass, bronze-work, and Prussian blue. A Chinese sailor brought home the manufacture of the latter, which he had learned thoroughly in London, and the people now supply themselves. Works in bronze and brass have of late been set up, and watches and clocks are both extensively manufactured, with the exception of the springs. Fire-engines in imitation of foreign hand-engines are gradually eomino; into use. Brass cannon were made durins; the war with England in imitation of pieces taken from a wreck, and the frames of one or two vessels to be worked with wheels by men at a crank, in imitation of steamers, were found on the stocks at Ningpo Mdien the English took the place. Since then the establishment of government arsenals at Fuhchau, Shanghai, Xanking, and Tientsin has stimulated and suggested as well as taught the people many applications of machinery. Yet until they can see their Avay clear to be remunerated for their outlay, it is unwise to urge or start doubtful experiments. This was shown at Canton ten years ago when a native company was formed to spin cotton yarn by steam machinery, and when the apparatus was all ready for work the cotton flowers were quite unwilling to trust their raw cotton out of their hands. Moreover, it should be observed that few have taken the trouble to explain or show them the improvements they are supposed to be so disinclined to adopt. Ploughs have been given the farmers near Shanghai, but they would not use them, which, however, may have been as much owing to the want of a proper harness, or a little instruction regarding their use, as to a dislike to take a new article.

        The general aspect of Chinese society, in an industrial point

        of view, is one of its most pleasing features. The great body of

        the people are obliged to engage in manual labor in order to

        subsist, yet only a trifling proportion of them can be called

        beggars, while still fewer possess such a degree of wealth that

        they can live on its income. Property is safe enough to afford

        assurance to honest toil that it shall generally reap the reward

        of its labors, but if that toil prosper beyond the usual limits,

        the avarice of officials and the envy of neighbors easily find a

        multitude of contrivances to harass and impoverish the fortunate

        man, and the laws are not executed with such strictness as to

        deter them. The mechanical arts supply their wants, but having

        no better models before them, nor any scientific acquaintance

        with elementary principles and powers applicable to a great

        number of purposes, these arts have remained stationary. The

        abundance of labor must be employed, and its cheapness obviates

        the necessity of finding substitutes in machinery. The adoption

        of even a few things from abroad might involve so many

        changes, that even those intelligent natives who saw their

        advantages would hesitate in view of the momentous contingencies

        of a failure. The conflict between capital and labor in its various phases and struggles is becoming more and more marked the world over as civilization advances, and the Chinese polity is destined to endure its greatest strain in adjusting their forces among its industrious millions.

        Imitation is a remarkable trait in the Chinese mind, though invention is not altogether wanting; the former leads the people to rest content with what they can get along with, even at some expense of time and waste of labor, where, too, an exhibition of ingenuity and science would perhaps be accompanied with suspicion, expense, or hindrances from both neighbors and rulers.

        The existence of the germ of arts and discoveries, whose development would liave brought witli them so many advantages

        and pointed to still further discoveries, leads one to inquire the

        reason why they were not carried out. Setting aside the view,

        which may properly be taken, that the wonderful discoveries

        now made in the arts by Europeans form part of God’s great

        plan for the redemption of the race, the want of mutual confidence,

        insecurity of property, and debasing effects of heathenism

        upon the intellect will explain much of the apathy shown

        toward improvement. Invention among them has rather lacked

        encouragement than ceased to exist :—more than that, it has

        been checked by a suspicious, despotic sway, while no stimulus

        of necessity has existed to counterbalance and urge it forward,

        and has been stunted by the mode and materials of education.

        It was not till religious liberty and discussion arose in Europe that the inhabitants began to improve in science and arts as well as morals and good government ; and when the ennobling and expanding principles of an enlarged civilization find their way into Chinese society and mind, it may reasonably be expected that rapid advances will be made in the comforts of this life, as well as in adopting the principles and exhibiting the conduct which prove a fitness for the enjoyments of the next.

        CHAPTER XVI. SCIENCE AMONG THE CHINESE

        That enlargement of the mind which results from the collection and investigation of facts, or from extensive reading of books on whose statements reliance can be placed, and which leads to the cultivation of knowledge for its own sake, has no existence in China. Sir John Davis justly observes that the Chinese ” set no value on abstract science, apart from some obvious and immediate end of utility;” and he properly compares the actual state of the sciences among them with their condition in Europe previous to the adoption of the inductive mode of investigation. Even their few theories in explanation of the mysteries of nature are devoid of all fancy to make amends for want of fact and experiment, so that in reading them we are neither amused by their imagination nor instructed by their research. Perhaps the rapid advances made by Europeans, during the two past centuries, in the investigation of nature in all her departments and powers, has made us somewhat impatient of such a parade of nonsense as Chinese books exhibit.

        In addition to the general inferiority of Chinese mind to European in genius and imagination, it has moreover been hampered by a language the most tedious and meagre of all tongues, and wearied with a literature abounding in tiresome repetitions and unsatisfactory theories. Under these conditions, science, whether mathematical, physical, or natural, has made few advances during the last few centuries, and is now awaiting a new impulse from abroad in all its departments.

        Murray’s China (Vol. III., Chap. IV.) contains a fair account of the attainments of the Chinese in mathematics and astronomy.

        The notation of the Chinese is based on the decimal principle, but as their figures are not changed in vahie by position, it is difficult to write out clearly the several steps in solving a problem.

        Experiments have shown that it is easy encmgh to perform them with Chinese figures used in our way, omitting the characters for 100, 1,000, and 10,000 {2)ch, tslcn, and wan) ; but it will be long before the change will become general, even if it be desirable. Arithmetical calculations are performed with the assistance of an abacus, called a stranjxin, or ‘counting board’, which is simply a shallow case divided longitudinally by a bar and crossed by several wires ; on one side of this bar the wires bear five balls, on the other two. The five balls stand for nnits, the two balls behig each worth five units. When the

        balls on any wire are taken for nnits, those next to the right

        stand for tens, the thii’d for hundreds, and so on ; while those

        on the left denote tenths, hundredths, etc. Simple calculations

        are done on this machine with accuracy and rapidity, but as it

        is only a convenient index for the progress and result of a calculation

        performed in the head, if an error be made the whole

        must be performed again, since the result only appears when

        the sura is finished. There are three sorts of figures, partly answering

        to the English, Itoman, and Arabic forms—as Seven,

        VII., and T—the most connnon of which are given on page 619

        of Yol. I. ; the complicated form is used for securit}- in drafts

        and bills, and the abbreviated in common operations, accounts,

        etc., and in setting down large amounts in a more compact form

        than can be done by the other characters. This mode of notation

        is employed by the Japanese and Cochinchinese, and possesses

        some advantages over the method of using letters practised

        by the Greeks and Romans, as well as over the counters

        once employed in England, but falls far behind the Arabic system

        now in general use in the west.

        CHINESE MATHEMATICS. G7

        Treatises on arithmetic are common, in which the simple rules are explained and illustrated by examples and questions. One of the best is the Sinan-fdh Tung T,Httng, or ‘ General Gomprehensive Arithmetic,’ in five volumes, octavo, the author of which, Cliing Yu-sz’, lived in the Ming dynasty. The Tsu-wei-shan Fang Sho ITioh, or ‘Mathematics of the Lagerstra’mia Hill Institution,’ in thirty-eight books, octavo, 182S, contains a complete course of mathematical instruction in geometry, trigonometry, mensuration, etc., together with a table of natural sines and tangents, and one of logarithmic sines, tangents, secants, etc., for every degree and minute. Both these compilations derive most of their value from the mathematical writings of the Roman Catholic missionaries ; it is stated in the latter work that “• the western scholar, John Kapier, made logarithms.”

        The study of arithmetic has attracted attention among the Chinese from very early times, and the notices found in historical works indicate some treatises even extant in the Han dynasty, followed by a great number of general and particular works down to the Sung dynasty. One author of the Tang dynasty, in his problems on solid mensuration, offered one thousand taels of silver to whoever found a single word of error in the book. The Hindu processes in algebra were known to Chinese mathematicians, and are still studied, though all intellectual intercourse between the countries has long ceased. Down to the end of the Ming dynasty, these branches made slow progress.

        Since foreigners have begun to apply western science, the development has been rapid. Mr. Wylie has given, in his Notes 0)1 Chinese Literature (pp. 86-104), a digested account of the most valuable native works on astronomy and mathematics. One very comprehensive work on them is the Thesaurus of Mathematics and Chronology, published by imperial order about 1750.

        The knowledge of mathematics, even among learned men, is

        very small, and the common people study it only as far as their

        business requires ; the cumbersome notation and the little aid

        such studies giv^e in the examinations doubtless discourage men

        from pursuing what they seem to have no taste for as a people.’

        A curious fact regarding the existence of six errors in these

        tables, discovered by Bal)bage to have been perpetuated in most

        of the European logarithmic tables since the publication of the

        Trigonometria Artijicialis of Vlacq in 1633, proves the source

        whence the Chinese derived them, and their imitative fidelity

        in copying them. Chinese authors readily acknowledge the superiority of western inatlieinaticians, and generally ascribe their advances in the exact sciences to them.

        ‘ See Notes and Queries on C. and /., Vol. I., p. 166, and Vol. III., p. 153.

        The attaiinnents made by the ancient Chinese in astronomy

        are not easily understood from their scanty records, for the

        mere notice of an eclipse is a very different thing from its calculation

        or description. They have been examined recently

        with renewed interest and care in view of the discoveries at

        ]S”ineveh, which have furnished so many reliable notices in

        “Western Asia of early days, and may lend some rays of light

        to illustrate the history and condition of Eastern Asia when

        more fully studied. The Booh of liecords contains some notices

        of instructions given by Yao to his astronomers Hi and IIo to

        ascertain the solstices and e(|uinoxcs, to employ intercalary

        months, and to tix the four seasons, in order that the husbandman might know when to commit his seed to the ground. If the time of the deluge be reckoned, according to Hales, at b.c.3155, there will be an interval of about eight centuries to the days of Yao, ];.<•. 2357 ; this would be ample time for the observation that the primitive sacred year of three hundred and sixty days in Noah’s time was wrong; also that the lunar year of about three hundred and fifty-four days was (piite as incorrect, and required additional correction, which this ancient monarch is said to have made by an intercalation of seven lunar months in nineteen years. It is remarkable, too, that the time given as the date of the commencement of the astronomical observations sent to Aristotle from Babylon by command of Alexander should be b.c. 2233, or only a few years after the death of Yao ; at that time the five additional days to complete the solar year were intercalated by the Chaldeans, and celebrated as days of festivity. Dr. Hales, who mentions this, says that many ancient nations, and also the Mexicans, had the same custom, but there are no traces of any particular observance of them by the Chinese, who, indeed, could not notice them in a lunar year.

        DIVISIONS OF THE YEAR. 60

        The intercalation made by Yao has continued with little variation to this day. The Romish missionaries rectified the calendar during; the i-eio;n of Kan2;hi, and have contimied its preparation since that time. The adoption of the Julian solar year of three hundred and sixty-five and one-fourth days at this remote period is far fioni certain, though the fact of its existence among nations in the west is’ mentioned hy the commentator upon the Iloolx of liecordH, who tlonrislied a.d. 1200. The attention the Chinese paid to the hniar year, and the very small difference their seven intercahitions left between the true haimonizing of the lunar and solar years (only Ih. 27m. 32s.), would not derange the calculations to a degree to attract their notice. The period of the adoption of the cycle of sixty years, called In/i-sJiiJt hwa hiah-tsz\ cannot be ascertained even with any close approach to probability. Though negative evidence is always the poorest basis on which to found a theory in any branch of knowledge, it still bears great influence in early Chinese history and science, and in no department more than astronomy. This sexagenary cycle, the Chinese assert, was contrived nearly three centuries before the time of Yao (b.c. 2637), and seems to have been perfectly arbitrary, for no explanation now exists of the reasons which induced its inventor, HuangDi, or his minister, Kao the Great, to select this number. The years have each of them a separate name, formed by taking ten characters, called shih Jicuu or ‘ ten stems,’ and joining to them twelve other characters, called the shih-‘ih c7ii, or ‘twelve branches,’ five times repeated.

        These two sets of horary characters are also applied to

        minutes and seconds, honrs, days, and months, signs of the

        zodiac, points of the compass, etc. By giving the twelve

        branches the names of as many animals and apportioning the

        ten stems in couplets among the five elements, they are also

        made to play an important part in divination and astrology.

        The present year (1882) is the eighteenth year of the seventysixth

        cycle, or the four thousand five hundred and eighteenth

        since its institution ; but no trace of a serial nnmbering of the

        sexagenary periods has yet been found in Chinese writings. The

        application of the characters to hours and days dates from about

        B.C. 1752, according to the Shu Klmj, pei’haps even before they

        were combined in a cyclic arrangement. This sexagenary division

        existed in India in early times, too, and is still followed

        there, where it is named the Cycle of Jupiter, ” because the length of its years is measured by the passage of that phiiict, by its mean motion, through one sign of the zodiac.” liev. E. Ihirgess, in his translation of “the Surija jSuld/ianta, says that the length of Jupiter’s years is reckoned in that book at 361d.

        Oh. 38m., and adds : ” It was doubtless on account of the near

        coincidence of this period with the true solar year that it was

        adopted as a measure of time ; but it has not been satisfactorily

        ascertained, as far as we are aware, “where the cycle originated,

        or what is its age, or why it was made to consist of sixty

        years, including five whole revolutions of the planet.” It is

        not improbable, therefore, that the cycle, the two sets of characters,

        the twenty-four solar terms, witli the twelve and twentyeight

        lunar mansions or zodiacal asterisms, all of which play

        such an important part in Chinese astrology and astronomy,

        will be found to have been derived from the Chaldeans, and not

        from the Hindus, as has been confidently asserted. Though

        confessedly ancient in both India and China, their adoption was

        slow in its growth, while some striking similarities indicate a

        common origin, and so remote that its genesis is all a mystery.

        The year is lunar, but its commencement is regulated by the sun. New Year falls on the first new moon after the sun enters Aquarius, which makes it come not before January 21st nor after February lOtli. Besides the division into lunar months, the year is apportioned into twenty-four jieqi, or ‘ terms,’ of about fifteen days each, depending upon the position of the sun; these are continued on from year to year, irrespective of the intercalations, the first one commencing about February 6th, when the sun is 15° in Aquarius. Their names have reference to the season of the year and obvious changes in nature at the time they come round, as rain-vxtter, vernal-eqitifiox, spikedgrain, little-heat, etc.

        The Chinese divide the zodiac(huang dao, or ‘yellow road’) into twenty-eight siu or I’ung, ‘ constellations’ or ‘lunar mansions’, but instead of an equable allotment, the signs occupy from 1° up to 31°; the Hindus arrange them nearly in spaces of 13° each. Their names and corresponding animals, with the principal stars answering to each asterism, are given in the table.

        DIVISIONS OF THE ZODIAC. 71

        •of one of the twenty-eight lunar mansions is given to every day in the year in perpetual rotation, consequently the same day of our week in every fourth week has the same character applied ro it. The days are numbered from the first to the last day of the month, and the months from one to twelve through the year, except the intercalaiy month, called jun yueJi y and there is also a trine division of the month into decades.’

        The astronomical ideas of the common Chinese are vague and

        inaccurate. Tlie knowledge contained in their own scientific

        hooks has not been taught, and they still believe the earth to be

        a plain surface, measuring each way about one tliousand five

        hundred miles; around it the sun, moon, and stars revolve, the

        first at a distance of four tliousand miles. This figure comes so

        near the earth’s radius that it is reasonable to infer, with Chalmers,

        that it was calculated from the different elevation of the sun

        in dift’erent latitudes. The distance of the heavens from the earth

        was ascertained by one observer to be 81,304 //’, and by another

        subsequent to him to be 216,781 li, or about 73,000 miles; all of which indicates the lack of careful observation. The constellation of the Peh Tao, or Dipper, plays an important part in popular astronomy; the common saying is:

        ‘ When the handle of the Northern Peck points east at nightfall, it is spring over the land ; when it points south, it is summer ; and when west or north, it is respectively autumn and winter.’ The Dipper

        has become a kind of natm-al clock from this circumstance, and

        as its handle always points to the bright stars in Scorpio, these

        two constellations are among the most familiar. These popular

        notions must not, however, be taken as a test of what was known

        in early times; it is quite as just to their scientific attainments

        in this branch to give them credit (as Wjdie does) for having

        known more than has come down to our days; as to deny belief

        in the little that remains, because it presents some insoluble

        difificulties, as Chalmers is disposed to do.

        ‘ Chinese Eepositorii, Vol. IX., pp. 573-584. De Giiignes’ V»i/iif/rs, Vol. II., p. 414. Chinese ChrcHtoriutthy. Legge’s Shoo Kinn, passim. Chalmers, On the Astronomy of the Ancient Chinese. Journal of the Am. Oriental Society, Vol. VI., Art. III., and Vol. VIII., Arts. I. and VII. Whitney’s Orientaland Linfjuisiie Studies, Art. XII. North China Br. R. A. S. Journal, Nos. III. and IV.

        CHINESE NOTIONS OF ASTRONOMY. 73

        Astronomy has been studied by the Chinese for astrological

        and state pur{)oses, and their recordetl oI)servatioMS of eclipses,

        comets, etc., have no small value to European astronomers and

        chronologists. Mailla has collected the notices of 460 solar

        eclipses, extending from n.c. 2151) to a.d. 1699, and Wylie furnishes

        a careful list of 925 solar and 574 lunar eclipses, extracted

        from Chinese works, observed between 2150 and a.d. 1785.

        Comets have been carefully noted whenever their brilliancy has enabled them to be seen, for they are regarded as portents by the people, and their course among the stars somewhat determines their influence. A list of 373 comets mentioned in Chinese records has been published by John Williams,’ mostly extracted from Ma Twan-lin’s Antiquarian Researches, and the Shi K’i. They extend from b.c. 611 to a.d. 1621 ; the general value of these records is estimated by the learned author as entitling them to credence. The curious and intimate connection between geomancy, horoscopy, and astrology, which the Chinese suppose exists, has a powerful influence in maintaining their errors, because of its bearing on every man’s luck. Even with all the aid they have derived from Europeans, the Chinese

        seem to be unable to advance in the science of astronomy, when

        left to themselves, and to cling to their superstitions against

        every evidence. Some clouds having on one occasion covered

        the sky, so that an eclipse could not be seen, the courtiers joyfully

        repaired to the Emperor to felicitate him, that Heaven,

        touched by his virtues, had spared him the pain of witnessing

        the “eating of the sun.” A native writer on astronomy, called

        Tsinglai, who published several works under the patronage of

        Yuen Yuen, the liberal-minded governor of Kwangtungin 1820,

        even at that late day, ” makes the heavens to consist of ten concentric hollow spheres or envelopes; the first contains the moon’s orbit ; the second that of Mercury ; those of Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and the twenty-eight constellations, follow; the ninth envelops and binds together the eight interior ones, and revolves daily ; while the tenth is the abode of the Observations of Comef.,% from b.c. Gil to a.d. 1640. Extracted from the Chinese Annuls. Loudon, 1871.

        Celestial tSovereit’n, the Great Ruler, with all the ii^ods and sao’es where they enjoy eternal tranquility.” lie further says, “there are two north and two south poles, those of the equator and those of the ecliptic. The poles of the ecliptic regulate the varied machinery of the heavenly revolutions, and turn round unceasingly. The poles of the equator are the pivots of the primitive celestial body, and remain permanently unmoved.

        What are called the two poles, therefore, are really not stars, but two immovable points in the north and in the south.*’ ‘ The author of this astute cosmogony studied under Europeans, and published these remarks as the fruit of his researches.

        The action and reaction of the elements furnish a satisfactory

        explanation to Chinese philosophers of the changes going on in

        the visible universe, for no possible contingencj’ can arise which

        they are not prepared to solve by their analysis of the evolution

        of its powers. Through their speculations by this curious system

        they have been led away from carefully recording facts and

        processes, and have gone on, like a squirrel in a cage, making

        no progress tow^ard the real knowledge of the elements they

        treat of. The following table contains the leading elementary

        correspondences which they use, but a full explanation would be out of place here.

        This fanciful system is more or less received by their most intelligent mcTi ; and forms a sort of abracadabra in the hands of geomancers and future-tellers, by which, with a show of great learning, they impose on the people. The sun, moon, and planets influence sublunary events, especially the life and death of human beings, and changes in their color menace approaching calamities. Alterations in the appearance of the sun announce misfortunes to the state or its head, as revolts, famines, or the death of the Emperor; when the moon waxes red, or turns pale, men should be in awe at the unlucky times thus fore-omened.

        Chinese ChrcHtoiiuitlii/, p. 391

        ACTION AND UEACTIOX OF THE ELEMENTS. 75

        O 5H I-:; < H P3 O a: o I— (HO !^ P P^ Q ;?;

        The sun is symbolized by the figure of a raven in a circle, and the moon by a rabbit on his hind legs pounding rice in a mortar, or by a three-legged toad. The last refers to the

        legend of an ancient beauty, Cliang-ngo, who drank the liquor

        of imniortality and straightway ascended to the moon, where

        she was transformed into a toad, still to be traced in its face.

        It is a special object of worship in autumn, and moon-cakes

        dedicated to it are sold at this season. All the stars are i-anged

        into constellations, and an emperor is installed over them, who

        resides at the north pole ; five monarchs, also, Yivc in the five

        stars in Leo, where is a palace, called Wu Tl tao^ or ‘Throne of

        the Five Emperors.’ In this celestial government there is also

        an heir-apparent, empresses, sons and daughters, tribunals, and

        the constellations receive the names of men, animals, and other

        terrestrial objects. The Dipper is worshipped as the residence

        of the fates, where the duration of life, and other events relating

        to mankind, are measured and meted out. Doolittle’s Social

        Life contains other popular notions connected with the stars,

        showing the ignorance still existing, and the fears excited by

        unusual phenomena among the heavenly bodies. Both heaven

        and the sun are worshipped by the government in appropriate

        temples on the west and east sides of Peking. The rainbow is

        the product of the impure vapors ascending from the earth

        meetino; those descendino; from the sun.

        If their knowledge of astronomy can be criticised as being

        anything but an exact science, the Chinese should not be denied

        credit for a certain amount of beauty in what may be called the

        romantic side of this study. In the myths and legends which

        have clustered about and doubtless in many cases perverted

        their observations of the stars, there are the sources of fetes

        and subjects for pictorial illustration Mithout number. One of

        these stories, forming the motive of a bowl decoration given

        upon the opposite page, is the fable of Aquila (;^/’i’/.) and Vega,

        known in Chinese and Japanese mytliX)logy as the Herdsman

        and Weaver-girl. The latter, the daughter of the sun-god, was

        so continually busied with her loom that her father became wor-

        I’ied at her close habits and thought that by marrying her to a

        neighbor, who herded cattle on the banks of the Silver Stream

        of Heaven (the Milky Way), she might awake to a brighter

        manner of living.

        FABLE OF THE HERDSMAN AND WKAVEIt-GIRL. 77

        ” No sooner did the maiden become wife than her habits and character utterly changed for the worse. She became not only very merry and lively, but quite forsook loom and needle, giving up her nights and days to play and idleness; no silly lover could have been more foolish than she. The sun-king, in great wrath at all this, concluded that the husband was the cause of it and determined to separate the couple. So he ordered him to remove to the other side of the river of stars, and told him that hereafter they should meet only once a year, on the seventh night of the seventh month. To make a brids-e over the flood of stars, the sun-king called myriads of magpies, which thereupon flew together, and, making a bridge, supported the poor lover on their wnngs and backs as if it were a roadway of solid land. So bidding his weeping wife farewell, the lover husband sorrowfully crossed the River of Heaven, and all the magpies instantly flew away. But the two were separated, the one to lead his ox, the other to ply her shuttle during the long hours of the day wdth diligent toil, and the sun-king again rejoiced in his daughter’s industry.

        “At last the time for their reunion drew near, and only one

        fear possessed the loving wife. AVhat if it should rain ? For

        the River of Heaven is always full to the brim, and one extra

        di’op causes a flood which sweeps away even the bird l)ridge.

        But not a drop fell ; all the heavens were clear. The magpies

        flew joyfully in myriads, making a way for the tiny feet of the

        httle lady. Trembling with joy, and with heart fluttering more

        than the bridge of wings, she crossed the River of Heaven and

        was in the arms of her husband. This she did every year.

        The husband staid on his side of the river, and the wife came

        to him on the magpie bridge, save on the sad occasion when it

        rained. So every year the people hope for clear weather, and

        the happy festival is celebrated alike by old and young.” ‘

        ‘ Somewhat abridged from Mr. W. E. Griffis’ Japdneae Fairy Worhl, a book which has given us the cream of a great variety of stories from Eastern won’ der-lore.

        DIVISIONS OF THE DAY—THE ALMANAC. 79

        These two constellations are worshipped principally by women, that they may gain cumiing in the arts of needlework and making of fancy flowers. Watermelons, fruits, vegetables, cakes, etc., are placed with incense in the reception-room, and before these offerings are performed the kneelings and knoekings in the usual wav.

        The entire day is divided into twelve two-hour periods called shin., coumiencing at eleven o’clock, p.m.; each hour is further subdivided into kik, or eighths, equal to fifteen of our minutes, and receives the same characters. There are various means employed to measure time, but the people are rapidly learning to reckon its progress by watches and clocks, and follow our divisions in preference to their own. A common substitute for watches are tl/ne-sticks, long round pieces of a composition of clay and sawdust, well mixed and wound in a spiral manner; the lapse of time is indicated by its equable slow combustion from one hour mark to another, until the whole is consumed, which in the longest is not less than a week. Dials are in

        common use, and frequently attached to the mariner’s compass,

        by making the string which retains the cover in its place cast a

        shadow on the face of it. This lesson in dialing, Davis supposes

        they learned from the Jesuits. Clepsydras of various forms

        were anciently employed, some of which, from their description,

        were so disproportionately elegant and costly for such a

        clumsy mode of noting time, that their beauty more than their

        use was perhaps the principal object in preparing them.

        The almanac holds an important place, its preparation having

        been early taken under the special cal-e of the government,

        which looks upon a present of this important publication as one

        of the highest favors which it can confer on tributary vassals

        or friendly nations. It is annually prepared at Peking, under

        the direction of a bureau attached to the Board of Rites, and,

        by making it a penal offence to issue a counterfeit or pirated

        edition the governmental astrologers have monopolized the

        management of the superstitions of the people in regard to the

        fortunate or unlucky conjunctions of each day and hour. Besides

        the cabalistic part of it, the ephemeris also contains tables

        of the rising of the sun according to the latitudes of the principal

        places, times of the new and full moon, the beginning

        and length of the twenty -four terms, eclipses, application of the

        horary characters, conjunction of the planets, etc. Two or three editions are published for the convenience of the people, the prices of which vary from three to ten cents a copy. No one ventures to be without an ahuanac, lest he be liable to the greatest misfortunes, and run the imminent hazard of undertaking important events on black-balled days. The Europeans who were employed for many years in compiling the calendar were not allowed to interfere in the astrological part ; it is to the discredit of the Chinese to aid thus in perpetuating folly and ignorance among the people, when they know that the whole system is false and absurd. Such governments as that of China, however, deem it necessary to uphold ancient superstitions, if they can thereby influence their security, or strengthen the reverence due them.

        If their astronomical notions are vague, their geographical

        knowledge is ridiculous. The maps of their own territories are

        tolerably good, being originally drawn from actual survej’s by

        nine of the Jesuits, between the years 1708-1718, and since

        that time have been filled up and changed to conform to the

        alterations and divisions. Their full survey’s were engraved on

        copper at Paris, by order of Louis XIV., on sheets, measuring

        in all over a hundred square feet, and have formed the basis of

        all subsequent maps. The Chinese do not teach geography in

        their schools, even of their own empire. The conimon people

        have no knowledge, therefore, of the form and divisions of the

        globe, and the size and position of the kingdoms of the earth.

        Their common maps delineate them very erroneously, not even

        excepting their own possessions in Mongolia and tli—scattering

        islands, kingdoms, and continents, as they have heard of their

        existence, at haphazard in various corners beyond the frontiers.

        The two Americas and Africa are entirely omitted on most of

        them, and England, Holland, Portugal, Goa, Lugonia, Bokhara,

        Germany, France, and India, are arranged along the western

        side, from north to south, in a series of islands and headlands.

        The southern and eastern sides are similarly garnished by islands, as Japan, Lewchew, Formosa, Siam, Pirmah, Java, the Sulu Islands, and others, while Russia occupies the whole of the northern frontier of their Middle Kingdom.

        GE0(4KAnTICAL KNOWLEDGK OF THE CHINESE. 8\

        The geographical works of Tsinglai are not (juite so erroneous as his astronomical, but the uneducated peoj^lc, notwithstanding Ills efforts to teach them better, still generally suppose the earth to be an inniiense extended stationary plain. Their notions of its inhabitants are equally whimsical, and would grace the pages of Sir fJohn Mandeville. In some parts of its surface they imagine the inhabitants to he all dwarfs, who tie themselves together in bunches for fear of being carried away by the eagles; in others they are all women, who conceive by looking at their shadows ; and in a third kingdom, all the people have holes in their breasts, through which they thrust a pole, when carrying one another from place to place. Charts for the guidance of the navigator, or instruments to aid him in determining his position at sea, the Chinese are nearly or quite destitute of; they have retrograded rather than advanced in navigation, judging from the accounts of Fa-hian, Ibn Batuta, and other travellers, when their vessels frequented the ports in the Persian Gulf and on the Malabar coast, and carried on a large trade with the Archipelago. Itineraries are published, containing the distances between places on the principal thoroughfares throughout the provinces, and also lists of the ports, harbors, and islands on the coast, but nothing like sailing directions accompany the latter, nor do maps of the routes illustrate the former. Such knowledge as they have on these points is hidden away in their libraries, as the Latin and Greek classics were in European convents and castles a thousand years ago.

        In the various branches of mensuration and formulae used to describe the dimensions and weight of bodies, they have reached only a practical medioci’ity. With a partial knowledge of trigonometry, and no instruments for ascertaining the heights of

        objects or their distances fi’om the observer, still their lands are

        well measured, and the area of lots in towns and cities accurately

        ascertained. The cht/i or foot is the integer of length, but its

        standard value cannot be easily ascertained. In the Chinese

        Commercial Ouide^ p. 285, is a table of eighty-four observations

        on this point, taken at different times and places in China, whose

        extremes differ more than six inches. It is fixed by the Board

        of Works at 13^ in. English, but tradesmen at Canton employ

        foot measures varying from 14.625 to 14.81 in. ; according

        to the tariff, it is reckoned at 14.1 in. English, and the ehang of ten chih at Z\\ yds. During the past thirty years, the tariff weights and measures have gradually obtained acceptance as the standards, and this will probably result in securing uniformity in course of time. The chih is subdivided into ten tsun or puntos, and each tsun into teny^n. The I’l is used for distances, and is usually reckoned at 1,825.55 ft. English, which gives 2.89 I’l to an English mile ; this is based on the estimate of 200 I’l to a degree, but there were only 180 li to a degree before Europeans came, which increases its length to 2,028.39 ft. or 2.6 Vi to a mile, which is nearer the common estimate. The French missionaries divided the degree into 250 li (each being then exactly 1,460.44 ft. English, or one-tenth of a French astronomical league), and also into sixty minutes and sixty seconds, to make it correspond to western notation ; this measure has not been adopted in common use. The present rulers have established

        post-houses very generally, at intervals of ten li^ or about a

        league. The land measures are the mao and l:’in<j ; the former

        measures 6,000 square <?/«’A, or 808.6 square yaixls, and a hundred

        of them make a king. Taxes are collected, land is leased,

        and crops are estimated by the mao and its decimal parts ; but

        examination has shown that the actual area of a inao grows less

        as one goes north ; in Canton, it is about 4.76 ‘tnao to an acre,

        and at Peking it is six, and even smaller.

        The weights and measures of the Chinese are twenty-four in

        all, and vary in their value even more than those of long measure.

        The common weights are called tael^ catty^ 2i\\^^ecul by

        foreigners ; their values are respectively \\ oz. av., 1|^ lb. av.,

        and 1331^ lbs. av., and thus roughly correspond to the English

        ounce, pound, and hundredweight. The Chinese deal in many

        articles l)y weight which among western nations are sold according

        to their quality—such as M’ood, silk, oil, whiskey, cloth, grain,

        poultry, etc.—so that it has been humorously observed that the

        Chinese sell everything by -weight, except eggs and children.

        Their common measures correspond nearly to our gill, half-pint,

        pint, and peck, and are used to retail rice, beans, etc. The smaller

        ones are not very accurately constructed from bamboo-joints,

        but the peck measure, or tec, shaped like tlie frustum of a

        pyramid, must be olRcially examined and sealed before it can

        MONEY, WEIGHTS, AND MEASURES. SIl

        be used; at Canton it contains 6^ catties weiglit, or about 1.13

        gallon. The decimals of the tael, called riiace^ eamlareen, and

        cash {tsitn, /an, and li), are employed in reckoning bullion,

        pearls, gems, drugs, etc.; ten cash making one candareen, ten

        candareens one mace, etc. The proportions between the Chinese

        and American moneys and weights is such that so many

        taels per pecul, or candareens per catty, is the same as so many

        dollars per hundredweight, or cents per pound.’

        The monetary system is arranged on the principle of weight,

        and the divisions have the same names, fael, mace, candareen,

        and cash. The only native coin is a copper piece called tsien,

        because it originally weighed a mace ; it is thin and circular,

        rather more than an inch in diameter, with a square hole in the

        middle for the convenience of stringing. The obverse bears

        the word ])ao, or ‘ current,’ and the name of the province in

        Manchu, on each side of the square hole ; the reverse has four

        words, Taulnran’j, tun’j^pno, i.e., ‘money current [during the

        reign of] Taukwang.’ Mints for casting cash are established

        in each provincial capital under the direction of the Board of

        lievenue. The coin should consist of an alloy of copper, 50 ;

        zinc, ^\\ ; lead, 6^ ; and tin, 2 ; or of equal parts of copper

        and zinc ; but it has been so debased by iron and reduced in

        size during the last fifty years that it does not pay to counterfeit

        it. Each piece should weigh 58 grains troy, or 3.78

        grammes, but most of those now in circulation are under 30

        grains, and the rate of exchange varies in different parts of the

        land from 900 to 1,800 for a silver dollar.

        The workmen in the mint are required to remain within the

        building except wdien leave of absence is obtained, but in spite

        of all the efforts of government, private coinage is issued to a

        great amount, and sometimes with the connivance of the mintmaster.

        ^ Chinese Repository, Vol. X.,p. 050; Chinese Chrestomathy ; Chinese Commercml Guide, Fifth Ed., pp. 2G5-288 ; Rondot, Commerce de la Chine, 1819.

        Neither silver nor gold has ever been coined to any extent in China. In seeking for the cause of this difference from all other Asiatic nations, it seems to lie in the commercial freedom which has done so much to elevate them. The government on the one hand is not strone; enono;]i to restrain counterfeiters, and not honest enough, on the other hand, to issue pieces of uniform standard for a series of years till it has obtained the (ioniidence of its subjects. It will not receive base metal for taxes, and cannot force merchants to accept adulterated coins. As its foreign relations extend it will no doubt be

        obliged to issue a better national currency in the three metals.

        Attempts have been made to introduce a silver piece of the size

        of a tael, and specimens were made at Shanghai in 1856. A

        large coinage of native dollars was attempted in Fuhkien and

        Formosa, about 1835, to pay the troops on that island. One of

        them indicated that the piece was ” pure silver for current use

        from the Chang-chau Commissariat ; [weight] seven mace two

        candareeiis^” The other was of the same weight and purity

        (417.4 grains troy), and besides the inscription in Chinese on

        the obverse, and in Mancliu on the reverse, it had an etfigy of

        the god of Longevity on the head and a tripod on the tail, to

        authenticate its official origin. These pieces were either melted

        or counterfeited to such an extent on their appearance, that they

        soon disappeared.

        Foreign dollars are imported in great quantities from Mexico

        and San Francisco, and form the medium of trade at the open

        ports. They are often stamped by the person who pays them

        out, which soon destroys thein as a coin, and they are then

        melted and refined to be cast into ingots of bullion, called shoes

        of sijcee, from sl-s.z’ or ‘fine floss’ ; these weigh from five mace

        to fifty taels, the larger pieces being stamped with the district

        magistrate’s title and the date, to verify them. They are from

        ninety-seven to ninety-nine per cent, pure silver, but small ingots

        of ten or fifteen taels weight are less pure than the large

        shoes, as they are called from their shape. Gold bullion is cast

        into “bars like cakes of India-ink in shape, weighing about ten

        taels, or hammered into thick leaves which can be examined but

        not separated by di-iving a punch through a pile of a hundred

        or more—a precaution against cheating. Large quantities are

        sent abroad in this shape.

        Taxes and duties are paid in sycee of ninety-eight per cent,

        fineness, and licensed bankers are connected with the revenue

        BANKING SYSTEM AND TAPER MONEY. 85

        department to wlioni tlie proceeds are paid, and who are allowed

        a small percentage for relining and becoming resjjonsible for its

        purity. Dollars and ingots are counterfeited, and all classes

        have them inspected by shrofs, who, by practice, are able to

        decide by the sight alone npon tiie degree of alloy in a piece of

        silver, though usually they employ touchstone needles to assist

        them, different degrees of fineness imparting a different color to

        the needle. Books are prepared as aids to the detection of counterfeit

        dollars ; in these the process of manufacture is carefully

        described ; some of the pieces are marvels of skill in forgery.

        Chartered banking companies are unknown, for a government

        warrant or charter would carry no weight with it, but

        private bankers are found in all large towns. Paper money

        was issued in immense quantities under the Mongol dynasty,

        and its convenience is highly praised by Marco Polo, who

        looked upon its emission by the Grand Khan as the highest

        secret of alchemy. Polo’s ideas of this operation would please

        the ‘* greenbackers ” in the United States. He says, when describing

        Kublai’s purchases : ” So he buys such a quantity of

        those precious things every year that his treasure is endless,

        while all the while the money he pays away costs him nothing

        at all. If any of those pieces of paper are spoilt the

        owner cariies them to the mint, and by paying three per cent,

        on the value he gets new pieces in exchange.” The total issues

        of this highest secret of alchemy during Kublai’s reign of tliirtyfour

        years are reckoned by Pauthier, the Yueji Annals, at equal

        to $624,135,500. The Khan’s successors, however, overdid the

        mamifacture, and when the people found out that they had

        nothing but paper to show for all the valuables they had parted

        with to the Mongols, it added strength to the rebellion of Ilungwu

        (a.d. 1359), which ended in their expulsion nine years afterward.

        The new dynasty was, nevertheless, obliged to issue its

        notes at tirst, but the mercantile instincts of the people soon

        asserted their power, and as industry revived they were superseded

        about 1455. The Manchus did not issue any Governmental

        paper till 1S5S, during the Tai-ping rebellion, and its circulation

        was limited to the capital from the first ; seeing that even then it was known to have no basis of credit or funds.

        A bank can be opened by any person or company, subject to certain laws and payments to Government, on reporting its organization. The number of these offices of deposit and emission is large in proportion to the business of a town, but their capital averages only two or three thousand taels; the number in Tientsin is stated at three hundred, at Peking it is less than four hundred, of which scores in each are mere branches. The check on over-issue of notes lies in the

        control exercised by the cleai’ing-house of every city, where the

        standing of each bank is known by its operations. The circulation

        of the notes is limited in some cases to the street or neighborhood

        wherein the establishment is situated ; often the

        payee has a claim on the payer of a bill for a full day if it be

        found to be counterfeit or worthless—a custom which involves

        a good deal of scribbling on the back of the bill to certify the

        names. Proportionally few counterfeit notes are met with, owing

        nioi’e to the limited range of the bills, making it easy to ask

        the bank, which recognizes its own paper by the check-tallies,

        of which the register contains two or three halves printed across

        the check-book. When silver is presented for exchange, the

        bills are usually, in Peking, iilled up and dated as the customer

        wishes while he waits for them. Their face value ranges from

        one to a hundred tiao, or strings of cash, but their worth depends

        on the exchange between silver and cash, and as this

        fluctuates daily, the bills soon And their way home. These

        notes are unknown in the southern provinces, where dollars

        have long circulated; but their convenience is so great that

        people are willing to run slight risks on this account. Hongkong

        bills circulate on the mainland to very remote districts.

        PAWNSHOPS AND POPULAR ASSOCIATIONS. 87

        Banks issue circular letters of credit to travel through the Empire, and the system of remittance by drafts is as complete as in Europe ; the rates charged are high, however, and vast sums of silver are constantly on the move. The habit of pawning goods is very general, and carries its disastrous results among all classes. There are three kinds of pawnshops, and the laws regulating them are strict and equitable ; the chief evil arising from their number is the facility they give to thieves. Pawn tickets are exposed for sale in the streets, and form a curious branch of traffic. These establishments are generally very extensive, and the vast amount of goods stored in them, especially garments and jewelry, shows their universal patronage.

        One pawnbroker’s warehouse at Tinghai was used by the English forces as a hospital, and accommodated between two and three hundred patients. The insecurity of commercial operations involves, of course, a high rate of interest, sometimes up to three per cent, a month, lowering according to circumstances to twelve or ten per cent, per annum. The legal pawnshops(tang ])iC) are allowed three years to redeem, and give three years’ notice of dissolution. The restrictions on selling pawned articles works injuriously to the shops, in consequence of rapid depreciation or risks to the articles. If a fire occurs on the premises the pawner claims the full amount of his pledge ; only one-half is paid if it communicates from a neighbors house.’

        One characteristic feature of Chinese society cannot be omitted

        in this connection, namely, its tendency to associate. It

        is a fertile principle ap[)lied to every branch of life, but especially

        conspicuous in all industrial operations. The people

        crystallize into associations ; in the town and in the country, in

        buying and in selling, in studies, in tights, and in politics, everybody

        must co-operate with somebody else—women as well as

        men. To belong to one or more hioui, and be identified with

        its fortunes, and enlisted in its struggles, seems to be the

        stimulus to activity, resulting from the democratic element in

        the Chinese polity, to M’hicli we are to refer the continuity as

        well as many singular features of the national character. In

        trade capitalists associate to found great banks, to sell favorite

        medicines, or engross leading staples ; little farmers club together

        to buy an ox, pedlers to get the custom of a street, porters

        to monopolize the loads in a ward, or chair-bearers to furnish

        all the sedans for a town. Beggars are allotted to one or two streets by their hicul, and driven off another’s beat if they encroach. Each guild of carpenters, silknien, masons, or even of physicians and teachers, works to advance its own interests, keep its own nienibei’S in order, and defend itself against its opponents. Villagers form themselves into organizations against the wiles of powerful clans ; and unscrupulous officials are met and balked by popular unions when they least expect it. Women and mothers get up a couipany to procure a trousseau, to buy an article of dress or furniture, to pay for a son’s wedding.

        ‘ Ed. Biot in Journcd Asiatiqw, 1837, Tome III., p. 422, and Tome IV., pp.97, 209; Cfatime CommercM Gnklf, 1863, pp. 264-275; N. C As. Journal,No. VI , pp. 52-71 ; Yule’s Marco Polo, 1871, Vol. I., p. 378-^85; Pauthier Le Litre de M. Polo, Cap. XCV., p. 319 ; Vissering On Chinese Currency, 1877,-Chinese Reipository, Vol. XX., p. 289 ; Doolittle’s Social Life, Vol. II., pp. 138-247; Notes and Queries on C- and J., Vol. II., p. 108.

        Associations are limited to a year, to a month, to a decade, according to their design. These various forms of co-operation teach the people to know each other, while they also furnish agencies for unscrupulous men to oppress and crush out their enemies, gratify their revenge, and intimidate enterprise. Nevertheless, until the people learn higher principles of morality, these habits of combining themselves bring more benefits to the whole body than evils, at the same time quickening the vitality of the mass, without which it would die out in brigandage and despair.’

        ‘ For an account of the money hwiii and details of their system, see M. Eug. Simon, Les Petites Societes d’Argent en Chine, N. C. Br. B. As. Soe. Journal No. v., Art. I. (1868).

        MILITARY SCIENCE AND IMPLEMENTS OF WAR. 89

        The theory of war has received more attention among the Chinese than its practice, and their reputation as an unwarlike people is as ancient and general among their neighbors as that of their seclusion and ingenuity. The Mongols and Manchus, Huns and Tartars, all despised the effeminate braggadocio of Chinese troops, and easily overcame them in war, but were themselves in turn conquered in times of peace. Minute directions are given in books with regard to the drilling of troops, which are seldom reduced to practice. The puerile nature of the examinations which candidates for promotion in the army pass through, proves the remains of the ancient hand-to-hand encounter, and evinces the low standard still entertained of what an officer should be. Personal courage and brawn are highly esteemed, and the prowess of ancient heroes in the battle-field is lauded in songs, and embellished in novels. The arms of the Chinese still consist of bows and arrows.

        spears, matchlocks, swords, and cannon of various sizes and

        lengths. The bow is used more for show in the military examinations,

        than for service in battle. Rattan shields, painted

        with tigers’ heads, are used on board the revenue cutters to turn

        the thrust of spears, and on ceremonial occasions, when the

        companies are paraded in full uniforms and equipments. The

        imiform of the difterent regiments of the luh-tjin<j or ‘ native

        army,’ consists of a jacket of brown, yellow, or blue, bordered

        with a wide edging of another color ; the trowsers are usually

        blue. The cuirass is made of quilted and doubled cotton cloth,

        and covered with iron plates or brass knobs connected by copper

        bands ; the helmet is iron or polished steel, sometimes inlaid,

        weighing two and one-fourth pounds, and has neck and ear lappets

        to protect those parts. The back of the jacket bears the

        word yung, ‘ courage,’ and on the breast is painted the service

        to which the corps is attached, whether to the governor, commandant,

        or Emperor. The exhibition of courage among Chinese

        troops is not, however, always deferred to the time when

        they run away, spite of the disparaging reputation they have

        obtained in this i-espect from their British conquerors—who

        have, nevertheless, on more than one occasion, been led to adujire

        the cool pluck of the same men when led by competent

        officers.

        The matchlock is of wrought iron and plain bore ; it has a

        longer barrel than a musket, so long that a rest is sometimes

        attached to the stock for greater ease in firing ; the match is

        a cord of hemp or coir, and the pan must be uncovered with the

        hand before it can be fired, which necessarily interferes with,

        and almosts prevents its use in wet or windy weather. The

        cannon are cast, and although not of very uniform calibre from

        the mode of manufacture, are serviceable for salutes. The

        ginjal ic a kind of swivel from six to fourteen feet long, resting

        on a tripod ; being less liable to burst than the cannon, it is the

        most effective gun the Chinese possess.

        Gunpowder was probably known to the Chinese in the latter

        part of the II an dynasty (a.d. 250), but its application in firearms

        at that time is not so plain. The exploits of Kung-ming

        in that period owe their interest to his use of gunpowder in modes like the Greek fire of the Byzantines, though the animated narratives of Lo Kwan-chung (a.d. 1300) in his History of the Three States, are not reliable history in this particular.

        Grosier (Vol. VIL, pp. 176-200) has adduced the evidences proving the use of powder at or before the Christian era. The inferences that Europe obtained it from India rather than China have, however, a good deal of weight. Early Arab historians refer to it as Chinese snow and Chinese salt—a fact which only shows its eastern origin—while the Chinese comx^und term of hioo-yioh, or ‘ fire drug,’ rather indicates a foreign source than otherwise.

        Mr. W. F. Mayers has searched out and collated a considerable

        mass of evidence from Chinese sources bearing upon the

        introduction of explosives in native warfare and ordinary life.

        The conclusions of this writer point both to a foreign origin of

        gunpowder in China, and a nnicli later use of the compound

        among their warriors than has generally been supposed. Coming,

        probably, from India or Central Asia about the fifth century

        A.D. the invention, he says, ” perhaps found its way into

        China in connection with the manufacture of fireworks for purposes

        of diversion ; and supplanting at some unascertained

        period the jiractice of producing a crepitating noise by burning

        bamboos as a charm against evil spirits.” No evidence exists

        of the use of gunpowder as an agent of warfare until the middle

        of the twelfth century, nor did a knowledge of its propulsive

        effects come to the Chinese until the reign of Yungloh, in the

        fifteenth century—a thousand years after its first employment

        in fire-crackers.’

        Fire-arms of large size were introduced toward the end of the

        Ming dynasty by foreign instructors ; ginjals and matchlocks

        were known four centuries earlier in all the eastern and central

        regions of Asia, but none of those people could forge or cast

        large artillery, owing to their imperfect machinery. The gunpowder

        is badly mixed and ti’itui-ated, though the proportions

        are nearly the sauje as our own. The native arms are now

        ‘ JVm’th CJiina Br. Royal Aniutic iSoc. JouriMl, 1870, No. VI., Art. V. Com

        pare Notes and Queries on G. and J.

        INVENTION AND USE OF GUNP0\YDER. 91

        rapidly giving place to foreign in the imperial army, and the

        establishment of four or live arsenals under the numagement of

        competent instructors, where implements of warfare of every

        kind are manufactured, will, ere long, make an entire change in

        Chinese weapons and tactics. Some of their brass guns were of

        • enormous size and great strength, but were of little use for

        practical warfare, owing to the bad carriages and rude means of

        working them.

        The uniforms of Chinese troops are not even calculated to

        give them a iine appearance when drawn up for parade, and

        no one, looking at them, can believe that men dressed in loose

        jackets and trousers, with heavy shoes and bamboo caps, could

        be trained to cope with western soldiers. Fans or umbrellas

        are often made use of on parade to assuage the heat or protect

        from the i-ain, while the chief object of these reviews is to

        salute and knock head before some high officer. In order to

        repress insurrection, the government has been frequently compelled

        to buy off turbulent leaders with office and rewards, and

        thus disorganize and scatter the enemy it could not vanquish.

        But however ridiculous the army and navy of the Chinese

        were half a century ago, in the isolation and ignorance which

        then held them, it cannot be alleged of what has been attempted

        within twenty 3’ears, and the promise of wdiat may be

        done in as numy more. The following resume of the qualities

        of the Chinese soldier, from experience with Col. Gordon^s

        “Ever Victorious Force” during the Tai-ping insurrection will

        be a, 2}roj)os of this subject to which this work cannot devote

        further space. ” The old notion is pretty well got rid of, that

        they are at all a cowardly people when properly paid and efticiently

        led ; while the regularity and order of their habits,

        whicli dispose them to peace in ordinary times, give place to a

        daring bordering upon recklessness in time of war. Their intelligence

        and capacity for remembering facts make them well

        fitted for use in modern warfare, as do also the coolness and

        calmness of their disposition. Physically they are on the

        average not so strong as Europeans, but considerably more

        30 than most of the other races of the East ; and on a cheap

        diet of rice, vegetables, salt fish, and pork, they can go through a vast amount of fatigue, whether in a temperate climate or a tropical one, where Europeans are ill-fitted for exertion. Their wants are few; they have no caste prejudices, and hardly any appetite for intoxicating liquors. Being of a lymphatic or lymphatic-bilious temperament, they enjoy a remarkable immunity from inflannnatory disease, and the tubercular diathesis is little known amongst them.””

        Their progress in real civilization is not to be fairly measured

        by their attainments in war, although it has been said that the

        two best general criteria of civilization among any people are

        superior skill in destroying their fellow men, and the degree of

        respect they pay to women. China falls far behind her place

        among the nations if judged by these tests alone, and in reality

        owes her present advance in numbers, industry, and wealth

        mainly to her peaceful character and policy. She would have

        probably presented a spectacle similar to the disunited hoi’des

        of Central Asia, had her people been actuated by a warlike

        spirit, for when divided into fifty or more feudal states, as was

        the case in the days of Confucius, she made no progress in the

        arts of life. The Manchu Emperors have endeavored to conquer

        their neighbors, the Birmans and Coreans, but in both

        cases had to be satisfied with the outward homage of a ]votou\

        and a few articles of tribute, when a formal embassy presented

        itself in Peking. The Siamese, Cochinchinese, Coreans, Tibetans,

        Lewchewans, and some of the tribes of Turkestan, are

        nominally vassals of the Son of Heaven, and their names remain

        on the roll of feifs. The first two have ceased to tsin

        hung, or send tribute, since about 1860 ; and the Lewchewans

        are not likely to revisit their old quarters at Peking in any capacity

        ; while the others derive advantage from the facilities of

        traffic which they are unwilling to give up.

        ‘Andrew Wilson, The ”Ever Victorious Army.” A RiHtory of the Chinese Vu»ip(.ii(/n under Lieut. -Vol.- (Jordou. London, lb08, p. 2G9.

        CHINESE POLICY AND PKACTICE IN WARFARE. 93

        The precepts of Confucius taught the rulers of China to conquer their neighbors by showing the excellence of a good government, for then their enemies would come and voluntarily range themselves vmder their sway; and although the kindness of the rulers of China to those fully in their power is as hypocritical as their rule is unjust, those nations who pay them this homage do it voluntarily, and experience no interference in their internal affairs. The maxims of Confucian polity, aided by the temper of the people, have had some effect, in the lapse of years, upon the nature of this quasi feudality. The weaker nations looked up to China, since they could look no higher, and their advances in just government, industry, and arts, is not a

        little owing to their political intercourse during past centuries.

        The Chinese Empire is a notable example of the admirable

        results of a peaceful policy ; and the sincere desire of every

        well-wnsher of his race doubtless is that this mighty mass of

        human beings may be Christianized and elevated from their

        present ignorance and weakness by a like peaceful infusion of

        the true principles of good order and liberty.

        Many treatises upon the art and practice of war exist, one of

        which, called the Soldier’s Manual^ in eighteen chaptei’s, contains

        some good directions. The lirst chapter treats of the

        mode of marching, necessity of having plans of the country

        through which the army is to pass, and cautions the troops

        against harassing tlie people unnecessarily—not a useless admonition,

        fur a body of Chinese soldiers is too often like a

        swarm of locusts upon the land. The second chaj)ter teaches

        the mode of buildino- bridges, the need there is of cautious explorations

        in marching, and of sending out scouts ; this subject

        is also continued in the next section, and directions given about

        castrametation, placing sentries, and keeping the troops on the

        alert, as well as under strict discipline in camp. The rest of

        the book is chiefly devoted to directions for the management of

        an actual battle, sending out spies beforehand, choosing positions,

        and bringing the various parts of the army into action at

        the best time. The hope of reward is held out to induce the

        soldier to be brave, and the threats of punishment and death if

        he desert or turn his back in time of battle.

        ‘ Chinese Eepositoi-y, Vol. XI., p. 487.

        The utility of music in encouraging the soldiers and exciting them to the charge is fully appreciated, but to our notions it no more deserves the name of music tliaii the collection ol half-drilled louts in petticoats does that of an arnn’, when compared with a European force. Still, its antiquity, if nothing else, renders it a subject of great interest to the musical student, while its power over the people seems to be none the less because it is unscientific. However small their attainments in the theory and practice of music, no nation gives to this art a higher place. It was regarded by Confucius as an essential part in the government of a state, harmonizing and softening the relations between the different ranks of society, and causing them all to move on in consentaneous accord. It is remarked of the sage himself that having heard a tune in one of his ramblings, he did not know the taste of food for three weeks after—but, with all deference to the feelings of so distinguished a man, we cannot help thinking his food might have been quite as palatable without music, if it was no better then than it is at the present day. The Chinese never had anything like the musical contests among the Greeks, and their efforts have been directed to develop instrumental rather than vocal music.

        The names and characters used for notes in vocal music are here given, though their real tone cannot be accurately represented by our staff. The second octave is denoted by affixing the sign jin, ‘a man,’ to the simple notes, or as shown in the second c7te, by a peculiar hooked bottom.

        -^ ng Tj j: K i fL 7*; ^ fL ji: J^i^h

        CHINESE MUSICAL NOTATION. 93

        Barrow says that the Chinese learned this mode of writing music from Pereira, a llomaii Catholic missionary, in 1670, but its existence in Japan and Corea invalidates this statement.

        There are two kinds of nmsic, known as the Southern and Northern, which differ in their character, and are readily recognized by the people. The octave in the former seems to have had only six notes, and the songs of the Miaotu and rural people in that portion of China are referable to such a gamut, while the eight-tone scale generally prevails in all theatres and more cultivated circles. Further examination by competent observers who can jot down on such a gamut the airs they hear in various regions of China, is necessary to ascertain these interesting points, which now seem to carry us back to remote antiquity, and have been noticed in other countries than China.

        In writing instrumental music, marks, meaning io jmsh^Jilli^p, hool; etc., are added to denote the mode of playing the string; the two are united into very complicated combinations. For instance, in writing a tune for the lute or kin, ” each note is a chister of characters ; one denotes the string, another the stud, a third informs you in what manner the lingers of the right hand are to be used, a fourth does the same in reference to the left, a fifth tells the performer in what way he must slide the hand before or after the appropriate sound has been given, and a sixth says, perhaps, that two notes are to be struck at the same time.” These complex notes are difficult to learn and remember, therefore the Chinese usually play by the ear. This mode of notation, in addition to its complexity, must be varied by nearly every kind of instrument, inasmuch as the combinations fitted for one instrument are inapplicable to another; but music is written for only a few instruments, such as the lute and the guitar.

        These notes, when simply written without directions condiined with them as described above, indicate only their pitch in a certain scale, and do not denote either the length or the absolute pitch ; they are written perpendicularly, and various marks of direction are given on the side of the column regarding the proportionate length of time in which certain notes are to be played, others to be trilled or repeated once, twice, or more times, and when the performer is to pause. Beats occur at regular intervals in some of the written tunes ; all muisic is in common time and no triple measures are used, yet time is pretty well observed in orchestras. Of harmony and counterpoint they know nothing ; the swell, diminish, flat, sharp, appogiatura, tie, and other marks which assist in giving expression to our written music, are for the most part unknown, nor are tunes set to any key. The neatness and adaptation of the European notation is better appreciated after studying the clumsy, imperfect mode which is here briefly described.’

        No description can convey a true idea of Chinese vocal music, and few persons are able to imitate it when they have heard it. De Guignes says, ” It is possible to sing a Chinese song, but I think it would be very difficult to give it the proper tone without having heard it by a native, and I rather believe that no one can perfectly imitate their notes.” They seem, in some cases, to issue from the larynx and nose, the tongue, teeth, and lips having little to do with them, the modulation being made mostly with the muscles of the bronchia ; at other times, the

        enunciation of the words requires a little more use of the lips

        and teeth. Singing is generall}’ on a falsetto key ; and this

        feature prevails throughout. Whether in the theatre or in the

        street, about the house or holding the guitar or lute, both men

        and women sing in this artificial tone somewhere between a

        squeal and a scream, and which no western musical instrument

        is able to imitate. Its character is plaintive and soft, not full

        or exhibiting much compass, though when two or three females

        sing together in recitative, not destitute of sweetness. Bass and

        tenor are not sung by men, nor a second treble by females, and

        the two performers are seldom heard together among the thousands

        of street musicians who get a precarious living by their

        skill in this line, as they accompany the guitar or rebeck. The

        chanting in Buddhist services resembles the Ambrosian and early

        Gregorian tones, and is accompanied only by striking a block

        ‘ Compare Dr. Jenkins in the Jmimal N. C. Br. R. A. S., Vol. V., 1868, pp.30 ff., and Rev. E. W. Syle in ib. Vol. II., 1859, p. 17G ; Pere Amiot in Mem.mnc. les CMnois, Vol. VI., pp. 1 ff.; Notes <ind Queries on C. and «/., Vol. IV.,Arts. 2 and ;}. Pt-rny Did., app. No. XIV., p. 443.

        CHINESE TUNES. 97

        and marking the time; the tenor voices of boys make a strong contrast to the gruff bass voices of the men in this service; some of the latter will carry their part as low as an octave below C or D in the bass, sounding most sepulchrally, like a trombone.

        Three of the tunes insei’ted in Barrow’s Travels are here quoted as specimens of Chinese airs The first is the most popular, the second, conmion at Shanghai, is called Liih ixvn^ or ‘ Six Boards,’ it has a strain at the beginning and end additional to the usual form.

        MOH-Ll HWA ; OR, THE JASMINE FLOWER.

        ^^^^xjimt^-

        Hao ye to sien hva, Yu chao yu jih

        How sweet this branch of fresh flower?, On the morn of the day

        I W=^

        e.^EiE^EfeiEi^^±^2

        loh tsai ICO kia,

        ’twas dropped in my house ;

        IVo pun tai puh chu mun,

        I’ll wear it myself, yet not out of doors,

        ^ ^^^P 3^ W

        Tui choh sien hira, ^rh loh.

        But will match it with others, and make myself glad.

        Hao ye to Moh-l’i hica,

        Miran yuen hwa kai sho puh kwei la,

        Wo pun tai tsz^ ye ta,

        Tai yu kung kan hira jin ma.

        How sweet this sprig of the jasmine flower!

        Through the whole plat there’s none to equal it;

        I myself will wear this new plucked sprig,

        Though I fear all who sec it will envy me.

        LUH PAN ; OK, THE SIX BOAKDS.

        ^

        ^^^^m^

        ^^^i^S^^^^^

        ^^^^^

        -^-

        aij=a- ^^^^^^^^

        ^=^ ^^^^^^s

        ^^^^^^^1^

        STRINGED INSTRUMENTS OF MUSIC. 99

        The literature on the art of music is large. One treatise on heating drums scientilically dates from ahom tne year 860 A D , and contains a list of about one hundred and twenty-nine symphonies, nuxny of which are of Indian origin Among the seventy-two instruments hriefly described in the C7unese Chrestoraathj, there are seventeen kinds of drums, from the large ones suspended in temples to assist in worship to others of lesser size and diverse shape used in war, in theatres, and in bands.

        Gongs, cjnibak, tambourines, and musical vases are also described

        in considerable variety ; the last consisting of a curious

        arrangement of twelve cups, more or less filled with water, and

        struck with rods. The Chinese are fond of the tinkling of

        small pieces of sonorous glass, caused by the wind striking them

        against each other as they are suspended from a frame or lamp.

        The simple succession of sounds arising from striking upon a

        liarmonicon, jingling these glasses together, or touching different

        sized cymbals suspended in a frame, is a favorite species of

        music.

        The stringed instruments to be played by thrumming are not as numerous as those of percussion, but they display more science. Nothing resembling the harp or Apollo’s lyre has been observed among them. The Z///, or ‘scholar’s lute,’ is considered as the most finished, and has received more attention than any other orchestral implement ; to excel in playing it is regarded as a scholarly accomplishment. A work entitled The Lute-l*laijcr”s Easy Lesmns, in two volumes, contains explanations of one hundred and nine terms and is illustrated by twenty nine pictures of the position of the hands to aid in a full understanding of the twenty-three sets of tunes given in the second volume. This lute, it may be added, is of very ancient origin and derives its name from the word Jcin, ‘ to prohibit,’ ” because it restrains and checks evil passions and corrects the human heart.” It is a board about four feet in length and eighteen inches wide, convex above and flat beneath, where are

        two holes opening into hollows. There are seven strings of silk,

        which pass over a bridge near the wide end through the board,

        and are tightened by nuts beneath ; they are secured on two

        pegs at the smaller end. The sounding-board is divided by

        thirteen studs, ” so placed that the length of the strings is

        divided first into two equal parts, then into three, etc., up to

        eight, with the omission of the seventh. The seven sti-ings inclose

        the compass of a ninth or two-fifths, the middle one being

        treated like A upon the violin, viz., as a middle string, and each

        of the outer ones is tuned a fifth from it. This interval is treated like our octave in the violin, for the compass of the Idn is made up of fifths. Each of the outer strings is tuned a fourth from the alternate string within the system, so that there is a major tone, an interval tone less than a minor third, and a major tone in the fifth. The Chinese leave the interval entire, and skip the half tone, while we divide it into two unequal parts. It will therefore readily appear that the mood or character of the music of the hln must be very different from that of western instruments, so that none of them can exactly do justice to the Chinese airs. One of the peculiarities in performing on the lute is sliding the left hand fingers along the string, and the trilling and other evolutions they are made to execute.”

        There are other instruments similar to the hin^ one with thirty, and another with thirteen strings, played with plectrums. The number of instruments resembling the guitar, lute, cithern, spinet, etc., is cousiderable, some with silken, others with wire strings, but none of catgut. The balloon-shaped guitar, or 2nj>c(-, has four strings arranged and secured like those of a violin; it is about three feet lung, and the unvarnished upper table has twelve frets to guide the performer. The strings are tuned at the intervals of a fourth, a major tone, and a fourth, so that the outer strings are octaves to each other; but the player generally avoids the semitones. The j’U”^ frequently accompanies the songs of strolling musicians and ballad singers. The san hlen, or ‘three-stringed guitar’, resembles a rebeck in its contour, but the neck and head is three feet long, and the body is cylindrical and hollow, usually covered with snake’s skin, upon

        which the bridjire is set. The strini:;s are tuned as fourths to

        each othei’, and in this respect it seems to be the counterpart of

        the Grecian mercurian ; their sound is low and dull, and the

        instrument is sometimes played in company with the 2n2>a.

        Another kind of guitar, called yueh kin, or ‘ full moon guitar,’

        has a large round belly and short neck, resembling the theorbo

        or arch lute of Europe, but with only four strings, while that

        had ten or more. These four strings stand in pairs that are

        unisons with each other, having an interval of a fifth interposed

        between the pairs. Tiie sound is smarter than that from the

        pij[)a or Jiin, and it is used in lively tunes, the strings being

        WIND INSTRUMENTS. 101

        struck briskly witli the iniil or .a plectriiin. Similar in its construction

        to the san hien is the rebeck, or two-stringed fiddle,

        tlie rude appearance of which corresponds to the thin grating

        sounds which issue from it. This instrument is merely a

        bamboo stick thrust into a cylinder of the same material, and

        having two strings fastened at one end of the stick on pegs, and

        passing over a bridge on the cylinder to the other end ; they

        are tuned at intervals of a fifth. The bow passes between the

        two sti-ings, and as they are near each other, much of the skill

        required to play it is exhibited in wielding the bow so as not to

        make discord by scraping it against the wrong string while tvying

        to produce a given sound. Europeans wonder how the Chinese

        can be delighted with the harsh gratings of this wretched

        machine, but none of their musical instruments are more popular,

        and the skill they exhibit in playing it deserves a better

        reward in the melody of the notes. A modification of it, called

        ti kin, or ‘crowing lute,’ is made by employing a cocoanut for

        the belly ; its sounds are, if anything, more dissonant.

        The 1/ang hin is a kind of dulcimer, consisting of a greater or

        less number of brass wires of different lengths, tuned at proper

        intervals, and fastened upon a sounding-board ; it is played with

        light hammers, and forms a rudimentary piano-forte, but the

        sounds are very attenuated. The samj is in like manner the

        embryo of the organ ; it is a hollow conical-shaped box, which

        corresponds to a wind -chest, having a mouthpiece on one side,

        and communicating with thirteen reeds of different lengths inserted

        in the top ; some of the tubes are provided with valves,

        part of them opening upward and part downward, so that some

        of them sound when the breath fills the wind-box, and others

        are only heard when it is sucked out and the air rushes down

        the tubes to refill it. The tubes stand in groups of four, four,

        three, two, around the top, and those having ventiges are placed

        so that the performer can open or close them at pleasure as he

        holds it. By covering the first set of holes and gently breathing

        in the mouthpiece, a sweet concert of sounds is produced,

        augmented to the octave and twelfth as the force of the breath

        is increased. By stopping certain groups, other notes, shriller

        and louder, are emitted ; and any single tube can be sounded by inhaling the wind from the wind-box and stopping the other holes. It is a simple thing and no doubt among the most ancient of musical instruments, but it possesses no scope nor means of varying the tone of the tubes. Mr. Lay thinks it to be identical in principle and form with the organ invented by Jubal ; the Chinese regard it more as a curious instrument than one possessing claims to adnuration or attention.

        Their wind instruments are numerous, but most of them are

        remarkable rather for clamor than sweetness or compass. The’

        h icang tih^ or flute, is about twice the length of our fife, and made

        of a bamboo tube neatly prepared and pierced with ten holes,

        two of which ai’e placed near the end and unused, and one midway

        between the enibouchuro and the six equidistant ones for the

        fingers. This additional hole is covered with a thin film ; the

        mouth-hole is bored about one-third of the way from the top.

        Tliei’e are no keys, and the performers generally blow upon the

        embouchure so violently that the sounds are shrill and harsh, but

        when several of them play together the concert is more agreeable.

        The congener of the flute is the iiliii tlh, or clarinet, which takes

        the lead in all musical performances, as it does in western bands.

        It has seven effective lioles, one of which is stopped by the thumb,

        but no kej-s; the bell is of coppor and sits loose upon the end,

        and the copper mouthpiece is ornamented Mith rings, and blown

        through a reed. The tones produced by it are shrill and deafening,

        and none of their instruments better characterize Chinese

        musical taste. A smaller one, of a sweeter tone, like a flageolet,

        is sometimes fitted with a singular shaped reed, so that it can be

        played upon by the nose. Street musicians sometimes endeavor

        to transform themselves into a travelling orchestra. One of

        these peripatetic Orpheuses will fit a flageolet to his nose, sling

        a small drum under one shoulder, and suspend a framework of

        four small cymbals upon the breast; the man, thus accoutred,

        aided by a couple of monkeys running after him, or sitting on

        his head and shoulders, goes from street to street singing a ])liiintive

        ditty, and accompanying his voice with his instruments,

        and drawing a crowd with his moidceys.

        The horn i-csenibles a trombone in principle, for the shaft is

        retractible within the cylindrical copper bell, and can be lengthtup:

        horn, gong, etc. 103

        ened at pleasure. The sound is very grave, and in processions

        its hollow booming forms a great contrast to the shrill clarinets

        and cymbals. Another kind of horn, less grave, is made of a

        crooked stem expanding into a small l)ell at tlie end ; the shaft

        is of two parts, one drawing into the other, so that the depth of

        tone can be modified. A long straight horn, resembling the

        funeral pipe of the Jews, is sometimes heard on funeral occasions,

        but this and the clarion, ti-umpet, and other kinds of pipes of

        ancient and modern make are not common.

        The Zo, or gong, is the type of Chinese music : a crashing harangue of rapid blows upon this sonorous plate, with a rattling accompaniment on small drums, and a crackling symphony of shrill notes from the clarinet and cymbal, constitute the chief features of their musical performances. The Emperor Kanghi endeavored to introduce foreign tunes and instruments among his courtiers, and the natives at Macao have heard good music from the Portuguese bands and choirs in that city from childhood, but not an instrument or a tune has been adopted by them.

        It seems to be a rule in Chinese music that the gong should only vary in rapidity of strokes, while the alternations of time into agreeable intervals are left to the drums. ” This want of perception as to what is pleasing in i-hythmical succession of sounds,” Lay well observes, ” is connected with another fact—the total absence of metrical effect in national poetry. The verses contain a particular number of words and set pauses in each line, but there is nothing like an interchange of long and short sounds. Among the Greeks the fall of the smith’s hammer, the stroke of the oar, and the tread of the soldier in armor suggested some poetic measure, and their music exhibits a world of curious metres. But nothing of the sort can be heard in China, amid all the sounds and noises that salute the ear in a noisy country.” It is probable that the impracticable, monosyllabic nature of the language has contributed to this result; though the genius and temperament of the people are the chief reasons.

        A Chinese orchestra or band, when in full note, strikes upon the ear of a European as a collection of the most discordant sounds, and he immediately thinks of Hogarth’s picture of the Enraged Musician, as the best likeness of its dissonance. It seems, when hearing them, as if each performer had his own tune, and was trying to distinguish himself above his competitors by his zeal and force ; but on listening carefully he will observe, amid the clangoi’, that they keep good time, one taking the octave, and the different instruments striking in with some regaj’d to parts, only, however, to confound the confusion still more because they are not tuned on the same key. Bands and orchestras are employed on occasions of marriages and funerals, theatrical exhibitions, religions or civic processions, and reception of officers, but not to a very great extent in temples or ancestral worship ; no nation makes more use of such music as they have than the Chinese. The people have an ear for music, and young men form clubs to learn and practise on various instruments and fit themselves for playing at weddings or birthday festivals. In respect to adopting foreign harmonies, which youths soon learn to appreciate when taught in mission schools, there is likely to be no competition, owing to the great differences between them. ‘

        From this account of Chinese mnsic, it may be readily inferred

        that it is not of such a character as to start the hearers off in a

        lively dance. A sort of nnimmer or posture-making is practised

        by persons attached to theatrical companies, and pantomimic

        art seems to have been understood in ancient times, but the

        exhibitions of it were probably as jejune as the caperings of

        puppets. As acrobats the Chinese are equal to any nation, and

        companies have performed in many western capitals within a

        few years past. Some of their performances are highly exciting,

        as throwing sharp cleavers at a man fastened to a post, till he

        cannot stir without cuttinji; himself afirainst their blades, is a

        common exhibition. To go through the tragedy of trying, con-

        ‘ Chinese as Ihey Are, Chap. VIII. Chinese Repository, Vol. VIII., pp. 30-54. Chinese Chrestouyithy, pp. 85G–3G5. Journal N. C. Br. R. A. Soc, No. II., 1859,p. 176 ; No. v., 1808, p. 30. Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Japan, 1877, Vol.v., pp. 170-179. German Asiatic Soc. of Japan, 1876. Grosier, Description fjenerale (U la Chine, Tome VI., p. 258. Doolittle, Soricd TAfe, Vol. II., p. 216. Barrow’s Travels, pp. 313-323. Memoires cone, les Chinois, Tomes I., III.,VI., etc.; for ancient musical knowledge, the last still furnishes the best analysis yet made.

        DANCING AND THE FINK ARTS. 105

        delnning, and killing a boy by stabbing him in the belly is not

        so connnon ; the imitation of the gasping chest and pallid death

        hue are wotiderfnlly natural. Ventriloquism, writing answers

        to questions asked of the spirits by means of rods moving over

        a dusted table, and other black art or magical tricks have long

        been known. In dancing and other forms of graceful motion

        they are entirely wanting, and one would almost as soon think

        of associating music and medicine as that Chinese music should

        be accompanied by quadrilles and cotillons, or that men witli

        shoes like pattens could lead off women with feet like hoofs

        through the turns and mazes of a waltz or fandango.

        Their deficiencies in music will not lead us to expect much from them in painting or sculpture, for all flow so much from the same general perception of the beautiful in sound, form, and color, that where one is deficient all are likely to be unappreciated.

        This want in Chinese mind (for we are hardly at liberty to call it a defect) is, to a greater or less degree, observable in all the races of Eastern Asia, none of whom exhibit a high appreciation of the beautiful or sublime in nature or art, or have produced much which proves that their true principles were ever understood. Painting is rather behind sculpture, but neither can be said to have advanced beyond rude imitations of nature.

        Even the best painters have no proper idea of perspective or

        of blending light and shade, but the objects are exhibited as

        much as possible on a flat surface, as if the painter drew his

        picture from a balloon, and looked at the country with a vertical

        sun shining above him. As might be inferred from their

        deficiencies in linear drawing and landscapes, they eminently

        fail in delineating the human figui-e in its right proportions,

        position, and expressions, and of grouping the persons introduced

        into a piece in natural attitudes. The study of the human

        figure in all its proportions lias not been attended to by

        painters any more than its anatomy has by surgeons. Shadows

        upon portraits are considered a great defect, and in order to

        avoid them a front view is usually taken. Landscapes are also

        painted without shading, the remote objects being as minutely

        depicted as those in the foreground, and the point of view in pieces of any size is changed for the nearer and remote pavts. There is no vanishing point to their pictures, as might be inferred from their ignorance of perspective and the true elements of art.

        Representation of a Man Dreaming.

        Outline drawing is a favorite style of the art, and the wealthy adorn their houses with rough sketches in ink of figures and landscapes; but the humblest of such compositions as are common in the galleries and studios of western countries have never been produced by Chinese artists. Some of their representations of abstract ideas are at least singular to us, and, like many other things brought from their country, attract notice from their oddity.

        ATTAINMENTS IN DRAWING AND COLORING. 107

        Their coloring is executed with great skill and accuracy—too much, indeed, in many cases, so that the painting loses something of the effect it would otherwise have from the scrupulous minuteness of the detail, though it looks well in paintings of flowers, animals, costumes, ornaments, and other single objects where this filling up is necessary to a true idea of the original. The tints of the Innnan countenance are no better done, however.

        than its liueaiiieiits, aiul the lifeless opacity suggests the idea

        that the artist was not called in until his patron was about to

        be entombed from the sight of his soi-rowing family. The

        paintings obtained at Canton may, some of them, seem to disprove

        these opinions of the mediocrity attained by the artists

        in that country, but the productions of the copyists in that city

        are not the proper criteria of native uneducated art. Some of

        them have had so nnich practice in copying foreign productions

        that it has begun to cori-ect their own notions of designing.

        These constitute, however, a very small proportion of

        the whole, and have had no effect on national taste. The designs

        to 1)0 seen on plates and bowls are, although not the best,

        fairer specimens of art than the pieces sometimes procured at

        Canton. The beautiful fidelity with which engravings are

        copied at Canton is well seen in the paintings on ivory, especially

        miniatures and figures, some of which fully equal similar

        productions made elsewhere.’

        As samples of Chinese illustrative art, the two adjoining

        wood-cuts may be considered as quite up to the average of

        their fairest achievements. The story of the first in bi-ief is as

        follows: In the district of Tsungngan lived a crafty plebeian,

        who, envying the good fortune of all about him, became especially

        covetous of the burial ground of his district magistrate

        Chu. Hoping to gain a surreptitious benefit from the

        felicitous luck of the plat, he secretly buried his own tombstone

        there, and at the end of several years brought suit for its

        recovery. Unable to comprehend the affair, Chu repaired to

        the burial spot, where indeed the geomancy of the grave was

        found to be entirely in accord with the rules, but upon removing

        the earth the stone of his enemy’s remote ancestry was disclosed.

        ‘ Compare Owen Jones, Grammnr of Ornament, Chap. XIV. , and Examples of CMiieHe Ornament (London, 18()7). Gazette des Beaux-Artu for October and November, 187:5, and January, 1874.

        The Vengeance of Heaven upon the False Grave.

        EXAMPLES OF CHINESE ILLUSTRATIVE ART. 109

        The suit was in consequence declared against him, Chu removed his residence to the black tea country, and his envious neighbor entered in triumph upon possession of the graveyard. Not so readily, however, did the powers above condone this iniquity. One night there arose a tempest of unheard-of violence, when the thunder iuul lightning were indescribable, the hideons roar and Hash of which terrified the countiy far and near, boding no good to its wretched inhabitants. The following morning the grave was discovered in ruins, stone and epitaph uprooted, even the corpse and coffin missing. The vengeance of liea\eu had repaired tlu; injustice of man.

        The illustration which depicts the tempest personified in its

        full terror shows us the Lai Kttiuj, or God of Thunder, almost

        the only Chinese mythological deity who is drawn with wings.

        The cock’s head and claws, the hammer and chisel, representing

        the splitting peal attending a flash, the circlet of fire encompassing

        a number of drums to typify the reverberating thunder

        and the ravages of the irresistible lightning, present a grotesque

        ensemble which is quite unique even among the Vizarrerie of

        oriental figures ; the somewhat juvenile attempts of the artist

        to sketch the destruction and rifling of the grave are much less

        notable.

        Concerning the subject of the second illustration (taken, with the other, from the Sacred Edict of Kangxi), we are told that one Yuen, having conceived a violent hatred against an acquaintance, set out one morning, knife in hand, with the purpose of killing him. A venerable man sitting in a convent saw him pass, and was amazed to observe several scores of spirits closely following him, some of whom clutched his weapon, while others seemed endeavoring to delay his progress. “About A would-be Assassin followed by Spirits.

        SYMBOLISM OF THE CHINESE. Ill

        the space of a meal-time” the patriarch noticed Yueirs return, accompanied this time by more than a hundred spirits wearing golden caps and bearing banners raised on high. Yuen himself appeared with so happy a face, in place of his gloomy countenance of the early morning, that the old man sadly concluded that his enemy must be dead and his revenge gratified. ” When you passed this way at daybreak,” he asked, ” where were you going, and how do you return so soon ? ” ” It was owing to my quarrel with Miu,” said Y^ien, ” that made me wish to kill him. But in passing this convent door better thoughts came to me as I pondered upon the stress his wife and children would come to, and of his aged mother, none of whom had done me wrong. I determined then not to kill him, and return thus promptly

        from my evil purpose.” It hardly needed the sage’s commendations

        to increase the reformed murderer’s inner contentment,

        imparted by the train of ghostly helpers ; he continued on his

        way rejoicing. The reader may notice a pictoi-ial idea as well

        as a moral not unlike those of more western countries.

        The syml)olisni of the Chinese has not attracted the notice of

        foreign writers as much as it deserves. It meets us everywhere—

        on plates and crockery, on carpets, rugs, vases, wall

        pictures, shop signs, and visiting cards. Certain animals stand

        for well-understood characters in the language, and convey

        their sense to the native without any confusion. Owing to the

        similarity of sound, fuh denotes hat and ha_i>p\nem, and luh

        stands for deer and official emolument. The cliaracter shao,

        mtaning ‘longevit}’,’ is represented in many ways—an old man

        leaning on his staff; a pine tree cut into the form of the character;

        a tortoise, which is among the longest-lived reptiles; a

        stork, supposed to be a bird which attains a great age, and a

        fabulous peach which is a thousand years ripening. A dragon

        and a phoenix, c^x fung-iokang, are emblems of a newly wedded

        pail*, and various modes of combination are adopted to represent

        marriage relations.

        A rug w’ill sometimes tell a story very neatly to the eye. In the centre is the Raxtstica, or ‘hammer of Thor,’ which denotes all., and symbolizes all happiness that humanity desires. On the right is the luh, or ‘deer,’ which denotes honor and success in study, carrying the yii-‘i, or Buddhist scepter, in its mouth, meaning success in literary labors. On the left is pictured a goose, indicating domestic felicity, and two bats complete the rug, with its good wishes.

        In the plate represented in the picture the central figure is clad in the ancient costume of officials bearing the insignia or baton of a minister of State. The old man, with his gourd and peach, indicates an extreme and happy old age; and the figure with the basket corresponds to the cornucopia of western emblems. The five bats symbolize the wufu, or ‘five happinesses,’ which all mankind desires— riches, longevity, sound body, love of virtue, and a peaceful end.

        Symbols of Happiness and Old Age. (From a plaque.)

        The visiting card and note paper often indicate in their adornments a good wish and a motto which does credit to the taste and heart of the designer. A most graceful and not nncommon way of wishing a guest good luck is to depict some happy emblem or a sentence of the language with a fortunate meaning on the bottom of his tea-cup. The characters ” May your happiness know no bounds ” frequently occur in this position, and the oft-recurring five bats or three peaches can be employed with like signification. The mandarin duck is a well understood emblem for conjugal affection ; again, a cock and hen standing on an artificial i”ock-work symbolize the pleasures of a country life. Sometimes the eight symbols peculiar to the Buddhist sect, or the pah s/’en (‘ eight genii’) indicative of their protection, are seen in the border of a plaque amid a device of running arabesques. The favorite dragon, in an infinite diversity of shapes, adorns the fiiici- qualities of cups, plates, bowls, and vases, to represent imperial grandeur, but common people are not wont to use such patterns.

        PAINTING ON PITir-I’ArER AND LEAVES. 113

        The brilliant paintings on pith-paper, or rice-paper as it is commonly but incorrectly called, deserve special mention for their singular delicacy and spirit. This substance, whose velvety surface contrasts so admirably with bright colors, is a delicate vegetable film, consisting of long hexagonal cells, whose length is parallel to the surface of the film, and which are filled with air when the film is in its usual state ; the peculiar softness

        which so well adapts it for receiving colors is owing to tliis

        structure. It is obtained from the pith of a species of Fatsia, a

        plant allied to the Aralia, growing in Formosa and Yunnan, in

        nuirshy districts. It is cultivated to some extent, but mostly

        gathered \i\ cutting the branches of the wild plants, which resemble

        the elder. This pitli forms a large item in the internal

        trade of China, and is worked up into toys as well as cut into

        sheets. The fragments are used to stuff pillows or fill up the

        soles of shoes, or wherever a light, dry material is needed. The

        largest and best sheets (ten l)y fifteen inches) are selected for

        the painters at Hongkong and Canton, where many hundreds

        of workmen are employed in making them. Under the direction

        of foreign ladies at Amoy and elsewhere, most accurate

        imitations of flowers and bouquets are now made I)y natives out

        of pith-paper. The pieces are cut nearly a foot long, and the

        pith is forced out by driving a stick into one end ; it is then wet

        and put into bamboos, where it swells and dries straight. If

        too short to furnish the i-equired breadth, several bits are pressed

        together until they adhere and make one long straight piece.

        The paring knife reseml)lcs a butcher’s cleaver, a thin find

        sharp l)]ade, which is touched u]) on a block of iron-wood at the

        last moment. The pith is pared on a square tile, having its

        ends guarded by a thin strip of ])rass, on which the knife rests.

        The pith is rolled over against its edge with the left hand ; the

        right firmly holds it, slowly moving it leftward, as the workman

        pulls and rolls the pith in the same direction, as far as the tile

        allows. The pared sheet runs under the knife, and the paring

        goes on until only a center three or four lines thick is left ; and this remnant the thirifty workmen use or sell for an aperient The paring resembles the operation of cutting out corks, and

        produces a smooth slieet about four feet long, the first half foot

        being too much grooved to be of use. The fresh sheets are

        pressed in a pile, smoothed by ironing and their fractures

        mended with mica. Most of the paper is trimmed into square

        sheets for the makers of artificial fiowers, and sold in Formosa

        at about eight cents for five hundred sheets. An India-ink outline

        is first transferred l)y dampening and pressing it upon the

        paper, when the ink strikes off sufliciently to enable the workman

        to fill up the sketch ; one outline will serve for limning

        several copies, and in large establishments the separate colors

        are laid on by different workmen. The manufacture of these

        paintings at Canton employs between two and three thousand

        hands.

        Another tissue sometimes used by the Chinese for painting,

        more remarkable for its singularity than elegance, is the reticulated

        nerve-work of leaves, the parenchyma of the leaf having

        been removed by maceration, and the membrane filled with

        isinglass. The appearance of a painting on this transparent

        substance is pretty, but the colors do not retain their brilliancy.

        The Chinese admire paintings on glass, and some of the moonlight

        scenes or thunderstorms are good specimens of their art.

        The clouds and dark parts are done with India-ink, and a dark

        shade well befitting the subject is imparted to the whole scene

        by underlaying it with a piece of blackish paper. Portraits and

        other subjects are also done on glass, but the indifferent execution

        is rendered still more conspicuous by the transparency of

        the ground ; the Hindus purchase large quantities of such glass

        pictures of their gods and goddesses. Looking-glasses are also

        painted on the back with singular eifect by removing the quicksilver

        with a steel point according to a design previously sketched, and then painting the denuded portion.

        CHINESE SCULPTURE AND CARICATURE. 115

        Statuary is confined (thiefiy to molding idols out of clay or cutting them from wood, and carving animals to adorn balus’ trades and temples. Idols are generally made in a sitting posture and dressed, the face and hands being the only parts of the body seen, so that no opportunity is afforded for imitating the muscles and contour of tlie figure. The hideous monsters which

        guard the entrance of temples often exhibit more artistic skill

        than the unmeaning images enshrined within, and some even

        display much knowledge of character and proportion. Among

        their best performances in statuettes are the accurate baked and

        painted models of different classes of people ; Canton and Tientsin

        artists excel in this branch.

        Animals are sculptured in granite and cast in bronze, showing

        great skill and patience in the detail work ; deformity in the

        model has resulted in the production of such animals, indeed, as

        were probably never beheld in any world. Images of lions,

        tigers, tortoises, elephants, rams, and other animals ornament

        bridges, temples, and tombs. The elephants in the long avenue

        of warriors, horses, lions, etc., leading up to the tomb of the

        Emperor Ilungwu at Xanking are the only tolerable representations

        of their originals ; the gigantic images guarding the

        tomb of Yungloh, his son, at Changping, near Peking, are

        noticeable for size alone. The united effect of the elaborate

        carving and grotesque ornaments seen upon the roofs, woodwork,

        and pillars of buildings is not devoid of beauty, though in their

        details there is a great violation of the true principles of art,

        just as the expression of a face may please which still has not a

        handsome feature in it. Short columns of stone or wood, surmounted by a lion, and a dragon twining around the shaft, the whole cut out of one block ; or a lion sejant with half a dozen cubs crawling over his body, are among the ornaments of temples and graves which show the taste of the people.

        The Chinese have a sense of the ridiculous, and exhibit it

        both in their sculpture and drawing in many ways. Lampoons,

        pasquinades, and caricatures are common, nor is any pei’son

        below the dragon’s throne spared by their pens or pencils, though

        they prefer subjects not likely to involve the authors—as in the

        one here selected from the many elicited during the war of 1840.

        By far the best specimens of sculpture are their imitations of

        fruits, flowers, animals, etc., cut out of many kinds of stone,

        from gnarled roots of bamboo, wood, and other materials ; but

        in these we admire the unwearied patience and cunning of the

        workmen in making gi’otesque combinations and figures out of apparently intractable materials, and do not seek for any indications of a pni’e taste or embodiment of an exalted conception.

        Inscriptions of a religions or geomantic cliai’acter are often cntnpon the faces of rocks, as was tlie case in India and Arabia,* and tlie pictnrescpie characters of the language make a pretty appearance in such situations.

        Caricature of an English Foraging Party.

        The small advances made in architecture have already been noticed in Chapter XIII.—a deficiency exhibited in the Iluns and other nations of the Mongolian stock long after they had settled in Europe and Western Asia ; nor was it imtil their amalgamation with the imaginative nations of Southern Europe

        had changed their original character that grand performances

        in architecture appeared among the latter. If the Chinese had

        a model of the Parthenon or the Pantheon in their own

        country, belike they would measurably imitate it in every part,

        but they would erect dozens in the same fashion. Perhaps

        an infusion of elegance and taste would liave been imparted to

        them if the people had had frequent intercourse witii more im-

        ‘ Compare Job XXX., 24.

        LIMITATIONS OF TIIKIll AlinilTKOTURE. 117

        ainiiative nations, 1)ut wlicn tlici’c wei-c no models of this superior

        kind to follow there was no likelihood of their originatihg

        them. In lightei’ edifices, as ])avilions, rest-houses, kiosks,

        and arbors, there is, however, a degree of taste and adaptation

        that is umisual in other buildings, and (juite in keeping with

        their fondness for tinsel and gilding rather than solidity and

        grandeur. On this point Lay’s remark on the characteristics of

        the Attic, Egyptian, Gothic, and Chinese styles is apposite.

        ” If we would see beauty, size, and proportion in all their excellence,

        we should look for it among the models of Greece ; if

        we desire something that was wild and stupendous, we should

        find it in Egypt ; if grandeur with a never-sated minuteness of

        decoration please us, we need look no further than to a cathedral

        ; and lastly, if the romantic and the old-fashioned attract

        our fancy, the Chinese can point us to an exhaustless store in

        the recesses of their vast Empire. A lack of science and of conception

        is seen in all their luiildings, but fancy seems to have

        had free license to gambol at pleasure ; and wdiat the architect

        wanted in developing a scheme he made up in a redundancy of

        imagination.”

        The Chinese have made but little progress in investigating the principles and forces of mechanics, but have practically understood most of the common powers in the various applications of which they are capable. The lever, wheel and axle, wedge and pinion, are all known in some form or other, but the modification of the wedge in the screw is not frequent. The sheave blocks on board their vessels have only one pulley, but they understand the advantages of the windlass, and have adopted the capstain in working vessels, driving piles, raising timber, etc. They have long understood the mode of raising weights by a hooked pulley running on a rope, attached at each end to a cylinder of unequal diameters; by this contrivance, as the rope wound around the larger diameter it ran off the snuiller one, raising the weight to the amount of the difference between the circumference of the two cylinders at a very small expense of strength. The graduations of the weighing-beam indicate their acquaintance with the relations between the balance and the weight on the long and short arm of the lever, and this mode of weighing is preferred for gold, pearls, and other valuable things. The overshot water-wheel is used to turn stones for grinding wheat and set in motion pestles to hull rice and press oil from seeds, i’,nd the undershot power for raising water.

        There is a great expenditure of human strength in most of their contrivances; in many, indeed, the object seems to have been rather to give a direction to this strength than to abridge it. For instance, they put a number of slings under a heavy stone and carry it off bodily on poles, in preference to making a low car to roll it away at half the expense of human power.

        In other departments of science the attainments of the people are few and imperfect. Chemistry and metallui’gy are unknown as sciences, but many operations in them are performed with a considerable degree of success. Sir J, Davis gives the detail of some experiments in oxidizing quicksilver and preparation of mercurial medicines which were performed by a native in the presence and at the request of Dr. Pearson at Canton, and ” afforded a curious proof of similar results obtained by the most different and distant nations possessing very unequal scientific attainments, and bore no unfavorable testimony to Chinese shrewdness and ingenuity in the existing state of their knowledge.” ‘ The same opinion might be safely predicated of their metallurgic manipulations; the character of the work is the only index of the efficacy of the process. In bronzes they take a high place, and the delicacy of their niello work in gold and silver, upon wood as well as metal, caimot be surpassed.

        ‘ The Chinese, Vol. II., pp. 260-270, 28G.

        IDEAS ON Till-: STKUt’TUIlE OF TIIK IIFMAN HODY. 119

        This compendious review of the science of the Chinese can be brought to a close by a brief account of their theory and practice of medicine and surgery. Although they are almost as superstitious as the Hindus or North American Indians, they do not depend upon inc^antations and charms for relief in case of sickness, but resort to the prescriptions of the physician as the most reasonable and likely way to recover; mixed up, indeed, with many strange practices to assist the efficacy of the doses. These vary in every part of the Empire, and show the power of ignorance to perpetuate and strengthen the strangest superstitions where health and life are involved. Doolittle has collected many instances, and the experience of medical missionaries is uniform in this matter.

        The dissection of the human hody is never attempted, though

        some notions of its internal structure are taught in medical

        works, which are published in many forms. Mr. Wylie notices

        fifty-nine treatises of a medical and physiological character in

        his Notes on Chinese Literature. They contain references to

        a far greater number of authors, some of whom flourished in

        the earliest days of China, and many of whose writings exhibit

        good sense and sound advice amid the strangest theories. Dr.

        Harland has deseril)ed the Chinese ideas of the organization of

        the body and the functions of the chief viscera in a lucid manner,

        and the diagram shown on p. 120 presents the popular

        opinions on this subject, for whatever foreigners may have imparted

        to them has not yet become generally known.

        The Chinese seem to have no idea of the distinction between venous and arterial blood, nor between muscles and nerves, applying the word hin to both tendons and nerves. According to these physiologists, the brain (A) is the abode of the yln principle in its perfection, and at its base (B), where there is a reservoir of the marrow, communicates through the spine with the whole body. The larynx (C) goes through the lungs directly to the heart, expanding a little in its course, while the pharynx(D) passes over them to the stomach. The lungs («, «, r/, a^ a, a) are white, and placed in the thorax; they consist of six lobes or leaves suspended from the spine, four on one side and two on the other; sound proceeds from holes in them, and they rule the various parts of the body. The centre of the thorax (or pit of the stomach) is the seat of the breath; joy and delight emanate from it, and it cannot be injured without danger. The heart {h) lies underneath the lungs, and is the prince of the body ; thoughts proceed from it. The pericardium {<) comes from and envelops the heart and extends to the kidneys.

        There are three tubes communicating from the heart to the spleen, liver, and kidneys, but no clear ideas are held as to their office. Like the pharynx, they pass through the diaphragm, which is itself connected with the spine, ribs, and bowels. The Chinese Notions of the Internal Structure of the Human Body.

        /I,/?—The brain. C—Larynx. D—Pharynx. a,a,«,«,rt,

        a—Lungs. 6—Heart, c—Pericardium. U—Bond of connection

        with tho spleen, e—The (Esophagus. /—Boiidnf

        connection with the liver, (j—Bond of connection with

        the kidneys, h—The diaphragm, i—Cardiac extremity.

        ;—The spleen, i—The stomach. /—Omentum. »«—The

        pylorus. n,n,n,n,n.v—The liver, o—The gall-blndder.

        ;>—The kidneys, q—The small intestines, r—The largo

        intestines, s—Caput coli. i—Thc navel, m—The blad

        tier. ?’—The “gate of life.”‘ sometimes iiUu-ed in the

        right kidney, zo—The rectum, x, y—The urinal and

        foecal passages.

        liver (??, ;?, ??, 71, v, 71) io

        on the right side and has

        seven lobes ; the soul resides

        in it, and schemes

        emanate from it ; tlie

        gall-bladder (0) is below

        and projects npward into

        it, and when the person

        is angry it ascends ; courage

        dwells in it ; hence

        the Chinese sometimes

        procure the gall-bladder

        of animals, as tigers and

        bears, and even of men,

        especially notorious bandits

        executed for their

        crimes, and eat the bile

        contained in them, under

        the idea that it will impart

        courage. The spleen

        {J) lies between the stomach

        and diaphragm and

        assists in digestion, and

        the food passes from it

        into the stomach {k), aud

        hence through the pylorus

        {m) into the large intestines.

        The omentum [l) overlies the stomach, but its office is unknown, and the mesentery and pancreas are entirely omitted.

        TIIEOKIES REGARDING OSTEOLOGY AND CIRCULATION. 121

        The small intestines {(j) are connected with the heart, and the urine passes through them into the bladder, separating from the food or fseces at the caput coli iV), where they divide from the larger intestines.

        The large intestines (/) are connected with the lungs and

        lie in the loins, having sixteen convolutions. The kidneys {j))

        are attached to the spinal marrow, and resemble an egg in shape,

        and the subtle genei-ative fluid is eliminated by them above to the

        brain and belo\v to the spermatic cord and sacral extremity ; the

        testes, called wal shin, or ‘outside kidneys,’ communicate with

        them. The right kidney, or the passage from it (v), is called

        the ” gate of life,” and sends forth the subtle fluid to the spermatic

        vessels. The bladder (u) lies below the kidneys, and receives

        the urine from the small intestines at the iliac valve.

        The osteology of the frame is briefly despatched : the pelvis, skull, forearm, and leg are considered as single bones, the processes of the joints being quite dispensed with, and the whole considered merely as a kind of internal framework, on and in which the necessary fleshy parts are upheld, but with which they have not much more connection by muscles and ligaments than the post has with the pile of mud it upholds. The TaiYiYuan, or Medical College at Peking, contains a copper model of a man, about six feet high, on which are given the names of the pulses in different places ; it is pierced with many small holes. In a.d. 1027 the Emperor had two anatomical figures made to illustrate the art of acupuncture, which is still practised. The irrigation of the body with blood is rather complicated, and authors vary greatly as to the manner in which it is accomplished. Some pictures represent tubes issuing from the fingers and toes, and running up the limbs into the trunk, where the}’ are lost, or reach the heart, lungs, or some other organ as well as they can, wandering over most parts of the body in their course.

        Theories are furnished in great variety to account for the nourishment of the body and the functions of the viscera, and upon their harmonious connection with each other and the five metals, colors, tastes, and planets is founded the well-being of the system; with all they hold an intimate relation, and their actions are alike built on the all-pervading functions of the yin and yang—those universal solvents in Chinese philosophy. The pulse is very carefully studied, and its condition regarded as the

        Bar,

        mp:dical puactice of the Chinese. 123

        The practice of the Chinese is far in advance of their theory, and some of their treatises on dietetics and medical practice contain good advice, the result of experience. Dr. W. Lockhart has translated n native treatise on midwifery, in which the author, conlining himself principally to the best modes of treatment in all the stages of parturition, and dwelling brieii}’ on the reasons of things, has greatly improved upon the physiologists.

        This branch of the profession is almost entirely in the hands of

        women. Sui-gical operations are chietly confined to removing a

        tooth, puncturing sores and tumors with needles, or trying to

        reduce dislocations and reunite fractures by pressure or bandaging.

        Sometimes they successfully execute more difficult

        cases, as the amputation of a finger, operation for a harelip,

        and insertion of false teeth. In one case of dentistry four incisor

        teeth made of ivory were strung upon a piece of catgut

        and secured in their place b}- tying the string to the eye-teeth ;

        they were renewed quarterly, and served their purpose tolerably

        M’ell. The practice of acupuncture has some good results among

        the bad ones.* That of applying cauteries and caustics of various

        degrees of power is more general, and sometiuies entails

        shocking distress upon the patient. Cases have presented themselves

        at the hosj)itals, where small sores, by the application of

        escharotics, have extended until a large part of the tissue, and

        even important organs, have been destroyed, the charlatan

        amusing his suffering patient by promises of ultimate cure.

        The moxa, or burning the fiovvers of the amaranthus upon the

        skin, is attended with less injury.

        ‘Compare Ri’mnsat {Xoiiveau.r Melangen Asiatiqves, Tome I., pp. 358-380),

        Tui-ning in of the eyelashes is a common ailment, and native practitioners attempt to cure it by everting the lid and fastening it in its place by two slips of bamboo tightly bound on, or by a pair of tweezers, until the loose fold on the edge sloughs off: the eye is, however, more frequently disfigured by this clumsy process than is the trouble remedied. Poultices made of many strange or disgusting substances are applied to injured parts, who says that the first notion of acupuncture as practised in China was brought into Europe by one Ten-Rhyue, a Dutch surgeon, at the end of the seventeenth century.

        Dr. Parker mentions the case of a man who, having injured

        tlie iris by a fall, was ordered by his native physician to cut a

        chicken in halves, laying one portion on the eye as a cataplasm

        and eating the other as an internal cure. Venesection is rarely

        attempted, but leeches and cupping are employed to remove the

        blood from a particular spot. Blood-letting is disapproved in

        fevers, ” for,” says the Chinese reasoner, ” a fever is like a pot

        boiling ; it is requisite to reduce the fire and not diminish the

        liquid in the vessel if we wish to cure the patient.”

        Many of the operations in cases of fracture present a strange

        mixture of folly and sense, proceeding from their ideas of the

        internal structure of the human body conliicting with those

        which common sense and experience teach. Pere Ripa’s description

        of the treatment he underwent to prevent the ill effects

        of a fall will serve as an illustration. Having been thrown

        from his horse and left fainting in the street, he was carried

        into a house, wdiere a surgeon soon visited him. ” He made

        me sit up in bed, placing near me a large basin filled with

        water, in which he put a thick piece of ice to i-educe it to a

        freezing point. Then stripping me to the waist, he made me

        stretch my neck over the basin, while he continued for a good

        while to pour the water on my neck with a cup. The pain

        caused by this operation upon those nerves which take their

        rise from the pia mater was so great and insufferable that it seemed to me unequalled, but he said it would stanch the blood and restore me to my senses, which was actually the case, for in a short time my sight became clear and my mind resumed its powers. He next bound my head with a band drawn tight by two men who held the ends, while he struck the intermediate parts vigorously with a piece of wood, which shook my head violently, and gave me dreadful pain. This, he said, was to set the brain, which he supposed had been displaced, and it is true that after the second operation my head felt more free.

        THE PKACTICK OF CHINESE PHYSICIANS. 125

        A third operation was now performed, during which he made me, still stripped to the waist, walk in the open air supported by two persons; and while thus walking he unexpectedly threw a basin of freezing cold water over my breast. As this caused me to draw my breath with great vehemence, and as my chest had been injured b)- the fall, it may easily be imagined what were my sufteriiigs under this inlliction ; but I was eonsoled by the information that if any i-ib had been dislocated,

        this sudden and hard breathing would restoie it to its natui-al

        position. The next ])roceeding was not less painful and extravagant.

        The operator made me sit on the ground, and, assisted

        by two men, held a cloth upon my mouth and nose till I was

        almost suffocated. ‘ This,’ said the Chinese Esculapius, ‘ by

        causing a violent heaving of the chest, will force back any rib

        that may have been dislocated.’ The wound in my head not

        being deep, he healed it by stuffing it with burnt cotton. He

        then ordered that I should continue to walk much, supported

        by two persons ; that I should not sit long, nor be allowed to

        sleep till ten o’clock at night, at which time I should eat a little

        thin rice soup, lie assured me that these walks in the open

        air while fasting would prevent the blood from settling upon

        the chest, where it might corrupt. These remedies, though

        barbarous and excruciating, cured me so completely that in

        seven days I was able to resume my journey.” ‘

        The active daily practice of a popular Chinese doctor may be

        very well illustrated from Dr. Ilobson’s description of one Ta

        wang siensang, or ‘ Dr. Hhubarb,’ a medical practitioner in

        Canton. This man, after prescribing for the sick at his office

        until the hour of ten in the morning, would commence his rounds

        ” in the sedan chair carried in great haste by three or four men.

        Those patients were visited first who had their names and

        residences first placed in the entry book, and as the streets were

        narrow and crowded, to avoid trouble in finding the house, a

        copy of the doctor’s sign-board would be posted up outside the

        patient’s door, so that the chairmen should be able at once to

        recognize the house without delay.”

        ‘ Pere Ripa, Memoirs and Residence ai Peking^ translated by F. Prandi, Loudon,1844, p. G7.

        The doctor being ushered into the hall, or principal room, is met with bows and salutations by the father or elder brother of the family. Tea and pipes are offered in due form, and he is requested to feel his patient’s pulse’; if a male, he sits opposite to him; if a female, afcreeii of bamboo intervenes, which is only removed in case it is requisite to see the tongue. The right hand is placed upon a book t»^ steady it, and the doctor, with much gravity and a learned look, places his three fingers upon the pulsating vessel, pressing it alternately with each finger on the inner and outer side, and then making with three fingers a steady pressure for several minutes, not with watch in hand, to note the frequency of its beats, but with a thoughtful and calculating mind, to diagnose the disease and prognosticate its issue. The fingers being removed the patient immediately stretches out the other hand, which is felt in the same manner.

        Perhaps certain cpiestions are asked of the father or mother concerning the sick person, but these are usually few, as it is presumed the pulse reveals everything needful to know. Ink and paper are produced and a prescription is written out, which consists of numerous ingredients, but there are one or two of only prime importance —the rest are servants or adjuvants. They are all taken from the vegetable kingdom, and are mostly simples of little efficacy. The prescription is taken to a di-nggist to be dispensed; the prescriber seldom makes up the medicine himself, and as large doses are popular (a quid j»;yv’ J^^^), so the decoction made from the whole amounts to pints or even quarts, which are swallowed in large portions with the greatest ease; powders, boluses, pills, and electuaries are also use(). If the patient is an officer of the government or a wealthy person, the nature of the disease, prognosis, and treatment are written down for the inspection of the family ; for this the doctor’s fee is a dollar. But generally speaking, both the doctor and the patient’s friends are quite satisfied with a verbal communication; and if the man has a gift for speaking and has brass enough to use it to his advantage (both of which are seldom wanting in timeserving men), he will describe with a learned, self-satisfied air the ailment of the patient, and the number of days it will take to cure him. The fee is wrapped up in red paper, and called “golden thanks,” varying, in amount from fifteen to seventy cents or more, according to the means of the patient; the chair bearers being paid extra. The doctor returns to make another visit if invited, but not otherwise. It is more common, if the patient is not at once benefited by the prescription, to pall in another, then a third, then a fourth, and even more, until tired of physicians (for the Chinese patience is soon exhausted, and their faith by no means strong in all their doctors’ asseverations) they have, as a last resort, application made to one of the genii, or a god possessing wonderful healing powers. The result is that the patient dies or lives, not according to the treatment received, for that must be generally inefficacious, but according as his natural strength is equal to surmount the difficulties by which he is surrounded.’

        ‘ Dr. James Henderson in Journal of the N. C. Br. of Royal Asiatic Society,1864, No. r, p. 54.

        Dr. Hobson has given an analysis of 442 medicinal agents enumerated in one of the popular dispensatories; of the whole number, 314 are vegetable, 50 mineral, and 78 animal. The author gives the name of each one, the organ it affects, its properties, and lastly the mode of its exhibition. Medicines are arranged under six heads—tonics, astringents, resolvents, purgatives, alteratives of poisonous humors, and of the blood. Among the agents employed are many strange and repulsive substances, as snake-skins, fossil bones, rhinoceros or hart’s horn shavings, silk-worm and liuinan secretions, asbestos, moths, oyster-shells, etc. Calomel, vermilion, red precipitate, minium, arsenic, plumbago, and sulphate of copper are among the metallic medicines used by physicians ; Dr. Henderson enumerates thirty three distitu’t mineral medicines. The number of apothecary shops in towns indicates the great consumption of medicine; their arrangement is like the druggist shops in the west, though instead of huge glass jars at the windows filled with bright colored liquids, and long rows of vials and decanters in glass cases, three or four branching deer’s horns are suspended from the walls, and lines of white and black gallipots cover the shelv’es. Hartshorn is reduced to a dust by filing, for exhibition in consumption. Many roots, as rhubarb, gentian, etc., are prepared by paring them into thin laminae; others are powdered in a mortar with a pestle, or triturated in a narrow iron trough in which a close-fitting wheel is worked. The use of acids and reagents is unknown, for they imply more knowledge of ciiemistry than the Chinese possess. Vegetable substances, as camphor, myrrh, ginseng, rhubarb, gentian, and a great variety of roots, leaves, seeds, and barks, are generally taken as pills or decoctions. Many valuable I’ecipes will probably be discovered in their books as soon as the terms used are accurately ascertained, and a better acquaintance with the botany and mineralogy enables the foreign student to test them intelligently.

        The people sometimes cast lots as to which one of a dozen doctors they shall employ, and then scrupulously follow his directions, whatever they may be, as a departure therefrom would vitiate the sortilege. Sometimes an invalid will go to a doctor and ask for how much he will cure him, and how soon the cure can be performed. He states the diagnosis of his case, the pulse is examined, and every other symptom investigated, when the bargain is struck and a portion of the price paid. The patient then receives the suitable medicines, in quantity and variety better fitted for a horse than a man, for the doctor reasons that out of a great number it is more likely that some will prove efficacious, and the more he gets paid for the more he ought to administer. A decoction of a kettleful of simples is drunk down by the sick man, and he gives up both working and eating; if, however, at the expiration of the time specified he is not cured, he scolds his physician for an ignorant charlatan who cheats him out of his money, and seeks another, with whom he makes a similar bargain, and probably with similar results. Sagacious observance of cause and effect, symptoms and pains, gradually give a shrewd physician great power over his ignorant patients, and some of them become both rich and influential; a skillful physician is termed the “nation’s hand.”

        DISEASES PREVALENT IN CHINA. 129

        A regular system of fees exists among the profession, but the remuneration is as often left to tiie generosity of the patient. New medicines, pills, powders, and salves are advertised and pufPed by flaunting placards on the walls of the streets, some of them most disgustingly obscene; but the Chinese do not puff new nostrums by publishing a long list of recommendations from patients. The various ways devised by persons to dispose of their inediciiies exhibit much ingenuity. Sometimes a man, having spread a mat at the side of the street, and marshalled his gallipots and salves, will commence a hai-angne npf>n the goodness and efficacy of his preparations in loud and eloquent tones, until he has collected a crowd of hearers, some of whom he manages to persuade will he the better for taking some of his potions. He will exhibit their efficacy by first pounding his naked breast with a brick till it is livid, and then immediately healing the contusion by a lotion, having previously fortified the inner parts with a remedy; or he will cut open his tiesh and heal the wound in a few moments by a wonderful elixir, which he alone can sell. Others, more learned or more professional, erect a pavilion or awning, fluttering with signs and streamers, and quietly seat themselves under it to wait for customers; or content themselves with a flag perched on a pole setting forth the potency of their pills. Dentists make a necklace of the rotten teeth they have obtained from the jaws of their customers, and perambulate the streets with these trophies of their skill hanging around their necks like a rosary. In general, however, the Chinese enjoy good health, and when ill from colds or fevers, lie abed and suspend working and eating, which in most cases allows nature to work her own cure, whatever doses they may take. They are perhaps as long-lived as most nations, though sanatory statistics are wanting to enable us to form any indisputable conclusions t)n this head.

        The classes of diseases which most prevail in China are ophthalmic,

        cutaneous, and digestive ; intermittent fevers are also

        connnon. The great disproportion of affections of the eye has

        often attracted observation. Dr. Lockhart ascribes it partly to

        the inflammation which often comes on at the commencement

        of winter, and which is allowed to run its course, leaving the

        organ in an ujiliealthy condition and very obnoxious to other

        diseases. This inflammation is beyond the skill of the native

        practitioners, and sometimes destroys the sight in a few days.

        Another fruitful source of disease is the practice of the barbers

        of turning the lids over and clearing their surfaces of the mucus

        which may be lodged there, lie adds: ”If the person’s eyes be

        examined after this process, they will be found to be very red

        and irritated, and in process of time chronic conjunctivitis supervenes,

        wliicli being considered proof of insutiicient cleansing,

        the practice is persisted in, and the inner surface of the lid becomes

        covered with granulations. In other cases it becomes

        indurated like thin parchment, and the tarsal cartilages contract

        and induce entropium.” Dense opacity of the cornea itself is

        frequently caused by this harherous practice, or constant pain

        and weeping ensues, both of which materially injure the sight,

        if the patient does not lose it. The practice of cleansing the

        ears in a similar way frequently results in their serious injury,

        and sometimes destruction. When the ill effects of such treatment

        of these delicate organs must be plain to eveiy obser\ing

        person in his own case, it is strange that he should still allow the

        operation to be repeated.

        The physicians in charge of the missionary hospitals successfully

        established at so many cities in Eastern China have

        attended more to tumors, dislocations, wounds, and surgical

        cases, ophthalmic and cutaneous diseases, than to common clinical

        ailments. The hospitals here spoken of are little more than

        dispensaries, with a room or two for extreme or peculiarly interesting

        cases ; there is little visiting the natives at their own houses.

        Asthma, even in boys, is common at Amoy, and consumption

        at Canton and Chusan. Intermittent fevers prevail more

        or less wlierever the cultivation of rice is carried on near villages

        and towns. Elephantiasis is known between Shanghai and

        Canton, but in the southern provinces leprosy seems to exist as

        its equivalent. This loathsoma disease is regarded by the

        Chinese as incurable and contagious. Lazar-houses are provided

        for the residence of the infected, but as the allowance of poor

        patients is insuthcient for their support, they go from street to

        street soliciting alms, to the great annoyance of every one. As

        soon as it appears in an individual, he is immediately separated

        from liis family and driven forth an outcast, to herd with others

        similarly afPected, and get his living from precarious charity.

        The institution of lazarettoes is ])raisewortliy, hut they fail of

        affording relief on account of the mismaiiagonient and peculation

        of those who have their supervision ; and those who cannot get

        DISEASES PREVALENT IN CHINA. 131

        in are obliged to live in a village set apart for tliein north of

        the city. Lepers can intermarry among themselves, but on

        account of })overty and other causes they do not often do so,

        and the hardships of their lot soon end their days. This disease

        will probably exist among the Chinese until houses are

        built more above the ground, better ventilation of cities and

        improvement in diet are adopted, when it will disappear as it

        has in Southern Europe.

        Diseases of an inilammatoiy nature are not so fatal or rapid

        among the Chinese as Europeans, nor do consumptions carry

        off so large a proportion of the inhabitants as in the United

        States. Dyspepsia has been frequently treated ; it is ascribed

        by Dr. Hepburn to the abundant use of salt provisions, pickled

        vegetables, and fish, irregularity in eating, opium smoking, and

        immoderate use of tea ; though it nuiy be questioned whether

        the two last reasons are more general and powerful at Amoy

        than Canton, where dyspepsia is comparatively rare. The surgeons

        at the latter place have successfully treated hundreds of

        cases of stone, losing less than fifteen per cent, of all. Some of

        the patients were under ten years, and a few of the calculi

        weighed nearly half a pound. This malady is almost md^nown

        in Xorthern China. The diseases which result from intemperate

        and licentious habits are not as violent in their effects as

        in countries where a greater use of animal food and higher living

        render the system more susceptible to the noxious consequences

        of the virus.

        The existence of tumors and unnatural growths in great abundance and variety is satisfactorily accounted for by the inability of the native practitioners to remove them. Those which had a healthy growth increased until a moi-bid action supervened, and consequently sometimes grew to an enormous size. A peasant named IIu Lu went to England in 1831 to have an abdominal tumor extirpated weighing about seventy pounds; he died under the operation. No patients bear operations with more fortitude than the Chinese, and, owing to their hnnphatic temperament, they are followed with less inflammation than Is usual in European practice. CToitre is very common in the mountainous regions of the northern provinces ; Dr. Gillan estiniatcd that nearly one-sixth of the inhahitants met In the villages on the high land between Peking and Jeh ho were atflicted witli this deformity, which, however, is said not to be so considered by the vilLigers themselves.

        The Asiatic cholera has been a great scourge in China, but does not often become an epidemic anywhere, though sporadic cases constantly occur. It raged at Ningpo in May, 1S20, and an intelligent native doctor informed Mr. Milne ‘ that it was computed that ten thousand persons were carried off by it in the city and department of Kingpo during the summers of 1820-23. In 1842 it prevailed at Amoy and Changchau and their vicinity ; more than a hundred deaths daily occun-ed at the former place for six or seven weeks. It raged violently at Hangchau in Chehkiang during the years 1821 and 1 822, persons dropping down dead in the streets, or dying within an hour or two after the attack ; many myriads were computed to have

        fallen victims, and the native doctoi’s, finding their remedies

        useless, gave up all treatment. It carried off multitudes in

        Shantung and Iviangsu during the same years, and was as titful

        in its progress in China as in Europe, going from one city to

        another, passing by towns apparently as obnoxious as those

        visited. The plague is said to have existed in KSouthern China

        about the beginning of the sixteenth centui-y, but it has not

        been heard of lately.

        ‘ Chinese llepository, Vol. XII., p. 487.

        XATIVE TREATISES 0\ MKDICINE. 133

        Small-pox is a terrible scath, and although the practice and utility of vaccination have been known for fifty years past at Canton, its adoption is still limited even in that city. It was introduced in 1820 by Dr. Pearson, of the East India Company’s establishment, and native assistants were fully instructed by him in the practice. Vaccination has now extended over all the Eighteen Provinces, and the government has given its sanction and assistance; it is chiefly owing to the heedlessness of the people in not availing themselves of it in time that it has, done no more to lessen the ravages of the disease. Where children were gratuitously vaccinated it was found almost impossible to induce parents to bring them ; and Mdien the children had been va(!cinated it was increasingly difficult to get them to return to allow the physician to see the result of the operation. Inoculation has long been practised by inserting a pledget in the nostrils containing the virjs; this mode is occasionally adopted in vaccination. The slovenly habits of the people, as well as insufficient protection and unwholesome food, give rise to many diseases of the skin, some of them incurable.

        The science of medicine attracted very early attention, and there are numerous treatises on its various branches. But the search for the liquor of immortality and the philosopher’s stone, with careful observations on the pulse as the leading tests of diseases, have led them astray from accurate diagnosis age after affe. The common classification of diseases is under nine heads, viz., those which affect the pulse violently or feebly, those arising from cold, female and cutaneous diseases, those needing acupunetui-e, and diseases of the eyes, the mouth and its parts, and the bones. A professor of each of these classes is attached to the imperial family, who is taken from the Medical College at Peking; but he has no. greater advantages there than he could get in his own reading and practice. Xo museums of morbid or comparative anatomy exist in the country, nor are there any lectures or dissections ; and the routine which old custom has sanctioned will go on until modern practice, now rapidly taking its place, wins its way. Section CCXCYII. of the code orders that ” whenever an unskillful practitioner, in administering medicine or using the puncturing needle, proceeds contrary to the established forms, and thereby causes the death of a patient, the magistrate shall call in oilier practitioners to examine the medicine or the wound, and if it appear that the injury done was unintentional, the practitioner shall then be treated according to the statute for accidental homicides, and shall not be any longer allowed to practise medicine.

        But if designedly he depart from the established forms, and deceives in his attempt to cure the malady in order to obtain property, then, according to its amount, he shall be treated as a thief; and if death ensue fmiu his malpractice, then, for having thus used medicine with intent to kill, he shall be beheaded.” ‘ This statute is seldom carried into execution, however, and the doctors are allowed to kill and cure, secundum, artem., as their patients give them the opportunity, Natural history, in its various branches of geologj, botany, zoology, etc., has received some attention, because the objects which come under it could not escape the notice of all the writers in Chinese literature. As sciences, however, none of them have an existence, and they are studied chiefly for their assistance in furnishing articles for the materia medica of the native physician. To these persons nothing comes amiss, and, like the ingredients of the bubbling, bubbling caldron of Macbetli’s witches, the stranger it is the more potent they think a dose will be ; in this particular they now act very much as the faculty did in England two centuries ago. It is to be regretted that their investigation should have taken such a direction, but the man of commanding influence has not yet arisen to direct their researches into nature and divert them from the marvelous and theoretical. On the whole, it may be said that in all departments of learning the Chinese are unscientific ; and that while they have collected a great variety of facts, invented many arts, and brought a few to a high degree of excellence, they have never pursued a single subject in a way calculated to lead them to a right understanding of it, or reached a proper classification of the information they possessed relating to it.
        ‘ Chinese CJirestomnthy, Chap. XVI., pp. 497-532. Asiatic Soc. Transactions, Hongkong, Art. III., 1847; No. III., 1852, Art. III. Jour. iV. C Br. R. A. Soc, No. I., 1864, and No. VI., 1809. W. Lockhart, Medical Missionary in China, 1861. Chinese Repository, passim. Porter Smitli’s Contributions to Chinese Materia Medira, Shanghai, 1871. Fliickiger & Hanbnry,Pharmacofiraphia, London, 1874. China Retieir, Vol. I., p. 176; Vol. III.,p. 224. J. Dudgoon, The Diseases of China, Glasgow, 1877; id. iu the Chinese Recorder, Vols. U., III., and IV., passim.

        CHAPTER XVII. HISTORY AND CHRONOLOGY OF CHINA

        The history of the Chinese people has excited less attention among western scholars than it deserves, though in some respects no nation offers more claims to have its chronicles carefully and fairly examined. The belief is generally entertained that their pretensions to antiquity are extravagant and ridiculous, and incompatible with the Mosaic chronology ; that they not only make the world to have existed myriads of years, but reckon the succession of their monarchs far beyond the creation, and ascribe to them a longevity that carries its own confutation on its face. In consequence of this opinion, some have denied the credibility of native historians altogether, and the whole subject of the settlement and early progress of this ancient race has been considered beyond the reach, and almost unworthy the attempt, of sober investigation. This erroneous and hasty conclusion is gradually giving way to a careful inquiry into those histories which show that the early records of the sons of Han contain much which is worthy of credence, and much more that is highly probable. A wide field is here opened for the researches of a Gibbon or a Kiebuhr; for as long as we are destitute of a good history of China and its connections with other Asiatic nations, we shall not only be unable to form a correct opinion respecting the people, but shall lack many important data for a full illustration of the early history of the human race. It is easy to laud the early records of the Chinese to the skies, as French writers have done ; and it is quite as easy to cry them down as worthless—manufactured in after ages to please the variety of their writers. The reputation both people and records have received is owing, in some measure, to this wulue laudation and depreciation, as well as to the intrinsic merits and defects of their histories. These, however, still mostly remain in their originals, and will require the united labors of many scholars to be full}’ brought to light and made a part of the world’s library.

        The enormous difficulties arising from the extent and tedious minuteness of native historians, coupled with the scarcity of translators competent or willing to undertake the labor of even such a resume of these works as will satisfy rational curiosity, are now being slowly overcome, both by Chinese and foreign students. These researches, it is to be earnestly hoped, will be rewarded by promoting a juster estimate in the minds of both classes of their relative positions among the nations of the earth.

        China, like other countries, has her mythological history, and it should be separated from the more recent and received, as her own historians regard it, as the fabrication of subsequent times. She also has her ancient history, whose earliest dates and events blend confusedly with the mythological, but gradually grow more credible and distinct as they come down the stream of time to the beginning of modern history. The early accounts of every nation whose founding was anterior to the practice of making and preserving authentic records nnist necessarily be obscure and doubtful. What is applicable to the Chinese has been true of other ancient people : ” national vanity and a love of the marvelous have intiuenced them all, and furnished materials for many tales, as soon as the spirit of investigation has supplanted that appetite for wonders which marks the infancy of nations as well as of individuals.”‘ The ignorance of the ” art preservative of all arts ” will greatly explain the subsequent record of the wonderful, without supposing that the infancy of nations partook of the same traits of weakness and credulity as that of individuals. There is neither space nor time in this work to give the details concerning the history and succession of dynasties that have swayed the Middle Kingdom, for to one not specially engaged in their examination their recital is proverbially dry ; the array of uncouth names destitute of lasting interest, and the absence of the charm of association with western nations render them nnin\ iting to the general reader. Some account of the leading events and changes is all that is necessary to explain what has been elsewhere incidentally referred to.’

        THE STUDY OF EARLY CHINESE HISTORY. 137

        Chinese historians have endeavored to explain the creation and origin of the world around them ; but, ignorant of the sublime fact that there is one C^reator who upholds his works by the word of his power, they have invented various modes to account for it, and wearied themselves in theorizing and disputing with each other. One of them, Yangtsz’, remarks, in view of these conflicting suppositions: “Who knows the affairs of remote antiquity, since no authentic records have come down to us? He who examines these stories will find it difficult to believe them, and careful scrutiny will convince him that they are without foundation. In the primeval ages no historical records were kept. Why then, since the ancient books that described those times were burnt by Tsin, should we misrepresent those remote ages, and satisfy ourselves with vague fables? However, as everything except heaven and earth must have a cause, it is clear that they have always existed, and that cause produced all sorts of men and beings, and endowed them with their various qualities. But it must have been man who in the beginning produced all things on earth, and who may therefore be viewed as the lord, and from whom rulers derive their dignities.”

        This extract is not a bad example of Chinese writers and historians ; a mixture of sense and nonsense, partially laying the foundation of a just argument, and ending with a tremendous non-se(putur, apparently satisfactory to themselves, but showing pretty conclusisely how little pains they take to gather facts and discuss their bearings. Some of these writers imagine that the world owes its existence to the retroactive agency of the dual powers yhi and yang, which first formed the outline of the universe, and were themselves influenced by

        ‘ Among the works which will repay perusal on this topic are Mailla’s //?’.’»’tfdre (le l<i Chwe and Pauthier’s Cliinr, in Frendi, and Du Halde’s Jl/sfnry.

        translated into English ; besides the briefer compilations of Murray, (irosier,Chitzluff, Davis, and more recently of Boulger and llichthofeii, Band I.

        their own creations. One of the most sensible of their aatliors says: Heaven was formless, an utter chaos ; the whole mass was nothing but confusion. Order was first produced in the pure ether, and out of it the universe came forth ; the universe produced air, and air the milky-way. When the pure male principle yang had been diluted, it formed the heavens ; the heavy and thick parts coagulated, and formed the earth. The refined particles united very soon, but the union of the thick and heavy went on slowly; therefore the heavens came into existence first, and the earth afterward.

        From the subtle essence of heaven and earth, the dual principles yia and yang were formed ; from their joint operation came the four seasons, and these putting forth their energies gave birth to all the products of the earth. The warm effluence of the yang being condensed, produced fire ; and the finest parts of fire formed the sun. The cold exhalations of the yin being likewise condensed, produced water ; and the finest parts of the watery substance formed the moon. By the seminal influence of the sun and moon, came the stars.

        Thus heaven was adorned with the sun, moon, and stars ; the earth also received rain, rivers, and dust.’ But this acute explanation, like the notions of Ilesiod among the Greeks, was too subtle for the common people ; they also

        wanted to personify and deify these powers and operations, but

        lacking the imaginative genius and fine taste of the Greeks,

        their divine personages are outrageous and their ideal beings

        shapeless monsters. No creator is known or imagined who,

        like Brahm, lives in space, ineffable, formless ; but the first

        being, Pwanku, had the herculean task to mould the chaos

        which produced him and chisel out the earth that was to contain

        him. One legend is that ” the dual powers were fi.xed

        when the primeval chaos separated. C’haos is bubbling turbia

        water, which enclosed and mingled with the dual powers, like

        a chick in ovo, but when their offspring Pwanku appeared their

        distinctiveness and operations were apparent. Pwdn means a

        ‘ basin,’ referring to the shell of the egg ; lu means ‘ solid,’ ‘ to

        secure,’ intending to show how the first man Pwanku was

        hatched from the chaos by the dual powers, and then settled

        and exhibited the arrangement of the causes which produced

        him.”

        Chinese Repositoin/, Vol. III., p. 55.

        CHINESE COSMOGONY. 139

        The Pationalists have penetrated furthest into the Daedalian mystery of this cosniogoiiy,’ and they go on to show what Pvvanku did and how he did it. They picture him holding a chisel and niahet in his hands, splitting and fashioning vast Pwanku Chiselling Out the Universe.

        ‘ For the Buddhist notions of cosmography and creation, see Remusat,Melattges PoHthmneii, pp. G5-131.

        masses of gvanite lioating confusedly in space. Behind the openings his powerful hand has made are seen the sun, moon, and stars, monuments of his stupendous labors; at his right hand, inseparable companions of his toils, but whose generation is left in obscurity, stand the dragon, the phoenix, and the tortoise, and sometimes the unicorn, divine types and progenitors with himself of the animal creation. His efforts were continued eighteen thousand years, and by small degrees he and his work

        increased ; the heavens rose, the earth spread out and thickened,

        and Pwanku grew in stature, six feet evevy day, till, his labors

        done, he died for the benefit of his handiwork. His head

        became mountains, his breath wind and clouds, and his voice

        thunder ; his limbs were changed into the four poles, his veins

        into rivers, his sinews into the undulations of the earth’s surface,

        and his flesh into fields ; his beard, like Berenice’s hair,

        was turned into stars, his skin and hair into herbs and trees,

        and his teeth, bones, and marrow into metal?, rocks, and precious stones ; his dropping sweat increased to rain, and lastly (nascltur ridiculus mus) the insects which stuck to his body were transformed into people!

        Such was Pwanku, and these Mere his works. But these grotesque myths afford none of the pleasing images and personifications of Greek fable or Egyptian symbols ; they fatigue without entertaining, and only illustrate the children imagination of their authors. Pwanku was succeeded by three rulers of monstrous forms called the Celestial, Terrestrial, and Human sovereigns, impersonations of a trinity of powers, whose traces and influences run through Chinese philosophy, religion, and politics ; their acts and characters are detailed with the utmost gravity, and more than Methusalean longevity allowed them to complete their plans. Their reigns continued eighteen thousand years (more or less according to the author quoted), during which time good government commenced, men learned to eat and drink, the sexes united, sleep was invented, and other improvements adopted. One would think, if the subjects of these wonderful beings were as long-lived, great perfection might have been attained in these and other useful arts; but the mysterious tortoise, conq)anion of Pangu, on whose carapace was written, in ta<l])olo-headed characters, the history of the anterior world, did not survive, and their record has not come doM’u. After them flourished two other niouai’chs, one of them called

        MYTHS OF THE CREATION. Hi

        Youchao, which means ‘having a nest’, and the other Suiren, or ‘match-man’. Whether the former invented nests for the abodes of his subjects, such as the Indians on the ()i’iuo(;o have, is not stated ; but the hitter brought down tire from heaven for them to cook with, and became a second, or rather the first, Prometheus.

        These fancies are gathered from a popuhir summary of knowledge, called the Coral Forest of Ancient Matters and from the opening chapters of history Made Easy. A higher style of philosophizing is found in C’liu Ill’s disquisition, from which an extract has been given in Chapter XII. Another on Cosmogony will show that he comes no nearer to the great fact of creation than ancient western writers.

        In the beginning heaven and earth were just the light and dark air. This one air revolved, grinding round and round. When it ground quickly much sediment was compressed, which, having no means of exit, coagulated and formed the earth in the center. The subtle portion of the air then became heaven and the sun, moon, and stars, which unceasingly revolve on the outside. The earth is in the center and motionless ; it is not below the center.

        Heaven revolving without ceasing, day and night also revolve, and hence the earth is exactly in the centre. If heaven should stand still for one moment, then the earth must fall down ; but heaven revolves quickly, and hence much sediment is coagulated in the centre. The earth is the sediment of the air; and hence it is said, the light, piu-e air became heaven, the heavy, muddy air became earth.

        At the beginning of heaven and earth, before chaos was divided, I think there were only two things—fire and water; and the sediment of the water formed the earth. When one ascends a height and looks down, the crowd of hills resemble the waves of the sea in appearance : the water just flowed like this. I know not at what period it coagulated. At first it was very soft, but afterward it coagulated and became hard. One asked whether it resembled sand thrown up by the tide ? He replied. Just so ; the coarsest sediment of the water became earth, and the purest portion of the fire became wind, thunder, lightning, sun, and stars.

        Before chaos was divided, the Yin-Yang, or light-dark air, was mixed up and dark, and when it divided the centre formed an enormous and most brilliant opening, and the two ‘c or principles were established. Shao Kang-tsieh considers one hundred and twenty-nine thousand six hundred years to be a yyn, or kalpa; then, before this period of one hundred and twenty-nine thousand six hundred years there was another opening and spreading out of the world ; and before that again, there was another like the present ; so that motion and rest, light and darkness, have no beginning. As little things sha<l”>w forth great things, this may be illustrated by the revohitions of day and night.

        Kang-tsieh says, Heaven rests upon form, and earth reclines upon air.

        The reason why he repeats this frequently, and does not deviate from the idea, is lest people should seek some other place beyond heaven and earth. There is nothing outside heaven and earth, and hence their form has limits, while their air has no limit. Because the air is extremely condensed, therefore it can support the earth ; if it were not so the earth would fall down.’

        A third belief respecting the position of the earth in the centre of the universe derives great strength in the opinion of intelligent natives from these speculations of Chn III. His theory considers the world to be a plane surface, straight, square, and large, measuring each way about 1500 miles (5600 Li), and bounded on the four sides by the four seas. The sun is estimated to be about 4,000 miles from the earth. Another calculation made it 81,394 Zi, and a third 216,T81| li.

        One thing is observable in these fictions, characteristic of the Chinese at the present day : there is no hierarchy of gods brought in to rule and inhabit the world they made, no conclave on Mt. Olympus, nor judgment of the mortal soul by Osiris ; no transfer of human love and hate, passions and hopes, to the powers above ; all here is ascribed to disembodied agencies or principles, and their works are represented as moving on in quiet order. There is no religion, no imagination ; all is impassible, passionless, uninteresting. It may perhaps, be considered of itself as sensible as the Greek or Egyptian mythology, if one looks for nense in such figments ; but it has not, as in the latter countries, been explained in sublime poetry, shadowed forth in gorgeous ritual and magnificent festivals, represented in exquisite sculptures, nor preserved in faultless, inqjosing fanes and temples, filled with ideal creations. P^or this reason it appears more in its true colors, and, when compared with theirs, ” loses discountenanced and like folly shows “—at least to us, who can examine both and compare them with the truth.

        Canon McClatchie’s Confucian CoKiumjoiiy, pp. 5:5-59.

        CHINESE AND WESTERN CHRONOLOGY. 143

        Their pure mythological history ends with the appearance of Fuh-hi, and their chronology has nothing to do with the long periods antecedent, varying from forty-five to five hundred thousand years. These periods are, however, a mere twinkling compared with the kulpas of the Hindus, whose highest era, called the Unspeakably Inexpressible, requires four million four hundred and fifty-six thousand four hundred and forty-eight cyphers following a unit to represent it. If the epoch of Fuh-hi could be ascertained with any probability by comparison with the history of other nations, or with existing remains, it would tend not a little to settle some disputed chronological points in other countries ; but the isolation of the Chinese throughout their whole existence makes it nearly impossible to weave in the events of their history with those of other nations, by comparing and verifying them with biblical, Egyptian, or Persian annals. Perhaps further investigations in the vast regions of Eastern and Central Asia may bring to light corroborative testimony as striking and unexpected as the explorations in Mosul, Persepolis, and Thebes.

        The accession of Fuh- hi is placed in the Chinese annals b.c.2852,’ and with him commences the period known among them as the ” highest antiquity.” The weight of evidence which the later chronological examinations of Hales and Jackson have brought to bear against the common period of four thousand and four years prior to the Advent, is such as to cast great doubt over its authenticity, and lead to the adoption of a longer period in order to afford time for many occurrences, which otherwise would be crowded into too narrow a space. Chinese chronology, if it be allowed the least credit, strongly corroborates the results of Dr. Hales’ researches, and particularly so in the date of Fuh-hi’s accession. This is not the place to discuss the respective claims of the two eras, but by reckoning, as he does, the creation to be live thousand four hundred and eleven years, and the deluge three thousand one hundred and fifty-five years, before the Advent, we bring the commencement of ancient Chinese history three hundred and three years subsequent to the deluge, forty seven before the death of Xoah, and about three centuries before the confusion of tongues. If we suppose that the ante-

        ‘ Or 3322, according to Dr. Legge, whose date has been used elsewhere in this work, and has probably quite as much authority as the one above.

        diliivians possessed a knowledge of the geography of the world,

        and that ^’oah, regarding himself as the monarch of the whole,

        divided it among his descendants before his death, there is

        nothing improbable in the further supposition that the progenitors

        of the black-haired race, and t)thers of the house and

        lineage of Sliem, found their way from the valley of the

        Euphrates across the defiles and steppes of Central Asia, to the

        fertile plains of China before the end of the third diluvian century.

        Whether the surface of the world was the same after the cataclysm as before does not aifect this point ; there was ample time for the multiplication of the species with the blessing promised by God, sufficient to form colonies, if there was time enough to increase to such a multitude as conspired to build the tower of Babel.

        The views of Dr. Legge, that the present Chinese descend from settlers who came through Central Asia along the Tarim Valley and across the Desert into Kansuh, about b.c. 2200, and settled around the elbow of the Yellow River, under the leadership of Yao, Shun, Yu, and others, are very reasonable.

        These settlers found the land at that time occupied with tribes, whom they partly merged with themselves or drove into mountain recesses in Kweichau, where some of their descendants perhaps still remain. These earlier tribes may have furnished the names and reigns prior to Yao, and the later Chinese annalists incorporated them into their own histories, taking everything in early times as of course belonging to the U imn, or ‘ ])lackliaired race.’ The lapse of a millennium between the Deluge and Yao allows plenty of time for several successive emigrations from Western and Central Asia into the inviting plains of China, which, through the want of a written language o>* the destruction of records, have come down to us in misty, doubtful legends.

        THE EIGHT EARLY MONARCHS. 145

        Fuli-hi and his seven successors are stated to have reigned seven hundred and forty-seven years, averaging ninety-three each. Those who follow Usher consider these monarchs to be Chinese travesties of the eight antediluvian patriarchs; and Marquis d’TTrban has gone so far as to write what he calls the Antediluvian History ^y CV/Y’/ic/, collecting all the notices history affords of their acts. The common chronology brings the delude about thirteen years after the accession of Yao and the death of Shmi (the last of the eight), b.c. 2205, or twenty-live years after the confusion of tongues. According to Hales, the last epoch is one hundred and twelve years before the call of Abraham, and these eight Chinese monarchs are therefore contemporaries of the patriai’chs who lived between Shem and Abraham, commencing with Salah and ending with Xahor.

        The duration of their reigns, moreover, is such as would bear the same proportion to ages of five hundred years, which their contemporaries lived, as the present average of twenty and twenty -five years does to a life of sixty. The Assyrian tablets, deciphered by George Smith, contain a reference to the twenty eighth century b.c, as the founding of that monarchy ; which is a notice of more value as a chronological epoch than anything in Chinese annals, indeed, and may help to countenance a date that had before been regarded as mythological.

        Supposing that the descendants of Shem, Ham, and Japheth, knowing from their fathers and grandfather, that the void world was before them, began to colonize almost as soon as they began to form families, three centuries would not be too long a time for some of them to settle in China, perhaps offsetting from Elam and Asshur, and other descendants of Shem in Persia. The capital of Fuh-hi slightly indicates, it may be thought, their route through Central Asia across the Desert to Kiayli kwan in Kansuh, and then down the Yellow River to the Great Plain near Kaifung. But these suppositions are only by the way, as is also the suggestion that teaching of fishing and grazing, the regulation of times and seasons, cultivation of music, and establishment of government, etc., compare well enough with the duties that might reasonably be supposed to belong to the founder of a colony and his successors, and subsequently ascribed to them as their own inventions. The long period allotted to human life at that date would allow these arts and sciences to take root and their memory to remain in popular legends until subsequent historians incorporated them into their writings. The Chinese annalists fill up the reigns of these chief?, down to the time of Yao, with a series of inventions and improvements in the arts of life and good government, sufficient to bring society to that degree of comfort and order they suppose consonant with the character of the monarchs. The earliest records of the Chinese correspond much too closely with their present character to receive full belief ; but they present an appearance of probability and naturalness not possessed by the early annals of Greece. No one contends for their credibility as history, but they are better than the Arabian Nights.

        The commencement of the sexagenary cycle’ in the sixty first year of Ilwangtfs reign (or b.c. 2037), five hundred and eighteen years after the deluge, eighty-two years after the death of Arphaxad, and about that time before the confusion of tongues, is worthy of notice. The use of the ten horary characters applied to days in order to denote their chronological sequence dates from the reign of Yu in the twentieth century b.c, and there are other passages in the Shu KIikj showing similar application.

        Sz’ma Tsien’s history now contains the first attempt to arrange the years in cycles of sixty; but he cannot fairly be claimed as the inventor of this system. he might almost as well be regarded as the inventor of his whole annals, for all the materials out of which he compiled them have now perished except the canonical books. The mention of the individual Xao the Great, who invented it, and the odd date of its adoption in the middle of a reign, do not weaken the alleged date of its origin in the minds of those who are inclined to take a statement of this kind on its own basis.

        Three reigns, averaging eighty years’ duration, intervened between that of Huangdi and Yao, whose occupants were elected by the people, much as were Shemgar, Jephthah, and cttlier judges in Israel, and probably exercised a similar sway. The reigns and characters of Yao and Shun have been immortalized by Confucius and Mencius; whatever was their real history, those sages showed g]-eat sagacity in going back to those remote times for models and fixing upon a period neither fabulous nor certain, one which preventel alike the cavils of scepticism and the appearance of complete fabrication,

        ^ Journal Asiatique, Avril, 183G, p. 394.

        THE DELUGE OF YAO. 147

        A tremendous deluge occurred during the reign of Yao, b.c. 2293, caused, it is said, by the overflowing of the rivers in the north of China. Those who place the Xoachic dehige b.c.2348 regard this as only a different version of that event; Klaproth, who favors the Septuagint chronology, says that it is nearly synchronous with the deluge of Xisutlirus, b.c. 2297, a name derived, as is reasonably inferred by George Smith, from the Assyrian name Ilasisadra, the ancient hero who survived the deluge. The record of this catastrophe in the Shu King is hardly applicable to an overwhelming flood : ” The Emperor said. Oh! chief of the four mountains, destructive in their overthrow are the waters of the inundation. In their vast extent they embrace the mountains and overtop the hills, threatening the heavens with their floods, so that the inferior people groan and murmur. Is there a capable man to whom I can assign the correction of this calamity? ” ‘ They presented Kwan as a proper man, but he showed his inefficiency in laboring nine years without success to drain off the waters. Yao was then advised to employ Shun, who called in Yu, a son of Kwan, to his aid, and the floods were assuaged by deepening the beds of the rivers and opening new channels. These slight notices hardly comport with a flood like the Xoachic deluge, and are with much greater probability referred to an overflow or a change in the bed of the Yellow River from its present course into the Gulf of Pechele through Chihli northeast, to its recent one along the lowlands of Kiangsu. The weight of topographical evidence, combined with the strong chronological argument, the discussions in council said to have taken place regarding the disaster, and the time which elapsed before the region was drained, all pre-suppose and indicate a partial inundation, and strengthen the assumption that no traces of the Deluge exist in the histories of the Chinese. In our view of the chronology of the Bible, as compared with the Chinese, it requires a far greater constraint upon these records to bring them to refer to that event, than to suppose they allude to a local disaster not beyond the power of remedy.

        ‘ Legge’s Shu King^ p. 24, Hongkong, 1867.

        THE RECORDS OF YAO AXD YU. 149

        The series of chieftains down to the accession of Yu may here be recapitulated. The entirely fabulous period ends with Sui-jin, and legendary history commences with Fuh-ln’, who with four of his successors (Nos. 2, 3, 7, and 8) are commonly known as the Five Sovereigns, follows:

        Their names and reigns are as Buflficient to have deepened the channel of a river or raised dikes to restrain it. The glorious reigns and spotless characters of these three sovereigns are looked upon by the Chinese with much the same feelings of veneration that the Jews regard their three patriarchs ; and to have had, or to have imagined, such progenitors and heroes is, to say the least, as much to their credit as the Achilles, Ulysses, and llomulus of the Greeks and Romans, A curious analogy can also be traced between the scheming Ulysses, warlike liomulus, and methodical Yao, and the

        subsequent character of the three great nations they represent.

        Chinese historians supply many details regarding the conduct

        of Yu and Kieh Kwei, the first and last princes of the house of

        Ilia, all the credible particulars of which are taken from the

        Book of Records and the Bauihoo Annah. Dr. Legge candidly

        weighs the arguments in respect to the eclipse mentioned in the

        Y^uli C/ilng, and gives his opinion as to its authenticity, even

        if it cannot yet be certainly referred to the year b.c. 2154. One

        such authentic notice lends strer.gth to the reception of many

        vague statements, which are more likely to be the relics of fuller

        documents long since lost than the fabrications of later writers,

        such as were the Decretals of Isidore in the Middle Ages. In

        giving a full translation of the Bamhoo Books in the prolegomena

        of the Sh u Klng^ Dr. Legge has shown one of the sources

        of ancient Chinese liistory outside of that work. There were

        many other works accessible to Sz’ma Tsien, nearly four centuries

        before they were discovered (a.d. 279), when he wrote

        his Annals. Pan Ku gives a list of the various books recovered

        after the death of Tsin Chi Ilwangti, amounting in all to thirteen

        thousand two hundred and nineteen volumes or chapters

        contained in six huudi-ed and twenty different works. Well

        does Pauthier speak of the inestimable value which a similar

        catalogue of the extant literature of Greece and Pome at that

        epoch (b.(\ 100) would now be.

        One of the alleged records of the reign of Yu is an inscription traced on the rocks of Ivau-lau shaii, one of the peaks of Mount llano; in Ilunan, relatinjij to the inundation. It contfiins seventy-seven characters only, and Amiot, who regarded it as genuine, has given its sense as follows: The venerable Emperor said, Oli I aid and councillor! Who will help me in administiM-ing my affairs V The great and little islets (the inhabited places) even to their summits, the abodes of the beasts and birds, and all beings are widely inundated. Advise, send back the waters, and raise the dikes. For a long time, J have quite forgotten my family ; I repose on the top of the mountain Yoh-lu. By prudence and my labors, I have moved the spirits ; I know not the hours, but repose myself only in my incessant labors. The mountains Hwa, Yoh, Tai, and Ilang, have been the beginning and end of my enterprise; when my labors were completed, I offered a thanksgiving sacrifice at the solstice. My affliction has ceased ; the confusion in nature has disappeared; the deep currents coming from the south flow into the sea ; clothes can now be made, food can be prepared, all kingdoms will be at peace, and we can give ourselves to continual joy.’

        Since Amiot’s time, however, further opportunities have offered

        for more tliorongh inquiry into this relic by foreigners,

        and the results of their researches throw much doubt upon its

        authenticity, though they do not altogether destroy it. In the

        Introduction to the S/iu King, Dr. Legge discusses the value

        of this tablet among other early records of that reign, and

        comes to the conclusipn that it is a fabrication of the Han

        dynasty, if not later. The poet Han Yu (a.d. 800) gave it

        wide notoriety by his verses about its location and nature ; but

        when he was there he could not iind it on the peak, and cited

        only a Taoist priest as having seen it. More than three centuries

        afterward Chu Hi M^as equally unsuccessful, and his opinion

        that it was made by the priests of that sect has had nnich

        weight with his countrymen. It was not till one Ho Chi wont

        to Mount Hang, about a.d. 1210, and took a copy of the inscription

        from the stone then in a Taoist temple, that it was

        actually seen ; and not till about 1510, that Chang Ki-wrm,

        another antiquary of Hunan province, published his copy in

        the form now generally accepted. In 1660 one Mao Tsangkien

        again found the tablet on the summit of Kau-lau, but

        reached it with nnich difficulty by the help of ladders and

        hooks, and found it so broken that the inscription could not

        be made out. A reduced fae-siitnle of Mao’s copy is given by

        ‘ Pauthier, Lit Chine, p. 53; J. Hager’s Inscription of Yv, Paris, 1802;

        Legge’s Sim Kinr/, pp. G7-74 ; TrdiisdctimiH of flic X. C. Br: Ji. A. Soc, No.

        v., 1809, pp. 78-84; Journal Aniaiiqiu’, 18G7, Tome X., jjp. 197-337.

        THE TABLET OF YU. 161

        Dr. Legge, whose translation differs from Amiot’s in some particulars.

        I received the irords of i\\9 Emperor, saying, ” Ah \ Associate helper, aiding noble! The islands and islets ma/ now be aseended, thut were doors for the birds and beasts. Tou devoted your person to the great overflowings, and with the daybreak yon rose up. Long were you abroad, forgetting your family ; you lodged at the mountain’s foot as in a hall ; your wisdom schemed; your body was broken ; your heart was all in a tremble. You went and sought to produce order and settlement. At Hwa, Yoh, Tai, and Hang, by adopting the principle of dividing the tcaters, your undertakings were completed.

        With the remains of a taper, you offered your pure sacrifice. There were entanglement and obstruction, being swamped, and removals. The southern river flows on its course ; for ever is the provision of food made sure ; the myriad States enjoy repose ; the beasts and birds are for ever fled away.”

        The characters in which this tablet is written are of an ancient tadpole form, and so difficult to read that grave doubts exist as to their proper meaning—^and even as to which of two or three forms is the correct one. Since the copy of Mao was taken, the Manchu scholar Ivwan-wan, when Governor-General of Liang Hu in 1868, erected a stone tablet at Wu-chang, in the Pavilion of the Yellow Stork, upon the eminence overlooking the Yangtsz’. This he regarded as a true copy of the authentic Yu Pal, or ‘ Tablet of Yu.’ A fac-slmile of this tablet, and of another rubbing from a stone now existing at the foot of Mount Hang (which is alleged to be an exact reproduction of the original on its top), was published by W. H. Medhurst in the A^. C. Asiatic Society Journal for 1869. A comparison of these three will give the reader an idea of the difficulties and doubts attending the settlement of the credibility of this inscription. A living native writer quoted by Mr. Medhurst says that the earliest notice of the tablet is by Tsin Yung of the Tang dynasty, about a.d. TOO, from which he infers that the people of the time of Tung must have seen the rock and its inscription. lie regards the latter as consisting of fairy characters, utterly unreadable, and therefore all attempts to decipher them as valueless and misleading.

        Amid so many conflicting opinions among native scholars, the verdict of foreigners may safely await further discoveries. and the day when competent observers can examine these localities and tablets for themselves. Without exaggerating the importance and credibility of the S/tu, K’nvj and other ancient Chinese records, they can be received as the writings of a very remote period ; and while their claims to trustworthiness would be fortified if more intimations had been given of the manner in which they were kept dniing the long period antecedent to the era of Confucius, they still deserve a more respectful consideration than some modern writers are disposed to allow them.

        For instance, Davis remarks: ” Yu is described as nine cubits in height, and it is stated that the skies rained gold in those days, which certainly (as Dr. Morrison observes) lessens the credit of the history of this period.” Now, without laying too much stress upon the record, or the objections against it, this height is but little more than that of Og of Bashan, even if we adopt the present length of the cubit fourteen and one-tenth inches, English ; and if Zv’w, here called <j<)ld, be translated metal (which it can just as well be), it may be a notice of a meteoric shower of extraordinary duration. Let these venerable ‘writings be investigated in a candid, cautious manner, weighing their internal evidence, and comparing their notices of those remote periods as much as they can be with those of other nations, and they will illustrate ancient history and customs in no slight degree.

        Mr. Murray has given a synopsis from Mailla of what is recorded of the Ilia dynasty, which will fairly exhibit the matter of Chinese history. It is here introduced somewhat abridged, with dates inserted.

        The accession of Yu (B.C. 2205) forms a romarkable era in Chinese history.

        EARLY HISTORY OF TUi: TIIA DYNASTY. 153

        The throne, which hitherto liad been more or less ek’ctive, became from this period hereditary in the eldest son, with only those occasional and violent interrujitions to which every despotic government is liable. The national annals, too, assume a more regular and authentic shape, the reigns of the sovereigns being at the same time reduced to a probable duration. Yu justly acquired a lasting veneration, but it was chiefly by his labors under his two predecessors. When he himself ascended the throne, age had already overtaken him ; still the lustre of his government was supported by able councillors, till it closed with bis life at the end of seven years. Many of the grandees wished, according to former practice, to raise to the throne Pi-yih, his first minister, and a person of distinguished merit; but regard for the father, in this case, was strengthened by the excellent ijualities of his son Ki, or Ti Kf (/.<?., the Emperor Ki), and even Pi-yih insisted that the prince should be preferred (2197). Hi.s reign of nine years was only disturbed by the rebellion of a turbulent subject, and he was succeeded (2188) by his son, Tai Kang. But this youth was devoted to pleasure; music, wine, and hunting entirely engrossed his attention. The Chinese, after enduring him for twenty nine years, dethroned him (2159), and his brother, Chung Kaug, was nominated to succeed, and lield th:> reins of government for thirteen years with a vigorous liand. He was followed l / his son, Siang (2140), who, destitute of the energy his situation required, gave himself up to the advice of his minister Yeh, and was by him, in connection with his accomplice, Ilantsu, declared incapable of reigning. The usurper ruled for seven years, when he was Idlled ; and the rightful monarch collected his adherents and gave battle to Ilantsu and the son of Yeh in the endeavor to regain his throne. Siang was completely defeated, and lost both his crown and life ; the victors immediately marched to the capital, and made so general a massacre of the family that they believed the name and race of Yu to be for ever extinguished.

        ‘J’he Empress Min, however, managed to escape, and tied to a remote city, where she brought forth a son, called Shau Kang ; and th better to conceal his origin, she employed him as a shepherd boy to tend flocks. Reports of the existence of such a youth, and his occupation, at length reached the ears of Hantsu, who sent orders to bring him, dead or alive. The royal widow then

        placed her son as under-cook in the liousehold of a neighboring governor,

        where the lad soon distinguished himself by a spirit and temper so superior to

        this humble station, that the master’s suspicions were roused, and obliged him

        to disclose his name and birth. The officer, being devotedly attached to the

        house of Yu, not only kept the secret, but watched for an opportunity to reinstate

        him, and meanwhile gave him a small government in a secluded situation,

        which he prudently administered. Yet he was more than thirty years

        old before the governor, by engaging other chiefs in his interest, could assemble

        such a force as might justify the attempt to make head against tlie usurper.

        The latter hastily assembled his troops and led them to the attack, but was defeated and taken prisoner by the young prince Chu himself ; and Shau Kang, with his mother, returned with acclamations to the capital. His reign is reckoned to have been sixty-one years’ duration in the chronology of the time, which includes the usurpation of forty years of Hantsu.

        The country was ably governed by Shau Kang, and also by his son, Chu(2057), who ruled for seventeen yearr: ; but the succeeding sovereigns, in many instances, abandoned themselves to indolence and pleasure, and brought the kingly name into contempt. From Hwai to Kieh Kwei, a space of two hundred and twenty-two years, between B.C. 2040 and 1818, few records remain of the nine sovereigns, whose bare names succeed each other in the annals. At length the throne was occupied by Kieh Kwei (1G18), .. prince who is represented as having, in connexion with his consort, Mei-hi, practised ‘,’very kind of violence and extortion, in order to accumulate treasure, which they spent in unbridled voluptuousness. They formed a large pond of wine, deep enough to float a boat, at which three thousand men drank at once. It was surrounded, too, by pyramids of delicate viands, which no one, however, was allowed to taste, till he had first intoxicated himself out of the lake. The drunken quarrels which ensued wer« their favorite amusempiit. In the intrrior o” the jialaci’ Die vilest orgies were celebrated, and the venerable ministers, wlio attempted to remonstrate against these excesses, were either put to deatlx or exiled. The people were at once indignant and grieved at such crimes, which threatened the downfall of the dynasty ; and the discarded statesmen put themselves under the direction of the wise I Yin, and advised Chingtang, the ablest of their number, and a descendant of Huangdi, to assume the reins of government, assuring him of their support. He with reluctance yielded to their solicitations, and assembling a force marched against Kieh Kwei, who came out to meet him at the head of a numerous army, but fled from the contest on seeing the defection of his troops, and ended his days in despicable obscurity, after occupying the throne fifty two years.’

        Chinese annals are generally occupied in this way ; the Emperor and his ministers fill the whole field of historic vision; little is recorded of the condition, habits, arts, or occupations of the people, who are merely considered as attendants of the monarch, which is, in truth, a feature of the ancient records of nearly all countries and people, Monarchs controlled the chronicles of their reigns, and their own vanity, as well as their ideas of government and authority led them to represent the people as a mere background to their own stately dignity and acts.

        The Shang dynasty began b.c. 1760, or about one hundred and

        twenty years before the Exodus, and maintained an unequal sway

        over the feudal States composing the Empire for a period of six

        hundred and forty-four years. Its first monarch, Chingtang, or

        Tang the Successful, is described as having paid religious worship

        to Shangti, under which name, perhaps, the true God was

        intended. On account of a severe drought of seven years’

        duration, this monarch is reported to have prayed, saying,

        ” 1 the child Li presume to use a dark colored victim, and

        announce to thee, O Shang-tien Ilao (‘High Heaven’s Ruler’).

        I«[ow there is a great drought, and it is right I should be held

        responsible for it. I do not know but that I have offended

        the powers above and below.” AVith regard to his own conduct,

        he blamed himself in six particulars, and his words

        were not ended when the rain descended copiously.

        The fragmentary records of this dynasty contained in the

        Shu King are not so valuable to the student who wishes merely

        ‘Hugh Murray, China, Vol. I., pp. 51-55 (edition of 1843),

        TIIK SIIAXa DYNASTY. 155

        to learn the succession of luoiiarclis in tliose (l:ijs, as to one who

        inquires what were the principles on which they ruled, wliat

        were the polity, the religion, the jurisdiction, and the checks of

        the Chinese government in those remote times. The regular

        records of those days will never he recovered, hut the preservation

        of the hist two parts of the Shic Kiiuj indicates their

        existence by fair inference, and encourages those who try to reconstruct

        the early annals of China to give full value even to

        slight fragments. But these parts have been of great service to

        the people since they were written, in teaching them by precept

        and example on what the prosperity of a State was founded, and

        how theii- rnlers could bring it to ruin. In these respects there

        are no ancient works outside of the Bible w^ith which they can

        at all be compared. The later system of examination has given

        them an unparalleled intluonce in molding the national character

        of the Chinese. Of the eleven chapters now remaining all are

        occupied more or less with the relative duties of the prince and

        rulers, enforcing on each that the w-elfare of all was bound up

        with their faithfulness. One quotation will give an idea of

        their instructions. ” Order your affairs by righteousness, order

        your heart by propriety, so shall you transmit a grand example

        to posterit3\ I have heard the saying. He who finds instructors

        for himself comes to the supreme dominion ; he wlft> says that

        others are not equal to himself comes to ruin. He who likes to

        ask becomes enlarged ; he who uses only himself becomes small.

        Oh ! he who would take care for his end must be attentive to

        his beginning. There is establishment for the observers of propriety,

        and overthrow for the blinded and wantonly indifPerent.

        To revere and honor the way of Heaven is the way ever to

        preserve the favoring regard of Heaven.” ‘

        ‘Part IV., Book II., Chap. IV., 8-9. •

        The chronicles of the Shang dynasty, as gathered from the Bamboo Books and other later records, resemble those of the Hia in being little more than a mere succession of the names of the sovereigns, interspersed here and there with notices of some remarkable events in the natural and political world. Luxurious and despised princes alternate with vigorous and warlike ones who coiiiinaiuled respect, :uul the coiiditiunof the State measura.’ bly C’ori’espoiid.s with the character of the monarchs, the feudal barons soinetiines increasing in power and territory by encroacliiug on their neighbors, and then snitering a reduction from some new State. The names of twenty-eight princes are given, the accounts of whose reigns are indeed fuller than those of the dukes of Edom in Genesis, but their slight notices would be more interesting if the same confidence could be reposed in them.

        The bad sovereigns occupy more room in these^fasti than the

        good ones, the palm of wickedness being given to Chau-sin, with

        whom the dynasty ended. The wars which broke out during

        this dynasty were numerous, but other events also find a place,

        though hardly anything which throws light on society or civilization.

        Droughts, famines, and other calamities were frequent

        and attended by dreadful omens and fearful sights ; this fancied

        correlation between natural casualties and political convulsions

        is a feature running through Chinese history, and grows out of

        the peculiar position of the monarch as the vicegerent of heaven.

        The people seem to have looked for control and protection

        more to their local masters than to their lord paramount,

        ranging themselves under their separate banners as they weve

        bidden. The History Made Easy speaks of the twenty-fifth

        monarch, Wu-yih (e.g. 1198), as the most wicked of them all.

        ” Having made his images of clay in the shape of human beings,

        dignified them with the name of gods, overcome them at gambling,

        and set them aside in disgrace, he then, in order to complete

        his folly, made leathern bags and filled them with blood,

        and sent them up into the air, exclaiming, when his arrows hit

        them and the blood poured down, ‘ I have shot heaven,’ meaning,

        I have killed the gods.”

        The names of Chau-sin and Tan-ki are coupled w’ith those

        of Kieh and Mi-hi of the Ilia dynasty, all of them synonymous

        in the Chinese annals for tlie acme of cruelty and licentiousness

        —as are those of Xero and Messalina in Koman history. Chausin

        is said one winter’s morning to have seen a few women

        walking barelegged on the banks of a stream collecting shellfish,

        and ordered their legs to be cut off, that he might see the

        CHAU-SIN—RISE OF TIFE ClIAU DYNASTY. 157

        marrow of persons who could resist cold so fearlessly. The

        heart of one of his reprovers was also hrought him, in order to

        see wherein it differed from that of cowardly ministers. The

        last Booh of Shang contains the vain i-emonstrance of another

        of them, who tells his sovereign that his dynasty is in the condition

        of one crossing a large stream who can iind neither ford

        nor bank. Many acts of this natnre alienated the hearts of the

        people, nntil Wan wang, the leader of a State in the northwest

        of China, nnited the principal men against his misrule ; hut

        dying, bequeathed his crown and power to his son, Wu wang.

        He gradually gathered his forces and met Chau-sin at the head

        of a great army at Muli, near the junction of the rivers Ki and

        Wei, north of the Yellow River in llonan, where the defeat of

        the tyrant was complete. Feeling the contempt he was held in,

        and the hopeless struggle before him, he lied to his palace and

        burned himself with all his treasures, like another Sardanapalus,

        though his immolation (in b.o. 1122) preceded the Assyrian’s by

        five centuries.

        Wu wang, the martial king, the founder of the Chan dynasty,

        his father. Wan wang, and his brother, Duke Chan, are among

        the most distinguished men of antiquity- for their erudition,

        integrity, patriotism, and inventions. AViln wang. Prince of

        Chan, was prime minister to Tai-ting, the grandfather of Chausin,

        but was imprisoned for his fidelity. His son obtained his

        liberation, and the sayings and acts of both occupy al)()ut twenty

        books in Part V. of the Shu King. Duke Chan survived his

        brother to become the director and support of his nephew ; his

        counsels, occupying a large part of the history, are full of wisdom

        and equity. Book X. contains his warning advice about drunkenness,

        which has been remarkably influential among his counti-vmen

        ever since. Ko period of ancient Chinese history is mora

        celebrated than that of the founding of this dynastv, chieflv

        because of the high chai’acter of its leading men, who Avere

        regarded by Confucius as the impersonations of everything wise

        and noble. Wu wang is represented as having invoked the

        assistance of Shangti in his designs, and, when he was successful,

        returned thanks and offered prayers and sacrifices. He

        removed the capital from the province of Honan to the present Si-ngan, in Shensi, where it remained for a long period. This prince committed a great political blnnder in dividing the Empire

        into petty states, thus destroying the ancient pure monarchy,

        and leaving himself only a small portion of territory and power,

        which were (piite insufficient, in the hands of a weak prince, to

        maintain either the state or authority due the ruling sovereign.

        The number of States at one time was one hundred and twentyfive,

        at another forty-one, and, in the time of Confucius, about

        six hundred years after the establishment of the dynasty, fiftytwo,

        some of them large kingdoms. From about b.c. 7U0 the

        imperial name and power lost the allegiance and respect of the

        feudal princes, and gradually became contemptible. Its nominal

        sway extended over the country lying north of the ITangtsz

        kiang, the regions on the south being occupied by tribes of whonj

        no intelligible record has been preserved.

        The duration of the three dynasties, the Ilia, Shang, and

        Chau, comprises a long and obscure period in the history of the

        world, extending from b.c. 2205 to 249, from the time when

        Terah dwelt in (Jharran, and the sixteenth dynasty of Theban

        kings ruled in Egypt, down to the reigns of Antiochus Soter

        and Ptolemy Philadelphus and the ti-anslation of the Septuagint.

        I.—The IliA dynasty, founded by Yu the Great, existed four

        Inmdred and thirty-nine years, down to n.o. lT<!r>, under seventeen

        monarchs, the records of whose reigns are veiy brief.

        Among contemporary events of importance are the call of

        Abraham, in the year b.c. 2003, Jacob’s flight to Mesopotamia

        in 1016, Joseph’s elevation in Egypt in 1885, and his father’s

        arrival in 1863.

        II.—The SuANG dynasty began with Tang the Successful, and continued six hundred and forty-four years, under twenty eight sovereigns, down to b.c. 1122. This period was characterized by wars among I’ival princes, and the power of the sovereign depended chiefly upon his personal character. The principal contemporary events were the Exodus of the Israelites in 1648, their settlement in Palestine in 1608, judgeship of Othniel, 1564 ; of Deborah, 1406 ; of Gideon, 1350 ; of Sam son, 1202 ; and death of Samuel in 1122.

        CREDIBILITY OF THESE EAULV RECORDS. 159

        III.—The CuAU dynasty began with Wu wang, and continued for eight hundred and seventy-three years, under thirty five monarchs, down to b.c. 249, the longest of any recorded in history. The sway of many of these was little more than nominal, and the feudal States increased or diminished, according to the vigor of the monarch or the ambition of the princes.

        In B.C. 770 the capital was removed from Kao, near the River Wei in Shensi, to Luoyang, in the western part of Honan; this divides the house into the Western and Eastern Chan. The contemporary events of these eight centuries are too numerous to particularize. The accession of Saul in 1110; of David, 1070 ; of Rehoboam, 990 ; taking of Troy, 1084; of Samaria, 719 ; of Jerusalem, 586 ; death of Nebuchadnezzar, 501 ; accession of Cyrus and return of the Jews, 551 ; battle of Marathon, 490 ; accession of Alexander, 235 ; etc. The conquest of Egypt by Alexander in 322 brought the thirty-first and last dynasty of her native kings to an end, the first of which had begun under Menes about b.c. 2715, or twenty-two years after the supposed accession of Shinnung.

        The absence of any great remains of human labor or art

        previous to the Great Wall, like the Pj’i-amids, the Temple of

        Solomon, or the ruins and mounds in Syria, has led many to

        doubt the credibility of these early Chinese records. They ascribe

        them to the invention of the historians of the llan dynasty,

        working up the scattered relics of their ancient books into a

        readable nari-ative, and therefore try to bring every statement

        to a critical test for which there are few facts. The analogies

        between the records in the Shu King and the Aryan myths

        are skilfully explained by Mr. Kingsmill by reference to the

        meanings of the names of persons and places and titles, and a

        connection shown which has the merit at least of ingenuity and

        beauty. Almost the only actual known relic of these three

        dynasties is the series of ten stone drums [sMh ktt) now in the

        Confucian temple at Peking. They were discovered about a.d.

        600, in the environs of the ancient capital of the Chau dynasty,

        and have been kept in Peking since the year 1126. They are

        irregularly shaped pillars, from eighteen to thirty-five inches

        high and about twentj^-eight inches across ; the inscriptions are

        much worn, but enough remains to show that they commemo rate a great hunt of Siien wang (b.c. 827) in the region where they were found.’

        AmohiT the feudal States under the house of Chau, that of

        Tsin, on the northwest, had long been the most powerful, occupying

        nearly a iifth of the country, and its inhabitants forming

        a tenth of the whole population. One of the princes, called

        Chausiang wang, carried his encroachments into the acknowledged

        imperial possessions, and compelled its master, Tungchau

        kiun, the last monarch, to humble himself at his feet. Although,

        in fact, master of the whole Empire, he did not take the title,

        but left it to his son, Chwangsiang wang, who exterminated the

        blood royal and ended the Chau dynasty, yet lived only three

        years in possession of the supreme power.

        The son carried on his father’s successes until he had reduced

        all the petty States to his sway. lie then took the name of Chi

        Hwangti (‘ Emperor First’) of the Tsin dynasty, and set himself

        to regulate his conquests and establish his authority by securing

        to his subjects a better government than had been experienced

        during the feudal times. He divided the country into

        thirty-six provinces, over which he placed governors, and went

        throughout them all to see that no injustice was practised.

        This monarch, who has been called the Napoleon of China,

        was one of those extraordinary men who turn the course of

        events and give an impress to subsequent ages; Ivlaproth gives

        him a high ciuiracter as a prince of energy and skill, but native

        historians detest his name and acts. It is recorded that at his

        new capital, Ilienyang, on the banks of the Ilwai, he constructed

        a palace exactly like those of all the kings who had submitted

        to him, and ordered that all the precious furniture of each and

        those persons who had inhabited them should be transported to it, and everything rearranged. The whole occupied an immense space, and the various parts communicated with each other by a magnificent colonnade and gallery. He made progresses through his dominions with a splendor hitherto unknown, accompanied by officials and troops from all parts, thus making

        ‘ Journrd of the N. C. Branch of II. A. Society, Vols. VII., p. 137 ; VIII., pp.23, 133. In the last paper, by Dr. Bnshell, translations and fac-similes of the inscriptions are givoii, with many historical uotictjs.

        TSIX nil IIWANGTI, THE ‘ EMPEROK FIRST.’ IGl

        the people interested in each otlier and consenting to liis sway.

        He also built public edifices, opened roads and canals to facilitate

        intercourse and trade between the various provinces, and

        repressed the incursions of the Iluns, driving them into the wilds

        of Mongolia. In order to keep them out effectually, he conceived

        the idea of extending and uniting the short walls which

        the princes of some of the Xortherii States had erected on their

        frontier into one grand wall, stretching across the Empire from

        the sea to the Desert. This gigantic undertaking was completed

        in ten years (b.c. 20-i), at a vast expense in men and material,

        and not until the family of its builder had been destroyed.

        This mode of protecting the country, when once well begun,

        probably commended itself to the nation. It is impossible, indeed,

        to imagine otherwise how it could have been done, for

        the people were required to supply a quota of men from each

        place, feed and clothe them while at work, and continue this

        expense until their portion was built. Xo monarch could have

        maintained an army which could force his sul)jects against their

        \vill to do such a work or carry it on to completion after his

        death. It is one of the incidental proofs of a great population

        that so many laborers were found. However ineffectual it was

        to preserve his frontiers, it has made his name celebrated

        throughout the world, and his dynasty Tsin has given its name

        to China for all ages and nations.’

        The vanity of the new monarch led him to endeavor to destroy

        all records written anterior to his own reign, that he might

        be by posterity regarded as the first Emperor of the Chinese

        race. Orders were issued that every book should be burned,

        and especially the writings of Confucius and Mencius, explanatory

        of the /Shu King upon the feudal States of Chau, whose

        remembrance he wished to blot out. This strange command

        was executed to such an extent that many of the Chinese literati

        believe that not a perfect copy of the classical works escaped

        destruction, and the texts were only recovered by rewriting

        them from the memories of old scholars, a mode of reproduction

        ‘ Pautliier, La Chine, pp. 30, 221 ; Mem. cone, les Chinois, Tome III., p.183.

        that does not appear so singular to a Chinese as it does to ua

        If the same literary tragedy should be re-enacted to-day, thousands

        of persons might easily be found in China M’ho could rewrite

        from memory the text and commentary of their nine

        classical works. ” Nevertheless,” as Ivlaproth remarks, ” they

        were not in fact all lost : for in a country where writin”: is so

        connnon it was almost impossible that all the copies of works

        universally respected should be destroyed, especially at a time

        when the material on which they were written was very durable,

        being engraved with a stylet on bamboo tablets, or traced upon

        them with dark-colored varnish.” The destruction was no doubt

        as neai’ly complete as possible, and not only were many works

        entirely destroyed, but a shade of doubt thereby thrown over

        the accuracy of others, and the records of the ancient dynasties

        rendered suspicious as well as incomplete. Not only were books

        sought after to be destroyed, but nearly live hundred literati

        were buried alive, in order that no one might remain to reproach,

        in their writings, the Emperor First with having committed

        so barbarous and insane an act.

        The dynasty of Qin, set up in such cruelty and blood, did not long survive the death of its founder; his son was unable to maintain his rule over the half-subdued feudal chieftains, ftnd after a nominal reign of seven years he was overcome by Liu Bang, a soldier of fortune, who, having been employed by one of the chiefs as commander of his forces, used them to support his own authority when he had taken possession of the capital. Under the name of Kautsu he became the founder of the Han dynasty, and his accession is regarded as the commencement of modern Chinese history. The number and character of its heroes and literati are superior to most other periods, and to this day the term IIa)i-ts2\ or ‘ Sons of Han,’ is one of the favorite names by which the Chinese call themselves.

        THE HOUSE OF TTAN. 163

        The first fourteen princes of this dynasty reigned in Shensi, but Jvwangwu removed the capital from (^hang-an to Lohyang, as was done in the Chau dynasty seven centuries b f :re, the old one being ruined. During the reign of Ping i {or ‘he ‘Emperor ]*eacc’) the Prince of Peace, our Lord Jesus Christ, was boiii in Judea, a renuirkable coincidence which has often attracted notice. During the reign of Ming ti, a.d. 65, a deputation was sent to India to obtain the sacred books and authorized teachers of Buddhism, which the Emperor intended to publicly introduce into China. This faith had already widely spread among his subjects, but henceforth it became the popular belief of the Chinese and extended eastward into Japan. This

        monarch and his successor, Chang ti, penetrated with their armies

        as far westward as the Caspian Sea, dividing and overcoming the

        various tribes on the confines of the Desert and at the foot of the

        Tien shan, and extending the limits of the monarchy in that direction

        farther than they are at present. The Chinese sway was

        maintained with varied success until toward the third century,

        and seems to have had a mollifying effect upon the nomads of

        those regions. In these distant expeditions the Chinese heard of

        the Romans, of whom their authors speak in the highest terms :

        ” Everything precious and adnnrable in all other countries,” say

        they, “comes from this land. Gold and silver money is coined

        there; ten of silver are worth one of gold. Their merchants

        trade by sea with. Persia and India, and gain ten for one in their

        traffic. They are simple and upright, and never have two prices

        for their goods ; grain is sold among them very cheap, and large

        sums are embarked in trade. Whenever ambassadors come to the

        frontiers they are provided with carriages to travel to the capital,

        and after their arrival a certain number of pieces of gold are furnished

        them for their expenses.” This description, so characteristic

        of the shop-keeping Chinese, may be compared to many

        accounts given of the Chinese themselves by western authors.

        Continuing the resume of dynasties in order

        lY.—The TsiN dynasty is computed to end with Chwangsiang by the authors of the Illstonj Made Easy, and to have existed only three years, from b.c. 249 to 246.

        Y.—The After Tsin dynasty is sometimes joined to the preceding, but Chi riwangti regarded himself as the first monarch, and began a new house, which, however, lasted only forty-four years, from b.c. 246 to 202. The connnotions in the farthest East during this period were not less destructive of life than the wars in Europe between the Carthaginians and Romans, andthe Syrians, Greeks, and Egyptians.

        VL, YII. The Han and Eastern Han dynasties.—Liu Bang took the title of Han for his dynasty, after the name of his principality, and his family swayed the Middle Kingdom from B.C. 2U2 to A.D. 221, under twenty-six monarchs. The Han dynasty was the formative period of Chinese polity and institutions, and an instructive parallel can be drawn between the character and acts of the Emperors who reigned four hundred years in China, and the numerous consuls, dictators, and emperors

        who governed the Roman Empire for the same period

        from the time of Scipio Africanus to Ileliogabalus. The founder

        of the Han is honored for having begun the system of competitive

        examinations for office, and his successors. Wan ti,

        Wu ti, and Ivwang-wu, developed literature, commerce, arts,

        and good government to a degree unknown before anywhere in

        Asia. In the West the Ilomans became tlie great vrorld power,

        and the advent of Christ and establishment of His church within

        its borders only, render this period the turning epoch of progress

        among niankind.

        The period between the overthrow of the Han dynasty, a.d.

        190, and the establishment of the Eastei-n Tsin, a.d. 317, is

        one of the most interesting in Chinese historj^, from the variety

        of characters which the troubles of the times developed. The

        distractions of this period are described in the Histori/ of the

        Tliree States, but this entertaining work cannot be regarded as

        much better than a historical novel. It has, however, like

        Scott’s stories, impressed the events and actors of those days

        upon the popular mind more than any history in the language.

        VIII.—The Aftkk IIan dynasty began a.d. 211, and continned

        forty-four years, under two princes, to a.d. 205. The

        country was divided into three principalities, called Wei, Wu,

        and Shuh. The first, under the son of Tsao Tsao, ruled the

        whole northern counti’y at Lohyang. and was the most powerful

        of them for about forty years. The second, under Sinn Kien,

        occupied the eastern provinces, from Shantung and the Yellow River down to the mountains of Fuhkien, holding his court at Nanking. The third, under Liu Pi, is regarded as the legitimate dynasty from his affinity with the Han ; he had his capital at Chingtu fii, in Sz’chuen.

        r:6sume of the dynasties. 165

        IX.—The TsiN dynasty was foimded by Sz’ma Chao, a general

        in the employ of llau of tlie last house, who seated himself on

        the throne of his master a.d. 265, the year of the latter’s death.

        His son, Sz’ma Yen, took his place and extended his power over

        the whole Empire by 280. The inroads of the Huns and internal

        commotions were fast ]-educing the people to barbai’ism. Four

        Emperors of this house held their sway at Lohyang during iiftytwo

        years, till a.d. 317. The Iluns maintained their sway in

        Shensi until a.d. 352, under the designations of the Ilan and

        Chau dynasties. It is related of Liu Tsung, one of this barbaric

        race, that he built a great palace at Chang-an, where he gathered

        a myriad of the lirst subjects of his kingdom and lived in

        luxury and magnificence quite unknown before in China. Among

        his attendants was a body-guard of elegantly dressed women, many of whom were good musicians, which accompanied liirn on his progresses.

        X.—The Eastern Tsin is the same house as the last, but Yuen ti having moved his capital in 317 from Luoyang to Xanking, his successors are distinguished as the Eastern Tsin. Eleven princes reigned during a period of one hundred and three years, down to a.d. 420. Buddhism was the chief religion at this time, and the doctrines of Confucius were highly esteemed; “children of concubines, priests, old women, and nurses administered the government,” says the indignant annalist. At this period twelve independent and opposing kings struggled for the ascendency in China, and held their ephemeral courts in the north and west. It was at this time that Constantino moved the capital of the Roman Empire in 328, and the nations of northern Europe under Attila invaded Italy in 410.

        XL—The ScNG, or Northern Song dynasty, as it is often called to distinguish it from the XXIId dynasty (a.d. 970), is the first of the four dynasties known as the JVan-peh C/iao, or ‘ South-north dynasties,’ which preceded the Sui. It was founded by Liu Yu, who commanded the armies of Tsin, and gradually subdued all the opposing States. Displeased at the weakness of his master, Xgan ti, he caused him to be strangled, and placed his brother, Kung ti, upon the throne, who, fearing a like fate, abdicated the empty crown, and Liu Yu became monarch under the name of Kaiitsu, A.n. 420. Eight princes held the throne till a.d. 479, many of them monsters of ernelty, and soon cut off, when Sian Tau-cliing, Duke of Tsi, the prime minister, recompensed them as their ancestor had those of Tsin.

        XII. Qi dynasty.—The new monarch took the name of Kan ti, or ‘ High Emperor,’ bnt enjoyed his dignity only four years. Four princes succeeded him at iS’anking, the last of wdiom, Ilo ti, was besieged in his capital by a faithless minister, assisted by the pi’ince of Liang, who overthrew the dynasty a.d. 502, after a duration of twenty-three years.

        XIII. Liang dynasty.—The first Emperor, Wu ti, reigned forty-eight years, and reduced most of his opponents ; his dominions are described as being mostly south of the Yangtsz’ River, the Wei ruling the regions north of it. Wu ti did much to restore literature and the study of Confucius ; envoys from India and Persia also came to his court, and his just sway allowed the land to recruit. In his latter days he was so great a devotee of Buddhism that he retired to a monastery, like Charles Y., but being persuaded to resume his crown, employed his time in teaching those doctrines to his assembled courtiers. Three successors occupied the throne, the last of whom, King ti, was killed A.D. 557, after surrendering himself, by the general of the troops, wdio then seized the crown.

        XIY. Chen dynasty.—Three brothers reigned most of the time this house held its sway. During this period and that of the three preceding families, the Ilunnish kingdom of Wei ruled the northern parts of China from a.d. 380 to 534, under eleven monarchs, when it was violently separated into the Eastern and Western Wei, and a third one called Chau, which ere long destro\’ed the last AVci at (‘hang-an and occupied northwest China. It is probable that the intercoui-se between China and

        other parts of Asia was more extensive and complete during

        the Wei dynasty than at any other period. Its sovereigns had

        preserved peaceful rehitions with their ancestral seats, and with

        tlie ti-ibes beyond Lake Baikal and the Obi River to the North

        Sea. Trade seems to have flourished throughout the regions

        lying between the Caspian Sea and Corea, and tlie records of

        this period present accounts of the State in this vast tract to be

        found nowhere else. One of these works referred to by Rcnriiisat is the report of officers sent by Tai-wii during his reign to travel through his dominions (424-451) and give full accounts of them.

        One of the sovereigns of Chan, Wu ti (a.d. 561-572), had given his daughter in marriage to Yang Kien, the Prince of Sui, one of his ministers, who, gradually extending his influence, took possession of the throne of his master Tsiiig ti in 580. In a few years he restored order to a distracted land by bringing the several States under his sway and reuniting all China under his hand a.d. 589, after it had been divided nearly four centuries.

        THE SUI AND TANO DYNASTIES. I67

        XV. Sui dynasty.—The founder of this house has left an enduring name in Chinese annals by a survey of his dominions and division of them into interdependent vhau^ klun, and hleii^ with corresponding officers, an arrangement which has ever since existed. lie patronized letters and commerce, and tried to introduce the system of caste from India. After a vigorous reign of twenty-four years he was killed by his son Yang ti, who carried on his father’s plans, and during the fourteen years of his reign extended the frontiers through the Tarim Yalley and down to the Southern Ocean. His murder by one of his generals was the signal for several ambitious men to rise, but the Prince of Tang aided the son to rule for a year or two till he was removed, thus bringing the Sui dynasty to an end after thirty-nine years, but not before its two sovereigns had taught their subjects the benefits of an undivided sway.

        XYI. Tang dynasty.—This celebrated line of princes began

        its sway in peace, and during the two hundred and eightj’-sevcn

        years (018 to 90S) they held the throne China was probably the

        most civilized country on earth ; the darkest days of the West,

        when Europe was wrapped in the ignorance and degradation of

        the Middle Ages, formed the brightest era of the East. They

        exercised a humanizing effect on all the surrounding countries,

        and led their inhabitants to see the benefits and understand the

        management of a government where the laws were above the

        officers. The people along the southern coast were completely

        civilized and incorporated into the Chinese race, and mark the change by always calling themselves Tang Jin, or ‘ Men of

        Tang/ An interesting work on the trade and condition of

        China at this time is the AMihar-al-Syn oual-Hind, or ‘ Observations

        on China and India,’ by two Arab travellers to those

        lands in the years 851 and 878, compiled by Abu Zaid and

        translated by lieinaud in 1845.’ Li Shi-mii], the son of Li Ynen

        the founder of this dynasty, may be regarded as the most accomplished monarch in the Chinese annals—famed alike for his

        wisdom and nobleness, his conquests and good government, his

        temperance, cultivated tastes, and patronage of literary inen.

        AVhile still Prince of Tang he contributed greatly to his father’s

        elevation and to the extension of his sway over the regions of

        Central Asia. When the house of Tang was fully acknowledged,

        and the eleven rival States which had started up on the

        close of the house of Sui had been overcome, the capital was

        removed from Lohyang back to Chang-an, and everything done

        to compose the disordered country and reunite the distracted

        State under a reo-ular and vigorous administration. Feeline:

        himself unequal to all the cares of his great office, Li Yuen,

        known as Kau-tsu Shin Yao ti (lit. ‘ High Progenitor, the Divine Yao Emperor ‘), resigned the j^ellow in favor of his son, who took the style of Chlng hioan {‘ Pure Observer ‘) for his reign, though his posthumous title is Tai-tsung Wan-w^i ti (‘ Our Exalted Ancestor, the Literary-Martial Emperor ‘), a.d. 627, and still further extended his victorious arms. One of his first acts was to establish schools and institute a s^’^stem of literary examinations ; he ordered a complete and accurate edition of all the classics to be published under the supervision of the most learned men in the Empire, and honored the memory of Confucius with special ceremonies of respect. Extraordinary pains were taken to prepare and preserve the historical records of former days and draw up full annals of the recent dynasties; these still await the examination of western scholars.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. I., p. 6; Reinaud, Relations des Voyages, 2 Vols..Paris, 1845. Yule, CatJiay and the Way Thithtr, Introd., p. cii.

        TAI-TSLTN(J, FOUNDER OF THE HOUSE OF TAXG. 169

        lie constructed a code of laws for the direction of his high officers in their judicial functions, and made progresses through

        lii.s doiniiiions to inspect the condition of the people. During

        liis reign the limits of the Enipii-e were extended over all the

        Turkisli tribes lying west of Kiinsuh and south of the Tien

        shan as far as the Caspian Sea, which were placed nnder four

        satrapies or residences, those of Kuche, Pisha or Khoten, Ilarashar,

        and Kashgar, as their names are at present. West of the

        last many smaller tribes submitted and rendered a partial subjection

        to the Emperor, who arranged them into sixteen governments

        under the management of a governor-general over theiiown

        chieftains. His frontiers reached from the borders of

        Persia, the Caspian Sea, and the Altai of the Kirghis steppe,

        along those mountains to the north side of Gobi eastward to

        the Inner Iling-an. Sogdiana and part of Khorassan, and the

        regions around the llindu-kush, also obeyed him. The rulers

        of Xipal and Magadha or Bahar in India sent their salutations

        by their ambassadors, and the Greek Emperor Theodosius sent

        an envoy to Si-ngan in 643 carrying presents of rubies and

        emeralds, as did also the Persians. The IS^estorian missionaries

        also presented themselves at court. Tai-tsung received them

        with respect, and heard them rehearse the leading tenets of

        their doctrine ; he ordered a temple to be erected at his capital,

        and had some of their sacred books translated for his examination,

        though there is no evidence now remaining that any portion

        of the Bible was done into Chinese at this time.

        Near the close of his life Tai-tsung undertook an expedition against Corea, but the conquest of that country was completed by his son after his death. A sentiment has been preserved at this time of his life which he uttered to his sons while sailing t)n the River Wei :

        “‘ See, my children, the waves which lloat our fragile bark are able to submerge it in an instant ; know assuredly that the people are like the waves, and the Emperor like this fragile bark.” During his reign his life was attempted several times, once by his own son, but he was preserved from these attacks, and died after a reign of twenty-three years, deeply lamented by a grateful people. The Chinese accounts state that the foreign envoys resident at his court cut off their hair, some of them disfigured their faces, bled themselves, and sprinkled the blood around the bier in testimony of their grief.

        Whatever may have been the truth in this respect, many proofs exist of the distinguished character of this monarch, and that the high reputation he enjoyed during his lifetime was a just tribute to his excellences, he will favorably compare with Akbar, Marcus Aurelius, and Kanghi, or with Charlemagne and llarun Al Ilaschid, who came to their thrones in the next century.^

        Tai-tsung was succeeded by his son Kau-tsung, whose indolent imbecility appeared the more despicable after his father’s vigor, but his reign fills a large place in Chinese history, from the extraordinary career of his Empress, Wu Tsih-tien, or Wu hao(‘ Empress “Wu ‘) as she is called, who by her blandishments obtained entire control over him. The character of this woman has, no doubt, suifered much from the bad reputation native historians have given her, but enough can be gathered from their accounts to show that with all her cruelty she understood how to maintain the authority of the crown, repress foreign invasions, quell domestic sedition, and provide for the wants of the people. Introduced to the harem of Tai-tsung at the age of

        fourteen, she was sent at his death to the retreat where all his

        women were condemned for the rest of their days to honorable

        imprisonment. While a member of the palace Kau-tsung had

        been charmed with her appearance, and, having seen her atone

        of the state ceremonies connected with the ancestral worship,

        bi’ought her back to the palace. His queen, Wang-shi, also

        favored his attentions in order to draw them off from another

        rival, but Wu Tsih-tien soon (obtaining entire sway over the

        moiuirch, united both women against her ; she managed to

        fill the principal offices with her friends, and by a series of

        manonivres supplanted each in turn and became Empress. One

        means she took to excite suspicion against Wang-shi was, on

        occasion of the birth of her first child, after the Empress had

        visited it and before Kau-tsung came in to see his offspring, to

        strangle it and charge the crime upon her Majesty, which led

        to her trial, degradation, and impi-isonment, and ere long to her

        death.

        THE EMPRESS WU TSIH-TIEN. 171

        As soon as she became Empress (in O,”),”)), Wu began gradually to assume more and more authority, until, long before the Emperor’s death in 684, she engrossed the whole management of affairs, and at his demise opeidy assumed the reins of government, which she wielded for twenty-one years with no weak hand. Her generals extended the limits of the Empire, and her officers carried into effect her orders to alleviate the miseries of the people. Her cruelty vented itself in the nnirder of all who opposed her will, even to her own sons and relatives; and her pride was rather exhibited than gratified by her assuming the titles of Queen of Heaven, Holy and Divine Ttuler, Holy Mother, and Divine Sovereign. When she was disabled by age her son, Chung-sung, supported by some of the first men of the land, asserted his claim to the throne, and by a palace conspiracy succeeded in removing her to her own apartments, where she died aged eighty-one years. Her character has been blackened in native histories and popular tales, and her conduct held up as an additional evidence of the evil of allowing women to meddle with governments.’

        A race of twenty monarchs swayed the sceptre of the house

        of Tang, but after the demise of the Empress Wu Tsih-tien

        none of them equalled Tai-tsung, and the Tang dynasty at last

        succumbed to ambitious ministers lording over its imbecile

        sovereigns. In the reign of IHuen-tsung, about the year 722,

        the population of the Fifteen Provinces is said to have been

        52,884,818. The last three or four Em])erors exhibited the usual

        marks of a declining house—eunuchs or favorites promoted by

        them swayed the realm and dissipated its resources. At last,

        Li TsQen-chung, a general of Chau-tsung, whom he had aided

        in quelling the eunuchs in 904, rose against his master, destroyed

        him, and compelled his son, Chau-siuen ti, to abdicate, a.d. 907.

        XYH. After Liang dynasty.—The destruction of the famous

        dynasty loosened the bonds of all government, and nine separate

        kings struggled for its provinces, some of whom, as Apki

        over the Kitan in the north-east, succeeded in founding kingdoms.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. III., p. 543 ; Canton MisceUany, No. 4, 1831, pp24Gfif.

        The Prince of Liang, the new Emperor, was unable to extend his sway beyond the provinces of Honan and Shantung. After a short reign of six years lie was killed by his brother, Liang Chn-tien, who, on his part, fell under the attack of a Turkish general, and ended this dynasty, a.d. 923, after a duration of sixteen years.

        XVIII. Aftek Tang dynasty.—The conqueror called himself

        (Jhwang-tsung, and his dynasty Tang, as if in continuation of

        that line of princes, but this mode of securing popularity was

        unsuccessful. Like Pertinax, Aurelian, and others of the Roman

        emperors, he was killed by his troops, who chose a successor,

        and his grandson, unable to resist his enemies, burned himself

        in his palace, a.d. 930, thus ending the weak dynasty after

        thirteen years of struggle.

        XIX. After Tsin dynasty.—The Kitan or Tartars of Liautimg, who had assisted in the overthrow of the hist dynasty, compelled the new monarch to subsidize them at his accession, A.D. 93G, by ceding to them sixteen cities in Chihli, and promising an annual tiibute of three hundred thousand pieces of silk. This disgraceful submission has ever since stigmatized Tien-fuh(‘ Heavenly Happiness’) in the eyes of native historians. IBs nephew who succeeded him is known as Chuh ti (the ‘Carried away Emperor’), and was removed in 9J:7 by those who put him on the throne, thus ending the meanest house which ever swayed the black-haired people.

        XX. AFrKu Hax dynasty.—The Tartars now endeavored to subdne the whole country, but were repulsed by Liu Clii-yuen, a loyal general who assumed the yellow in 947, and called his dynasty after the renowned house of Han; he and his son held sway four years, till a.d. 951, and then were cut olf.

        THE WU TAI, on FIVE DYNASTIES. 173

        XXI. Afti:u Chau dynasty.—Ko Wei, the successful aspirant to the throne, maintained his seat, but died in three years, leaving his power to an adopted son, Shi-tsung, whose vigorous rule consolidated his still unsettled sway. His early death and the youth of his son decided his generals to bestow the sceptic upon the lately appointed tutor to the monarch, which closed the After Chau dynasty a.d. 900, after a brief duiation of nine years. He was honored with a title, and, like Richard ( h’omwell, allowed to live in quiet till his death in 973, a fact creditable to the new monarch. These short-lived houses between a.d. 907-9G0 are known in Chinese history as the WuDai, or ‘ Five Dynasties.’ While they stiiiggled for supremacy in the valley of the Yellow River, the regions south and west were portioned among seven houses, who ruled them in a good degree of security.

        Fuhkien was held l)y the King of Min, and Kiaiignan by the King of Wu ; the regions of Sz’chuen, Xganhwui, and Kansuh were held by generals of note in the service of Tang ; another general held Kwangtung at Canton through two or three reigns; and another exercised sway at Kingchau on the Yangzi River. It is needless to mention them all. During this period Europe was distracted by the wars of the Normans and Saracens, and learning there was at a low ebb.

        XXIL—SrxG dynasty began A.D. 9TU, and maintained its power

        over the whole Empire for one hundred and fifty-seven years, till

        A.D. 1127. The mode in which its founder, Chan Kwang-yun, was

        made head of the State, reminds one of the way in which the

        Pmetorian guards sometimes elevated their chiefs to the throne of

        the Caisars. After the military leaders had decided upon their

        future sovereign they sent messengers to announce to him his new

        honor, who found him drunk, and “before he had time to reply

        the yellow robe was already thrown over his person.” At the

        close of his reign of seventeen years the provinces had mostly submitted to his power at Kaifnng, but the two Tartar kingdoms of

        Liau and Jlia remained independent. This return to a centralized government proves the unity of the Chinese people at this time in their own limits, as well as their inability to induce their

        neighbors to adopt the same system of government. The successors

        of Tai-tsu of Sling had a constant struggle for existence

        with their adversaries on the north and west, the Liau and Ilia,

        whose recent taste of power under the last two dynasties had

        shown them their opportunity. On the return of prosperity under

        his brother’s reign of twenty-two years, the former institutions

        and political divisions were restored throughout the southern half

        of the Empire ; good government was secured, aided by able

        generals and loyal ministers, and the rebels everywhere quelled.

        Chin-tsung was the third sovereign, and his reign of forty-one

        years is the brightest portion of the house of Sung. The kings

        of Ilia in Kansuh acknowledged themselves to be his tributaries, but he bought a cowardly peace with the Liau on the north-east.

        During his reign and that of his son, Tin-tsung, a violent controversy arose among the literati and officials as to the best mode of conducting the government. Some of them, as Sz’ma Kwang the historian, contended for the maintenance of the old principles of the sages. Others, of whom Wang i^gan-shi was the distinguished leader, advocated reform and change to the entire overthrow of existing institutions. For the first time in the history of China, two political parties peacefully struggled for supremacy, each content to depend on argument and truth for the victory. The contest soon grew too bitter, however, and the accession of a new monarch, Shin-tsung, enabled AVang to dispossess his opponents and manage State affairs as he pleased.

        After a trial of eight or ten years the voice of the nation restored the conservatives to power, and the radicals were banished beyond the frontier. A discussion like this, involving all the cherished ideas of the Chinese, brought out deep and acute inquiry into the nature and uses of things generally, and the Avriters of this dynasty, at the head of Avhom was Cliu Hi, made a lasting impression on the national mind.

        The two sons of Shin-tsung were unable to oppose the northern

        hordes of Liau and Ilia, except by setting a third aspirant against

        both. These were the Niu-chih or Kin,’ the ancestors of the

        present Man’chus, who carried away llwui-tsung as a captive in

        1125, and his son too the next year, pillaging Lohyang and

        possessing themselves of the region north of the Yellow Kiver.

        This closed the Northern Sung. The Kin established themselves

        at Peking in 1118, whence they were driven in 1235 by Genghis

        Khan, and fled back to the ancestral haunts on the Songari and

        Liau Itivers,

        XXIII.

        Southern Song dynasty forms part of the preceding, for Kao-tsung, the brother of the last and ninth monarch of the weakened house of Northern Song, seeing his capital in ruins, fled to Nanking, and soon after to the beautiful city of Hangzhou on the eastern coast at the mouth of the Qiantang River.

        ‘ Two graves of the Kin monarchs exist on a hill west of Fangshan hien, fifty miles south-west of Peking; they were repaired by Kanghi. Dr. Busliell visited them in 1870.

        THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN SUNG. 175

        Nanking was pillaged by the Kin, but Ilangeliau was too far for

        tliem. It gradually grew in size and strength, and became a

        famous capital. Kao-tsung resigned in liG2, after a reign of

        tliirty-SiX years, and survived his abdication twenty-four years.

        The next Emperor was Iliao-tsung, who also resigned the yellow

        to Kwang-tsung, his son, and he again yielded it to his son Ningtsung.

        This last, in his distress, called the rising Mongols into his

        service in 1228 to help against the Kin. The distance from the

        northern frontier, wdiere the Mongols were flushed with their

        successes over the Tangouth of Ilia at Kinghia in 1226, was too

        far for them to aid Xing-tsung at this time. He was, however,

        relieved from danger to himself, and the Mongols deferred their

        intentions for a few years. From this date for about fifty years

        the Sung grew weaker and weaker under the next five sovereigns,

        until the last scion, Ti Ping, was drowned with some of

        his courtiers, one of whom, clasping him in his arms, jumped

        from the vessel, and ended their life, dignity, and dynasty together.

        It had lasted one hundred and fifty-two years under nine monarchs, who showed less ability than those of Northern Song, and were all much inferior as a whole to the house of Tang. Their patronage of letters and the arts of peace was unaccompanied by the vigor of their predecessors, for they were unwilling to leave the capital and risk all at the head of their troops. It is the genius and philosophy of its scholars that has made the Sung one of the great dynasties of the Middle Kingdom.

        XXIV.—The Yuan dynasty was the first foreign sway to which the Sons of IJan had submitted; their resistance to the army, which gradually overran the country, was weakened, however, by treachery and desultory tactics until the national spirit was frittered away. During the interval between the capture of Peking by Genghis and the final extinction of the Sung dynasty, the whole population had become somewhat accustomed to Mongol rule. Having no organized government of their own, these khans were content to allow the Chinese the full exercise of their own laws, if peace and taxation were duly upheld.

        Kublai had had ample opportunity to learn the character of his new subjects, and after the death of Mangu khan in 1260 and his own establishment at Peking in 1261, he in fifteen years brought his vast dominions under a nietliodical sway and developed their resources more than ever. Though faihng in his attempt to eon(pier Japan, ho enlarged elsewhere his vanishing frontiei’S (hiring his life till they could neither be dehned nor governed. His patronage of merit and scholarship proves the good results of his tu*:elage in China, while the short-lived glory of his administration in other hands chielly proved what good material he

        had to work with in China in comparison with his own race.’

        He was a vigorous and magnificent prince, and had, moreover,

        the advantage of having his acts and splendor related by Marco

        Polo—a chronicler worthy of his subject. The Grand Canal,

        which was deepened and lengthened during his reign, is a lasting

        token of his sagacity and eidightened policy. An interesting

        monument of this dynasty, erected in 1315, is the gat^

        way in the Kii-yung kwan (pass) of the Great Wall north of

        Peking. Upon the interior of this arch is cnt a Buddhist charm

        in six different kinds of character—Mongolian, Chinese, Oigour,

        antifjue Devanagari, Niu-chih, and Tibet m.”

        After the Grand Khan’s death the ]^[ongols retained their power under the reign of Ching-tsung, or T’imur khan, a grandson of Kublai, and Wu-tsung, or Genesek khan,’ a nephew of the former, but their successors met with opj^osition, or were destroyed by treachery. The offices were also filled with Mongols, without any regard to the former mode of conferring rank according to literary qualifications, and the native Chinese began to be thoroughly dissatisfied with a sway in which they had no part.

        The last and eleventh, named Ching-tsung, or Tohan-Timur, came to the throne at the age of thirteen, iind gave himself up to pleasure, his eunuchs and ministers dividing the possessions and offices of the Chinese among themselves and their adherents.

        ‘See ‘Remusa.t,’ JVbuvemix Melanges, Tomes I., p. 437; TI., pp. 64, 88, and SOOT, for a series of notices concerning the Mongol generalii and history.

        ‘Compare Wylie in the R. A. Sor. Join;, Vol. V. (N.S ), i>. 14; Fergusson, Hint. Ind. iind Kitxt. Airhittrtiirc, p. 708 ; YuU^^’s Polo, I., pp. ’28, 400.

        ^ This should be Kaishaii-kuUuk klian, caUed Kdi-mnrj in (Jhinese. Remusat, Nouveaux MelanycH, Tome II., pp. 1-4.

        <iATEWAY OF THE YUEN UYNASTV, KL-YUNti KWAN, OKEAT WALL THE Sin’REMACY OF THE MONGOLS. 177

        This conduct aroused his subjects, and Chu Vuen-cluing, a plebeian by birth, and formerly a i)riest, raised the standard of revolt, and finally expelled the Mongols, a.d. 136S, after a duration of eighty-nine years.’

        Like most of the preceding dynasties, the new one established

        itself on’ the misrule, luxury, and weakness of its predecessors;

        the people submitted to a vigorous rule, as one which exhibited

        the true exposition of the decrees of Heaven, and npheld its

        laws and the harmony of the universe ; while a weak sovereign

        plainly evinced his usurpation of the ” divine utensil ” and unfitness

        for the post by tlie disorders, famines, piracies, and

        insurrections which afflicted the mismanaged State, and which

        were all taken by ambitious leaders as evidences of a change in

        the choice of Heaven, and reasons for their carrying out the new

        selection which had fallen on them. Amid all the revolutions

        in China, none have been founded on principle ; they were mere

        mutations of masters, attended with more or less destruction of

        life, and no better appreciation of the rights of the subject or

        the powers of the rulers, Xor without some knowledge of the

        high obligations man owes his Maker and himself is it easy to

        see whence the sustaining motive of free religious and political

        institutions can be derived.

        XXY. The Ming, i.e., ‘ Bright dynasty.’—The character of Hongwu, as Zhu Yuan-zhang called his reign on his accession, has been well drawn by Remusat, who accords him a high rank for the vigor and talents manifested in overcoming his enemies and cementing his power. He established his capital at banking, or the ‘ Southern Capital,’ and after a reign of thirty years transmitted the sceptre to his grandson, Kienwtin, a youth of sixteen. Yungloh, his son, dissatisfied with this arrangement, overcame his nephew and seized the crown after five years, and moved the capital back to Peking in 1403. This prince is distinguished for the code of laws framed under his auspices, which has, with some modifications and additions,

        ever since remained as the basis of the administi-ation. During

        the reign of Kiahtsing the Portuguese came to China, and in that

        of Wanleih, about 1580, the Jesuits gai-ned an entrance into the

        ‘ One of the causes of their easy overthrow is stated to have been the enormous robbery of the people by the lavish issue of paper money, which at last became worthless.

        country. In his time, too, the Niu-cliih, or Kin, whom Gen*

        ghis liad driven away in 1235, again became numerous and

        troublesome, and took possession of the northern frontiers.

        The first chieftain of the Manchus who attained celebrity was

        Tienming, who in 1618 published a manifesto of his designs

        against the house of Ming, in which he announced to Heaven

        the seven things he was bound to revenge. These consisted of

        petty oppressions upon persons passing the frontiers, assisting

        his enemies, violating the oath and treaty of peace entered intc

        between the two rulers, and killing his envoys. The fierce nomad

        had already assumed the title of Emperor, and ” vowed to celebrate the funeral of his father with the slaughter of two hundred thousand Chinese.” Tienming overran the north-eastern parts of China, and committed unsparing cruelties upon the

        people of Liautung, but died in 1627, before he had satisfied

        his revenge, leaving it and his army to his son Tientsung.

        The Chinese army fought bravely, though unsuccessfully,

        against the warlike Manchus, whose chief not only strove to

        subdue, but endeavored, by promises and largesses, to win the

        troops from their allegiance. The apparently audacious attempt

        of this small force to subdue the Chinese was assisted by numerous

        bodies of rebels, who, like wasps, sprung up in various

        parts of the country, the leaders of each asserting his claims to

        the throne, and all of them i-endering their common country an

        easier prey to the invader. One of them, called Li Zhi-cheng, attacked Peking, and the last Emperor Hwai-tsung, feeling that he had little to hope for after the loss of his capital, and had already estranged the affections of his subjects by his ill conduct, first stabbed his daughter and then hung himself, in 1643, and ended the house of Ming, after two hundred and seventy six years. The usurper received the submission of most of the eastern provinces, but the Chinese general. Wu San-gui, in command of the army on the north, refused to acknowledge him, and, making peace with the Manchus, invoked the aid of Tsungteh in asserting the cause of the rightful claimant to the throne. This was willingly agreed to, and the united army marched to Peking and speedily entei-cd the capital, which the rebel chief had left a heap of ruins when he took away his booty. The Manchus now declared themselves the rulers of the Empire, but their chief dying, his son Shunzhi, who at the age of six succeeded his father in 16-1-t, is regarded as the Urst Emperor; his uncle, Aina-wang, ruled and reorganized the administration in his name.

        TTIE :\IINrr DYNASTY. ^79

        XXVI. The Qing,’ i.e. ‘ Pure dynasty.’—During the eighteen

        years he sat upon the throne Shunchi and his officers subdued

        most of the northern and central provinces, but the maritime

        regions of the south held out against the invaders, and

        one of the leaders, by means of his fleets, carried devastation

        along the whole coast. The spirit of resistance was in some

        parts crushed, and in others exasperated by an order for all

        Chinese to adopt as a sign of submission the Tartar mode of

        shaving the front of the head and braiding the hair in a long

        queue. Those M’ho gave this order, as Davis remarks, must

        have felt themselves very strong before venturing so far upon

        the spirit of the conquered, and imposing an outward universal

        badge of surrender upon all classes of the people. ” Mar.y are

        the changes which may be made in despotic countries, without

        the notice or even the knowledge of the larger portion of the

        community ; but an entire alteration in the national costume

        affects every individual equally, from the highest to the lowest,

        and is perhaps of all others the most open and degrading mark

        of conquest.” This order M’as resisted by many, who chose to

        lose their heads rather than part with their hair, but the mandate

        was gradually enforced, aud has now for about two centuries

        been one of the distinguishing marks of a Chinese, though

        to this day the natives of Fuhkien near the seaboard wear a

        kerchief around their head to conceal it. The inhabitants of

        this province and of Kwangtung held out the longest against

        the invaders, and a vivid account of their capture of Canton,

        Kovember 20, 1650, where the adherents of the late dynasty had

        intrenched themselves, has been left us by Martini, an eyewitness.

        Some time after its subjugation a brave man, Ching Chi-hmg, harassed them by his fleet ; and his son, Ching

        ‘ For the origin of the Manchus see Klaproth, Memoires sur VAsie, Tome I.,p. 441.

        (“]iirio:-kniiir, or Koxiiiiia, molested the coast to fiicli a dcijiee

        that the Emperor Kanghi, in 1665, ordered all the people to retire

        three leagues inland, in order to prevent this heroic man

        from reaching them. This command was generally obeyed,

        and affords an instance of the singular nnxture of power and

        weakness seen in many parts of Chinese legislation ; for it

        might be supposed that a government which could compel its

        maritime subjects to leave their houses and towns and go into

        the country at great loss, might have easily armed and equipped

        a fleet to have defended those towns and homes. Koxinga,

        finding himself unable to make any serious impression upon

        the stability of the new government, went to Formosa, drove

        the Dutch out of Zealandia, and made himself master of tho

        island.’

        Shunchi died in 1661 and was succeeded by his son Kanghi/

        who was eight years old at his accession, and remained under

        guardians till he was fourteen, when he assumed the reins of

        government, and swayed the power vested in his liands with a

        prudence, vigor, and success that have rendered him more celebrated

        than almost any other Asiatic monarch. It was in 1661

        that Louis XIY. had assumed the sovereignty of France at al)out

        the same age, and for fifty -four years the reigns of these two

        monarchs ran paralleL During Kanghi’s unusually long reign

        of sixty-one years (the longest in Chinese annals, except Taimao

        of the Shang dynasty, b.c. 1637-1562), he extended his dominions

        to the borders of Kokand and Badakshan on the west, and to the confines of Tibet on the south-west, simplifying the administration and consolidating his power in every part of his vast dominions. To his regulations, perhaps, are mainly owing the unity and peace which the Empire has exhibited for more than a century, and which has produced the impression abroad of the unchangeableness of Chinese institutions and character.

        ‘ Compare tho interesting translation from a Chinese record of the capture of Fort Zealandia, by H. E. Ilobson, Journal of JV. C. Br. /?. A. Society, Xo. XL, Art. L, 1876.

        – Rimusat, Nouveaiu Mehinges, Tome II., pp. 21-44 : Bouvet, FAfe of Kany hi; Gutzlaff, Life of Kanghi.

        THE MANCIIUS—THE EMPEROP. KAXOIlf. 181

        This may be ascribed, chiefly, to his indefatigable application to all affairs of State, to his judgment and penetration in the choice of officers, his economy in regard to himself and liberal magnificence in everything that tended to the good of his dominions, and his sincere desire to promote the happiness of his people by a steady and vigorous execution of the laws and a continual watchfulness over the conduct of his hiirh officers. These qualities have perhaps been unduly extolled hy his foreign friends and biographers, the liomish missionaries, and if their expressions arc taken in their strictest sense, as we understand them, they do elevate him too high. lie is to be

        compared not with Alfred or AVilliam III. of England, Louis IX.

        or Henry TV. of France, and other European kings, hut with

        other Chinese and Asiatic princes, few of whom equal him.

        The principal events of his long reign are the conquest of the

        Eleuths. and subjugation of several tribes lying on the north and

        south of the Tien shan ; an embassy across the Kussian Possessions

        in 1713 to the khan of the Tourgouth Tartars, preparatory

        to their return to the Chinese territory ; the settlement of

        the northern frontier between himself and the czar, of which

        Gerbillon has given a full account ; the survey of the Empire by

        the Romish missionaries ; and the publication of a great thesaurus

        of the language. In many things he showed himself liberal toward foreigners, and the country was thrown open to their commerce for many years.

        His son Yungching succeeded in 1T22, and is regarded by many natives as superior to his father. He endeavored to suppress Christianity and restore the ancient usages, which had somewhat fallen into desuetude during his father’s sway, ami generally seems to have held the sceptre to the benefit of his subjects. Yungching is regarded as an usurper, and is sr.id to have changed the figure four to fourteen on the billet of nomination, himself being the fourteenth son, and the fourth being absent in Mongolia, where he was soon after arrested and imprisoned, and subsequently died in a palace near Peking; whether he was put to death or not is uncertain. Kienlung succeeded Yungching in 1736, and proved himself no unworthy descendant of his grandfather Ivanghi ; like him he had the singular fortune to reign sixty years, and for most of that period in peace’ Some local insurrections disturbed the general trauquilliry, principally among the al)(»rigiiies in I-‘ormosa and Tvweiclian, and in an nnprovolved attack upon IJirmali his armies sustained a signal defeat and were obliged to retreat. The incursions of the Xipalese into Tibet induced the Dalai Lama to apply to him for assistance, and in doing so he contrived to establish a guardianship over the whole country, and place bodies of troops in all the important positions, so that in effect lie annexed that vast region to his Empire, but continued the lamas in the internal administration.

        During his long reign Xieidnng exhausted the resources of

        his Empire by building useless edifices and keeping up large

        armies. lie received embassies from the liussians, Dutch, and

        English, bv which the character of the (“hinese and the nature of

        their country became better known to western nations. These

        end)assies greatly strengthened the im|)ression on the side of the

        Chinese of their superiority to all other nations, for they looked

        upon them as a(;knowledgments on the })art of the governments

        Avho sent them of their allegiance to the court of Peking. The

        presents were regarded as tribute, the ambassadors as deputies

        from their masters to acknowledge the su]’)reniacy of the Emperor,

        and the requests they made for trade as rather another form

        of receiving presents in return than a mutual arrangement for a

        trade equally beneficial to both. Ivienlung abdicated the throne

        in favor of his fifth son and retired with the title of S’fjwe/Jie

        Km/peroi\ while liis son, Kiaking, had that of Enq)eror.

        The character of this prince was dissolute and superstitious, and his reign of twenty- five years was much disturbed by secret combinations against the government and by insurrections* and

        ‘ His character and enthusiasm for literary pursuits merit, on the whole, the lines inscribed by the Roman Catholic missionaries beneath his portrait in the Memoircs cone, leu Ghinois:

        Occup sans relache a touts les soins divers

        D’lin gouvcrncment qu’on admire,

        Le i)lus gran<l potentat qui soit dans I’univors

        Et le mcillcur l(>ttr6 qui soit dans son Empire.

        ‘ Among the most serious of these was the revolt oP the Peh lien kiao. Zr<-tres EfHpirdcx, Tome III., pp. 201-29S, ;55;5, 879, etc. In 1789 the ladronea infested the southern coasts. //>., Tome II., p. 493.

        THE llEIGNS OF KIEXLUNG AND TAUKWANG. ]83

        pirates in and about the Empire. A conspiracy’ against him

        broke out in tlie pahice in 1813, where he was for a time in

        some danger, but was rescued by the courage of his guard and

        family ; one of liis sons, Mien-ning, was designated as his successor

        for liis bravery on this occasion. A fleet of about sixhundred

        piratical junks, under Ching Yih and Chang Pan, infested

        the coasts of Kwangtung for several years, and were at

        last put down in ISIO by the provincial government taking

        advantage of internal dissensions between the leaders. The

        principal scene of the exploits of this fleet was the estuary of

        the Pearl lliver, whose numerous harbors and chaimels afforded

        shelter and escape to their vessels when pursued by the imperialists,

        while the towns upon the islands were plundered and

        the inhabitants killed if they resisted. The internal government

        of this audacious band was ascertained by two Englishmen,

        Mr. Turner and Mr. Glasspoole, who at different times fell into

        their hands and were obliged to accompany them in their marauding

        expeditions. To so great a height did they proceed

        that the governor of Canton went to Macao to reside, and entered

        into some arrangements with the Portuguese for assistance

        in suppressing them. The piratical fleet was attacked and blockaded

        for ten days by the combined forces, but without much

        damage ; there was little prospect of overcoming them had not

        rivalry between the two leaders gone so far as to result in a

        severe engagement and loss on both sides. The conquered pirate

        soon after made his peace with the government, and the

        victor shortly afterward followed the same course. The story

        of those disturbed times to this day affords a fj-equent subject

        for the tales of old people in that region, and the same waters

        are still infested by the ” foam of the sea,” as the Chinese term

        these freebooters.

        The reign of Kiaking ended in 1820; by the Emperor’s will his second son was appointed to succeed him, and took the style Taukwang. lie exhibited more energy and justice than his father, and his efl^orts purified the administration by the personal supervision taken of their leading members. His reign was marked by many local insurrections and disasters in one quarter or another of his vast dominions. A rebellion in Turkestan in 1S28 was attended with great cruelty and treachery on the part of the Chinese, and its leader, Jehangir, was murdered, in v^iolation of the most solenm promises. An insurrection in Formosa and a rising among the mountaineers of Kwangtung, in 1830-32, were put down more by money than by force, but as peace is both the end and evidence of good government in China, the authorities are not very particular how it is brought about.

        The rapid increase of opium-smoking among his people led

        to many efforts to restrain this vice by prohibitions, penalties,

        executions, and other means, but all in vain. The Emperors

        earnestness was stimulated by the death of his three eldest sons

        from its use, and the falling off of the revenue by smuggling

        the pernicious drug. In 1837-38 the collective opinion of the

        highest officials was taken after hearing their arguments for

        legalizing its importation ; it was resolved to seize the dealers in

        it. The acts of Commissioner Lin resulted in the war with

        Great Britain and the opening of China to an extended intercourse

        with other nations. Defeated in his honest efforts to

        protect his people against their bane, the Emperor still fulfilled

        Ids treaty obligations, and died in 1850, just as the Tai-ping rebellion

        broke out.

        His fourth son succeeded him under the style of Hienfung,

        but without his father’s earnestness or vigor when the State

        required the highest qualities in its leader. The devastations

        of the rebels laid waste the southern half of the Empire, and

        their approach to Peking in 1853 was paralyzed by tioods and

        want of supplies more than by the imperial troops. A second

        war with Great Britain, in 1858-60, completely broke down the

        seclusion of China, and at its conclusion an inglorious reign of

        eleven years ended at Jeh-ho in August, 1860. His only son

        succeeded to the throne at the age of five years, under the style

        of Tungchi ; the government being under the control of two

        Empress-regents and Prince Kung, his uncle. During his reign

        of twelve years the vigor of the new authoi’ities succeeded in

        completely quelling the Tai-ping rebellion, destroying the Mohammedan

        rising in Yunnan and Kansidi, and opening up

        diplomatic intercourse with the Treaty Powers. Just as the

        IIEIGNS AND EVENTS OF RECENT YEARS. 185

        Emperor l)e<;un to exercise his authoi’ity, lie died in JamuuT,

        1875, without issue. The vacant “utensil” has been filled by

        the appointment of his cousin, a boy of four yeai’s, whose reii^n

        was styled Kwangsii. Affairs continue to be conducted by

        the same regency as before, now still more conversant with the

        new relations opening up with other lands. The real Enipressilowager, or Tioig Kung^ died April IS, 1881.

        So far as can be judged from the imperfect data of native

        historians of former days, compai’ed with the observations of

        foreigners at present, there is little doubt that this enormous

        population has been better governed by the Manchus than under

        the princes of the Ming dynasty; there has been more vigor in

        the administration of government and less palace favoritism

        and intrigue in the appointment of officers, more security of

        life and property from the exactions of local authorities, bands

        of robbers, or processes of law ; in a word, the Manchu sway

        has well developed the industry and resources of the country,

        of which the population, loyalty, and content of the people are

        the best evidences.

        The sovereigns of the Ming and Tsing dynasties, being more

        frequently mentioned in history than those of former princes,

        are here given, with the length of their reigns. For convenience

        of reference a table of the dynasties is appended, taken

        from the author’s SijllabiG Dlctionanj of the Chinese Language.

        In this list, compiled from a Chinese work (the Digest of the

        Reigns of Emperors and Kings\ the Tsin and After Tsin dynasties

        are joined in one (No. 4), making a total of twenty-six dynasties.’

        The whole number of acknowledged sovereigns in the twentysix

        dynasties, according to the recei\ned Chinese chronology,

        from Yu the Great to Kwangsii, is 238, or 246 commencing with

        Fuh-hi ; by including the names of some ursurpers and moribund

        claimants, the first number is increased to 250. From Yu

        the Great lo th-^ accession of Kwangsii (b.c. 2205 to a.d. 1875)

        is 4,080 years, which gives to each dynasty a duration of 157

        ‘ Compare the Chinese Chronological Tables by W. P. Mayers in N. C Br. R. A. S. Journal, No. IV., Art. VIII. , 1867.

        Kwoh Hiao, or Reigiiing Title.

        Miao Hiao, or Temple Title.

        Began ‘Length

        I

        to I of

        I

        Reign. Reign.

        Contemporary Monarchs.

        1. Hungwu

        2. Kieiiwan. . ..

        3. Yungloh . . ..

        4. Hunglii

        5. Siuentih

        6. Chingtung .

        7. Kingtai

        8. Chinghwa. ..
        9. Hungchi
        10. Chingtih….
        11. Kiahtsing. .
        12. Lungking…
        13. Wanleih ….
        14. Taichang ..
        15. Tienki
        16. Tsungching
        1. Shunchi’ …

        .’. Kanghi

        “. Yimgching .

        . Kienlung . .

        i. Kiaking

        6. Taukwaiig..

        7. Hienfuiig . .

        S. Tungchi

        .). Kwangsii – .

        Taitsu

        Kienwan ti . .

        ,

        Taitsnng

        Jintsung

        Siuentsung. . .

        .

        Yingtsung . . .

        ,

        Kingti ,

        Hientsung . . .

        ,

        Hiaut.suiig . . .

        VVutsung

        Shi’tsung

        Muhtsung. …

        Shintsung

        Kwangtsung .

        Hitsung ,

        Hwaitsung. .

        .

        Chang hwaiigti.

        Jin hwangti . .

        Hien hwangti .

        .

        8hun hwangti.

        Jui hwangti . . .

        Ching hwangti .

        Hien hwangti .

        1368

        1398

        1403

        1425

        1426

        1436

        1457

        1465

        1488

        1506

        1522

        1567

        1573

        1620

        1621

        1638

        1644

        1()62

        1723

        1736

        1796

        1821

        1851

        1862

        1875

        30

        5

        22

        1

        10

        21

        8

        23

        18

        16

        45

        6

        47

        1

        7

        16

        18

        61

        13

        60

        25

        30

        11

        12

        Tamerlane, Richard II., Robert II.

        Manuel-Paleologus, Henrj’ IV. of Eng.

        Jame.s I., Henry V., Martin V.

        \ Amuratli II., Henry VI., Charles VII.

        ‘( Albert II., Cosmo de Medicis.

        James II., Fred. III. of Aus., Nich. V.

        Mahomet II , Edward IV., SixtuslV.

        JamesIII. ,Ferd. and Isabella, Lonis XI.

        Bajazet II., James IV., Henry VII.

        James V., Henry VIII., Charles V.

        Solyman II.,^lary, Philip II., Henry IL

        yelim II., Klizabeth, Cregory 111.

        James I., Henry IV., Louis XIII.

        Othman II., Philip IV., Gregory XV.

        Amurath IV., Charles I., Urban VIII

        Innocent X., Frederick the Great.

        Mahomet IV., Cromwell. Louis XIV.

        Charles II., Clement IX.. Sobioskv.

        Mahomet V., George II.. Lonis XV.

        Osman III., George III., Clement XIV

        Seiim III., Napoleon, Fred. Wm. II.

        Mahmoud, George IV., Louis XVIII.

        Mahmond, Victoria, Louis XVIII.

        I Napoleon III., Alexander II.

        Dynasty.

        1. Hla

        2. Shang

        3. Chau

        4. Tsin

        r). Han

        6. East Han . .,

        7. After Han.

        8. T.sin ,

        9. East Tsin .

        10. Sung

        11. Tsi

        12. Liang

        13 Chin

        14. Sui

        15. Tang

        16. After Liang

        17. After Tang

        18. After T.sin.

        19. After Han.

        20. After Chau

        21. Sung

        22. South Sung

        23. Yuen

        24. Ming

        25. Tsing

        Number of Sovereigns. Began. Ended. Duration

        Seventeen, averaging 26 years to each monarch’s reign

        Twenty-eight, averaging 23 years

        Thirtj’- four, averaging 253.j years

        Two, one reigning 37 years, the second 3 years.

        Fourteen, averaging 163,., years

        Twelve, averaging 16’^ years

        Two, one reigning 2, the other 41 years

        Four, averaging 1 4}{ years

        Eleven, averaging about 9J^ years

        Eight, averaging 7}£ years

        Five, averaging 4% years

        Four, one 48 years, and thiee together 7 years.

        Five, averaging about 6 ‘ ., years

        Three, one reigning 16, another 12, and another 2 years . . . :

        Twenty, averaging 1 43^ years

        Two. one 8 and one 7 years

        Four, averaging 33^ years

        Two, one 7 ami one 3 years

        Two, one 3 years, another 1 year

        Three, averaging 3 years

        Nine, averaging 183^2 years

        Nine, averaging 17 years

        Nine, averaging \)% years

        Sixteen, averaging 1 7 years

        Eight up to 1875, averaging nearly 30 years .

        .B.C.;3205 1766 1122 255 206 221 265 323 420 4791 5021 557 589 I

        620 i 907 923 936 947

        951 960

        1127

        1280

        1368

        1644

        n.c.

        1766

        1122

        255

        206

        .D. 25

        231

        264

        322

        419

        478

        502

        556

        589

        619

        907

        923

        936

        946

        951

        960

        1127

        1280

        1368

        1644

        439

        644

        807

        40

        231

        196

        43

        57

        106

        58

        23

        54

        32

        30

        287 16 13 10 4 9 167 153 88 276

        ‘ ShuiK^hi and the four fiiUowinpr monarchs are namwd in Manchu, Chidzuoldimbiikh6, Elkhetaitin, ivhowaligiisDMii tob, Abkai wekhiyekhu, and Siiichunga fungchuii, respectively.
        ‘^ Kwangsu was born August 14, 1871.

        TABLES OF M0NARCTI3 AND DYNASTIES. ]y7

        years, and to eacli moiiarcli an average of 17] years. From Wu wang’s accession to Kwangsii is 2,1>UT years, giving an avei-age of 125 years to a dynasty and 151 toeacli sovereign. From the days of Menes in Egypt, n.c. 2710 to 331, Manetlio reckons 31 dynasties and 378 kings, which is about 77 years to each family and G^ to each reign. In England the 34 sovereigns from William I. to Victoria (a.d. lOGO to 1837) averaged 22| years each; in Israel, the 23 kings from Saul to Zedekiah averaged 22 years during a monarchy of 50 7 years.

        CHAPTER XVIII.  RELIGION OF THE CHINESE

        As results must have their proportionate causes, one wishes to know what are the reasons for the remarkable duration of the Chinese people. Why have not their institutions fallen into decrepitude, and this race given place to others during the forty centuries it claims to have existed? Is it owing to the geographical isolation of the land, which has prevented other nations easily reaching it? Or have the language and literature unified and upheld the people whom they have taught? Or, lastly, is it a religious belief and the power of a ruling class working together which has brought about the security and freedom now seen in this thrifty, industi-ions, and practical people? Probably all these causes have conduced to this end, and our present object is to outline what seems to have been their mode of operation.

        The position of their country has tended to separate them from other Asiatic races, even from very early times. It compelled them to work out their own institutions without any hints or modifying interference from abroad. They seem, in fact, to have had no neighbors of any importance until about the Christian era, up to which time they occupied chiefly the basin of the Yellow River, or the nine northern provinces as the Empire is now divided. Till about b.c.220 feudal States covered this region, and their quarrels only ended by their subjection to Tsin Chi Ilwangti, or the ‘Emperor First,’ whose strong hand molded the people as he led them to value security and yield to just laws. He thus prepared the way for the Emperors Wan ti (B.C. 179-1.50) and Wu ti (b.c. 140-86), of the Han dynasty, to consolidate, during their long reigns of twenty-nine and fifty four years, their schemes of good government.

        ISOLATION OF THE CHINESE EMPIRE. 189

        The four northern provinces all lie on the south-eastern slope of the vast plateau of Central Asia, the ascent to which is confined to a few passes, leading nj) live or six thousand feet through mountain defiles to the sterile, bleak plains of Gobi. This desolate region has always given subsistence to wandering nomads, and enough to enable traders to cross its o;i’assv M’astes. When their numbers increased they burst their borders in periodical raids, ravaging and weakening those M’hom they were too few to conquer and too ignorant to govern. The Chinese were too unwarlike to keep these tribes in subjection for long, and never themselves colonized the region, though the attempt to ward off its perpetual menace to their safety, by building the Great Wall to bar out their enemies, proves how they had learned to dread them. Yet this desert waste has proved a better defense for China against armies coming from the basin of the Tarini River than the lofty mountains on its west did to ancient Persia and modern Russia. It was easier and more inviting for the Scythians, Iluns, Mongols, and Turks successively to push their arms westward, and China thereby remained intact, even when driven within her own borders.

        The western frontiers, between the Kiayil Pass in Kansuh, at the extreme end of the Great Wall, leading across the country south to the island of Hainan, are too wild and rough to be densely inhabited or easily crossed, so that the Chinese have always been unmolested in that direction. To invade the eastern sides, now so exposed, the ancients had no fleets powerful enough to attack the Middle Kingdom ; and it is only within the present century that armies carried by steam have threatened her seaboard.

        The Chinese have, therefore, been shut out by their natural defenses from both the assaults and the trade of the dwellers in India, Tibet, and Central Asia, to that degree which would have materially modified their civilization. The external influences which have molded them have^ been wholly religious, acting through the persistent labors of Buddhist missionaries from India. These zealous men came and went in a ceaseless stream for ten centuries, joining the caravans entering the northwestern marts and ships trading at southern ports.

        In addition to this geographical isolation, the language of the Chinese has tended still more to separate them intellectually from their fellow-men. It is not strange, indeed, that a symbolic form of writing should have arisen among them, for the Egyptians and Mexicans exhibit other fashions of ideographic writing, as well as its caprices and the difficulty of extending it. But its long-continued use by the Chinese is hardly less remarkablethan the proof it gives of their independence of other people in mental and political relations. Outside nations did not care to study Chinese books through such a medium, and its possessors had, without intending it, shut themselves out of easy interchange of thought. This shows that they could not have had much acquaintance in early times with any alphabetic writing like Sanscrit or Assyrian, for it is almost certain that, in that case, they would soon have begun to alter their ideographs into syllables and letters as the Egyptians did ; while the manifest advantages of the phonetic over the symbolic principle would have gradually insured it:j triumph. In that case, howevei”, the rivah’ies of feudal States would have resulted, as in Europe, in the formation of different languages, and perhaps prevented the growth of a great Chinese race. In Jajmi: and Corea the struggle between symbols and sounds has long existed, and two written languages, the Chinese and a derivel demotic, are now used side by side in each of those kingdoms.

        Tills isolation has had its disadvantageous effects on the people thus cut off from their fellows, but the results now seen could not otherwise have been attained. Their literary teiulencies could never have attained the strength of an institution if they had been surrounded by more intelligent nations ; nor would they have tilled the land to such a degree if they had been forced to constantly defend themselves, or had imbibed the lust of conquest. Either of these conditions would probably have brought their own national life to a premature close.

        ITS PEOPLE UNAFFECTED BY FOREIGN THOUGHT. 101

        Isolation, however, is merely a potential factor in this question. It does not by itself account for that life nor furnish the reasons for its uniformity and endurance. These must be sought for in the moral and social teachino:s of their sages and great rulers, who have been leaders and counsellors, and in the character of the political institutions which have grown out of those teachings. A comparison of their national characteristics with those of other ancient and modern people shows four striking contrasts and deductions. The Chinese may be regarded “^ “^Xj as the only pagan nation which has maintained democratic “•^’^ -‘^- habits under a purely despotic theoiy of government. This government has respected the rights of its subjects by placing

        them under the protection of law, with its sanctions and tribu- ~”-^-^-a,^;_

        iials, and nuxking the sovereign amenable in the popular mind -^i-^T-,^.,.^

        for the continuance of his sway to the approval of a higher ^^

        Power able to punish him. Lastly, it has prevented the doniina- ^f*

        tion of all feudal, hereditary, and priestly classes and interests by

        making the tenure of officers of government below the throne

        chiefly depend on their literary attainments. Kot a trace of

        Judaistic, Assyrian, or Persian customs or dogmas appears in

        Chinese books in such definite form as to suggest a western

        origin. All is the indio-enous outcome of native ideas and habits.

        The real religious belief and practices of a heathen people are

        hard to describe intelligibly to those who have not lived among

        them. Men naturally exercise much freedom of thought in such

        matters, and feel the authority of their fellow-men over their

        minds irksome to bear ; and though it is comparatively easy to

        depict their religious ceremonies and festivals, their real belief

        —that which constitutes their religion, their trust in danger and

        guide in doubt, their support in sorrow and hope for future I’c

        ward—is not rpiickly examined nor easily described. The want

        of a well understood and acknowledged standard of doctrine,

        and the degree of latitude each one allows himself in his observance

        of rites or belief in dogmas, tends to confuse the inquirer

        ; while his own diverse views, liis imperfect knowledge,

        and misapprehension of the eifect which this tenet or that ceremony

        has upon the heart of the worshipper, contribute still

        further to embarrass the subject. This, at least, is the case with

        the Chinese, and notwithstanding what has been -written upon

        their religion, no one has very satisfactorily elucidated the true

        nature of their belief and the intent of their ritual. The reason

        is owing partly to the indefinite ideas of the people themselves

        upon the character of their ceremonies, and their consequent inability to give a clear notion of them ; partly also to the

        variety of observances found in distant parts of the country, and

        the discordant opinions entertained by those belonging to the

        same sect ; so that what is seen in one district is sometimes

        utterly unknown in the next province, and the opinions of one

        man are laughed at by another.

        Before proceeding with the present outline two negative featni’es of Chinese religion deserve to be noticed, which distinguish it from the faith of most other heathen nations. These are the absence of human sacrifices and the non- deification of vice. The prevalence of human offerings in almost all ages of the world, and among nations of different degrees of civilization, not only widely separated in respect of situation and power, but flourishing in ages remote from each other, and having little or no mutual influence, has often been noticed. Human sacrifices are offered to this day in some parts of Asia, Africa, and Polynesia, which the extension of Christian instruction and power has, it is to be hoped, greatly reduced and almost accomplished the extinction of; but no clear record of the sacrificial innnolation of man by his fellow, “offering the fruit of his body for the sin of his soul,” has been found in Chinese annals in such a shape as to carry the conviction that it formed part of the belief or practice of the people—although the Scythian custom of burying the servants and horses of a deceased prince or chieftain

        with him was perhaps observed before the days of Confucius,

        and may have been occasionally done since his time. This feature,

        negative though it be, stands in strong contrast with the

        appalling destruction of human life for religious reasons, still

        existing among the tribes of Western and Central Africa, and

        recorded as having been sanctioned among Aztecs and Egyptians,

        Hindus and Carthaginians, and other ancient nations, not

        excepting Syrians and Jews, Greeks and Romans.

        The other, and still more remarkable trait of Chinese idolatry,

        is that there is no deification of sensuality, which, in the name

        of religion, could shield and countenance those licentious rites

        and orgies that enervated the minds of worshippers and polluted

        their hearts in so many other pagan countries. No Aphrodite

        or Lakshmi occurs in the list of Chinese goddesses ; no weeping

        VICE NEYEE SAXCTIFTED. 193

        for Thaiiinmz, no exposure in the temple of Mylitta or obscene rites of tlie Durga-puja, have ever been required or sanctioned by Chinese priests ; no nautch girls as in Indian temples, or courtesans as at Corinth, are kept in their sacred buildings. Their speculations upon the dual powers of the yln and yang have never degenerated into the vile worship of the linya and yonl of the Hindus, or of Amun-kem, as pictured on the ruins of Thebes.

        Although they are a licentious people in word and deed, the

        Chinese have not endeavored to lead the votaries of pleasure,

        falsely so called, further down the road of ruin, by making its

        path lie through a temple and trying to sanctify its acts by pntting

        them under the protection of a goddess. Nor does their

        mythology teem with disgusting relations of the amours of

        their deities ; on the contrary, like the Romanists, they exalt and

        deify chastity and seclusion as a means of bringing the soul and

        body nearer to the highest excellence. Vice is, in a great

        degree, kept out of sight, as well as out of religion, and it may

        be safely said tluit no such significant sign as has been uncovered

        at Pompeii, with the inscription IIlc habitat felioitas, was ever

        exhibited in a Chinese city.

        To these traits of Cliinese character may be added the preservative features of their regard for parents and superiors and their general peaceful industry. If there be any connection between the former of these virtues and the promise attached to the fifth commandment, ” That thy days may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee,” then the long duration of the Chinese people and Empire is a stupendous monument of the good effects of even a partial obedience to the law of God, by those who only had it inscribed on their hearts and not written in their hands.

        The last point in the Chinese polity which has had great nifluence in preserving it is the religious beliefs recognized by the people and rulers. There are three sects (san jiao), which are usually called Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, or Rationalism; the first is a foreign term, and vaguely denotes the belief of the literati generally, including the State religion. These three sects do not interfere with each other, however, and a man may worship at a Buddhist shrine or join in a Taoist festival while he accepts all the tenets of Confucius and worships him on State occasions ; much as a lawyer in England may attend a Quaker meeting or the Governor of a State in America may be a Methodist minister. In China there is no generic term for

        religion in its usual sense. The word I’kio, which means ‘ to

        teach,’ or ‘doctrines taught,’ is applied to all sects and associations

        having a creed or ritual ; the ancestral worship is never

        called a Mao, for everybody observes that at home just as much

        as he obeys his parents ; it is a duty, not a sect.

        Xo religious system has been found among the Chinese which

        taught the doctrine of atonement by the shedding of blood ; an

        argument in favor of their antiquity. The State religion of

        China has had a remarkable history and antiquity, and, though

        modified somewhat during successive dynasties, has retained its

        main features during the past three thousand years. The simplicity’

        and purity of this w^orship have attracted the notice of

        irjany foreigners, who have disagreed on various points as to its

        nature and origin. Their discussions have brought out sundry

        most interesting details respecting it ; and whoever has visited

        the great Altar and Temple of Heaven at Peking, where the

        Emperor and his courtiers worship, must have been impressed

        with its simple grandeur. What \vas the precise idea connected

        svith the words tien, ‘heaven,’ and hirang tien, ‘imperial

        heaven,’ as they were used in ancient times, is a very difficult

        point to determine ; the worship rendered to them was probably

        of a mixed sort, the material heavens being taken as the most

        sublime manifestation of the power of their Maker, whose

        character was then less obscured and unknown than in after

        times, when it degenerated to Sabianism.

        These discussions are not material to the present subject, and

        it is only needful to indicate the main results. The prime idea

        in this worship is that the Emperor is Tien-tsz\ or ‘ Son of

        Heaven,’ the coordinate with Heaven and Earth, from whom he

        directly derives his right and power to rule on earth among\

        mankind, the One Man who is their vicegerent and the third of

        the trinity {san tsai) of Heaven, Earth, and Man. With these

        ideas of his exalted position, he claims the homage of all his

        fellow-men. He cannot properly devolve on any other mortal

        THE 8TATK KKLKilOX OF CIIIXA. 195

        his functions of their high priest to offer the oblations on the

        altars of Heaven and Earth at Peking at the two solstices, lie

        is not, therefore, a despot bj mere power, as other rulers are,

        but is so in the ordinance of nature, and the basis of his authority

        is divine. lie is accountable personally to his two superordinate

        powers for its record and result. If the people suffer from

        pestilence or famine he is at fault, and must atone by prayer, sacrifice, and reformation as a disobedient son. One defect in all human governments—a sense of responsibility on the part of rulers to the God who ordains the powers that be—has thus been partly met and supplied in China. It has really been a check, too, on their tyranny and extortion; for the very books which contain this State ritual intimate the amenability of the sovereign to the Powers who appointed him to rule, and hint that the people will rise to vindicate themselves. The officials, too, all springing from the people, and knowing their feelings, hesitate to provoke a wrath which has swept away thousands of their number.

        The objects of State worship are chiefly things, although persons

        are also included. There are three grades of sacrifices, the

        great, medlinn, and inferior, the last collectively called klun sz\

        or ‘ the crowd of sacrifices.’ The objects to which the great

        sacrifices are offered are only four, viz.: t’ten, the heavens or sky,

        called the imperial concave expanse ; t’l, the earth, likewise

        dignified with the appellation imperial ; tai Triiao, or the great

        temple of ancestors, wherein the tablets of deceased monarchs

        of this dynasty are placed ; and, lastly, the t^hii t-n/i, or gods of

        the land and grain, the special patrons of each dynasty. The

        tablets representing these four great objects are placed on an

        equality by the present monarchs, which is strong presumptive

        proof that by tien is now meant the material heavens.

        The medium sacrifices are offered to nine objects: The sun,

        or ” great light,” the moon, or ” night light,” the manes of the

        emperors and kings of former dynasties, Confucius, the ancient

        patrons of agriculture and silk, the gods of heaven, earth, and

        the cyclic year. The first six have separate temples erected for

        their worship in Peking. The inferior herd of sacrifices are

        offered to the ancient patron of the healing art and the innumerable spirits of deceased pliilanthropists, eminent statesmen, martyrs to virtue, etc.; clouds, rain, wind, and tlnnider; the five celebrated mountains, four seas, and four rivers; famous hills, great watercourses, flags, triviaj, gods of cannon, gates, queen goddess of earth, the north pole, and many other things.

        The State religion has been so far corrupted from its ancient simplicity, as given in the Shic King and Li K’i, as to include gods terrestrial and stellar, ghosts infernal, flags, and cannon, as well as idols and tablets, the efiigies and mementoes of deified persons.

        The personages who assist the Emperor in his worship of the four superior objects, and perform most of the ceremonies, belong to the Imperial Clan and the Board of Rites; but while they go through with the ceremony, he, as pontifex maxinnis^ refuses to pay the same homage that he demands of all who approach him, and puts off these superior Powers with three kneelings and nine profound bows. When he is ill, or in his minority, these services are all forborne, for they cannot properly be done by a substitute. When he worships Heaven he wears robes of a blue color, in allusion to the sky; and when he worships earth he puts on yellow to represent the clay of this earthly clod ; so, likewise, he wears red for the sun and pale

        white for the moon. The princes, nobles, and officers who assist

        are clad in their usual court dresses, but no priests or women

        are admitted. The worship of Yuenfi, the goddess of silk, is

        alone, as we have seen, conducted by the Empress and her court.

        The temple of the sun is east, and that of the moon west of the

        city, and at the eqninoxes a regulus, or prince of the Impei’ial

        Clan, is commissioned to perform the requisite ceremonies and

        oft’er the appointed sacrifices.

        The winter solstice is the great day of this State worship.

        The Emperoi- goes from his palace the evening before, draM-n

        by an elephant in his state car and escorted by about two thousand

        grandees, princes, musicians, and attendants, down to the

        Tem})le of Tlcaveii. The cortege passes out by the southern

        road, reaching the Ching Yang Gate, opened only for his Majesty’s

        use, and through it goes on two miles to the Tien Tan.

        ile first repairs to the Chai Ktmg, or ‘ Palace of Fasting,’

        WORSHIP OF IIKAVEX BY THE KMFEKOR. 197

        where he prepares himself by lonely meditation for his duty;” for the idea is that if there be not pious thoughts in his mind the spirits of the unseen will not come to the sacrifice.”

        To assist him he looks at a copper statue, arraj-ed like a Taoist priest, whose mouth is covered by three fingers, denoting silence, while the other hand bears a tablet inscribed with ‘ Fast three days.’ When the worship commences, and all the officiating attendants are in their places, the animals are killed, and as the odor of their burning flesh ascends to convey the sacrifice to the gods, the Emperor begins the rite, and is directed at every step by the masters of ceremonies. The worship to Heaven is at midnight, and the numerous poles around the great altar, and the fires in the furnaces shedding their glare over the marble terraces and richly dressed assembly, render this solemnity most striking.’

        The hierophants in this worship of nature, so lauded by some

        infidels, are required to prepare themselves for the occasion by

        fasting, ablutions, change of garments, separation from their

        wives and pleasurable scenes, and from the dead ; “for sickness

        and death defile, while banqueting dissipates the mind and unfits

        it for holding communion with the gods.” The sacrifices

        consist of calves, hares, deer, sheep, or pigs, and the offerings

        of silks, grain, jade, etc. Xo garlands are placed on the victim

        when its life is taken, nor is the blood sprinkled on any particular

        spot or article. ” The idea is that of a banquet ; and when

        a sacrifice is performed to the supreme spirit of Heaven, the

        honor paid is believed by the Chinese to be increased by inviting

        other guests. The Emperors invite their ancestors to sit at

        the banquet with Shangti. A father is to be honored as heaven,

        and a mother as earth. In no way could more perfect revei’-

        ence be shown than in placing a father’s tablet on the altar with

        that of Shangti.” To these remarks of Dr. Edkins explanatory

        of this union of the objects worshipped, it may be added that the

        Emperors regard their predecessors of every dynasty as still invested

        with power in Hades, and therefore invoke their blessing

        and presence by sacrifice and prayers.

        ‘ Compare the frontispiece of Volume I. ; also ibid. , p. 76.

        The statutes annex penalties of fines or blows in various degrees of punishment in case of informality or neglect, but “in these penalties there is not the least allusion to any displeasure of the things or beings worshipped ; there is nothing to be feared but man’s wrath—nothing but a forfeiture or a fine.”

        Heavier chastisement, however, awaits any of the common people or the unauthorized who should presume to state their wants to high Heaven or worship these objects of imperial adoration; strangulation or banishment, according to the demerits of the case, would be their retribution. The ignob’de vulyus may worship stocks and stones in almost any form they please, but death awaits them if they attempt to join the Son of Heaven, the Vicegerent of Heaven and Earth, in his adorations to the supposed sources of his power.’

        In his capacity of Vicegerent, High Priest, and Mediator between his subjects and the higher Powers, there are many points of similarity between the assumptions of the Emperor and of the Pope at Rome. The idea the Chinese have of heaven seems to be pantheistic, and in worshipping heaven, earth, and terrestrial gods they mean to include and propitiate all superior powers. If, as seems probable, the original idea of Shangti, as it can be imperfectly gleaned from early records, was that of a supreme Intelligence, it has since been lost. Of this worship, the effects in China upon the nation have been both positive and negative. One of the nearative influences has been to dwarf the State hierarchy to a complete nullity—to prevent the growth of a class which could or did use the power of the monarchy to strengthen its own hold upon the people as their religious advisers, and on the government as a necessary aid to its efiiciency.

        ^ Chinese ‘Repomtory, Vol. III., pp. 49-5:?. Dr. J. Edkins, Rcl/’r/innfi of China, Chap. II. ; this chapter, on Imperial Worship, gives a good account of these ceremonies.

        NO STATE IIIEKARCIIY IN CHINA. 199

        The High Priests of China love power and adulation too well to share this worship with their subjects, and in engrossing it entirely they have escaped the political evils of a powerful hierarchy and the people the combined oppressions of a church

        Legge’s NotioriH of the Chinese concerning God and Spirits, pp. 23-36»41-43, for the forms of pra_)er used

        and State. We have seen that the popular rights which are so plainly taught in the classics have been inculcated and perpetuated by the common school education ; we shall soon see, moreover, that the ancestral worship could not admit the interference of priest, altar, or sacrifice outside of the door-posts. Yet it is probable that all combined would have been too weak to resist

        the seductive influence of a hierarchy in some form, if it had not

        been that the Emperor himself would yield his own unapproachable

        grandeur to no man. Being everything in his own person,

        it is too much to expect that he is going to vacate or reduce his

        prerogative, surrender his right to make or degrade gods of every

        kind for his subjects to M’orship, weaken his own prestige, or mortify

        the pride of his fellow-worshippers, the high ministers of

        State. The chains of caste woven in India, the fetters of the Inquisition

        forged in Spain, the silly rites practised by the augurs

        in old Rome, or the horrid cruelties and vile worship once seen

        in Egypt and Syria—in each case done under the sanction of the

        State—have all been wanting along the Yellow River, and

        spread none of their evils to hamper the rule of law in China.

        This State religion is, therefore, a splendid and wonderful

        pageant ; but it can no more be called the religion of the Chinese

        than the teachings of Socrates could be termed the faith

        of the Greeks. It is, however, intimately connected with the

        Ju klao, or ‘ Sect of the Learned,’ commonly called Confucianists

        by foreigners, because all its members and priests are

        learned men who venerate the classical writings. It is somewhat

        inappropriate to designate the Ju Mao a religious sect, or

        regard it otherwise than as a comprehensive term for those who

        adopt the writings of Confucius and Chu Hi and their disciples.

        The word jtt denotes one of the literati, and was first adopted a.d. 1150, as an appellation for those who followed the speculations of Chu Hi regarding the tal I’ih, or ‘ Great Extreme.’ This author’s comments on the classics and his metaphysical writings have had greater influence on his countrymen than those of any other person except Confucius and Mencius; whose works, indeed, are received according to his explanations.

        The remarks of Confucius upon religious subjects were very few ; he never taught the duty of man to any higher power than the head of the State or family, though he supposed himself commissioned by heaven to restore the doctrine and usages of the ancient kings. lie admitted that he did not understand much about the gods ; that they were beyond and above the comprehension of man ; and that the obligations of man lay I’ather in doing his duty to his relatives and society than in worshipping spirits unknown, “Not knowing even life,” said he, “how can we know death ? ” and when his disciples asked him in his last illness whom he would sacrifice to, he said he had already worshipped. Chu Hi resolved the few and obscure references to Shangti in the S/m Ivlng into pure materialism; making nature to begin with the tal I’lh, cidlcd pre7)iierjjrlnci2)e v/afe/’ui by the French, which operating upon itself resolved itself into the dual powers, the i/ln. and yM>(/.

        Sir John Davis compares this production of the yin and yan^ to the masculo-feminine principle in the development of the mundane egg in the Egyptian cosmogony, and quotes an extract showing that the idea was entertained among the Hindus, and that the androgyn of Plato was only another form of this myth. The Chinese have also the notion of an egg, and that the iai k’lh was evolved from it, or acted like the process of hatching going on in it, though it may be that with them the introduction of the egg is more for the sake of illustration than as the form of the cause. Some of Chu Hi’s philosophical notions have already been quoted in Volume I.’ His system of materialism captivates his countrymen, for it is far nioi’c thoroughly worked out than any other, and allows scope for the vagaries of every individual who thinks he understands and can apply it to explain whatever phenomena come in his M-ay. Heat and cold, light and darkness, fire and water, mind and matter, every agent, power, and substance, known or supposed, are regarded as endued with these principles, which thus form a simple solution for every question.

        ‘ Pp. 68? ff. CaiioD McClatrhic lias made a careful iraiif^lation of Chapter XLIX. of his works, giving hi^ views on cosmogony.

        THE JU KIAO, OR SECT OF THE LEARNED. 201

        The infinite changes in the universe, the multiform actions and reactions in nature, and all the varied consequences seen and unseen are alike easily explained by this form of cause and effect, this ingenious theory of evolution. With regard to the existence of gods and spirits, Chu Hi affirmed that sufficient knowledge was not jiossessed to say positively that they existed, and he saw no difficulty in omitting the subject altogether—a species of agnosticism or indifferentism, therefore, which has become the creed of nearly the entire body of educated men in the Empire.

        His system is also silent respecting the immortality of the soul, as well as future rewards and punishments. Virtue is rewarded and vice is punished in the individual or in his posterity on earth ; but of a separate state of existence he or his disciples do not speak.

        Tn thus disposing of the existence of superior powers, the philosophers do not shut out all intelligent agencies, but have instituted a class of sages or pure-minded men of exalted intellects and simple hearts, wdio have been raised up from time to time by Heaven, Shangti, or some other power, as instructors and examples to mankind, and who therefore deserve the reverence of their fellows. The office of these shing jin, ‘perfect men’ or saints, is to expound the will of heaven and earth ; they did not so much speak their own thoughts as illustrate and settle the principles on which the world should be governed ; they were men intuitively wise without instruction, while common people must learn to be wise. Of all the saints in the calendar of the f/w Jciao Confucius is the chief ; with him are reckoned the early kings, Yao and Shun, with King Wan and his two sons Kuig AVu and Duke Chau; but China has produced no one since the “most holy teacher of ancient times” whom his proud

        disciples are willing to regard his equal—Mencius being only a “number two saint.” The deceased Emperors of the reigning dynasty are canonized as its efficient and divine patrons, but a new line of monarchs would serve them as they did their predecessors, by reducing them to mere spirits. The demonolatry of the learned has gradually become so incorporated with popular superstitions that there is now little practical distinction; every one is willing to worship whatever can promise relief or afford assistance.

        A student of the classical works naturally adopts theit views on these points, without supposing that they militate against worshipping his ancestors, joining the villagers in adoring the goddess of Mercy or any other Buddhistic idol, or calling in a Rationalist to write a charm. He also, on coming into office, expects to perform all the ex-officio religious ceremonies required of him, and add the worship of the Emperor to the rest.

        Every magistrate is officially required to perform various idolatrous

        ceremonies at the temples. The objects of worship arc

        numerous, including many others besides those forming tlio

        ” herd of inferior sacrifices/’ and new deities are frequently made

        by the Emperor, on the same principle that new saints are canonized

        by the Pope. The worship of certain hills and rivers, and

        of spirits supposed to preside over particular cities and districts,

        has prevailed among the Chinese from ancient times, long before

        the rise of Rationalism or introduction of Buddhism, and is no

        doubt the origin of this official worship. In every city the

        Chiny-hivcmg miao, i.e., ‘ City and Moat Temple,’ contains the

        tutelar divinity of the city called Ching-hwang, with other gods,

        and here on the solstices, equinoxes, new and full moons, etc.,

        officers repair to sacrifice to it and to the gods of the land and

        grain. Over the door of the one in Canton is written, “Right*

        and wrong, truth and falsehood are blended on eai’th, but all are

        most clearly distiiiguished in heaven.” C^apt. Loch thus describes

        the Ching-hwang miao at Shanghai, as it stood in’ 1842: In the centre of a serpentine sheet of water there is a rocky island, and on it a large temple of two stories, litted up for the accommodation of the wealthy puhlic Pillars of carved wood support the roof, fretted groups of uncouth figures fill up the narrow spaces, while movable lattices screen the occupants from the warmth of the noonday sun. Nothing can surpass the beauty and truth to nature of the most minutely carved flowers and insects prodigally scattered over every screen and cornice. This is the central and largest temple. A number of other light aerial-looking structures of the same form are perched upon the corners of artificial rocky precipices and upon odd little islands. Light and fanciful wooden bridges connect most of these islands, and are thrown across the arms of the serpentine water, so that each secjuestered spot can be visited in turn. At a certain passage of the sun the main temple is shaded in front by a rocky eminence, tht^ large masses of which are connected with great art and propriety of taste, but in shape and adjustment most studiously grotesque.

        RELKilors DCTIKS OF MAGISTRATES. 203

        Trees and flowers and tufts of grass are planted where art must have been taxed to the utmost to procure them a lodgment. In another part of the garden there is a miniature wood of dwarf trees, with a dell and waterfall; the leaves, fruit, and blo.ssoms of the trees are proportionate to their size. Tortuous pathways lead to tlu> toj) of tlic artificial mountain, each turn formed with studied art to surprise and charm by offering at every point fresh views and objects. Flowers and creepers sprout out from crevices, trees hang over the jutting crags, small pavilions are seen I’roni almost every vista, while grottoes and rocky recesses, shady bowers and labyrinths, are placed to entrap the unwary, each with an appropriate motto, one inviting the wanderer to repose, another offering a secluded retreat to the philosopher.’

        Official Chinese records euunierate 1560 temples dedicated to Confucius attached to the examination halls, the offerings presented in which are all eaten or used by the worshippers; there are, it is said, 02,006 pigs, rabbits, sheep, and deer, and 27,000 pieces of silk, annually offered upon their altars.^ The municipal temple is not the only one where officers worship, but, like the connnon people, they bow before whatever they think can aid them in their business or estates. It has already been stated that the duty of Chinese officers extends to the securing of genial seasons by their good administration, and consequently if bad harvests ensue or epidemics rage the fault and removal of the calamity belong to them. The expedients they resort to are both ludicrous and melancholy. In 1835 the prefect of Canton, on occasion of a distressing drousi-ht of eio;ht months, issued the following invitation, which would have better befitted a chieftain of the Sechuanas:

        Pan, acting prefect of Kwangchau, issues this inviting summons. Since for a long time there has been no rain, and the prospects of drought continue, and supplications are unanswered, my heart is scorched with grief. In the whole province of Kwangtung, are there no extraordinary persons who can force the dragon to send rain V Be it known to you, all ye soldiers and people, that if there be any one, whether of this or any other province, priest or such like, who can by any craft or arts bring down abundance of rain, I respectfully request him to ascend the altar [of the dragon], and sincerely and reverently pray. And after the rain has fallen, I will liberally reward him with money and tablets to make known his merits.

        ‘ Events in China, p. 47. London, 1843.

        – During the Han dynasty (a.d. 59) wine was drunk and sacrifices made to Confucius in the study halls. The victim offered was a dog. Biot, Eumi»ur VTmtructiou eii Chine, p. 168.

        This invitation called forth a Buddhist priest as a “rain maker,” and the prefect erected an altar for him before his own office, upon which the man, armed with cymbal and wand, for three days vainly repeated his incantations from morning to night, exposed bareheaded to the hot sun, the butt of the jeering crowd. The prefect himself was lampooned by the people for his folly, the following quatrain being pasted under a copy of his invitation :

        Kwangchaii’s grecat protector, the magnate Pan,
        Always acting without regard to reason ;
        Now prays for rain, and getting no reply,
        Forthwith seeks for aid to force the dragon.

        The unsuccessful eiforts of the priest did not render the calamity less grievous, and their urgent necessities led the people to resort to every expedient to force their gods to send rain. The authorities forbade the slaughter of animals, or in other words a fast was proclaimed, to keep the hot winds out of the city, the southern gate was shut, and all classes flocked to the temples. It was estimated that on one day twenty thousand persons went to a celebrated shrine of the goddess of Mercy, among whom were the Governor and Prefect and their suites, who all left their sedans and walked with the multitude. The Governor, as a last expedient, the day before rain came, intimated his intention of liberating all prisoners not charged with capital offences. As soon as the rain fell the people presented thank-offerings, and the southern gate of the city was opened, accompanied by an odd ceremony of burning off the tail of a live sow^ while the animal was held in a basket.

        The officers and literati, though acknowledging the folly of

        these observances, and even ridiculing the worship of senseless

        blocks, still join in it. As an example of this : In 18G7 a

        severe drought near Peking called forth a suggestion from a

        censor that if a white tiger were sacrificed by the Emperor to

        the dragon the rain would be libei-ated ; for ” it was his powerful

        enemies which kept the rain-god fi’oni acting.’” Wrmsiang

        was deputed to perform the rite ; rain came not many days

        later. The offieci- laughed, indeed, at the fancy, yet could not

        disenthrall himself from some degi-ee of belief in its efficacy.

        Devotees sometimes become ii-ritated against theii- gods, and

        resort to sunnnary means to force them to hear their petitions.

        STATE KELIGION AND THE CLASSICS. 205

        It is said that the Governor in Canton, having I’epeatedly ascended

        in a time of drouglit to the temple of the god of Ilaia

        dressed in his burdensome robes, through the heat of a tropical

        sun, on one of his visits said : ” The god supposes I am

        lying when I beseech his aid ; for how can he know, seated in

        his cool niche in the temple, that the ground is parched and the

        sky hot V Whereupon he ordered his attendants to put a rope

        around his neck and haul his godship out of doors, that he

        might see and feel the state of the weather for himself. After

        his excellency had become cooled in the temple the idol was

        reinstated in its shrine, and the good effects of this treatment

        were deemed to be fully proved by the copious showers which

        soon after fell. The Emperor himself on such occasions resorts

        to unusual sacrifices, and sends his relatives and courtiers almost

        daily to various temples to pray and burn incense. Imperial

        patronage of the popular superstitions is sought after by the

        officers in one way and another to please the people, but it does

        not involve much outlay of funds.’ One connnon mode is to

        solicit his Majesty for an inscription to be placed over the doorway

        of a temple, or memorialize him to confer a higher title upon the god. On occasion of a victory over the rebels in Kwangtung in 1822, the shrine of a neighboring deity, supposed to have assisted in obtaining it, received a new title commemorative of the event, and a temple was built for him at the expense of government.

        The combined effect of the State religion and classical writings, notwithstanding their atheism and coldness, has had some effect in keeping the people out of the swinish ditch of pollution. It is one of their prime tenets that human nature is originally virtuous, and becomes corrupt entirely by bad precept and example.

        ‘Klaproth cites (among many) an instance of the manner in which favorable angnries are regarded and made use of by officials. Memoiren siir l*Asu’, Tome T., p. 459.

        This is taught children from their earliest years, and officers refer repeatedly to it in their exhortations to obedience; its necessary results of happiness, if carried out, are illustrated by trite comparisons drawn from common life and general experience. The Chinese seldom refer to the vengeance of tha gods or future punishment as motives for reform, but to the well-being of individuals and good order of society in this world.

        Examples of this type of human perfection, fully developed, are constantly set before the people in Confucius and the ancient kings he delineates. The classical tenets require duties that carry their own arguments in their obedience, as well as afford matter of thought, while the standard books of Buddhists and Rationalists, where they do not reiterate the same obligations, are mostly filled with unprofitable speculations or solemn nonsense.

        Consequently the priests of those sects had only the superstitious fear of the people to work wpon where reason was at fault, and so could not take the whole man captive ; for his reason accorded with the teaching of the classics as far as they went, and only took up with divination and supplication of higher powers where their instructions ceased. The government, therefore, being composed chiefly of such people, educated to venerate pure reason, could not be induced to take the initiatory step of patronizing a religion of such an uncertain character, and confessedly inferior in its moral sanctions to what they already possessed. The current has, more or less, always set this way, and the two other sects have been tolerated when they did not interfere with government. It is too true that the instructions of Confucius and his school are imperfect and erroneous when measured by the standard of revelation, and the people can never emerge from selfish atheism and silly superstition as long as they have nothing better; but the vagaries of the Buddhists neither satisfy the reason nor reprove vice, nor does their celibate idleness benefit society. If the former be bad, the latter is worse.

        SECT OF RATIONALISTS, OR TAO KIA. 207

        The sect of the nationalists, or Tao I’la^ is derived from Lautsz’, or Lau-kiun. According to the legends he was born bTc.004, in Ku, a hamlet in the kingdom of Tsu, supposed to lie in Luh-yeh hien, in the provin(!e of Ilonan. His birth was fiftyfour years before Confucius. The story is that he had white hair and eyebrows at his birth, and was carried in the womb eighty years, whence he was called Lau-tsz\ the “old boy,’ and Lau-kiun, the ‘venerable prince.’ Nothing reliable about hia early life has come down to us, but, as was the case with Hesiod, his disciples have enveloped his actions and cliaracter in a nimbus of wonders. M. Julien has given a translation of their history, dated about a.d. 350, in liis version of the Tao Teh King.

        Pauthier says he was appointed librarian by the Emperor, and diligently applied himself to the study of the ancient books, becoming acquainted with all the rites and histories of former times. During his life he is repoi’ted to have journeyed west-ward, but the extent and duration of his travel are not recorded, and even its occurrence is reasonably doubted. De Guignes says he went to Ta Tsin, a country under the rule of the Romans, but he forgets that the Romans had not then even concpiered Italy ; some suppose Ta Tsin to be Judea. His only extant work, the Tao Teh King, or ‘ Canons of Reason and Virtue,’ ‘ was written in Ling-pao, in Honan, before his travels, but whether the teachings contained in it are entirely his own or were derived from hints imported from India or Persia cannot be decided. It contains only five thousand three hundred and twenty characters, divided into eighty one short chapters; the text of one edition is said to have been found in a tomb A.D. 574. It has been translated by Julien, Chalmei’s, and von Strauss. A parallel has been suggested between the sects of the Rationalists of China, the Zoroastrians of Persia, Essenes of Judea, Gnostics of the primitive church, and the eremites of the Thebaid, but a common source for their similarity—the desire of their members, after the sect had become recognized, to live without labor on the credulity of their fellowmen—explains most of the likeness, without supposing thafc their tenets were derived from each other.

        ‘ Perhaps this may be rendered as the Logos of Plato, as near as any dogma can be compared to it.

        The teachings of Lao-zi are not unlike those of Zeno; botji recommend retirement and contemplation as the most effectual means of purifying the spiritual part of our nature, annihilating the passions, and finally returning to the bosom of Dao. His teachings on the highest subjects of human thought have furnished his countrymen ample materials for the most diverse views on these same themes according to their various fancies.

        In his striving after the infinite he can only describe Dao by what it is not and delineate 71A as an ideal virtue which no man can attain to. In Chapter XXI. they are thus blended: “The visible forms of the highest Teh only proceed from Tao^ and Tao is a thing impalpable, indefinite. How indefinite! How impalpable ! And [yet] therein are forms indefinite, impalpable! and [yet] therein are things (or entities). Profound and indistinct too, and [yet] therein are essences. These essence; are profoundly real, and therein faith is found. From of old till now its name has never passed away. It gives issue to all existences at their beginnings. How [then] can I know the manner of the beginning of all existences ? I know it by this

        lTa6\P

        Such teachings are susceptible of almost any explanation, and Julien’s extracts from the commentaries give one some idea of their diversity, though probably much well worth reading still lies buried in their pages. The names of sixty-four commentators are known, of whom three were reigning emperors ; and their explanations have given their countrymen veiy doubtful guidance through this mystic book. To those who can compare its aspirations and dogmas with the speculations of Greek and Roman writers, the teachings of the Zendavesta, and the declarations of the Bible, the work of Lao-Zi becomes of immense interest.

        His countrymen, however, to whom these great writers were all unknown, have looked upon this system of philosophy rather as the reveries of a wise man than the instructions of a practical thinker.

        In Wiapter I. he tries to define tao. It is reaching after the

        imknown. ” The too which can be expressed is not the eternal

        tao- the name which can be named is not the etei’nal name. The

        Nameless [being] is before heaven and earth ; when named it

        is the mother of all things. Therefore, to be constantly passionless

        is to be able to see its spiritual essence; and to be constantly

        passionate is to see the forms (or limits) [of tao’\. These two

        conditions are alike but have different names ; they can both be

        called a mystery. The more it is examined into the moi’O

        mysterious it is seen to be. It is the gate of all spiritual

        things.” By the phrases “constantly passionless” and “constantly passionate ‘ are denoted non-existence and existence, according to the commentators.

        THE TAO-TKir KING OF LAU-TSZ’. 209

        In Chapter LXV. there is a similar striving to describe teh.

        ” In olden times those who practised tdo did not do so to enlighten

        the people, but rather to render them simple-minded.

        When the people have too mnch worldly wisdom it makes them

        hard to govern. lie who encourages this worldly wisdom in

        the government of a State is its misfortune ; as he who governs

        without it is its blessino-. To know ario;lit these two things is to have a model State; and the constant exhibition of this ideal is what I call sublime tc/t. This sublime virtue [teh] is profound, is incommensurable, is opposed to time-serving plans. If followed it will bring about a state of general accord.”

        In Chapter XX. the lonely cynic seems to utter his sad cry at

        the little progress of his teachings. “All men are full of ambitious

        desires, like those greedy for the stalled ox, or the high

        delights of spring time. 1 alone am calm ; my affections have

        not yet germinated ; I am as a new-born babe which has not yet

        smiled on its mother. I am forlorn as one who has no home.

        All others have and to spare, I alone am like one who has lost

        all. In mind I am like a fool ; I am all in a maze. Common

        people are bright enough ; I am enveloped in darkness. Common

        people are sagacious enough ; I am in gloom and confusion.

        I toss about as if on the sea ; I float to and fro as if I was never

        to rest. Others have something they can do ; I alone am good

        for nothing, and just like a lout. I am entirely solitary, differing from other men in that I glory in my Mother who nurses [all beings].”

        The main object kept in view throughout this work is the inculcation of personal virtue, and Lao-zi founds his argument for its practice in the fitness of things, as he tries to prove by referring all the manifestations and laws of mind and matter to the unknown factor Dao. In Chapter IV. he attempts to embody lus struggling thoughts in these few words describing Dao:

        ” Tao is a void ; still if one uses it, it seems to be inexhaustible.

        How profound it is ! It seems like the patriarch of all things.

        It softens sharp things, loosens tangled things, harmonizes bril

        liant things, and assimilates itself to worldly things of the dust.

        How tranquil it is ! It seems to endure perpetually. I know

        not whose son it is. It seems so have existed before T’l [or

        Shangti].”

        Such utterances as these carry neither comfort nor repentance to the sorrowing, sinful heart of man ; he cannot go to such an abnegation for guidance or relief in his troubles, and therefore the maxims of Lau-tsz’ have fallen on callous hearts. Another extract. Chapter XLIX., is, however, more practical ; it is not the only one which furnishes instruction of the highest character.

        ” The perfect man [.s/iui(/Ju)’] has no immutable sentiments of

        his own, [for] he makes the mind of mankind his own. He who

        is good, I would meet with goodness ; and he who is not good,

        I would still also meet with goodness ; [for] teh is goodness.

        He who is sincere I would meet with sincerity ; and he who is

        insincere, I would still also meet with sincerity ; [for] teh is

        sincerity. The perfect man dwells in the world calm and reserved,

        his soul preserving the same I’cgard for all mankind.

        The people all turn their eyes and ears toward him, and he regards them alike as his children.”

        In order to better understand these aphorisms, they need to be read with the help of the various commentaries ; these furnish us with a better estimate of their value than any other guides. Foreign writers necessarily judge such a work by their own higher standard; as does M. Pauthier when he remarks upon the last extract : ” La sagesse humaine ne pent ctre jamais exprime des paroles plus saintes et plus profondes.” He compares Lau-tsz’ to his own countryman Rousseau—and these two had a good deal in common in their sad reflections upon the evils of the times. In another place the French author goes

        even farther, and regards the vague expressions in Chapter XLH.,

        “which show their derivation from the Yi/i K’in<i—viz. : ” Tao

        produced one, one produced two, two produced thiee, and three

        produced all things “—as the Asiatic form of the docti-ine and

        procession of the Holy Trinity and the biblical idea of the reunion

        of good men with their Maker I

        ITS SPECULATIONS AND APHORISMS. 211

        One more extract from the Tao teh K’ukj will till the space at command ; but sententious apothegms like these in Chapter XXXIII. are scattered throughout the book : ” He who knows men is wise ; [while] he who knows himself is perspicacious. He who conquers men is strong ; [while] he who conquers himself is mighty. lie who knows when he has enough is rich. He who acts energetically has a fixed purpose in view. He who does not miss his nature endures ; [while] he who deceases and still is not extinct has immortality “—referring, as the commentators agree, to the life of the soul after it leaves the body.

        Such a work can hardly be accurately translated into a European language ; a perusal of all the translations enables one to appreciate this point. Some translators have missed the point of Lau-tsz’s teachings by not attending to the parallelisms running through them, where one limb of the couplet illustrates and defines the other. In conclusion, it is still true that the absence of clear exposition on the duties of men in their marital, parental, and fraternal relations ; the want of all instruction upon their obligations and rights as members of the family, the village, and the State ; and lastly, his silence upon the voice of conscience and the effects of sin upon the soul of man, show that Lau-tsz’ was more an ascetic than a philanthropist, more of a metaphysician than a humanitarian.

        Mr. Samuel Johnson has indicated the high position this ancient relic holds in his examination of its tenets. ” Nothing like this book exists in Chinese literature ; nothing, so far as yet known, so lofty, so vital, so restful at the roots of strength; in structure as wonderful as in spirit ; the fixed syllabic characters, formed for visible and definite meaning, here compacted into terse aphorisms of a mystical and universal wisdom, so subtly translated out of their ordinary spheres to meet a demand for spiritual expression that it is confessedly almost impossible to render them with certainty into another tongue. … It is a book of wonderful ethical and spiritual simplicity, and deals neither in speculative cosmogony nor in popular superstitions.

        It is not the speculations of an old philosopher, as Chalmers calls it. It is in practical earnest, and speaks from the heart and to the heart. Its religion resembles that of Fenelon or Thomas a ICeinpis, combined with a perceptive rationalism of which they were iu)t masters.” ‘

        The historian Sima Qian relates an interview which Confucius had with LaoZi when, at the age of thirty-four (u.c. 517), he visited the capital to study the ritual of ^tate worship, at which time the latter would be eighty-seven years old. Dr. Legge gives an account of this meeting, which it is to be wished could be better known, for the account is not very certain. The legendary history amplifies it largely, but in no extravagant style, and quite consonant to their diiferent characters. Si’ma Qian makes the elder lecture the younger philosopher in the following style: “Those whom you talk about are dead, and their bones mouldered to dust ; only their words remain. When the superior man gets his time, he mounts aloft; but when the

        time is against him, he moves as if his feet were entangled. I

        have heard that a good merchant, though he has rich treasures

        deeply stored, appears as if he were poor ; and that the superior

        man whose virtue is complete is yet to outward seeming stupid.

        Put away your proud air and many desires, your insinuating

        habit and wild will. They are of no advantage to you. This

        is all which I have to tell you.” To the reply of Confucius,

        that he liad sought to get tao for twenty years, and had sought

        in vain, Lau-tsz’ rejoined in a strain worthy of Diogenes, which

        Chwang-tsz’ thus reports : ” If tao could be offered to men,

        thei’e is no one who would not willingly offer it to his prince;

        if it could be presented to men, everybody would like to present

        it to his parents; if it could be announced to men, each man

        woul^l gladly announce it to his brothers; if it could be handed

        down to men, who would not wish to transmit it to his children ? Why theii can you not obtain it ? This is the reason. You are incapable of giving it an asyhnn in your heart.”‘

        ‘ Johnson, Oriental Relujions : China, pp. 862-8G5. Pautliier, La Chine, pp. 110-120. Chahuers, Speculations of the Old Plnkisopher. Julien, J^a, JAvrcde la Vote et de la Vertu, Paris, 1859 ; this last is the most scholarly work on tliia classic which has yet appeared. R. von Reinhold, Dcr TlVr/ zur Tagend, Leipzig, 1870. Victor von Strauss, Lao-TsVs Tao Te King, Ans deni ChineS’ imhen ins Deutsche ilhersetzt, Leipzig, 1870. See also Doolittle’s Vocalndanj, Vol. II., Part III. T. Watters, Lao-Tzu, A Study in Chinese Philosophy, Hongkong, 1870. Dr. Edkins in Transactions of N. C. Br. R A. S. for 1H.’)5, Art. IV. F. H. Balfour, Chiianfj 7’sze’s Divine Cktssic of Nan-hi/ d, i^ha.uii\ia.\, 1881.

        INTEP.VIEW 75ETAVKEN LAU-TSZ’ AND CONFUCIUS. 213

        Such speculative teachings and waiting till the times were

        good were not adapted to entertain or benefit, and Confucius

        understood his countrymen and his own duty nmch better than

        Lau-tsz\ in doing all he could by precept and practice to show

        them the excellence of what he believed to be right. The divergence

        of these two great men sprung from the diiferences in

        human minds in all climes and ages. The teachings of the

        Tao-teh King, however, are no more responsible for the subsequent

        organization and vagaries of the sect of Taoists down to

        the present time than the New Testament is for the legends of

        monkery or the absurdities of mystics. M. Bazin has endeavored

        to show that in China there has been, from early times,

        a progression from magic to mythology, from mythology to

        philosophy ; and when philosophy began to crystallize into parties

        and take on an organized discipline of sects, during and

        after the Ilan dynasty down to the Tang, they took up the old

        native mj’thology against the newly arrived Buddhists, and imitated

        them by adopting Lau-tsz’ as their god and his book as the

        foundation of their tenets. Previous to this period he was one

        among the philosophers of the Flowery Land ; in time he has

        been taken as the founder of a system of religion. If the Gnostics

        had deified Lucretius and taken his poem as their text-book

        the cases would have been similar.

        The earliest writers on Taoism are Chwang-tsz’ and Lih-tsz’ in

        the fourth century, Avho have been amplified by their followers.

        It is, as Wylie well observes, diflficult to educe a well-ordered

        system out of the motley chaos of modern Taoism, Mdiere the

        pursuit of immortality, the conquest of the passions, a search

        after the philosopher’s stone, the use of amulets, and the observance

        of fasts and sacrifices before gods, are mixed with the

        profound speculations of recluses upon abstruse questions of

        theology and philosophy. Some of the later writers of the

        Taoists discourse upon Reason in a way that would please

        Brownson and befit the pages of the Dial. The teachings of

        the ancient and modern transcendentalists are alike destitute of common sense and unproductive of good to their fellow-men.

        ‘ Legge, CMnese Classics, I. Proleg., p. C5. Julieii, Tno-te King, Int., p. xxvii.

        Dr. Medlmrst quotes one of the Chinese nationalists, who praises reason in a marvelous rhapsody :
        What is there superior to heaven, and from which heaven and earth sprang ? Nay, what is there superior to space and which moves in space ?

        The great Tao is the parent of space, and space is the parent of heaven and

        earth, and heaven and earth produced men and things. . . . The venerable

        prince -(Reason) arose prior to the great original, standing at the commencement

        of the mighty wonderful, and floating in the ocean of deep obscurity.

        He is spontaneous and self-existing, produced before the beginning of emptiness,

        commencing prior to uncaused existences, pervading all heaven and

        earth, whose beginning and end no years can circumscribe.

        The sectarians suppose their founder was merely an impersonation

        of this power, and that he whom they call ” the venerable

        prince, the origin of primary matter, the root of heaven

        and earth, the occupier of infinite space, the commencement of

        all things, farther back than the utmost stretch of numbers can

        reach,” created the universe. They notice three incarnations

        of him during the present epoch, one during the Shang dynasty,

        B.C. 1407, one at the time of Confucius, and a third about A.n.

        623, when a man of Shansi reported having seen an old man

        who called himself Lau-kiun. Only the priests of this sect are

        regarded as its members; they live in temples and small communities

        with their families, cultivating the grotmd attached to the

        establishment, and thus perpetuate their body ; many lead a

        wandering life, and derive a pi-ecarious livelihood from the sale

        of chariris and medical nostrums. They shave the sides of the

        head and coil the rest of the hair in a tuft upon the crown,

        thrusting a pin through it, and are I’cadily recognized by their

        slate-colored robes. They study astrology and profess to have

        dealhigs with spirits, their books containing a gi-eat variety of

        stories of priests who have done wonderful acts by their help.

        The Pastimes of the Study^ already noticed, is one of these books,

        and Davis introduces a pleasant story of (^hwang and his wife

        from another work.’ They long endeavored to find a beverage

        ‘ The Chinese, Vol. II., pp. 118-128. Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, p173. Giles, Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio, 1880.

        RITES AND MYTHOLOGY OF THE TAOISTS. 210

        which would insure immortality, and during the Tang dynasty

        the Emperor and highest officers were carried away with their

        delusions. The title of ‘ Heavenly Doctors ‘ was conferred on

        them, and a superb temple erected to Lau-tsz’ in Chang-an, containing his statue ; examinations were ordered in a.d. 674, to

        be held in the Tao-teh JClng, and some of the priests reached

        the highest honors in the State, Since that time they have

        degenerated, and are now looked upon as ignorant cheats and

        designing jugglers, who are quite as willing to use their magical

        powers to injure their enemies as to help those who seek their aid.

        In some places the votaries of Tao, on the third day of the third month, go barefoot over ignited charcoal ; and on the anniversary of the birthday of the High Emperor of the Sombre Heavens, ” they assemble together before the temple of this imaginary being, and having made a great fire, about fifteen or twenty feet in diameter, go over it barefoot, preceded by the

        priests, and bearing the gods in their arms. The previous ceremonies

        consist in chanting prayers, ringing bells, sprinkling holy

        water, blowing horns, and brandishing swords in and over the

        flames in order to subdue the demon, after which they dart

        through the devouring element. They firmly assert that if they

        possess a sincere mind they will not be injured by the fire, but

        both priests and people get miserably burnt on these occasions.’

        Yet such is the delusion, and the idea the people entertain of

        the benefit of these services, that they willingly contribute large

        sums to provide the sacrifices and pay the performers.” “^

        This ceremony is practised in Fuhkien and at Batavia, but

        is not very general, for the Chinese are the antipodes of the

        Hindus in their endurance and relish for sufferingsand austerities

        in the hope of obtaining future happiness. The Rationalists

        worship a great variety of idols, among which ITuh-liioang

        Shangtl is one of the highest ; their pantheon also includes

        genii, devils, inferior spirits, and numberless other objects of worship. The Siu. Shin JTi, or ‘ Records of Researches concerning the Gods,’ contains an account of the birth of the deitj whose anniversary is celebrated as above described.

        ‘ Compare Escayrac de Lauture, Memoire sur la Chine, Religion, pp. 87, 102.Yule’s Mdiro Polo, Vol. I., p. 286. Also Bode’s Bokhara, p. 271, for a similai practice among the Moslems.
        “^ Medliurst’s China, its Shite and Prospects, p. 168.

        There was once a childless emperor called Tsingtili (‘ Pure Virtue’), who snmmoiied a large company of Tao priests to perform their rites in his behalf, and continued their worship half a year. The Empress Pao Yueh-kwang(‘ Gemmeous Moonlight’) on a night dreamed that she saw the great and eminent Lau-kiun, together with a large number of superior deities, riding in parti-colored carriages with vast resplendent banners and shaded by bright variegated umbrellas. Here was the great founder Lau-kiun sitting in a dragon carriage, and holding in his arms a young infant, whose body was entirely covered with pores, from which unbounded splendors issued, illuminating the hall of the palace with ever}’ precious color. Banners and canopies preceded Lau-kiun as he came floating along. Then was the heart of the Empress elated with joy, and reverently kneeling before him, said: “At present our monarch has no male descendants, and I wishfully beseech you for this child that he may become the sovereign of our hearts and altars. Prostrate I look up to your merciful kindness, earnestly imploring thee to commiserate and grant my request.”

        He at once ausw(n’ed, ” It is my special desire to present the boy to

        you ; ” whereupon she thankfully received him, and immediately returned from

        the pursuit of the dream, and found herself advanced a year in pregnancy. ,

        When the birth took place a resplendent light poured forth from the child’s

        body, which filled the whole country with brilliant glares His entire countenance

        was super-eminently beautiful, so that none became weary in beholding

        him. When in childhood he possessed the clearest intelligence and compassion,

        and taking the possessions of the country and the funds of the treasury,

        he distributed them to the poor and afflicted, the widowers and widows, orphans

        and childless, the houseless and sick, halt, deaf, blind, and lame.

        Not long after this the demise of his father took place, and he succeeded to the

        government ; but reflecting on the instability of life, he resigned his throne

        and its cares to his ministers, and repaired to the hills of Fuming, where he gave

        himself up to meditation, and being perfected in merit ascended to heaven to

        enjoy eternal life. He however descended to earth again eight hundred times,

        and became the companion of the common people to instruct them in his doctrines.

        After that he made eight hundred more journeys, ejigaging in medical

        practice and successfully curing the people ; and then another similar series,

        in which he exercised universal benevolence in hades and earth, expounded

        all aljstract doctrines, elucidated the spiritual literature, magnanimously promulged

        tlie renovating ethics, gave glory to the widely spread merits of the

        gods, assisted the nation, and saved the people. During another eight hundred

        descents he exhibited ])atient suffering; though men took his life, yet he parted with his fU^sh and blood. After this he became the first of the verified golden genii, and was denominated the pure and immaculate one, self-existing, of highest intelligence.’

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. X., p. 306.

        THE SECT OF FUII, OR BUDDHISTS. 217

        These figments are evidently a reprotl notion of the vagaries

        of llindn theosophists, and not the teachings of Ldu-tsz’, bnt they

        annise his followers, to whom his own abstruse utterances are

        (juite unintelligible. The learned Confucianists laugh at their

        fables, but are still so much the prey of fears as to be often

        duped by them, and follow even when sure of being deceived.

        The organization of the Rationalists is a regular hierarchy. It

        is under the supervision of the government, which holds the

        chiefs responsible for the general conduct and teachings of the

        members. The head resides at Lung-hu Shan in Kiangsi, where

        is a large establishment, resorted to by many votaries, and

        gathering in a large ]-evenue from their offerings. When he

        dies a piece of iron is cast into a well near by, and when it floats

        the name of his successor is found to be written on it. By their

        extravagant professions and pretences the priests of this sect

        maintain their influence over a laity as ignorant and credulous

        as themselves ; their power to delude will only wane with the progress of truth and Christianity. The full history of the authors, divinities, vagaries, and varied fortunes of the Nationalists has yet to be written ; when this is done it will illustrate the question King David asked six centuries before Lau-tsz’ lived: Who will show us any good ? And when his followers are able to say. Lord, lift thou up the light of thy countenance upon us, they will know why he failed to find La Yoie et la Yertu.’^

        The most popular religious sect is that of the followers of

        Full, Fo, Fat, Hwut, or Fuh-tu, as it is called in different dialects

        in imitation of the Hindu word Bodh, or Truth ;” this name is

        sometimes confounded with that of Fuh-hi, one of the early

        rulers in Chinese history. Their tenets had been promulged in

        ( ‘entral Asia for centuries, and were known in Western China,

        but during the long period of disorders previous to the Han dynasty they found little favor. In a.d. 65 the Emperor Mingti sent an embassy to India, in consequence—as the Chinese historians say—of having dreamed that he saw the image of a foreign god. The embassy returned in a.d. 67, bringing with it some teachers of the faith to Lohyang. One cannot tell whether it was sent at first at the suggestion of the nationalists, to seek for a wise man said to liave appeared there^ or whether, according to others, it arose from the i-emarkable expression of Confucius, already quoted, ” The people of the west have sages[or a sage].” It may have been that this mission was excited by some indistinct tidings of the advent and death of Christ, though there is no trace of such a rumor havino- reached the land of Sinim. At that epoch they might have heard of or met the Apostles in their first tours through the Roman Empire and Syria.

        ‘ Douglas, Taouism, London, 1879 ; this is by far the most readable account of it. Edkius, Journal of Shaiif/hai Scien. and Lit. Sor. , No. III. , 1859, pp. 309-314. Slayers, No. Ch. Br. Roij. As. Soc.,\o\. VI., 1870, pp. 31-44. Bazin, Recherrhes stir Vorifjinr, Vhistoire, et la conditutioii des ordres reli(jieu.v dans Vemjnre Chinots, Paris, 1856, p. 70. Johnson, Oriental Eelirjions : China, Part V-, pp.859-904. Nevius, C’?iina and tlie Chinese, Chap. IX., New York, 1869. Dr. W. A. P. Martin, The Chinese, p. 97, etc.
        ‘ Hardy enumerates fifty-six modes of writing the name. Manual, p. 354

        The incidents in the life of Buddha have been enveloped in so much legendary narrative by his followers in India that the Chinese have placed his birth much too early—b.v. 1027—while the true date is n.o. 623 according to the best authorities; but when his actual mortal life is regarded as one in a series of incarnations, no surprise need be felt at these discre})ancies. He was the son of Suddhodana, king of Ivapilavastu, a city and country near Nipal, subject to the king of Magadha, now a part of Bahar. His mother, TMaj’a, or Maha-maya deva, died ten days after his birth, which, according to the legends, was accomplished without pain and acconq^anied by amazing wonders. His name was ISiddhai’ta, or the ‘ Establisher,’ until he became a Buddha, i.e.,h’nn In’ whom truth is known. The name Gotama, or Samona-Godam, is a patronymic better known in Siam than China, where another family or clan name, Sakya-muni, is more common. At the age of fifteen he was nuide heir-apparent ; at seventeen he was married to Yashodara, a Brahmin maiden of the Sakya clan, and his son Bahula was born the next year. At twenty-five he determined to become a recluse, and left his prospects and his father’s court for an abode in the forest beyond Kapilavastu, in solitary spots ” trying various methods to attain mental satisfaction, but in vain.” After five years of this ascetic life ” he came to the perception of the true condition and wants of mankind,” and began his ministry of forty-nine years. He was now a Buddha^ which is described as ” entering into a state of reverie, emitting a bright light and retieeting on the four modes of truth.”

        LIFE OF GOTAMA BUDDHA. ^19

        He began his preaching at Benares by discourses on the four truths, which was termed the revolving of the wheel of the law. He formed his first disciples into a connnunity, to whom he gave their rules, and when the number increased to fifty-six be sent them over the land to give instruction in \\\qfour miseries^ and carry out the system by which all his disciples were taught they could attain final happiness in nirvana. This system, which exists in full strength to this day, is founded on

        monastic vows for the individual, living in spiritual communities

        for the disciples, voluntary poverty and universal preaching,

        Sakya-numi infused such energy into his followers that in a

        few years India was covered with their communities ; and he

        developed rules for instruction, employment, punishment, and

        promotion, which have served ever since. His own life, after

        his visit to his father in the year 586, when thirty-seven years

        old, was passed mostly in delivering the sidras, or laws, thirtyfive

        discourses in all ; these are reverenced by all Buddhists, and

        copies are held to have moral and hygienic effects on those who

        do so, and bring good luck to the family and the State. As

        Sakya-muni lived long enough to see and correct the dangers of

        his system, at his death, in the year 543, he was able to confer

        much of his authority on his two chief disciples, Ananda and

        Kashiapa, and thus hand down the organization to posterity.

        The few facts here stated respecting this remarkable man are

        selected from Hardy’s Manual of Buddhistn, where is given a

        good digest of the Hindu writers respecting their sage. One

        thing impresses the readei- of this work as a peculiarity of Sakyamuni’s

        teaching, and standing in strong contrast to the Brahminic

        system that followed it: it is the manner in which he has

        weakened and almost destroyed the power of the unseen world

        and of spiritual beings as agencies of restraint upon the heart

        of man, and of assistance in seeking after good. By his system of

        good works and self-denials, his followers are brought into such

        close relationship with the whole creation of invisible beings, into whose presence and fellowship they can enter by their own efforts and mediation, that the moral sanctions of a Supreme Ruler and God over all are neutralized, and the sense of sin in the human conscience done away with. Its removal is put under

        the control of the soul, and the degree of happiness and power

        attained in the future world depends on the individual—so

        many prayers, alms, austerities, and obediences result in so much

        honor, power, and enjoyment in the coming infinite. The past

        infinite is also made part of the conscious present, and moral

        fate worked like physical attraction, innumerable causes producing

        retributive results for rewards or for punishments. In such

        a theology, salvation by faith is rendered impossible, and sacrifice

        for sin by way of atonement useless. In this feature the

        ancient worship of China and the teachings of Confucius rise

        superior to Buddhism, and leave the soul of man more open to

        rnoral law.

        The personal life and character of Buddha presents a wonderful

        exhibition of virtues, and one is not disposed to weigh the testimony

        of their reality as di’awn out in Hardy’s 2LtnH((l so carefully

        as to neutralize the effect; but the glowing picture oi his

        good actions for his fellow-nicn given in the fervid lines of

        Arnold’s JJyJd ofAsia, takes one quite into the realm of fable,

        engendering the wish that the ( onfiician Analects and their matter-

        of-fact details could have been imitated by the disciples of

        Siddharta. In regard to both these great teachers, Confucius

        and Buddha, however, one may gladly adopt Dean Stanley’s remark,

        ” that it is difficult for those who believe the permanent

        elements of the Jewish and Christian religion to be universal

        and divine, not to hail these corresponding forms of truth or

        goodness elsewhere, or to recognize that the mere appearance of

        such saintlike or godlike characters in other parts of the earth,

        if not preparing the way for a greater manifestation, illustrates

        that manifestation by showing how mighty has been the witness

        borne to it even mider circumstances of such discouragement,

        and even with effects inadequate to their grandeur.”‘

        INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM AMONG THE PEOPLE. 221

        Buddhist priests are more numerous in China than the Tao sz’, and they obtained influence more rapidly over the people. Their demonolatry allows the incorporation of the deities and spirits of

        Other religions, and goes even further, in permitting the priests

        to worship the gods of other pantheons, so that they could adapt

        themselves to the popular superstitions of the countries they went

        to, and ingraft all the foreign divinities into their calendar they

        safw fit. The Emperors at various times have, moreover, shown

        great devotion to their ceremonies and doctrines, and have built

        costly temples, and supported more priests than ever Jezebel

        did ; but the teachings of Confucius and Mencius were too well

        understood among the people to be uprooted or overridden. The

        complete separation of the State religion from the worship of the

        common people accounts for the remarkable freedom of belief

        on religious topics. Mohammedanism and Buddhism, Taoist

        ceremonies and Lama temples, are all tolerated in a certain way,

        but none of them have in the least interfered with the State religion

        and the autocraay of the monarch as the Son of Heaven.

        They are, as every one knows, all essentially idolatrous, and the

        coming struggle between these various manifestations of error

        and the revealed truths and requirements of the Bible has only

        begun to cast its shadow over the land. The more subtile conflict,

        too, between the preaching of the Cross and faith alone in

        its sacrifice for salvation, and reliance on good works, and pi-iestly

        interference in every fonn, has not yet begun at all.

        The power of Buddhism in China has been owing chieily to

        its ability and offer to supply the lack of certainty in the popular

        notions respecting a future state, and the nature of the gods

        who govern man and creation. Confucius uttered no speculations

        about those unseen things, and ancestral worship confined

        itself to a belief in the presence of the loved ones, who were

        ready to accept the homage of their children. That longing of

        the soul to know something of the life beyond the grave was

        measurably supplied by the teachings of Sakya-muni and his

        disciples, and, as was the case with Confucius, was illustrated

        and enforced by the earnest, virtuous life of their founder.

        Though the sect did not receive the imperial sanction till about

        A.D. 65, these teachings must have gradually grown familiar

        during the previous age. The conflict of opinions which ere long

        arose between the definite practical maxims of the Confucian

        moralists, and the vague speculations, well-defined good works and hopeful tliongli unproved promises of future well-being, set

        forth by the Hindu missionaries, has continued ever since. It

        is an instructive chapter in human experience, and affords another

        illustration of the impossibility of man’s answering Job’s

        great question, ” But how shall num be just with God?” The

        early sages opened no outlook into the blank future, offered no

        hopes of life, love, happiness, or reunion of the friends gone before,

        and their disciples necessarily fell back into helpless fatalism.

        Buddhism said. Keep my ten connnandnients, live a life

        of celibacy and contem{)lation, pray, fast, and give alms, and according

        to your works you will become pure, and be rewarded

        in the serene nirvana to which all life tends. But the Buddhist

        priesthood had no system of schools to teach their peculiar tenets,

        and, as there is only one set of books taught in the common

        schools, the elevating precepts of the sages brought forth their

        proper fruit in the tender mind. Poverty, idleness, and vows

        made by parents in the day of adversity to dedicate a son or a

        daughter to the life-long service of Buddha, still supply that

        priesthood with most of its members. The majority are unable

        to nnderstand their own theological literature, and far more is

        known about its jieculiar tenets in Europe than among the mass

        of the Chinese. Tiie CVjufucianist, in his pride of office and learning, may lidicule their mummeries, but in his hour of weakness, pain, and death he turns to them for help, for he has nowhere else to o;o. Both are ii»;norant of the life and liojht revealed in the gospels, and cry out, ” Who will show us any good ?”

        If the mythology of Buddhism M’as trivial and jejune, as we

        judge it after comparing it with the beautiful imagerj- and art

        of Greece and Egypt, it brought in nothing that was licentious in

        its rites or cruel in its sacrifices. Coming from India, where

        M’orship of the gods involved the prostitution of Avomen, the

        adoration of the lingam, and the sacrifice of human beings.

        Buddhism was remarkably free from all revolting features. If

        it had nothing to offer the Chinese higher in morals or more

        exalted or true in its conception of the universe or its Maker, it

        did not sanction impurity or murder, or elevate such atrocities

        above the reach of law by making them sacred to the gods.

        IT ENTERS INTO THEIR RELIGHOUS LIFE. 223

        This last outrage of the Prince of Darkness on tlie soul of man,

        so common in Western Asia, has never been known or accepted

        to any great extent in the Middle Kingdom.

        But, while it is true that Buddhism gave them a system of

        precepts and observances that set before them just laws and high

        motives for right actions, and proportionate rewards for the good

        works it enjoined, it could not furnish the highest standards,

        sanctions, and inducements for holy living. On becoming a

        part of the people, the Buddhists soon entered into their religious

        life as acknowledged teachers. They adapted their own

        tenets to the national mythology, took its gods and gave it theirs,

        acted as mediators and interpreters between men and gods, the

        living and the dead, and shaped popular belief on all these

        mysteries. The well-organized hierarchy numbered its members

        by myriads, and yet history records no successful attempts on its

        part to usurp political power, or place the priest above the laws.

        This tendency was always checked by the literati, who really

        had in the classics a higher standard of ethical philosophy than

        the Buddhists, and would not be driven from their position

        by imperial orders, nor coaxed by specious arguments to yield

        their ground. Constant discussions on these points have served

        to keep alive a spirit of inquiry and rivalry, and preserve butli

        from stagnation. Though Buddhism, in its vagaries and willworship,

        gave them nothing better than husks, put hypocrisy

        in place of devotion, taught its own dogmas instead of truth,

        and left its devotees with no sense of sin against any law, yet

        its salutary inJiuence on the national life of China cannot be

        denied.

        The worship of ancestors and of good and bad spirits supposed

        to pervade and rule this world was perfectly compatible with

        the reception of Buddhism ; thus its priests gradually became the

        high priests of the popular superstition, and have since remained

        so. They first ingratiated themselves by making their services

        useful in the indigenous ritual, and were afterwards looked upon

        as necessary for its execution. They propagated their doctrines

        principally by books and tracts, rather than by collecting schools

        or disciples in their temples ; the quiet, indolent life they led,

        apparently absorbed in books and worship, and yet not altogether estranged from the world, likewise held out charms to some people.

        China is full of temples, in most of which Buddhist priests are found, hut it is not quite the true inference to suppose that all the buildings were erected or the priests hired, because the people wish to do reverence to Buddha. It is impossible to state the proportion in which Buddhist temples are found ; there are one hundred and twenty-four in Canton alone, containing idols of every name and attribute, in most of which they live and act as the assistants of whoever comes to worship.

        The tenets of Buddhism require a renunciation of the world

        and the observance of austerities to overcome evil passions and

        fit its disciples for future happiness.’ A vow of celibacy is

        taken, the priests dwelling together for mutual assistance in

        attaining perfection by worship of Buddha and calling upon his

        name. They shave the entire head as a token of purity, but not

        the whole body, as the ancient Egyptian priests did ; they profess

        to eat no animal food, wear no skin or woollen garments,

        and get their living by begging, by the alms of worshippers, and

        the cultivation of the grounds of the temple. Much of their

        supj)ort is derived from the sale of incense sticks, gilt paper, and

        candles, and from fees for services at funerals. In the great

        monasteries, like the ilai-chwang sz’ at Canton, the priests perform

        the whole service ; but in other temples they contrive to

        gain a livelihood, and many of those better situated derive a large

        })ortion of their income from entertaining strangers of wealth

        and disthiction. The sale of charms, the profits of theatrical

        exhibitions, the fees paid by neighborhoods for feeding hungry

        ghosts on All-Souls’ day, and other incidental services performed

        for the living or the dead, also furnish resources. Their largest

        monasteries contain extensive libraries, and a portion of the

        fraternity are well acquainted with letters, though most of them

        are ignorant even of their own books. Their moral character,

        as a class, is on a par with their countrymen, and nuiny of them

        are respectable, intelligent, and sober-minded persons, who seem

        ‘ Remusat terms these tenets not inaptly “a mixture of pantheism, rationalism, and idolatry.” In Hardy {Mitinud, p. 212) we find that the Wh-Uikj xz^ to five hundred Lo-h;in is to honor five hundred rahats. In India this number seems to stand for all.

        TENETS AND LITURGY OF THE BUDDHISTS. 225

        to be sincerely desirous of making themselves better, if possible, by their religious observances.

        The liturgy is in Sanscrit transliterated in Chinese characters with which priest and people are alike unacquainted, nor are there now any bilingual glossaries or dictionaries to explain the words. Dr. Milne, speaking of the use of unknown tongues in liturgies, remarks : ” There is something to be said in favor of those Christians who believe in the magic powers of foreign words, and who think a prayer either more acceptable to the Deity, or more suited to common edification, because the people do not generally understand it. They are not singular in this belief. Some of the Jom’s had the same opinion ; the followers of Buddha and Mohammed all cherish the same sentiment. From the chair of his holiness at Rome, and eastward through all Asia to the mountain retreats of the Yama-bus in Japan, this opinion is espoused. The bloody Druids of ancient Europe, the gymnosophists of India, the Mohammedan hatib, the Buddhists of China, the talapoins of Siam, and the bonzes of Japan, the Tlomish clerg}’, the vartabeds of the Armenian church, and the

        priests of the Abyssinian and Greek communions, all entertain

        the notion that the mysteries of religion will be the more revered

        the less they are understood, and the devotions of the

        people (performed by proxy) the more welcome in heaven for

        being dressed in the garb of a foreign tongue. Thus the synagogue

        and mosque, the pagan temple and Christian church, seem all to agree in ascribing marvellous efiicacy to the sounds of an unknown language ; and, as they have Jews and Mohammedans,

        Abyssinians and pagans, on their side, those Christians

        who plead for the use of an unknown tongue in the services of

        religion have certainly the majority. That Scripture, reason,

        and common sense should happen to be on the other side is indeed

        a misfortune for them, but there is no help for it.”

        The following canon for exterminating misfortune is extracted

        from the Buddhist liturgy, but it is as unintelligible to the Chinese

        as it will be to the English reader. While repeating it

        ‘ Encyclopcedin Britannim, Art. Buddhism. TndocMnese Gleaner, Vol. III., p. 141. Chinese Repository, Vol. IX., p. 640. Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p200, and passim.

        the priest strikes upon a sounding board called mu yu, or ‘wooden fish,’ sliaped somewhat like a skull, in order to mark the time of his monotonous chant: Nan-mo O-mi’-to po-ye, to-ta-kia to-ye, to-ti-ye-ta 0-mi-li-to po-kwilii, 0-mili-to, sieli-tan-po-kwaii, O-iiii-li-to, kwan-kia-lan-ti 0-mi-li-to, kwan-kia-lan-ti; kia-mi-ni kia-kia-na, chih-to-kia-li i)o-po-ho.

        Similar invocations, with the name O-iivi-to’^ Full (Amida Baddha), are repeated thousands and myriads of times to attain perfection, affording a good illustration of the propriety of our Saviour’s direction, ” When ye pray, use not vain repetitions as the heathen do; for they think they shall be heard for their much speaking.” A plate in one Buddhistic work contains five thousand and forty-eight open dots, arranged in the shape of a pear ; each dot to be filled up when the name of Buddha has been repeated a hundred or a thousand times, and then the paper to be burned to pass into the other world to the credit of the devotee.

        The Buddhists have a system of merits and demerits, of which Sir John Davis remarks that ” this method of Ixeejumj a score with heaven is as foolish and dangerous a system of morality as that of penances and indulgences in the Romish church.”

        ‘ 0-im-to is derived from aniiiitr, or ‘deathless.’ Hardy, Manual, p. 355.

        OrPOSITIOX OF THE LITEPvATI TO BUDDHISM. 227

        In this Buddhist scale of actions, to repair a road, make a bridge, or dig a well, ranks as ten ; to cure a disease, or give enough ground for a grave, as thirty ; to set on foot some useful scheme ranks still higher. On the other hand, to reprove another unjustly counts as three on the debtor side ; to level a tomb, as fifty ; to dig up a corpse, as one hundred ; to cut off a man’s male heirs, as two hundred, and so on. This notion of keeping accounts with heaven prevails among all classes of the Chinese, and the score is usually settled about the end of the year by fasting and doing chai”ital)l(‘ acts, such as making a piece of road, repairing a temple, or distributing food, to prove their repentance and benefit tlie world. Festival days are chosen by devout people to distribute alms to the poor, and on such occasions troops of beggars cluster about their doors, holding clap-dishes in their outstretched hands, while the donor stands behind the luilf-opened door dealing out rice to the chunorous crowd which he dares not trust inside.

        Considerhig how few restraints this religion imposes on the

        evil propensities of tlie human lieart, and how easily it provides

        for the expiation of crimes, it is surprising that it has not had

        as great success among the Chinese as among the Tibetans, Birmese,

        and Siamese. The thorough education in the reasonable

        teachings of the classics, and the want of filial duty shown by

        celibates to their parents in leaving them to take care of themselves,

        have had their effects in maintaining the purer but

        heartless moralities of the Confucianists. The priests have

        always had the better judgment of the people against them,

        and being shut out by their profession from entering into society

        as companions or equals, and regarded as servants to be sent for

        when their services were M’anted, they can neither get nor maintain

        that influence over their countrymen which would enable

        them to form a party or a powerful sect. One of the officers

        in the reign of Chingtih of the Ming dynasty, Wang Yang-ning,

        who addressed a remonstrance to his sovereign against sending

        an embassy to India to fetch thence Buddhist books and priests,

        relies for his chief argument on a comparison between the precepts

        and tendency of that faith and the higher doctrines of the

        classics, proving to his own satisfaction that the latter contained

        all the good there was in the former, without its nonsense and

        evil. The opposition to Buddhism on the part of the literati has

        been in fact a controversy between common sense (imperfectly

        enlightened indeed) and superstitious fear; the first inclines the

        person to look at the subject with reference to the principles

        and practical results of the system, as exhibited in the writings

        and lives of its followers, while, not having themselves anything

        to look forward to beyond the grave, they are still led to entertain

        some of its dogmas, because there may be something in

        them after all, and they have themselves nothing better. The

        result is, as Dr. Morrison has observed, ” Buddhism in China is

        decried by the learned, laughed at by the profligate, yet followed

        by all.”

        The paraphrase and commentary on the seventh of Kanghi’s maxims against strange religions present a singular anomaly; for while the Emperor Yungching in the paraphrase decries Buddhism and Rationalism, and exalts the “orthodox doctrine,” as he terms the teachings of the classics, he was himself a daily worshipper of Buddhist idols served by the lamas.

        He inveighs against selling poor children to the priests in no

        measured terms, and shows the inutility and folly of repeating

        the books or reciting the unintelligible charms written by the

        priests, where the person never thought of performing what

        was good. lie speaks against the promiscuous assemblage of

        men and women at the temples, which leads to unseemly acts,

        and joins in with another of his own class, who remarked, in

        reference to a festival, that ” most of the worshippers are women,

        who like these worshipping days, because it gives them an opportunity

        to see and l)e seen in their fine clothes; and most of

        the men who go there, go to amuse themselves and look at the

        M’omen.’” “The sum of the whole is, these dissolute priests of

        Buddha are lazy ; they will neither labor in the fields nor traffic

        in the markets, and being without food and clothing, they set

        to work and invent means of deceiving people.” But though

        this upholder of the good old way well exhibits the follies of

        these idolatrous sects, he has nothing better to present his countrymen

        than ” the two living divinities placed in the family,*’

        nothing to lead their thoughts beyond this world. His best

        advice and consolation for their troubled and wearied souls is,

        ” Seek not for happiness beyond your own sphere ; perfoi-m not

        an action beyond the bounds of reason ; attend solely to your

        own duty ; then you will receive the protection of the gods.”

        The instructions of Sakya-muni himself have noM^ become so

        interwoven in the additions, ritualism, and errors of his followers

        during the ages since he died, that he is charged with many

        things which he probably never taught. T^nlike the founders

        of Islamism and Zoroastrianism, his personlil influence and identity

        have been lost amid the fables which have enveloped his

        acts, and the diversities of worship and doctrine baffle all explanation.

        “When the patriarchs and missionaries of the sect

        ‘ Milne’s Sacred Edict, pp. 133-143. Chinese Bepository, Vol. I. , p. 207 ; Vol.II., p. 265.

        LIMITATIONS TO ITS POWEll IN CHINA. 220

        began to increase in Central Asia and Cliina after the embassy

        of Ming tt, they were obliged to defend, exphiin, and develop

        their tenets against the Chinese literati, and also commend them

        to the observance of the i)eople. In the former region their

        coiupiests were complete, and the Alotigols stdl hold to the Bnddhist

        faith as completely as the Knropean nations did to popery

        until the Reformation. The histoiy of Chinese Buddhism down

        to the present day has not yet been folly examined, but much

        has been done within the past few years by Julien, Beal, Edkins,

        Watters, Neumann, Koeppen, and others to make it known.

        Translations from Chinese Buddhistic travellers and moralists

        liave brought out nuiny obscure opinions and unexpected events

        in this branch of religious thought and missionary work, during

        a period of the world’s history hitherto quite unknown to Europeans.’

        The mutual forbearance exhibited by the different sects in

        China is owing a good deal to apathy, for where there is nothing

        to reach thei’e is little to stimulate to effort. The government

        tolerates no denomination suspected of interfering with its

        own inlluence, and as none of the sects have any State patronage,

        none of them liokl any power to wield for persecution, and the

        people soon tire of petty annoyances and unavailing invectives.

        The Buddhist priesthood is perpetuated mostly by the children

        given by parents who have vowed to do so in their distress, and

        by others purchased for serving in large monasteries. Persons

        occasionally enter late in life, weary with the vexations of thi3

        world ; Mr. Milne was accpuiinted with one who had two sons

        when he took the vows upon him, but gave himself no care as

        to what had become of them. The only education which most

        of the acolytes receive consists in memorizing the prayers in the

        liturgy and reading the canonical works. A few fraternities

        have tutors from whom they receive instruction.

        ‘See Alabaster’s Wheel of the Lair, pp. 228-241, for a well-digested Life of Buddha, from the Siamese. Beal’s Romantic History of Buddha, and Caten(( (f Buddhist Scriptures. Edkins, Chinese Buddhism, Chaps. I to VI., gives a good resume of the early progress of the faith. G. Biihler, Three Neic Edicts of A’ioka, London (Triibner).

        Nunneries also exist, most of them under the patronage of the IIolj Mother, Queen of Heaven. The priests advocate their establishment as a good means of working upon the feelings of the more susceptible part of society, to whom they themselves cannot get admittance. The succession among the “sisters “is kept up by purchase and by self-consecration ; the feet of children bought young are not bandaged. The novice is not admitted to full orders till she is sixteen, though previous to this she adopts the garb of the sisterhood ; the only difference consists in the front part of the head being shaved and the hair plaited in a queue, while nuns shave the whole. It is not easy to distinguish monks from nuns as they walk the streets, for both have natural feet, wear clumsy shoes, long stockings drawn over full trousers, short jackets, and bald pates. Like her sister

        in Romish countries, the Chinese nun, when her head has been

        shaved—the opposite of taking the veil, though the hair of both

        is sacrificed—is required to live a life of devotion and mortification,

        eat vegetables, care nothing for the world, and think only

        of her eternal canonization, keeping herself busy with the service

        of the temple. ” Daily exercises are to be conducted by her ;

        the furniture of the small sanctuary that forms a part of the

        convent must be looked after and kept clean and orderly ; those

        women or men who come to worship at the altars, and seek

        guidance and comfort, must be cared for and assisted. “When

        there is leisure the sick and the poor are to be visited ; and all

        who have placed themselves nnder her special direction and

        spiritual instruction have a strong claim upon her regard. That

        she may live the life of seclusion and self-denial, she must vow

        perpetual virginity. The thought of marriage should never

        enter her head, and the society of men must be shunned. On

        her death she will be swallowed up in nihility ! ” In Fuhchau

        the nunneries were all summarily abolished nearly fifty years

        ago by an officer who learned the dissolute lives of their inmates.

        They have not since been reopened for their residence, though

        this official provided husbands for most of their nuns. Such a

        proceeding would have been impossible in almost any other

        country, and shows the functions of Chinese officials for the

        welfare of society.

        BUDDHIST NUNS AND NUNNERIES. 231

        Most of them are tauo-ht to read the classics as well as their

        own liturgies, and a few of the sisterhood are said to be well

        read in the loi*e of the country. Each nun has her own disciples

        among the laity, and cultivates and extends her acquaintances as

        much as she can, inasmuch as upon them her support principally

        depends. Each of her patrons, whether male or female,

        receives a new name from her, as she herself also did when her

        head was shaven. Contributors’ names are written or engraved

        in conspicuous places in the building ; casual fees or donations

        go to the general expenses. Each nun also receives ten cents

        when public masses are recited for those who have engaged

        them. Their moral character is uniformly represented as dissolute,

        but while despised for their profligacy they are dreaded for the supposed power they can exert by means of their connection with spirits. The number of nunneries in the department of Ningbo is stated to be thirty, and the sisterhood in them all to amount to upward of three hundred persons.”

        The numerous points of similarity between the rites of the Buddhists and those of the Romish church early attracted attention. Abbe Hue enumerates many of them : ” The cross, the mitre, the dalmatica, the cope which the lamas wear on their journeys, or when performing some ceremony out of the temple; the service with double choirs, the psalmody, the exorcisms, the censer suspended from five chains, which you can open or close at pleasure ; the benedictions given by extending the right hand over the heads of the faithful ; the rosary, ecclesiastical celibacy, spiritual retirement, worship of the saints; the fasts, processions, litanies, and holy water—all these are analogies

        between ourselves and the Buddhists.” In addition to these, the

        institution of nuns, worship of relics, masses for the dead, and

        burning of candles and incense, with ringing of bells during

        worship, are prominent usages common to both. Their priests

        alike teach a purgatory from which the soul can be released by

        their prayers ; they also conduct service in a dead language, and

        pretend to miracles. Lastly, the doctrine of the perpetual virginity

        of Maya, the mother of Sakya-nmni, is an article taught

        ‘ Chinese Repository^ Vol. XIII., pp. 93-98. Doolittle’s Social Life, I., p. 253 WAn^^i Life in Chimi, pp. 134-146. Gray’s China, I., pp. 105, 131-135.

        by the Mongol Buddhists, who also practise a form of infant

        baptism, in which the lama dips the child three times imder the

        water as he pronounces its name and j^ives it a blessing.

        These mimerous and striking resemblances led the Roman

        Catholic missionaries to conclude that some of them had been

        derived from the papal or Syrian priests who entered China

        before Xublai khan. M. Hue brings forward his hypotliesis

        that Tseng Kaba, the teacher of the Buddhist reformer in Mongolia

        about that time, had adopted them from some of the J2uropeans

        who taught him the Christian doctrines.’ Others refer

        them to St. Thomas, but Premare ascribes them to the devil,

        who had thus imitated holy mother church in order to scandalize

        and oppose its rites. But as Davis observes, ” To those

        who admit that most of the Romish ceremonies are borrowed

        directly from paganism, there is less difficulty in accounting for

        the resemblance.”’ On this point it will be impossible to reach

        certainty. There have probably been some tilings borrowed by

        each from the other at various ages, without either knowing

        from whence they came or what were their tendencies. Fergusson

        shows the great probability that the monastic S3-stem,

        celibacy, and ascetic good works wei’e adopted in the Eastern

        church from India ; but the want of reliable records on either

        side hitherto has left much to inference and conjecture.

        Tlie worship is similar and equally imposing. One eye-witness

        describes the scene he saw in a Buddhist temple: “There

        stood foui’teen priests, seven on each side of the altar, erect,

        motionless, witii clasped hands and downcast eyes, their shaven

        heads and flowing gray robes adding to their solemn appearance.

        The low and measured tones of the slowdy moving chant they

        ‘ Hue’s Trarels in Tartnry, II., p. 50. Hardy’s Mantial, p. 142. Missionary Recorder, III., pp. 142, 181. Eitel, Lectures on BnMlmm, and HnvrVmok for the Btmleut of Chinese Buddhism, Hongkong, 1870. James Fergusson, Hist. Indian and Eastern Arc7iit£ci>ire, Introduction. Remusat, Melamjei Posthumes, p. 44. Klaproth in Journal Asiatique, Tome VII. (18:51), p. 190; also Tome XT. (IV– Ser.), 1848, p. 535. Prof. E. E. Salisbiu-y in Jonrnal Am. Or. ,S<jc., Vol. I., No. II., 1844. Jour, of tlie R. As. Soc, passim. Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. I., p. 406; also CatJuty and the Way Thithrr, II., p. 551. W. Wordsworth, The Church of Thibet and the Historical Analoyies of Buddhism and Christianity, London, 1877.

        THE ROMANIST AND BUDDHIST RITUALS. 233

        were singing might have awakened solemn emotions, too, and

        called away the thonghts from worldly objects. Three priests

        kept time with the mnsic, one beating an immense drum, another

        a large iron vessel, and a thiid a wooden ball. After chanting,

        they kneeled upon low stools and bowed before the colossal

        image of Buddha, at the same time striking their heads upon the

        ground. Then rising and facing each other, they began slowly

        chanting some sentences, and rapidly increasing the music and

        their utterance until both were at the climax of rapidity, they

        diminished in the same way imtil they had returned to the

        original measure. In the meantime, some of the number could

        not restrain their curiosity, and, even M’hile chanting and counting

        their beads, left their places to ask for books. The whole

        service forcibly renunded me of scenes in Romish chapels ; the

        shaven heads of the priests, their long robes, mock solemnity,

        frequent prostrations, chantings, beads—yea, and their idol, too,

        all suggested their types, or their antitypes, in the apostate

        church.”‘

        The expulsion of Buddhism from India, after its triumphs in the reign of Asoka, King of Majadha, was so complete that it hence forth divided into the northern and southern schools, the first taking Sanscrit and the other Pali as its sacred language. In the course of time the divergencies became fixed, and thus, without any actual schism, the Buddhists of Ceylon and Ultra Gane-es have come to differ from those of Central Asia and China. The form of Buddhism prev-ailing among the Mongols and Tibetans differs more in its state and powder than in its doctrines; it is called Shamanism, or IhiMng Jiao (‘Yellow Sect’) in Chinese, from the color of the priestly robes—a Shaman being one who has overcome all his passions ; it is a Hindu word.

        ‘ Foreifjn Missionary Clironide, Vol. XIV., p. 300.

        – I’or his origin see Klaprotli, Memoircs stir PAsie, Tome II., p. 90. Also Remusat, 3fel((/iges Posfhi/i/irs, pp. 1-04, for some observations on this faith in a review of De Guigues’ Huns. E. Schhigintweit. BudiUiiint in Tlbi’i, with folio atlas of plates, Leipzig, 180:3. J. Summers in llie Phceniv, I., 1870, pp 9-11,

        The Dalai-Lama at Il’lassa, in the great monastery of the Butala, is the pope of the religion, the abode of deity.* Mongolia swarms with lamas, and the government at Peking aids in supporting them in order to maintain its sway more easily over the tribes, though the Manclius have endeavored to supplant* the civil authority of the Dalai-Lama and banehin-erdeni, by partially aiding and gradually subdividing their power. The ritual of the Shamans, in which the leading tenets taught by the lamas are exhibited, contains their ten principal precepts, or decalogue, viz. : 1. Do not kill. 2. Do not steal. 3. Do not connnit fornication. 4. Speak not falsely. 5. Drink no wine nor eat tlesh. 6. Look not on gay silks or necklaces, use no perfumed ointment, and paint not the body. 7. Neither sing nor dance, and do no sleight of hand tricks or gymnastic acts, and go not to see or

        hear them. 8. Sit not on a high large couch. 9. Do not eat out

        of time. 10. Do not grasp hold of living images, gold, silver,

        money, or any valuable thing.’ The book contains also twentyfour

        sections of directions as to the conduct to be observed in

        various places, and before different persons. When using the

        sacred books the devotee must consider himself to be in the

        presence of Buddha, and he is forbidden to study books of

        divination, physiognomy, medicine, drawing lots, astronomy,

        geography, alchemy, charms, magic, or poetry. Xo wonder the

        priests are ignorant when almost every source of instruction is

        thus debarred them. The number of temples scattered over

        Mongolia and Tibet and the proportion of priests are far greater

        than in China, and the literature is not less enormous for bulk

        than are the contents of the volumes tedious and uninstructive.’

        A good device for a religion of formality to economize time and

        accommodate ignoi-ance is adopted by the lamas, which is to

        write the pi-ayers on a piece of ])aper and fasten them to a wheel

        carried round by the wind or twirled by tlie liand ; chests are

        also set up in temples having prayers engraved on the outside

        in large letters, and the prayer is repeated as often as the wind or the hand revolves the wheel or ohest.

        ‘ Annnles He la Foi, Tome IX., p. 400.

        ^”The dreariest literature, perhaps,” says Professor Whitney, “that was ever painfully scored down, and patiently studied, and religiously preserved “(Oriental and lyhujuixtir Stiidifn, Second Series, p. i)8). For foreign bibliographies of Buddhism the reader may be referred to L^Il/’ntoire de (Jakya-Mount, par Foucaux (ad fin ), and Otto Kistner, Buddha and Ids Doctrines : A Bdjliographical Emuiy, London, 18G’J. See also Triibuer’s Record for 1869, p513.

        SHAMANISM, THE BUDDHISM OF TIBET. 235

        The Buddhist temples present nuich nniformity in their arrant »-enient, and some of the monastic establishments are amono; the finest buildings in China. No cave temples are known, but caves have been turned into temples in many places, and miserable places they are for worship. On entering a Buddhist temple, one sees four colossal statnes of the Four Great Kings who are supposed to govern the continents on each side of Mount Sumeru and guard or reward the devotees who honor their Lord ; they have black, blue, red, and white faces, and usually hold a sword, guitar, nmbrella, and snake in their hands. Opposite the door is a shrine containing an image of Maitreya Buddha, or the Merciful One, a very fat, jolly personage, who is to have an avatar three thousand years hence ; images of Kwanti, the God of War, and of Wei-to, a general nnder the Four Kings, clad in armor, are often seen near the shrine. Going behind a screen, the next great hall contains a high gilded image of Sakya-muni sitting on a lotns flower, with smaller statues of Ananda and

        Kashiapa on his sides ; their shrine often has standing images

        of attendants. In this hall are other images or pictures of the

        Eighteen Arhans, deified missionaries who propagated their

        faith early in China. In the rear of these is represented some

        form of Kwanyiu, the Goddess of Mercy, the popular idol of the

        sects. In large temples the live hundred Arhans, placed on as

        many seats, each having some distinguishing attribute, fill a large

        hall. Besides these occur the disciples of Buddha listening to

        his teachings, the horrible punishments of hell, and various

        honored deities, sages, or local gods, so that few temples are

        alike in all respects. In all of them are guest-chambers of

        various sizes, refectories, study rooms, and cloisters, according to

        the wants and resources of the fraternity.

        The hold of the Buddhist priesthood upon the mass of Chinese

        consists far more in the position they occupy in relation to the

        rites performed in honor of the dead than in their tenets. This

        brings us to the consideration of the real relio-ion of the Chinese,

        that in which more than anything else they trust, and to which

        they look for consolation and reward— the worship of deceased ancestors. The doctrines of Confucius and the ceremonial of the State religion, exhibit the speculative, intellectual dogmas of the educated literati and thinkers, who have early been taught the high ideal of tlie Princely Man set forth by their sages.

        The tenets of Lau-tsz’ and the sorcery and incantations of his

        followers show the mystic and marvellous part of the popular

        belief. Buddhism takes hold of the connnon life of man, offers

        relief in times of distress, escape from a future hell at a cheap

        rate, and employment in a round of prayers, study, or work,

        ending in the nirvana. But the heart of the nation reposes

        more upon the rites offered at the family shiine to the two

        “living divinities” who preside in the hall of ancestors than to

        all the rest. This sort of family worship has been popular in

        other countries, but in no part of the world has it reached the

        consequence it has received in Eastern Asia ; every natural

        feeling serves, indeed, to strengthen its simple cultus.

        In the Shh King, whose existence, as we have already pointed

        out, is coeval with Samuel or earlier, are many references to this

        worship, and to certain rites connected with its royal observance.

        At some festivals the dead were personated by a younger relative,

        who was supposed to be taken possession of by their spirits,

        and thereby became their visible image. He was placed on

        higli, and the sacrificer, on appearing in the temple, asked him

        to be seated at his ease, and urged him to eat, thereby to prepare

        himself to receive the liomage given to the dead. When he had

        done so he gave the response in their name ; the defied spirits

        returned to heaven, and their personator came down from his

        seat. \\\ one ode the response of the ancestors through their

        personator is thus given:

        What said the message from your sires ?
        *’ VoGKols r.nd gifts are cleans
        And all your friends, assisting you,
        Bchav) with reverent mien.
        ‘ Most reverently you did your part,
        And reverent by your side
        Your son appeared. On you henceforth
        Shall ceaseless blessings bide.
        ” What shall the ceaseless blessings be ?
        That in your palace high,
        For myriad years you dwell in peace,
        Rich in posterity.” ‘

        ANCESTRAL WORSHIP THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY. 237

        The teachings of this ancient book intimate that the protecting favor of the departed could be lost by the vile, cruel, or unjust conduct of their descendants—thus connecting ancestral worship and reward with personal character. Another ode sums up this idea in the expression, ” The mysterious empyrean is able to strengthen anything ; do not disgrace your imperial ancestors,

        and it will save your posterity.” Many stories occur in

        the native literature exemplifying this idea by actual experiences

        of blessing and cursing, all flowing from the observance or

        neglect of the required duties.

        The great sages Confucius and Mencius, with the earlier rulers,

        King Wan and Duke Chan, and their millions of followers, have

        all upheld these sentiments, and those teachings and examples

        are still as powerful as ever. In every household, a shrine, a

        tablet, an oratory, or a domestic temple, according to the position

        of the family, contains the simple legend of the two ancestral

        names written on a slip of paper or carved on a board. Incense

        is burned before it, daily or on the new and full moons ; and in

        April the people everywhere gather at the family graves to

        sweep them, and worship the departed around a festive sacrifice.

        To the children it has all the pleasant associations of our Christmas

        or Thanksgiving; and all the elder members of the family

        who can do so come toorether around the tomb or in the ancestral

        hall at the annual rite. Parents and children meet and bow before

        the tablet, and in their simple cheer contract no associations

        with temples or idols, monasteries or priests, processions, or flags

        and nuisic. It is the family, and a stranger intermeddleth not

        with it ; he has his own tablet to look to, and can get no good

        by worshipping before that bearing the names of another family.

        As the children grow up the worship of the ancestors, whom

        they never saw, is exchanged for that of nearer ones who bore

        and nurtured, clothed, taught, and cheered them in helpless

        ‘ Legge’s She Kiruj, p. 309, London, 1876.

        childhood and hopeful youth, and the whole is thus rendered more

        personal, vivid, and endearing. There is nothing revolting or

        cruel connected with it, but everything is orderly, kind, and

        simple, calculated to strengthen the family relationship, cement

        the affection between brothers and sisters, and uphold habits of

        filial reverence and obedience. Though the strongest motive

        for this worship arises out of the belief that success in worldly

        affairs depends on the support given to parental spirits in hades,

        who will resent continued neglect by withholding their blessing,

        yet, in the course of ages, it has intluenced Chinese character, in

        promoting industry and cultivating habits of domestic care and

        thrift, beyond all estimation.

        It has, moreover, done much to preserve that feature of the government which grows out of the oversight of heaven as manifested to the people through their Emperor, the Son of Heaven, whom they regard as its vicegerent. The parental authority is also itself honored by that peculiar position of the monarch, and the child grows up with the habit of yielding to its injunctions, for to him the family tablet is a reality, the abode of a personal Being who exerts an influence over him that cannot be evaded, and is far more to him as an individual than any of the popular gods. Those gods are to be feared and their wrath deprecated, but the ” illustrious ones who have completed their probation ” represent love, care, and interest to the worshippers if they do not fail in their duties.

        Another indirect result has been to define and elevate the position of the wife and mother. All the laws which could be framed for the protection of women would lack their force if she were not honored in the household. As there can be only one ” illustrious consort ” {liien p’l) named on the tablet, there is of course only one wife {Ul) acknowledged in the family.

        There are concubines (tsieh), whose legal rights are defined and secured, and who form an integral part of the family ; but they are not admitted into the ancestral hall, and their children are reckoned with the others as Dan and Asher were in Jacob’s household.

        ITS EFFECTS UPON CHINESE SOCIETY. 239

        Polygamous families in China form a small proportion of the whole; and this acknowledged parity of the mother with the father, in the most sacred position she can be placed, has done much to maintain the purity and right influence of woman amid all the degradations, pollutions, and moral weakness of heathenism. It is one of the most powerful supports of good order. It may even be confidently stated that woman’s legal, social, and domestic position is as high in China as it has ever been outside of Christian culture, and as safe as it can be without the restraints of Christianity. Another benefit to the people, that of early marriages, deriv^es much of its prevalence and obligation from the fear that, if neglected, there may be no heirs left to carry on the worship at the family tomb.

        The three leading results here noticed, viz., the prevention of

        a priestly caste, the confirmation of parental authority in its own

        sphere, and the elevation of the woman and wife to a parity

        with the man and husband, do much to explain the perpetuity

        of Chinese institutions. The fact that filial piety in this system

        has overpassed the limit set by God in his Word, and that deceased

        parents are worshipped as gods by their children, is both

        true and sad. That the worship rendered to their ancestors by

        the Chinese is idolatrous cannot be doubted ; and it forms one

        of the subtlest phases of idolatry—essentially evil with the guisf

        of goodness—ever established among men.

        The prevalence of infanticide and the indifference with which

        the crime is regarded may seem to militate against this view of

        Chinese social character, and throw discredit on the degree of

        respect and reverence paid to parents ; for how, some will ask,

        can a man thus worship and venerate parents who once imbrued

        their hands in his sister’s blood ? Such anomalies may be found

        in the distorted minds and depraved hearts educated under the

        superstitions of heathenism in every country, and the Chinese

        are no exception. It is exceedingly difiicult, however, to ascertain

        the extent of infanticide in China, and all the reasons which

        prompt to the horrid act. Investigations have been made about

        Canton, and evidence obtained to show tiiat it is comparatively

        rare, and strongly discountenanced by public opinion ; though by

        no means unknown, nor punished by law when done. Similar

        investigations at Amoy have disclosed a fearful extent of murders

        of this nature ; yet while the latter are believed, the assertions

        of the former are regarded as evasions of the truth from the fear of being reproached for it or a sense of shame. The whole nation has been branded as systematic murderers of their children from the practice of the inhabitants of a portion of two provinces, who are generally regarded by their countrymen as among the most violent and poorest fraction of the whole. Sir John Barrow heard that the carts went about the streets of Peking daily to pick up dead and dying infants thrown out by their unnatural parents, but he does not mention ever having seen a single corpse in all his walks or rides about the capital.

        It has now been ascertained tliat this cart contains so many dead

        bodies of both sexes, that the inference by Dr. Dudgeon that

        not one in a hundred was killed seems to be sustained. The

        bodies of children are not as often seen in the lanes and creeks

        of Canton as those of adults, and’the former are as likely to have

        died natural deaths as the latter.

        In Fuhkien province, especially in the departments of Tsiuenchau

        and Changchau, infanticide prevails to a greater extent

        than in any other part of the Empire yet examined. Mr. Abeel

        extended his inquiries to forty different towns and villages lying

        in the first, and found that the percentage was between seventy

        and eighty down to ten, giving an average of about forty per

        cent, of all girls born in those places as being murdered. In

        Changchau, out of seventeen towns, the proportion lies between

        one-fourth and three-tenths in some places, occasionally rising

        to one-third, and in others sinking to one-fifth, making an average

        of one-fourth put to death. In other departments of the

        province the practice is confessed, but the pi-oportion tliought

        by intelligent natives to be less, since there is less poverty and

        fewer people than formerly. The examination was conducted

        in as fair a inanner as ]K>ssiblo, and {K’rsoiis of all classes were

        questioned as to the number of children they had killed themselves,

        or knew had been killed by their relatives or neighbors.

        One of eight brothers told him that only three girls were left’

        among all their children, sixteen having been killed. On one

        occasion he visited a small village on Anioy Island, called Bo-au,

        where the whole population turned out to see him and Dr. Cnmming, the latter of whom had recently cut out a large tumor from a fellow villager, he says:

        PKEVALENOE -OF INFATs’q’lCIDE IN CHINA. 241

        From till’ immljor of women in tlic crowd which turned out to greet; is. we were pretty well persuaded that they were under as little restraint as the men Irom indulging their curiosity ; and upon inquiry, found it to be so. We were conducted to a small temple, when 1 had the opportunity of conversing with many who came around us. On a second visit, while addressing them, one man held up a child, and publicly acknowledged that he bad killed five c,2 the helpless beings, having pre.served but two. I thought he was jesting, but as no surprise or dissent was expressed by his neighbors, and as there was an air of simplicity and regret in the individual, there was no reason to doubt its truth. After repeating his confession he added with affecting simplicity, “It was before I heard you speak on this subject ; I did not know it was wrong; I would not do so now.” Wishing to obtain the testimony of the assembled

        villagers, I put the question publicly, ” What number of female infants in this

        village are destroyed at birth V ” The reply was, “More than one-half.” As

        there was no discussion among them, which is not tlie case when they differ in

        opinion, and as we were fully convinced from our own observation of the numerical

        inequality of tlie sexes, the proportion of deatlis they gave did not

        strike us as extravagant.

        The reasons assigned for committing the unnatural deed are

        various. Poverty is the leading cause ; the alternative being, as

        the parents think, a life of infamy or slaverj”, since if they cannot

        rear their offspring themselves they must sell them. The

        fact of the great numbers of men who emigrate to the Archipelago

        from the coast districts has no doubt also had its effect in

        inducing parents to destroy daughters for v/hom they had little

        expectation of finding husbands if they did rear thein. Many

        who are able to support their daughters prefer to destroy them

        rather than incur the expenses of their marriage, but the investigation

        showed that the crime was rather less among the educated

        than the ignorant, and that they had done something to dissuade

        their poor neighbors from putting their girls to death. In the

        adjoining departments of Chauchau and Kiaying in Kwangtung,

        the people admit the practice, and, as their circumstances are

        similar, it is probable that it is not much less than around Amoj’

        Dr. Dudgeon, of Peking, has had very favorable opportunities

        for prosecuting inquiries in that region, and has shown that the

        stories formerly credited are wrong, and that most of the children

        thus disposed of are born of nuns. Inquiries instituted at

        Hankow by Dr. F. P. Smith, of the hospital, showed a wide

        prevalence of the crime among the poor and rural population, for which he ascribes several reasons ; the proportion of the sexes is ten men to seven women.

        While one of the worst features of the crime is the little degree of detestation everywhere expressed at it, vet the actual proportion is an important inquiry, and this, taking the whole nation, has been much exaggerated, chiefly from applying such facts and estimates as the preceding to the whole country. The governor of Canton once issued a dissuasive exhortation on this subject to the people, telling them that if they destroyed all their daughters they would soon have no mothers. Until investigations have been made elsewhere, it is not fair to charge all the Chinese with the atrocities of a small portion, nor to disbelieve the affirmations of the inhabitants of Canton, Ningbo, and Shanghai, and elsewhere, that they do not usually put their daughters to death, until we have overwhelming testimony that they deny and conceal what they are ashamed to confess.’

        Comparing their lamentable practice with those of other and

        European nations, we find, according to Hume, that “the exposure

        of new-born infants was an allowed practice in almost all

        the States of Greece and Rome ; even among the polite and civilized

        xVthenians, the abandoning of one’s child to hunger or wild

        beasts was regarded M-ithout blame or censure. This practice

        was very common ; and it is not spoken of by any author of

        those times with the horror it deserves, or scarcely even with

        disapprobation. Plutarch, the humane, good-natured Plutarch,

        mentions it as a merit in Attains, king of Pergannis, that he

        murdered, or, if you will, exposed all his own children, in order

        to leave his crown to the son of his brother Eumenes. It was

        Solon, the most celebrated of the sages of Greece, that gave

        parents permission by law to kill their children.” Aristotle

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. XVII., p. 11, for a native essay against it; Vol.XVI., p. 513; Vol. XII., pp. 540-548.; Vol. XL, p. 508 ; Vol. VII., p. 54.

        Bishop Smith’s China, p. 443. Report of Pekiny Ilospital, 1865. Dr. F. P.

        Smith’s Fire Annual Reports of ITankow Hoapit/d, 1870, pp. 45-52. Doolittle,

        Social Life, 11. , pp. 203-209. Notes and Queries on C. amlJ., Vol. III., pp.

        156, 172. Ij infanticAde et VOeuvre de la Ste.-Enfance en Chine, par Pere G.

        Palatre, Changhai. Autof/raphie. de la Mission Catholique a Vorphelinat de Tou^

        se-tce, 1878. M. E. Martin, Etade Medico-Legale sur I’Infanticide et VAtorte’

        ment dans VEmpire Chinois, Paris, 1872.

        COMPARISON^ WITH GREECE AND ROME. 243

        thought it should be encouraged by the magistrates, and Plato maintained the same inhuman doctrine. It was complained of as a great singularity that the laws of Thebes forbade the practice. In all the provinces, and especially in Italy, the crime was daily perpetrated.’

        The ceremonies attendant upon the decease of a person vary

        in different parts of the country, though they are not necessarily

        elaborate or expensive anywhere, and all the important ones can

        be performed by the poorest mourner. The inhabitants of

        Fuhkien put a piece of silver in the mouth of the dying person,

        and carefully cover his nose and ears. Scarcely is he dead when

        they make a hole in the roof to facilitate the exit of the spirits

        proceeding from his body, of which they imagine each person possesses

        seven animal senses which die with him, and three souls,

        one of which enters elysium and receives judgment, another abides

        M’ith the tablet, and a third dwells in the tomb. In some places,

        as a man approaches his last hour, the relatives come into the

        room to array him in his best garments and carry him into the

        main hall to breathe his life away while dressed in the costume

        with which he is to appear in Hades. The popular ideas regarding

        their fate vary so much that it is difficult to describe the national

        faith in this respect; transmigration is more or less believed

        in, but the detail of the changes the good or evil spirit undergoes

        before it is absorbed in Buddha varies almost according to the

        fancy of the worshipper. Those who are sent to hell pass through

        every form of suffering inflicted upon them by hideous monsters,

        and are at last released to wander about as houseless demons to

        torment mankind, or vex themselves in the bodies of animals

        and reptiles.

        When the priests come the corpse is laid out upon the floor

        in the principal room, and a tablet set up by its side ; a table is

        near, on which are placed meats, lamps, and incense. While

        the priests are reciting prayers to deliver the soul from purgatory

        and hell, they occasionally call on all present to weep and

        lament, and on these occasions the females of the household are

        particularly clamorous in their grief, alternately uttering the

        ‘ Mcllvaine, Evidences of Christianity, p. 291.

        most dolefiii accents, nnd then tittei’injx with some of the new

        coiners. Papers having figni-es on tliein and Peter’s pence in

        the form of paper money are hnrned ; white lanterns, instead of

        tlie common red ones, and a slip of paper containing the name,

        titles, age, etc., of the dead arc lumg at the door; a mat [)orch

        is pnt np for tlie musicians and the priests.” The sonl, liaving

        crossed the l)ridge leading out of hell with the aid of the priests,

        gets a letter of recommendation from them to he admitted into

        the western heavens.

        Previous to burial a lucky place for interment, if the family

        have moved away from its paternal sepulchre, must be found.

        The body is coffined soon after death, arrayed in the most splendid

        habiliments the family can afford ; a fan is put in one liand

        and a prayer on a piece of paper in the other. The form of a

        Chinese coffin resembles the trunk of a tree ; the boards are

        three or four inches thick and rounded on top (from Avhence a

        coffin is called ” longevity boards “), making a very substantial

        case. When the corpse is put in it is laid in a bed of lime or

        cotton, or covered with quicklime, and the edges of the lid are

        closed with mortar in the groove so that no smell escapes; the

        coffin is varnished if it is to remain in the house before burial.

        The Chinese often expend large sums in the purchase and preparation of a coffin during their lifetime; the cheapest are from five to ten dollars, and upward to five hundred and even two thousand dollars, according to the materials and ornamenting. Bodies are sometimes kept in or about the house for many years and incense burned morning and evening. They are placed either on trestles near the doorway and protected by a covering in the principal hall, or in the ancestral chamber, where they remain until the fortunes of the family improve so as to enable them to bury the remains, or a lucky place is found, or until opportunity and means allow the survivors to lay them in their patrimonial sepulchre.

        The lineal relatives of the deceased are informed of his death,

        ‘ Ball says that money is put into the month of the dead by rich people to buy favor and passage into heaven ; others affirm that the money is to make the spirit ready o? speech. The phrase “no silver to hit the mouth ” has r^ference to this custom.

        FUXKIiAL CUSTO^rs AXI) (^EMEMONIES. 245

        and as many as can do so repair to the liouse to condole with

        and assist tlie family. The eldest son or the nearest descendant

        repairs to an adjoining river or well with a bowl in his hand, and

        accompanied by two relatives, to ” buy water ” with money

        M’hich he carries and throws into it. Upon the way to the well

        it is customary to carry lanterns—even at noon—and to make a

        great wailing: with the water thus obtained he washes the

        corpse before it is dressed. After the body is laid in the coffin

        and before interment the sons of the deceased among the poor

        are frequently sent around to the relatives and friends of the

        family to solicit subscriptions to buy a grave, hire mourners, or

        provide a suitable sacrifice, and it is considered a good act to

        assist in such cases ; perhaps fear of the ill-will of the displeased

        spirit prompts to the charity. The coffin is sometimes seized

        or attached by creditors to compel the relatives to collect a sum

        to release it, and instances of filial sons are mentioned who have

        sold themselves into temporary or perpetual slavery in order to

        raise money to bury their parents. In other cases a defaulting

        tenant will retain a cofiin in the house to forestall an ejectment

        for the back rent. On the day of burial an offering of cooked

        provisions is laid out near the coffin. The chief mourners,

        clothed in coarse white sackcloth, then approach and kneel

        before it, knocking their heads up.on the ground and going

        through with the full kotow ; two persons dressed in mourning

        hand them incense-sticks, w^liieh are placed in jars. After the

        male mourners have made their parting prostrations the females

        perform the same ceremonies, and then such friends and relations

        as are present ; during these observances a band of nuisic

        plays. The funeral procession is formed of all these persons

        the band, the tablets, priests, etc. In Peking, where religious

        processions are prohibited, great display is made in funerals

        according to the means and raidc of the deceased. The coffin

        is borne on an nnwieldy bier carried by sixty-four men or moi-e

        and covered by a richly embroidered catafalque, attended by

        musicians, mourners, priests, etc. Sometimes the carts are covered

        with white cloth and the mules wear white harness.

        Burial-places are selected by geomancers, and their location

        has important results on the prosperity of the living. The supposed connection between these two things has influenced the science, religion, and cnstoms of the Chinese from very early days, and nnder the name oi feng-shui, or ‘ wind and water’ rules, still contains most of their science and explains most of their superstitions. As true science extends this travestie of natural philosophy will fade away and form a subject of fascination among the people as it now does a source of terror. Every strange event is interpreted hy fung-shid, and its professors employ the doctrines of Buddhists and Taoists to enforce their

        dicta, as they do their little knowledge of astronomy, medicine,

        and natural science to explain them. The whole has gradually

        grown into a system of geomancy, involving, however, their cosmogony,

        natural philosophy, spiritualism, and biology so far as

        they have these sciences. It was in the twelfth century that it

        became systematized, and its influence has spread ever since.

        Were it only a picturesque kaleidoscope of facts and fancies it

        would be a harndess pastime ; but it now enters into every act

        of life, since the human soul and body, Mdiether in this M’orld

        or the next, are regarded as constantly influenced by their actions,

        their relatives, and their locations. Thus the choice of a

        burial-place is supposed to affect the past, present, and future,

        and the fung-shui sicnsdng^ or ‘ wind and water doctors,’ know

        therein how to benefit their customers and themselves.

        Hcgarding all nature as a living organism and each person surrounded

        by invisible beings, the Chinese try to propitiate these

        essences through their departed relatives. They consider them

        as restrained by their animal nature to the tomb where their

        bodies lie, while the spiritual nature seeks to hover about its

        old scenes and children. If a tomb is placed so that the spirit

        dwelling therein is comfortable, the inference is that the deceased

        will grant those who supply its wants all that the spirit

        world can grant. A tomb located where no star on high or

        dragon below, no breath of nature oi- malign configuration of

        hills, can disturb the repose of the dead, must therefore be

        lucky, and M’orth great effoi-t to secure.

        The principles of geonuuicy depend nuich on two supposed

        currents running through the earth, known as the dragon and

        the tiger ; a propitious site has these on its left and right. A

        INFLUENCE OF FUN(i-SIIUI. 247

        skilful observer can detect and describe them, with the help of

        the compass, direction of the watercourses, shapes of the male

        and female ground, and their proportions, color of the soil, and

        the permutations of the elements. The common people know

        nothing of the basis on which tliis conclusion is founded, but

        give their money as their faith in the priest or charlatan increases.’

        At the south, uncultivated liills are selected because they are

        dry and the white ants will not attack the coffin ; and a hillside

        in view of water, a copse, or a ravine near a hill-top, arc all

        lucky spots. At the north, where ants are unknown, the dead are

        buried in fields ; but nowhere collected in graveyards in cities or

        temples. The form of the grave is sometimes a simple tumulus

        with a tonibstone at the head ; in the southern provinces oftener

        in the shape of the Greek letter fi, or that of a huge arm-chair.

        Tiie back of the supposed chair is the place for the tombstone,

        while the body is interred in the seat, the sides of which are

        built around with masonry and approach each other in front.

        A tomb is occasionally built of stone in a substantial manner,

        and carved pillars are placed at the corners, the whole often

        costing thousands of dollars. The case of one necromancer

        is recorded, who, after having selected a grave for a family, was

        attacked with ophthalmia, and in revenge for their giving him

        poisonous food which he supposed had caused the malad^^, hired

        men to remove a large mass of rock near the grave, whereby its

        efficacy was completely spoiled. The position is thought to be

        the better if it command a good view. Some of the graves occupy

        many hundred square feet, the corners being defined by

        low stones bearing two characters, importing whose chih, or

        ‘ house,’ it is. The shapes of graves vary more at the north ;

        some are conical mounds planted with shrubs or flowers, others

        made of mason-work shaped like little houses, others mere

        square tombs or earthly tunuili ; not a few coffins are simply left

        upon the ground. It is seldom the Chinese hew graves out of

        ‘ Compare Dr. Edkins in the Chineie Recorder, Vol. IV., 1871-72. Fengshui; or the Rudiments of Natural Science in China, by Ernest J. Eitel, London, 1878. The CornhiU Magazine for March, 1874 Notes and Queries on C. and J., Vol. II., p. 69.

        the rock or dig large vaults; their care is to make a showv

        grave, and at the same time a convenient one for performing

        the prescribed rites. The mausolea of emperors and grandees

        occnpv vast enclosures laid out as parks and adorned with ornamental

        buildings to which lead avenues of stone guardians.”

        The tomb of Yungloh (a.d, 1403-1425) is reached through a

        dwmos of gigantic statues nearly a mile long—two pairs each of

        lions, unicoi’ns, elephants, camels, and horses, one erect, the

        other couchant, and six pairs of civil and military officers; each

        fio;ure is a monolith. The orii2;in of this custom can be traced

        back nearly to the tenth century, but was probably known in the

        Tang dynasty. Officials are allowed to erect a few statues to

        become their guardians.’

        AYhen the day of interment arrives, which is usually the

        nearest lucky day to the third seventh after death, the friends

        assemble at the house. A band of musicians accompanies the

        procession, in which is also carried the ancestral tablet of the

        deceased in a separate sedan, accompanied sometimes by a sacrifice

        and the red tablets of the offices held by the family. The

        mourners are dressed entirely in white, or wear a white fillet

        ai’ound the head ; the sons of the deceased nnist put on the expression

        and habiliments of woe, and the eldest one is at times

        supported along the street to the grave in all the eloquence and

        attitude of grief, although it may have been years since liis

        father went to ” wander among the genii.” The women and

        children of the family follow, and at intervals cry and wail. A

        man goes ahead and scatters paper money to purchase the goodwill

        of such stray spirits as are prowling about. Diiferent

        figures and banners are carried according to the means and rank

        of the family, which, M’ith the friends and crowd attracted by

        the show, sometimes swell the train to a great length. The

        grave is deep, and lime is freely mixed with the earth thrown

        ‘ In the Yih cliin the custodian n>i)orte(i in the Peking Oazette of January

        3, 1871, that there were !)’J, (>!)() trees, mostly lir, pine, elm, etc. The people in

        chart,’e of such grounds are used to girdling the timber, in order afterward to

        get tlie dead trees as firewood for themselves.

        -‘ Mayens in North (Jltina Jh’. Royal Asiatic Society Journal, No. XII., 1878

        Doolittle, Social Life, II., p. 3;37.

        CUSTOMS OF INTERMENT AND MOURNING. 249

        in ; a body is never pnt into an old grave while anything remains

        of the former occupant ; crackers are fired, libations

        poured out, prayers recited, and finally paper models of houses,

        clothes, horses, money, and everything he can possibly want in

        the land of shadows (which Davis calls a loise economy) are

        burned. The tablet and sacrifice are then carried back ; the

        family feast on the latter or distribute it among the poor around

        the door, while the former is placed in the ancestral hall. The

        married daughters of the dead are not considered part of the

        famil}’, and wear no mourning ; nor are they invited to their

        father’s funeral.

        The period of mourning for a father is nominally three years,

        but actually reduced to twenty-seven months ; the persons required

        to observe this are enumerated in the Code, and Sections

        CLXXIX.-CLXXXI. contain the penalties for concealing

        the death of a parent, or misrepresenting it, and of omitting the

        proper formalities. Burning the corpse, or casting it into the

        water, unfeelingly exposing it in the house longer than a year,

        and making the funeral ceremony and feast an occasion of

        merrymaking and indecorous meeting of males and females,

        are also prohibited. For thirty days after the demise the

        nearest kindred must not shave their heads nor change their

        dress, but rather exhibit a slovenly, slipshod appearance, as if

        grief had taken away both appetite and decorum. In the

        southern districts half-mourning is bine, usually exhibited in a

        pair of blue shoes and a blue silken cord woven in the queue,

        instead of a red one ; grass shoes neatly made are now and then

        worn. In the northern provinces white is the only mourning

        color seen. The visiting cards also indicate that the time of

        mourning has not passed. The expenses incurred by the rich

        are great, and the priests receive large sums for masses, ten

        thousand dollars being often spent. In the north still greater

        expenses are incurred in buying a piece of land for a burial plot

        and its glebe. Here they erect a lodge, where the keeper of the

        grave lives, cultivating the land and keeping the tomb in order.’

        When the Empress dies ofiicers put on mourning, take the

        » Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., p. 352; Vol. II., p. 499.

        buttons and fringes from their caps, stamp their seals with bhie

        ink, and go through a prescribed set of ceremonies ; they must

        not shave their lieads for a hundred days, nor the people for a

        month. Full details of the ceremonies ordered on the occasion

        of the decease of the Empress, or ” interior assistant, who for

        thirteen years had held the situation of earth to lieaven,” were

        published in 1833, in both Manchu and Chinese. When the

        Emperor dies all his subjects let their hair grow for a hundred

        days, marriages are postponed, theatres and sports disallowed,

        and a ceremonial gloom and dishabille pervades the Empire.

        On the morning after the death of the Emperor Tungchi, January

        12, 1875, the streets of Peking presented a surprising contrast

        to their usual gaiety in the removal of everything red. In

        early times human beings were immolated at the obsequies of

        rulers, and voluntary deaths of their attendants and women are

        occasionally mentioned. De Guignes says that the Emperor

        Shunchi ordered thirty persons to be immolated at the funeral

        of his consort ; but Kanghi, his son, forbade four women from

        sacrificing themselves on the death of his Empress.’

        The hall of ancestors is found in the house of almost every

        member of the family, but always in that of the eldest son. In

        rich families it is a separate building ; in others a room set apart

        for the purpose, and in many a mere shelf or shrine. The tablet,

        or shlii chu, is a boai’d about twelve inches long and three wide,

        placed upright in a block. The inscriptions on two are like the

        following: “The tablet of Hwang Yung-fuh (late (1iiiig-teh),

        the head of the family, who finished his probation with honor

        during the Imperial Tsing dynasty, reaching a sub-magistracy.”

        His wife’s reads : ” The tablet of Madame, originally of the

        noble family Chin, who would have received the title of lady,

        and in the Imperial Tsing dynasty became his illustrious consort.”

        A receptacle is often cut in the back, containing pieces

        of paper bearing the names of the higher ancestors, or other

        members of the family. Incense and papers are daily burned

        before them, accompanied by a bow or act of homage, forming

        ‘iV. C. Br. R. As. Soc. Journal, No. II., 18C5, pp. 173 ff. De Guignes’Voyages, Tome II., p. 304. ^fe)lloires cone, les Cliinois, Tome \^., pp. 346 ff Chinese and Japanese llepository for May, 1864.

        THE WORSHIP OF ANCESTRAL TABLETS. 251

        in fact a sort of family prayer. The tablets are ranged in

        chronological order, those of the same generation being placed

        in a line. When the hall is large, and the family rich, no pains

        are spared to adorn it with banners and insignia of wealth and

        rank, and on festival days it serves as. a convenient place for

        friends to meet, or for any extraordinary famil}^ occasion. A

        person residing near Macao spent aljout one thousand live hnn-

        Ancestral Hall and Mode of worshipping the Tablets.

        dred dollars in the erection of a hall, and on the dedication day

        the female members of his family assembled with his sons and

        descendants to assist in the ceremonies. The portraits of the

        deceased are also suspended in the hall, but effigies or images

        are not now made.

        In the wood-cut adjoining, the tablets are arranged on the same level, and the sacrifice laid uu the altar before them ; the character shao, ‘longevity,’ is drawn on the wall behind. During the ceremonies fire-crackers are let off and papers burned; after it the feast is spread.

        In the first part of April, one hundred and six days after the

        winter solstice, during the term called Uing-ming, a general

        worship of ancestors is observed. In Kwangtung this is commonly

        called j?a?^’ shan, or ‘ worshipping on the hills,’ but the

        general term is slu fan ti, or ‘ sweeping the tombs.’ The whole

        population, men, women, and children, repair to their family

        tombs, carrying a tray containing the sacrifice, libations for

        offering, and candles, paper, and incense for burning, and there

        go through a variety of ceremonies and prayers. The grave is

        at this season repaired and swept, and at the close of the service

        three pieces of turf are placed at the back and front of the

        grave to retain long strips of red and white paper ; this indicates

        that the accustomed rites have been performed, and these fugitive

        testimonials remain fluttering in the wind long enough to

        announce it to all the friends as well as enemies of the family ;

        for when a grave has been neglected three 3’ears it is sometimes

        dug over and the land resold. The enormous amount of litio’ation

        connected with sepulchral boundaries, transfer of grave

        glebes or sale of the ancient plats, injury, robberj^ and repairs

        of tombs, all indicate the high importance of this kind of

        property.

        ” Such are the harmless, if not meritorious, forms of respect

        for the dead,” says Davis, ” which the Jesuits wisely tolerated

        in their converts, knowing the consequences of outraging their

        most cherished prejudices ; but the crowds of ignorant monks

        who flocked to the breach which those scientific and able men

        had opened, jealous, perhaps, of their success, brought this as a

        charge against them until the point became one of sei-ious controversy

        and reference to the Pope. His Holiness espoused the

        bigoted and unwiser part, which led to the expulsion of the

        monks of all varieties.” And elseAvhere he says the worship

        paid to ancestoi-s is ” not exactly idolatrous, for they sacrifice

        to the invisible spirit and not to any representation of it in the

        fijijure of an idol.” This distinction is much the same as that

        IDOLATRY OF THE RITES. 253

        alleged by the Greek clmrcli, mIucIi disallows images but permits

        gold and silver pictures having the face and hands only painted,

        for Sir John Davis, himself being a Protestant, probably admits

        that worship paid to any other object besides the true God is

        idolatry ; and that the Chinese do trnly worship their ancestors

        is evident from a prayer, such as the following, offered at the

        tombs: Taukwang, 12th year, 8d moon, 1st day. I, Lin Kwang, the second son of the third generation, presnme to come before the grave of my ancestor, Lin

        Kung. Revolving years have brouglit again the season of spring. Clierisliing

        sentiments of veneration, I look up and sweep your tomb. Prostrate I pray

        that you will come and be present, and that you will grant to your posterity

        that they may be prosperous and illustrious. At this season of genial sliowers

        and gentle breezes I desire to recompense the root of my existence and exert

        myself sincerely. Alwaj-s grant your safe protection. My trust is in your

        divine spirit. Reverently I present the five-fold sacrifice of a pig, a fowl, a

        duck, a goose, and a fish ; also an offering of five plates of fruit, with libatnns

        of spirituous liquors, earnestly entreating that you will come and view them.

        With the most attentive respect this annunciation is presented on higli.

        It is not easy to perceive, perhaps, why the Pope and the

        Dominicans were so much opposed to the worship of ancestral

        penates among the Chinese when they pei-formed much the

        same services themselves before the images of Mary, Joseph,

        Cecilia, Ignatius, and hundreds of other deified mortals; but it

        is somewhat surprising that a Protestant should describe this

        worship as consisting of ” harmless, if not meritorious, forms of

        respect for the dead.” Mr. Fortune, too, thinlcs ” a considerable

        portion of this worship springs from a higher and purer source

        than a mere matter of form, and that when the Chinese periodically

        visit the tombs of their fathers to worship and pay respect

        to their memory, they indulge in the pleasing reflection that

        when they themselves are no more their graves will not be neglected

        or forgotten,” This feeling does actuate them, but there

        can be no dispute, one would think, about its idolatrous character.

        The Chinese who have embraced the doctrines of the Xew

        Testament, and who may be supposed qualified to judge of their

        own acts and feelings, regard the rites as superstitious and sinful.

        It is a form of worship, indeed, which presents fewer revolting features than most systems of false religion—consisting merely of pouring out libations and burning paper and candles at the grave, and tlien a family meeting at a social feast, with a few simple prostrations and petitions. No bacchanalian companies of men and women run riot over the hills, as in the Eleusinian mysteries, nor are obscene rites practised in the house ; all is pleasant, decorous, and harmonious. The junior members of the family come from a distance, sometimes two or three hundred miles, to observe it, and the family meeting on this occasion is looked forward to by all with much the same feelings that Christmas is in Old England or Thanksgiving in New England.

        Brothers and sisters, cousins and other relatives join in the worship and feast, and it is this pleasant reunion of dear ones, perhaps the most favorable to the cementing of family affection to be found in heathen society, which constitutes nnich of its power and will present such an obstacle to the reception of the Gospel and removal of the “two divinities” from the house.

        The funeral ceremonies here described are performed by sons

        for their parents, especially for the father ; but there are few or

        no ceremonies aiul little expense for infants, unmarried children,

        concubines, or slaves. These are coffined and buried without

        parade in the family sepulchre ; the poor sometimes tie them up

        in mats and boards and lay them in the fields to shock the eyes

        and noses of all who pass. The nnmici{)al authorities of Canton

        issued orders to the people in 1S82 to bring such bodies as had

        no place of burial to the potter’s field, where they M’ould l)e

        interred at public expense; societies, moreover, exist in all the

        large cities whose object is to bury poor people. In some pai’ts

        the body is wrapped in cloth or coffined and laid in graveyards

        on the surface of the ground. When one dies far away from

        home the coffin is often lodged in lamrmnis, or public depositories

        maintained by societies, where they remain many years.

        Few acts during the war of 1841 irritated the people about

        Canton against the English more than forcing open the coffins

        found in these mausolea and mutilating the corpses. One building

        contained hundreds of coffins ffom which, when ojiened, a

        pimgent aromatic smell was perceptible, while the features of

        the corpses presented a dried appearance. One traveller tells a

        story of his guide, when he was condncthig him over the hills

        DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD. 255

        in Hupeb, ordering him to conceal his blue e^^es by putting on

        green spectacles as they were approaching some houses, and

        describes his surprise at finding them all filled with coflins

        arranged in an orderly manner. Graves are not enclosed ; cattle

        pasture among them and paths lead over and through them.

        Tombstones are usually made of granite and their inscriptions

        soon become defaced. Epitaphs are short, giving the name of

        the dynasty, his place of birth, number of his generation in the

        family, and his temple name. Laudatory expressions are rare,

        and quotations from the classics or stanzas of poetry to convey

        a sentiment entirely unknown. The corpses of ofiiceis who die

        at their stations are carried to their paternal tombs, sometimes

        at public expense. Tlie Emperor, in some instances, orders the

        funeral rites of distinguished statesmen to be defi-ayed. This

        was done during the war with England in the cases of Commissioner

        Yukien and General Hailing, who burned himself at

        Chinkiang fu.’

        Besides these funeral rites and religious ceremonies to their

        departed ancestors the Chinese have an almost infinite variety

        of superstitious practices, most of which are of a deprecatorv

        character, growing out of their belief in demons and genii who

        trouble or help people. It may be said that most of their religious

        acts performed in temples are intended to avert misfortune

        i-ather than supplicate blessings. In oi-der to ward off malignant

        influences amulets are worn and charms hung up, such as moneyswords

        made of coins of different monarchs strung together in

        the form of a dagger; leaves of the sweet-flag {Aco/-us) and Artemisia

        tied in a bundle, or a sprig of peach-blossoms ; the first

        is placed near beds, the latter over the lintel, to drive aM’ay demons.

        A man also collects a cash or two from each of his

        friends and gets a lock made which he hangs to his son’s neck

        in order to lock him to life and make the subscribers surety for

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. XVIII., pp. 363-384. Doolittle, Socinl Life, II., pp. 45-48. M. T. Yates, Ancestral Worship, Mism»ini-y Conference (of 1867), p. 367 Johnson, Oi-ienUd Bclif/ions : China, pp. 693-708. Gray’s China, I.,pp. 320-328. China Reiiew,Yo\. IV., p. 296. P. D. de Thiersant, La Piete Filiule en ChinCf Paris, 1877. E. Faber in the Chinese Recorder, Vol. IX., pp.’J29, 401.

        his safety ; adult females also wear a neck lock for the same

        purpose. Charms are common. One bears the inscription,

        ” May you get the three viamjs and the nine Jik’es; ” another,

        ” To obtain long eyebrowed longevity.” The three manijn are

        man}’^ years of happiness and life and many sons. Old brass

        mirrors to cure mad people are hung up by the rich in their

        halls, and figures or representations of the unicorn, of gourds,

        Buddhist Priests.

        tigers’ claws, or the eight diagrams, are worn to insure good

        fortune or ward off sickness, fire, or fright. Stones or pieces

        of metal with short sentences cut upon them are almost always

        found suspended or tied al)out the persons of children and

        M’omen, which are supposed to have great efficacy in preventing

        evil. The rich pay large sums for rare objects to promote thifl

        end.

        CHARMS AND AMULETS. 257

        In addition to their employment in tlic worship and burial of

        the dead and cultivation of glebe lands (some of which are very

        extensive’), priests resort to many expedients to increase their

        incomes, few of which have the improvement of their countrymen

        as a ruling motive. Some go around the streets collecting

        printed or written paper in baskets, to burn them lest the venerable

        names of Confucius or Buddha be defiled ; others obtain a

        few pennies by writing inscriptions and charms on doors ; and

        many in rural places get a good living off the lands owned by

        their temples. The priests of both sects are under the control

        of officials recognized by and amenable to the authorities, so that

        the vicious and unprincipled among them are soon restrained.

        The Buddhists issue small books, called Girdle Classics, containing

        prayers addressed to the deity under whose protection

        the person has phiced himself. Spells are made in great variety,

        some of them to be worn or pasted up in the house, while others

        are written on leaves, paper, or cloth, and burned, and their

        ashes thrown into a liquid for the patient or child to drink.

        These spells are sold by Rationalists, and consist of characters,

        like /^/A (‘ happiness ”) or shao (‘ longevity ‘), fancifully combined.

        The god of doors, of the North Pole, Pwanku, the heavenly astronomer,

        the god of thunder and lightning, or typhoons, the god

        of medicine, demigods and genii of almost every name and

        power, are all invoked, and some of them by all persons. In

        shops the word shin is put up in a shrine and incense placed

        before it, all objects of fear and worship being included under

        this general term. The threshold is peculiarly sacred, and incense-

        sticks are lighted morning and evening at its side.”*

        The Chinese dread wandering and hungry ghosts of wicked

        men, and the priests are hired to celebrate a mass called ta tsiao,

        to appease these disturbers of human happiness, which, in its

        general purport, corresponds to All Souls’ Day, and from its

        splendor and the general interest taken in its success is very popular.

        The streets at Canton are covered with awnings, and

        ^Lettres EclififinUs, Tome ITT., p. 33.

        ‘^LettreH E’l/fmiti’s, Tome IV., p. 310—where other ceremonies of the TaoistS; to ward o’H pestilence, are described.

        festoons of cheap silk, of brilliant colors, are hung across and

        along the streets. Chandeliers of glass are suspended at short

        intervals, alternating with small trays, on which j^aper figures in

        various attitudes, intended to illustrate some well-known scene

        in history, amuse the spectators. At night the glare of a thousand

        lamps shining through niyriads of lustres lights up the

        whole scene in a gorgeous manner. The priests erect a staging

        somewhere in the vicinit}’^, for the rehearsal of prayers to Yen

        iiHouj (Yama or Pluto), and display tables covered with eatables

        for the hungry ghosts to feed on. Their acolytes mark the time

        when the half-starved ghosts, who have no childi-en or friends

        to care for them, rush in and shoulder the viands, which they

        carry off for their year’s supply. Bands of music chime in from

        tiuie to time, to refresh these hungry spirits with the dulcet

        tones they once heard ; for the Chinese, judging their gods by

        themselves, provide what is pleasing to those who pay for the

        entertainment, as well as to those who are supposed to be benefited

        by it. After the services are performed the crowd carry

        off what is left, but when this is permitted the priests sometimes

        cheat them with merely a cover of food on the tops of the

        baskets, the bottoms being filled with shavings.

        Another festival in August is connected with this, called .shau

        i, or ‘ burning clothes,’ at which pieces of paper folded in the

        form of garments are burned for the use of the suffering ghosts,

        with a large quantity of what maybe properly caWcdJiat money,

        paper ingots which become valuable chiefly when they are

        burned. Paper houses with proper furniture, and puppets to

        represent household servants, are likewise made. IMedhurst adds

        that ” writings are drawn up and signed in the presence of witnesses

        to certify the conveyance of the property, stipulating

        that on its arrival in hades it sliall be duly made over to the individuals

        specified in the bond ; the houses, servants, clothes,

        money and all are then burned with the bond, the worshippers

        feeling confident that their friends obtain the benefit of what

        they have sent them.” Thus ” they make a covenant with the

        grave, and with hell they are at agreement.” This festival, like

        all others, is attended with feasting and nmsic. In order still

        further to provide for childless ghosts, their ancestral tablets are

        FESTIVALS FOR WANDERING GHOSTS. 259

        collected in temples and placed together in a room set apart for

        the purpose, called irio sz’ tan, or ‘orbate temple,’ and a man

        hired to attend and burn incense before them. The sensationa

        which arise on going into a room of this sort, and seeing one or

        two hundred small wooden tablets standing in regular array, and

        knowing that each one, or each pair, is like the silent tombstone

        of an extinct family, are such as no hall full of staring idols can

        ever inspire. The tablets look old, discolored, and broken, covered

        with dust and black with smoke, so that the gilded characters

        are obscured, and one cannot behold them long in their

        silence and forgetfulness without almost feeling as if spirits still

        hovered around them. All these ghosts are supposed to be propitiated by the sacrifices on All Souls’ Day.

        The patronage given to idolatry and superstition is constant

        and general among all classes, and thousands of persons get their

        livelihood by shrewdly availing themselves of the fears of their

        countrymen. The peepul, j)^^-^’^ {Fimi.s rdigiosa) at the south

        and the Sophora at the north, w’itli perhaps other aged trees,

        are worshipped for long life.’ Special efforts are made from

        time to time to build or repair a temple or pagoda, in order to

        insure or recall prosperity to a place, and large sums are subscribed

        by the devout. A case occurred in 1843, which illustrates

        this spirit. One of the English officers brought an image

        of Wa-kvxing, the god of fire, from Chinkiang fu, which he

        presented as a curiosity to a lady in Macao. It remained in her

        house several months, and on the breaking up of the establishment,

        previous to a return to India, it was exposed for sale at

        auction with the furniturb. A large crowd collected, and the

        attention of the Chinese was attracted to this image, wdiich they

        examined carefully to see if it had the genuine marks of its ordination

        upon it ; for no image is supposed to be properly an

        object of worship until the spirit has been inaugurated into it

        by the prescribed ceremonies. Having satisfied themselves, the

        idol was purchased for thirty dollars by two or three zealous

        ‘ Compare C. F. Koeppen, Die Relujwn des Buddha, Berlin, 1857, who describes the peepul (Bodhi) tree—the “symbol of the spread and growth of the Buddhist church “—in India. E. Bernouf, Introduction a Vhistoire du Buddhisme Indien, Paris, 1844. Notes and Queries on C. and J., Vol. III., p. 100.

        persons, and carried off in trininpli to a shop and respectfully

        installed in a room cleared for the purpose. A public meeting

        was shortly after called, and resolutions passed to improve the

        propitious opportunity to obtain and preserve the protecting

        power of so potent a deity, by erecting a pavilion where he

        would have a respectable lodgment and receive due worship.

        A subsci’iption was thereupon started, some of its advocates putting

        down fifty and others thirty dollars, until about one thousand

        two hundred dollars were raised, with which a small lot was

        purchased on the island west of Macao, and a pavilion or tenr

        pie erected where Wa-hwang was enshrined with pompous

        parade amid theatrical exhibitions, and a man hired to keep

        him and his domicile in good order.

        No people are more enslaved by fear of the unknown than the Chinese, and none resort more frequently to sortilege to ascertain whether an enterprise will be successful or a proposed remedy avail to cure. This desire actuates all classes, and thousands and myriads of persons take advantage of it to their own profit. The tables of fortune-tellers and the shops of geomancers are met at street corners, and a strong inducement to repair to the temples is to cast lots as to the success of the prayers offered. One way of divining is to hold a bamboo root cut in

        halves, resembling in size and color a common potato, and let it

        drop as the petition is put up. Sometimes the worshipper drops

        it many times, in order to see if a majority of trials will not be

        favorable, and when disappointed the first time not unfrequently

        tries again, if mayhap he can force the gods to be more propitious.

        The devotee may determine himself what position of the blocks

        shall be deemed auspicious, but usually one face up and one doAvn

        is regarded as pi-omising. The countenances of worshippers as

        they leave the shrines, some beaming with hope and resolutioii

        to succeed, and others, notwithstanding their repeated knocking^

        and divinings, going away Avith vexation and gloom written on

        their faces at the ol)duracy of the gods and sadness of tlieir prospects,

        offer a study not less melancholy than instructive. ” Such

        is the weakness of mortals : they dread, even aftei- mature reflection,

        to undertake a project, and then entei- blindly upon it

        at a chance after consultin<r chance itself as blind.”’

        SORTILEGE AND FOHTrXK-TELLING, 2G1

        The fortune-tellers also consult fate by means of bamboo slips bearing certain characters, as the sixty-four diagrams, titles of poetical responses, or lists of names, etc. The applicant* comes up to the table and states his desire ; he wishes to know whether it will be fair weather, which of a dozen doctors shall be selected to cure his child, what sex an unborn infant will be, where his stolen property is, or any other matter. Selecting a slip, the diviner dissects the character into its component parts, or in some other way, and writes the parts upon a board lying before him, joining to them the time, the names of the person, live planets, colors, viscera, and other heterogeneous things, and from them all, putting on a most cabalistic, sapient look, educes a sentence which contains the required answer.

        Consulting a Fortune-teller.

        The man receives it as confidently as if he had entered the

        sybil’s cave and heard her voice, pays his fee, and goes away.

        Others, less shrewd, refer to books in which the required answ^er

        is contained in a sort of equivocal delphian distich. The Chinese

        method of sortilege is not far different from that practised by the

        ancient Romans. ” The lots preserved at Preneste were slips

        of oak with ancient characters engraved on them. They were

        shaken up together by a boy, and one of them was drawn for the

        person who consulted the oracle. They remind us of the Runic

        staves. Similar divining lots Avere found in other places.” *

        ‘ Niebuhr, History of Rome, Vol. I., p. 246. See, further, Doolitlle’s Sncia).

        Life, Vol. II., Chap. IV. Gray’s China, Chap. XII. Prof. Douglas, China,

        Chap. XV.

        The purchase of a building lot, and especially the selection

        of a grave, involve much expense, sortilege, and inquiry.

        When a succession of misfortunes comes upon a family, they

        will sometimes disinter all their relatives and bury them in a

        new place to remov’e the ill luck. I’efore a house is built a

        written prayer is tied to a pole stuck in the ground, petitioning

        for good luck, that no evil spirits may arise from beneath ;

        when the ridge-pole is laid another prayer is pasted on and

        charms hunc; to it to insure the building against fire ; and

        lastly, when the house is done it is dedicated to some patron,

        and petitions offered for its safety. Prayers are sometimes offered

        according to forms, at others the suppliant himself speaks.

        Two middle-aged women, attended by a maid-servant, were once

        found opposite (^anton in the fields among the graves. They

        had placed a small paper shrine upon a tomb near the pathway,

        and one of them was kneeling before it, her lips moving in

        prayer ; there was nothing in the shrine, but over it M’as written

        the most common petition known in China, “Ask and ye

        shall receive.”

        Answers are looked for in various \vays. A man was once

        met at dusk repairing a lonely grave before which candles were

        burning and plates of rice and cups of spirits arranged. lie

        knelt, and knocking his head began to repeat some words in a

        half audible manner, when he M-as asked if the spirits of his

        ancestors heard his supplications. At the instant a slight puff

        of air blew the candles, when he replied, ” Yes; see, they have

        come; don’t interrupt me.” Contingent vows are often made,

        and useful acts performed in case the answer be favorable. A

        sick man in Macao once made a vow that if he recovered he

        would repave a bad piece of road—which he actually performed,

        aided a little by his neighboi-s ; but it Mas deemed eminently

        unlucky that a toper who was somewhat flustered, passing soon

        after, should fall into the public well. Persons sometimes insult

        the gods, spit at them or whip them, or even break the

        ancestral tablets, in their vexation at having been deluded

        into foolish deeds or misled by divination. Legends are told

        of the vengeance which has followed such impiety, as well r$

        the rewards attending a different course; and tlio Kanyinc

        WORSHIPPEIJS AT W AYSIDK SIIlilNKS, 263

        Pien^ or ‘ Tlook of Rewards and Punishments,’ has strengtliened

        tliese :«entiinents by its stories of the results of human

        acts.

        The worship of street divinities is not altogether municipal

        ;

        some of the shrines in Canton are resorted to so much by

        women as to obstruct the patli. The unsocial character of

        heathenism is observable at such places and in temples ; however

        great the crowd may be, each one worships b}’ himself as

        much as if no one else were present. Altars are erected in

        fields, on which a smooth stone is placed, where offerings are

        presented and libations poured out to secure a good crop. Few

        farmers omit all worship in the spring to the gods of the land

        and grain ; and some go further and present a thanksgiving

        after harvest. Temples are open night and da}’, and in towns

        are the resort of crowds of idle fellows. Worshippers go on

        with their devotions amid all the hubbub, strike the druin

        and bell to arouse the god, burn paper prayers, and knock their

        heads upon the ground to implore his blessing, and then retire.

        The Chinese collectively spend enormous sums in their idolatry,

        though they are more economical of time and money than

        the Hindus. Rich families give much for the services of

        priests, papers, candles, etc., at the interment of their friends,

        but when a large sacrifice is provided none goes to the priests,

        who are prohibited meat. The aggregate outlay to the whole

        people is very large, made up of repairs of temples, purchasing

        idols, petty costs, such as incense-sticks, candles, paper, etc.,

        charms and larger sacrifices prepared from time to time. The

        sum cannot of course be ascertained, but if the daily expenditure

        of each person be estimated at one-third of a cent, or four

        cash, the total will exceed four hundred millions of dollars per

        annum, and this estimate is more likely to be under than over

        the mark, owing to the universality and constancy of the daily

        service,

        This brief sketch of Chinese religious character will be incomplete without some notice of the benevolent institutions found among them. Good acts are required as proofs of sincerity; the classics teach benevolence, and the religious books

        of the Buddhists JTiculcate coiiipassioii to the poor and relief of

        tlie sick. I’rivate alms of rice or clothes are fre(|uently given,

        and tlie modes of collecting the poor-tax are very direct and

        economical, bringing the lionseholders into some intercourse

        with the beggars in their neighborhoods, but offering no rewards

        to tramps and idlers. A retreat for poor aged and infirni

        or blind people is situated near the east side of Canton, the expenses

        of which are stated at about seven thousand dollars, but

        the number of persons relieved is not mentioned. The pecuhition

        and bad faith of the managci-s vitiate many of these institutions,

        and indispose the charitable to ]iatronize them. La.-

        zarettos are established in all large towns in Southern China,

        where a large entrance fee will secure a comfortable living for

        these outcasts to the end of their days ; the prevalence of the

        disease leads everybody to aid the measures taken to restrict its

        ravages. A full account of the report issued by the directors

        of a long-established foundling hospital in Shanghai is given

        in the Ckinese Repository (Vol. XIY.), and shows the methodical

        character of the people, and that no pi-iests ai-e joined in

        its management. In the report full credit is given to the benefactors,

        and an appeal made for funds to cany it on, as it is

        nearly out of supplies. A^arious modes of raising money are

        proposed, and arguments are brought forward to induce people

        to give, all in the same manner as is common with charitable

        institutions in western lands, as its closing paragraph shows: If, for the extension of kindness to our fellow creatures, and to those poor .ind destitute who have no father and mother, all the good and benevolent would daily give one cash (n^rn of a<l()llai), it would V)e sufficient for the maintenance of the foundlings one day. Let no one consider a.small good unmeritorious, nor a small subscription as of no avail. Either you may induce others to subscribe by the vernal breeze from your month, or you may nourish the blade of benevolence in the field of happiness, or cherish the already sprouting bud. Thus by taking advantage of opportunities as they present tliemfielves, and using your endeavors to accomplish your object, you may immeas’ urably benefit and extend the institution.

        The deaths are reported as being nearly one-half of the admissions,

        and the number of inmates about one hmidred and thirty

        in all. The details of the receipts and expenditures are given

        BENEVOLENT INSTITUTIONS IN CHINA. 265

        at the end of the report in a business-like manner. The annual

        disbursement was about one thousand live hundred and fifty dollar:^,

        and the receipts from all sources more than that, so that a

        balance of five thousand dollars is reported on hand, four-fifths

        of whicli was derived fi-om interest on subscriptions invested

        and on wares from pawnbrokers.

        Similar establishments are found in all large towns, some of

        them partly supported by the government. That in Canton

        was founded in 1698, and contains accommodations for three

        liundred children, wliose annual support was reckoned at three

        thousand five hundred dollars in 1833, at which date the money

        was filched from foreigners by a tax on their ships. These hospitals

        seem to be of modei’u origin, less than two centuries old,

        and may have been imitated from or suggested by the Roman

        Catholics. Candida, a distinguished convert about 1710, did

        much to establish them and show the excellence of the religion

        she professed. Mr. Milne, who visited one at IS^ingpo, says,

        after entering the court : ” A number of coarse-looking women

        were peeping through the lattice at us, with squallababies at

        their breasts and squalid boys and girls at their heels ; these

        Nvomen are the nurses, and these children are the foundlings,

        each woman having two or three to look after. But I have

        rarely beheld such a collection of filthy, nnwashen, ragged

        brats. There are at present between sixty and seventy children,

        the boys on one side, the girls on the other. Boys remain here

        till the age of fourteen, when they are hired out or adopted ;

        girls stay till sixteen, when they are betrothed as wives or taken

        as concubines or servants. It is supported by the rental of lands

        and houses, and by an annual tax of thirty-six stone or shiJi

        (about five hundred pounds) of rice from each district in the department.”

        In large towns other voluntary societies are found, having

        for their object the relief of suffering, which ought to be mentioned,

        as the Chinese have not been fairly credited with what

        they do in this line. Humane societies for restoring life to persons

        rescued from the water, and providing coflins if they are

        dead, exist along the riverine towns. Associations to give decent

        interment to the poor in a public potter’s field are found in large cities, where gi-atiiitons vaccination is often given to all who apply. Soup-kitchens are constantly opened as cold weather comes on, and houses prepared for vagrants and outcasts who have been suddenly reduced. Societies for the relief of indigent and virtuous widows are of long standing, and a kind of savings bank for the purpose of aiding a man to get married or to bury his parent exists among the people.’

        Charity is a virtue which thrives poorly in the selfish soil of

        heathenism, but even badly managed establishments like these

        are praiseworthy, and promise something better when higher

        teachings shall have been engrafted into the public mind. The

        government is obliged to expend large sums almost every year

        for relieving the necessities of the starving and the distressed,

        and strong calls are made on the rich to give to these objects.

        During the great famine in 1877-78 in the north-eastern provinces,

        the common hal)its of industry, thrift, and order were

        united with these practices of voluntary benevolence among the

        people, and aided greatly in enabling those who distributed

        food and money to reach the greatest number possible with the

        means. The sufferers had already learned that violence and

        robbery would only increase their miseries and liasten their

        end.

        The general condition of religion among the Chinese is effete;

        and the stately formalities of im])eri:d worship, the doctrines of

        Confucius, the ceremonies of the Buddhists, the sorceries of the

        Rationalists, alike fail to comfort and instruct. But the fear of

        evil spirits and the worship of ancestoi’s, the two beliefs which

        hold all ranks and abilities in their thrall, are still strong ; and

        the principal sway the two sects exert is owing to the connection

        of their priests M’ith the ceremonies of burial. Each

        has exerted its greatest possible power over the })eople, but

        all have failed to impart present happiness or assure future

        joy to their votaries. Confucianism is cold and unsatisfactoiy

        to the affectionate, the anguished, or the in(]uiring mind, and

        the transcendentalism of Rationalism or the vagaries of Bud’

        ^Chineae Reponitary, Vol. XTV., pp. 177-195. Lockhart, Medical Missionary

        in China, Cliapter II., Lundoii, 18()1.

        SECRET SOCIETIES. 267

        dhisin are a little worse. All classes are the prey of unfounded

        fears and superstitions, and dwell in a mist of ignorance and

        error which the light of true religion and knowledge alone can

        dissipate.

        Besides the two leading idolatrous sects, there are also many

        comhinations existing among the people, partly religious and

        partly political, one of which, the Plh-lien Mao, or the Triad

        Society, has already been mentioned in Chapter VIII. The

        Wan klang, or ‘ Incense-burning sect,’ is also denounced in the

        Sacred Commands, but has not been mentioned in late times.

        The Triad Society is comparativelj’ peaceful throughout China

        Proper in overt acts, the members of the auxiliai’y societies contenting

        themselves with keeping alive the spirit of resistance to

        the Manchus, getting new members, and countenancing one

        another in their opposition ; but in Siam, Singapore, Malacca,

        and the Archipelago, it has become a powerful body, and great

        cruelties are committed on those who refuse to join. The members

        are admitted with formalities bearing strong resemblance to

        those of the Freemasons, and the professed objects of the society

        are the same. The novice swears before an idol to maintain

        inviolate secrecy, and stands under naked swords while

        taking the oath, which is then read to him ; he afterward cuts

        off a cock’s head, the usual form of swearing among all Chinese,

        intimating that a like fate awaits him if treacherous. There

        are countersigns known among the members, consisting of grips

        and motions of the fingers. Such is the secrecy of their operations

        in Cliina, however, that very little is known of their numbers,

        internal organization, or character ; the dislike of their

        machinations is the best security against their ultimate success.

        Local delusions, caused by some sharp-witted fellow, now and

        then arise in one part and another of the country, but they are

        speedily put down or dissipate of themselves. There has transpired

        not an item of news concerning any of these seditious

        organizations since the suppression of the Tai-ping rebellion in

        1868. None of them are allowed to erect temples or make a

        public exhibition or procession, and exhortations are from time

        to time issued by the magistrates against them ; while the penalties

        annexed to the statute against all illegal associations give the rulers great power to crush whatever they may deem suspicious or treasonable.’

        The introduction of Islamism into China was so gradual that

        it is not easy to state the date or manner. The trade between

        China and ports lying on the Arabian Sea early attracted its

        adherents (called Ilwai-hwul I’lao) to the Middle Kingdom,

        and as long ago as the Tang dynasty its missionaries came to

        the seaports, especially of Canton and Hangchau. They likewise

        formed a large portion of the caravans which went to and

        fro through Central Asia, and seem to have been received without

        resistance, if not with favor, until they grew by natural

        increase to be a large and an integral })art of the population.

        Mosques were built, schools taught, pilgi’iuuiges made, books

        printed, and converts allowed to exercise their rites without

        serious hindrance almost from the first. The two great features

        of the faith—the existence of one only true God and the M-ickedness

        of idolatry—have not been kept hidden ; but, though

        promulgated, the}’ have not been accepted outside of the sect

        and have not made the least impression upon the State religion.

        The reasons for this are not far to seek. The jigid rule that

        the Koran must not be translated has kept this book out of

        reach of the literati, and the faithful could not even appeal to

        it in support of their belief, for not one in thousands know how

        to read it. The Chinese naturally neither could nor would

        learn Arabic, and there was no sword hanging over them, as

        was the case in Persia, to force them into Moslem ranks. The

        simplicity of the State religion and ancestral worship gave very

        little handle to icronoclasts to declaim against polytheism and

        idolatry. The })rohibition of pork to all true believers seemed

        a senseless injunction among a frugal people which depended

        largely on swine for meat and had never felt any the worse,

        bodily or mentall}’, from its use. The inhibition of wine, moreover,

        was needless among so temperate a race as the Chinese.

        Those who liked to keep Fridays or other days as fasts, ])ractisG

        circumcision as a symbol of faith, and worship in a temple with<

        ‘ Compare the Chinese ‘Repository, Vol. XVIII., p. 281.

        MOHAMMEDANISM IN CHINA. 269

        out images, could do so if tliey chose ; but they must obey the

        laws of the laud and honor the Eni})ei-or as good subjects. They

        luive done so, and, generally speaking, have never been molested

        on account of their beliefs. Their chief strength lies in the

        northern part. The recent struggle in the north-western provinces,

        which cost so many lives, began almost wholly at the instigation

        of Turk or Tartar sectaries, and was a simple trial of

        strength as to who should rule. While cities and towns in

        Kansuh occupied by them were destroyed (in lSGO-73), the two

        liundred thousand Moslems in Peking remained perfectly quiet

        and were unmolested by the authorities.

        Some hold office, and pass through the examinations to obtain

        it, most of them being military men. In their mosques they exliibit

        a tablet with the customary ascription of reverence to the

        Emperor, but place the Prophet’s name behind. They have no

        images or other tablets in the mosques, but suspend scrolls referring

        to the tenets of the faith. The Plain Pagoda in Canton

        was built during the Tang dynasty and called ‘ Remember-the-

        Iloly Temple ; ‘ it is one hundred and sixty-five cubits high ; it

        was built by foreigners, who used to go to the top during the

        fifth and sixth moons at dawn and pray to a golden weathercock

        there, crying out in a loud voice. These notices are taken from

        the native Tojxxjraphij, where also is reference to the tomb of

        a maternal uncle of IMohammed buried north of the city. The

        mosques throughout China are similar in their arrangement and

        resemble temples in many respects, the large arches and inscriptions

        in Arabic on the walls forming the chief peculiarities.

        Arabic is studied under great difficulties by the mollahs, and

        few of the faithful can read or speak it, contenting themselves

        with observing its ritual relating to circumcision, abstinence

        from pork, and idolatry. So fai- as can be seen, their worship

        of the true God under the name of Chu^ or Lord, has not had

        the least influence on the polytheism of the nation or in elevating

        the tone of morals. A well-digested summaiy of their

        tenets has been published at Canton by an unknown author

        under the title of True Coinineids on the Correct Doctrine, in

        two volumes, pp. 240, 1801. Ko restrictions have been laid on

        this sect by the government during the present dynasty; the struggle which continued during the last twenty years between them was simply a question of dominion, not of religion.

        Mr. Milne visited the mosque in Ningbo and made the acquaintance

        of the mollah. “lie is a man about forty-five years

        of age, of a remarkably benign and intelligent countenance and

        {gentlemanly bearing. His native place is Shantung, but his

        ancestors came from Medina, lie readily reads the Arabic

        scriptures and talks that language fluently, but can neither read

        nor write Chinese, which is somewhat surprising considering he

        can talk it well, was liorn in China, and is a minister of religion

        among the Chinese. His supporters number between twenty

        and thirty families, and one or two of his adherents are officers.

        He took me into the place of worship which adjoins his apartments.

        A flight of steps leads into a room, covered with a plain

        roof, on either side of which lay a mass of dusty furniture and

        agricultural implements ; the pillars are ornamented with sentences

        out of the Koran. Facing you is an ornamented pair of

        small doors hung upon the wall, within which the sacred seat is

        supposed to lie, and on one side is a convenient bookcase containing

        their scriptures. He showed me his usual officiating

        dress—a white robe with a painted tui-ban—but he never wears

        this costume except at service, appearing hi the Chinese habit at

        other times. They have a weekly day of rest, which falls on

        our Thursday. On asking if I might be permitted to attend any

        of their services, he replied that if their adherents had business

        on that day they did not trouble themselves to attend. The

        stronghold of his religion is in Ilangchau fu, where are several

        mosques, but the low state of Moluunmedanism seemed to

        dampen liis spirits. Happening to see near the entrance a

        tablet similar to that found in every other temple, with the

        inscription, ‘The Enq)eror, ever-living, maybe live forever!’

        I asked him how he could allow such a blasphemous monument

        to stand in a spot which he regarded as consecrated to the worship

        of Aloha, as he styles the true God. He protested he did

        not and never could worship it, and pointed to the low })lace

        given it as evidence of this, and added that it was only for the

        sake of expediency it was allowed lodgment in the building, for

        if they wei-e ever charged with disloyalty by the enemies of

        JEWS IN CHINA. 271

        their faith they could appeal to it ! His reigning desire was to

        make a pilgrimage to Mecca, and he inquired particularly respecting

        the price of a passage.” ‘

        Since the introduction of steamers great numbers of pilgrims

        visit Mecca, who cannot fail to extend the knowledge of western

        lands as they return among their people. The Mohammedan

        inhabitants of Turkestan and 111 are distinguished into three

        classes by the color and shape of their turbans ; one has red and

        another white sugar-loaf, tlie third the common iirab turban.

        The number throughout the region north of the Yangtsz’ liiver

        cannot be stated, but it probably exceeds ten millions. In

        some places they form a third of the population ; a missionary

        in Sz’chuen reckons eighty thousand living in one of its

        cities.”

        The existence of Jews in China has long been known, but

        the information possessed relative to their past number, condition,

        and residences is very imperfect. They were once numbered

        by thousands, and are supposed by Mr. Finn to have

        belonged to the restoration from Chaldea, as they had portions

        of Malachi and Zechariah, adopted the era of Seleucus, and

        had many rabbinical customs. They probably entered China

        through the north-western route, and there is no good reason

        for rejecting their own date, during the llan dynasty. Witliin

        the last three centuries all have lived in Kaifung, the capital

        of Honan, wherever they may have lived in earlier days. Marco

        Polo just mentions their existence at (^and)aluc, as do John of

        Montecorvino and Marignolli about the same time, and Ibn

        Batuta at an earlier date. In the Chinese annals of the Mongol

        dynasty the Jews are first referred to in 1329, and again

        in 135-1, when they were invited to Peking in the decline of

        its power to join the army of the Imperialists, They are styled

        Shic-htvuh, or Jehudi, and must have been numerous enough

        ‘ Compare Milne’s Life in China, p. 96, London, 1857.

        ‘ Chtnem Repository, Vols. XIII., p. ;i’2 ; XX., pp. 77-84; II., p. 250. De

        Guignes, Voyar/ex d Pekinf/, Tome II., p. 08. Gray, China, I., pp. 137-142.

        Edkins, IMirjion.H in China, Chap. XV. Annules de la Foi, II., p. 245. Ret

        uaud, Relation des Voyages d la Chine.«

        to make them worth noticing with Aloluunmedans, and their help in men and means implored ; hut no hint is given of their places of ahode. Further research into Chinese histories may disclose other notices of their existence.

        The Jews were early known hy the term of Tiao-Jcin hiaOj

        or the ‘ sect which pulls out the sinew.’ Do Guignes says they

        are also called Laa-niao Iltoul-tsz\ or ‘ Mohammedans with

        Blue Caps,’ because they wore a blue cap in the synagogue ; but

        this latter must be a local name. The first description of this

        colony was written by the Jesuit Gozani, about the year 1700,

        and shows that the Tsing-cMn sz\ or ‘ Pure and True Temple,’

        Avas then a large establisliment consisting of four separate

        courts, various buildings enclosed for residence, worship, and

        work. The Li-jpai ss\ or Synagogue, measured about sixty

        by forty feet, having a portico with a double row of four columns

        before it. In the centre of the room, between the I’ows of pillars,

        is the throne of Moses, a magnificent and elevated chair

        with an embroidered cushion, upon which they place the book

        of the law while it is read.

        This account of Gozani remained as the latest information

        until Bishop Smith sent two native Christians from Shanghai

        to Kaifung to learn the present condition of the Jews. They

        were ignorant of llebi-ew, but had been instructed hoM^ to copy

        the letters, and did their work very creditably, bringing away

        with them some portions of the Old Testament wi-itten on

        vellum-like paper of an old date. The synagogue had suffered

        during the great inundation of 18-fi>, and the colony of two

        hundred individuals was found in abject poverty, ignorance, and

        dejection. Not on6 of them knew a word of Hebrew, and

        many of their buildings had been sold for the matei’ials to support

        their lives.

        In February, ISGG, Rev. W. A. P. Mai’tin, President of the

        Tung-wun Kwan at Peking, visited Kaifung, and learned that

        during the interval of fifteen years they had become still more

        imj)overished. Having learned from the mollah of a mosque

        where they lived, he ” passed through streets crowded Mith curious

        spectators to an open square, in the centre of wliich there

        stood a solitary stone. On one side was an inscription connnemTHEIR

        MISEUAHLK CONDITION. 273

        orating the erection of the synagogue in a.d. 11S3, and on the

        other of its rebuilding in 14SS. . . . ‘Are there among

        you any of tlie family of Israel ‘(‘ J inquired. ‘ I am one,’ responded

        a young man, whose face corroborated his assertion ; and

        then another and another stepped forth, until I saw before me

        representatives of six of the seven families into which the

        colony is divided. There, on that melancholy spot where

        the very foundations of the synagogue had been torn from

        tlie ground, and there no longer I’emained one stone upon

        another, they confessed, with shame and grief, that their lioly

        and beautiful house had been demolished by their own hands.

        It had long been, they said, in a ruinous condition ; they had

        no money to make repairs. They liad lost all knowledge of

        the sacred tongue ; the traditions of the fathers were no longer

        handed down, and their ritual worship had ceased to be observed.

        They had at last yielded to the pressure of necessity,

        and disposed of the timbers and stones of the venerable edifice

        to obtain relief for their bodily wants.”

        They estimated their number at between thi-ee hundred

        and four hundred persons, all of them poor, and, now that

        the centre of attraction had disappeared, likely to become dispersed

        and lost. The entrance tablet in gilt characters, stating

        that the building was “Israel’s Possession,” had been

        placed in a mosque, and some of the colony had entered its

        worship.

        Since that date one of their own race, now Bishop Schereschewsky,

        of Shanghai, has also visited them, but the literati

        of the city refused to allow him to remain among them. A

        company of the colony came up to Peking about twelve

        years ago, but, finding that no money was to be obtained

        for their support, ere long went back. It is probable that in

        a few years their unity will be so desti-oyed in the removal

        of their synagogue that they will be quite mingled with their

        countrymen. One or two are now Buddhist priests, others

        are literary graduates, and all of them are ignorant of their

        peculiar rites and festivals. Like the Mohammedans, they

        have never translated their sacred books into Chinese ; but

        during their long existence in China they have remained indeed, as Dr. Martin says, like “a rock rent from the sidea of Mount Zion by some great national catastrophe, and projected into the central Plain of China, which has stood there while the centm-ies rolled by, sublime in its antiquity and solitude.”

        ‘> CUnese liepository, Vol. XX., pp. 4:^6-466. Yule’s Marco Polo, 1871, Vol.I., p. 809. Cathay, pp. 225, 341, 497. James Finn, Jews in Cliina, 1843. Bp.Smith, Mission of Inquiry to Jeics at Kai-funy, 1851. Dr. Martin, The Chinese,N. Y., 1881. Journal of Royal Geog. Soc, London, Vol. XXVII., p. 297.Versuch einer Geschkhtc der JiuJen in Sina, nelisf P. J. Kof/ler^s Rschreibung ihrer ?ieiligen Bucher, herausg. von C. G. von Murr, Halle, 180G. Milne,Life in China, p. 403.

      8. WELLS WILLIAMS《The Middle Kingdom》10-14

        CHAPTER X. STRUCTURE OF THE CHINESE LANGUAGE

        It might reasonably be inferred, judging from the attention paid to learning, and the honors conferred upon its successful votaries, that the literature of the Chinese would contain much to repay investigation. Such is not the case, however, to one already acquainted with the treasures of Western science, and, in fairness, such a comparison is not quite just. Yet it has claims to the regard of the general student, from its being the literature of so vast a portion of the human species, and the result of the labors of its wisest and worthiest minds during many successive ages. The fact that it has been developed under a peculiar civilization, and breathes a spirit so totally different from the writings of Western sages and philosophers, perhaps increases the curiosity to learn what are its excellences and defects, and obtain some criteria by which to compare it with the’ literature of other Asiatic or even European nations. The language in which it is written—one peculiarly mystical and diverse from all other media of thought—has also added to its singular reputation, for it has been surmised that what is ” wrapped up ” in such complex characters must be pre-eminently valuable for matter or elegant for manner, and not less curious than profound. Although a candid examination of this literature will disclose its real mediocrity in points of research, learning, and genius, there yet remains enough to render it worthy the attention of the oriental or general student.

        Some of its peculiarities are owing to the nature of the language, and the mode of instruction, both of which have affected the style and thoughts of writers : for, having, when young, been taught to fonii their sentences upon the models of anti(juity, their efforts to do so have nioiikled their thoughts in the same channoL Imitation, from beiiii;- a chity, soon became a necessity.

        INFLUEXCJ’; OF THE LANGUAGE UPON LITERATURE. 579

        The Chinese scholar, forsaking the leadings of his own genius, soon learned to regard his models as not only being all truth themselves, but as containing the sum total of all things valuable. The intractable nature of the language, making it impossible to study other tongues through the medium of his own, moreover tended to repress all desire in the scholar to become acquainted with foreign books ; and as he knew nothing of them or their authors, it was easy to conclude that there was nothing worth knowing in them, nothing to repay the toil of study, or make amends for the condescension of ascertaining.

        The neighbors of the Chinese have unquestionably been their inferiors in civilization, good government, learning, and wealth; and this fact has nourished their conceit, and repressed the wish to travel, and ascertain what there was in remoter regions. In judging of the character of Chinese literature, therefore, these circumstances among others under which it has risen to its present bulk, must not be overlooked; we shall conclude that the uniformity running through it is perhaps owing as much to the isolation of the people and servile imitation of their models, as to their genius: each has, in fact, mutually acted upon and influenced the other.

        The ” homoglot ” character of the Chinese people has arisen more from the high standard of their literature, and the political institutions growing out of its canonical books (which have impelled and rewarded the efforts of students to master the language), than from any one other cause. This feature offers a great contrast to the polyglot character which the Romans possessed even to the last, and suggests the cause and results as interesting topics of inquiry. The Egyptian, Jewish, Syriac, Greek, and Latin languages had each its own national literature, and its power was enough to retain these several nations attached to their own mother tongue, while the Clauls, Iberians, and other subject peoples, having no books, took the language and literature of their rulers and conquerors. Thus the kingdom, “part iron and part clay,” fell apart as soon as the grasp of Rome was weakened ; while the tendency in China always has been to reunite and homologate.

        In this short account of the Chinese tongue, it will be sufficient to give such notices of the origin and construction of the characters, and of the idioms and soimds of the written and spoken language, as shall convey a general notion of all its pai’ts, and to show the distinction between the spoken and written media, and their mutual action. They are both archaic, because the symbols prevented all inHexion and agglutination in the sounds, and all signs to indicate what part of speech each belonged to. They are like the ten digits, containing no vocable and imparting their meaning more to the eye than the ear.

        Chinese writers, unable to trace the gradual formation of their characters (for, of course, there could be no intelligible historical data until long after their formation), have ascribed them to llwangti, one of their primeval monarchs, or even earlier, to Fuli-hi, some thirty centuries before Christ ; as if they deemed writing to be as needful to man as clothes or marriage, all of which came from Fuli-hi. A mythical personage, Tsangkieh, who flourished about b.c. 2700, is credited with the invention of symbols to represent ideas, from noticing the marking on tortoise shell, and thence imitating common objects in nature.

        The Japanese have tried to attach their Txana to the Chinese characters to indicate the qase or tense, but the combination looks incongruous to an educated Chinese. We might express, though somewhat crudely, analogous combinations in English by endeavoring to wa*ite l-^5y, l-;^(“6′-s’, \-ted^ for unity, oneness, united, or 3-1 God for triune God.

        ORIGIN OF THE LANGUAGE. 581

        At this crisis, when a medium for conveying and giving permanency to ideas was formed, Chinese historians say : ” The heavens, the earth, and the gods, were all agitated. The inhabitants of hades wept at night ; and the heavens, as an expression of joy, rained down ripe grain. From the invention of writing, the machinations of the human heart began to operate; stories false and erroneous daily increased, litigations and imprisonments sprang up ; hence, also, specious and artful language, which causes so much confusion in the world. It was for these reasons that the shades of the departed wept at iiiglit.

        But from the invention of writing, polite intercourse and music proceeded; reason and insticc were made manifest; the rehations of social life were ilhistiated. and laws became fixed.

        Governors had laws to which they might refer; scholars had authorities to venerate; and hence, the heavens, delighted, rained down ripe grain. The classical scholar, the historian, the mathematician, and the astronomer can none of them do without wn-iting ; were there no written language to afford proof of passing events, the shades might weep at noonday, and the heavens rain down blood.” ‘ This singular myth may, perhaps, cover a genuine fact worthy of more than passing notice—indicatiuii; a consentaneous effort of the early settlers on the Yellow River to substitute for the purpose of recording laws and events something more intelligible than the knotted cords previously in use. Its form presents a curious contrast to the personality of the fable of Cadmus and his invention of the Greek letters.

        The date of the origin of this language, like that of the letters of western alphabets, is lost in the earliest periods of postdihivian history, but there can be no doubt that it is the most ancient language now spoken, and along with the Egyptian and cuneiform, among the oldest written languages used by man. The Ethiopic and Coptic, the Sanscrit and Pali, the Syriac, Aramaic, and Pehlvic, have all become dead languages; and the Greek, Latin, and Persian, now spoken, differ so much

        ‘ Professor H. A. Sayce, o: Oxford, in reference to a suggested possible connection between the Chinese and primitive Accadian population of Chaldea, says in a letter to the London Timcts : ” I would mention one fact which niay certainly be considered to favor it. The cuneiform characters o. Eabylonia and Assyria are, as is well known, degenerated hieroglyphics, Hive the modern Chinese characters. The original hieroglyphics were invented by the Accadians before they descended into Babylonia from the mountains of Elam, and I have long been convinced that they were originally written in vertical columns. In no other way can I explain the fact that most of the pictures to which the cuneiform characters can be traced back stand upon their sides.

        There is evidence to show that the inventors of the liieroslyphics iised papyrus, or some similar vegetable substance, for writing purposes before the alluvial plain of Babylonia furnished them with clay, and the use of such a writing material will easily account for the vertical direction in which the characters were made to run.” from the ancient style, as to require special study to understand the books in them: while during successive eras, the written and spoken language of the Chinese has undergone few alterations, and done nnieh to deepen the broad line of demarkation between them and other branches of the hunuin race. The fact, then, that this is the only living language which has survived the lapse of ages is, doubtless, owing to its ideographic character and its entire absence of sound as an integral factor of any symbol. Their form and meaning were, therefore, only the more strongly united because each reader was at liberty to sound them as he pleased or had been taught by local instructors, lie was not hindered, on account of his local Itrogue^

        from counmmicating ideas with those who employed the same

        signs in writing. Upon the subsequent rise t)f a great and valuable

        literature, the maintenance of the written language was

        the chief element of national life and integrity among those

        peoples who read and admired the books. Nor has this language,

        like those of the Hebrews, the Assyrians, and others

        already mentioned, ever fallen into disuse and been supplanted

        by the sudden rise and physical or intellectual vigor of some

        neighboring community speaking a jKitois. For we find that

        alphabetic languages, whose words represent at once meaning

        and sound, are as dependent upon local dialects as is the

        Chinese tongue upon its symbols ; consequently, when in the

        former case the sounds had so altered that the meanings were

        obscured, the mode of writing was likely to be changed. The

        extent of its literature and uses made of it were then the only

        safeguard of the written forms ; while as men learned to read

        books they became more and more prone to associate sense and

        form, regarding the sound as traditionary. AVe have, in illustration

        of this, to look no further than to our own language,

        whose cumbersome spelling is in a great measure resulting from

        a dislike of changing old associations of sense and form which

        would be involved in the adoption of a phonetic sj’stem.

        The Chinese have had no inducement, at any stage of their

        existence, to alter the forms of their symbols, inasmuch as no

        nation in Asia contiguous to their own has ever achieved a literature

        which could rival theirs ; no conqueror came to impose

        IDEOGRAPHIC NATURE OF THE SYMBOLS. 583

        his tongue upon them ; tlieir language completely isolated them

        from intellectual intercourse with others. This isolation, fraught

        with many disadvantages in the contracted nature of their literature,

        and the reflux, narrowing influence on their minds, has

        not been without its compensations. A national life of a

        unique sort has resulted, and to this self- nurtured language

        may be traced the origin of much of the peace, industry, population,

        and healthy pride of the Chinese people.

        The Chinese have paid great and praiseworthy attention to their language, and furnished us with all needed books to its study. Premising that the original symbols were ideographic, the necessities of the case compelled their contraction as much as possible, and soon resulted in arbitrary signs for all common uses. Their symbols varied, indeed, at different times and in different States ; it was not until a genuine literature appeared and its readers multiplied that the varients were dropped and uniformity sought. The original characters of this language are derived from natural or artificial objects, of which they were at first the rude outlines. Most of the forms are preserved in the treatises of native philologists, where the changes they have gradually undergone are shown. The number of objects chosen at first was not great ; among them were symbols for the sun, moon, hills, animals, parts of the body, etc. ; and in drawing them the limners seem to have proposed nothing further than an outline sketch, which, by the aid of a little explanation, would be intelligible. Thus the picture ^ would probably be recognized by all who saw it as representing the moon ; that of ^ as a fish / and so of others. It is apparent that the number of pictures which could be made in this manner would beai” no proportion to the w’ants and uses of a language, and therefore recourse must soon be had to more complicated symbols, to combining those already understood, or to the adoption of arbitrary or phonetic signs. All these modes have been more or less employed.

        Chinese philologists arrange all the characters in their language into six classes, called Liushu, or ‘six writings’. The first, called slang king, morphographs. or ‘ imitative symbols,’ are those in which a plain resemblance can be traced between the original form and the object represented ; they are among the first characters invented, although the six hundred and eight placed in this class do not include all the original symbols, These pristine forms have since been nioditied so much that the resemblance has disappeared in most of them, caused chiefly by the use of paper, ink, and pencils, instead of the iron style

        and bamboo tablets formerly in use for writing ; circular strokes

        being more distinctlj^ made with an iron point upon the hard

        wood than with a hair ])encil upon thin paper ; angular strokes

        and square forms, therefore, gradually took the place of round

        or curved ones, and contracted characters came into use in place

        of the oi’iginal imitative symbols. In this class such characters

        as the followin<r are ijiven :

        ^^A^-^t^^ tortoise,

        altered to chariot. child, elephant, deer, vase, hill, eye.

        kwei, chi,

        The second class, only one hundred and seven in number, is

        called chi S3\ i.e., ‘ symbols indicating thought.’ They differ

        from the preceding chiefly in that the characters are formed by

        combining previously formed symbols in such a way as to indi«

        cate some idea easily deducible from their position or combination,

        and pointing out some property or relative circumstance

        belonging to them. Chinese philologists consider these two

        classes as comprising all the symbols in the language, which

        depict objects either in whole or in part, and whose meaning is

        apparent from the resemblance to the object, or from the posi-

        Moii of the ])ai’ts. Among those; placed in this class are,

        ^ moon half appearing, signili(;s e\ening ; now written ^

        O sun above the horizon, denotes nn)rning ; now written J9.

        y something in the mouth, meaning sweet ; now written ^

        SIX CLASSES OF CHARACTERS. 585

        The third class, amounting to seven Iiundred and forty characters,

        is called hioid i, i.e., ‘ combined ideas,” or ideographs, and

        comprises characters made up of two or three symbols to foi-m a

        single idea, whose meanings are dcdiieible either from their position,

        or supposed relative intiuence upon each other. Thus the

        union of the sun and moon, ^ luuttj, expresses brightness; ^

        lien, a piece of wood in a doorway, denotes obstruction ; two

        trees stand for a forest, as ^^ lin ; and three for a thicket, as ^^-^

        mil ; two men upon the ground conveys the idea of sitting ; a

        ‘mouth in a doof signifies to ask ; man and words means truth

        and to believe ; heart and death imports forgetfulness ; dog and iiioidh means to bark ; woman and hfoom denotes a wife, referring to her household duties ; i)encil and to speah is a book, or to write. But in none of these compounded characters is there anything like that perfection of picture writing stated by some writers to belong to the language, which will enable one unacquainted with the meaning of the separate symbols to decide upon the signification of the combined group. On the contrary

        it is in most cases certain that the third idea made by combining

        two already known symbols, usually required more or less

        explanation to fix its precise meaning, and remove the doubt

        which would otherwise arise. For instance, the combination of

        the sun and moon might as readily mean a solar or lunar eclipse,

        or denote the idea of time, as brightness. A piece of wood in a doorway would almost as naturally suggest a thre-shold as an ohstr actioIt / and so of others, A straight line in a doorway would more readily suggest a closed or bolted door, which is the signification of p^ shan, anciently written f\^ ; but the idea intended to be conveyed by these combinations would need prior explanation as much as the primitive symbol, though it would thenceforth readily recur to mind when noticing the construction.

        It is somewhat singular that the opinion should have obtained so much credence, that their meanings were easily deducible from their shape and construction. It might almost be said, that not a single character can be accurately defined from a mere inspection of its parts ; and the meanings now given of some of those which come under this class are so arbitrary and far-fetclied, as to show that Chinese characters have not been formed by rule and plummet more than words in other languages. The mistake which Du Ponceau so learnedly combats arose, probably, from confounding sound with construction and inferring that, because persons of different nations, who used this as their written language, could understand it when written, though mutually unintelligible when speaking, that it addressed itself so entirely to the eye, as to need no previous explanation.

        The fourth class, called chuen chu, ‘ inverted significations,’

        includes three hundi-ed and seventy-two characters, being such

        as b}^ some inversion, contraction, or alteration of their parts,

        acquire different meanings. This class is not large, but these

        and other modifications of the original symbols to express abstract

        and new ideas show that those who used the language

        either saw at once how cumbrous it would become if they went

        on forming imitative signs, or else that their invention failed,

        and they resorted to changes more or less arbitrary in characters

        already known to furnish distinctive signs for different

        ideas. Thus yu j^ the hand, turning toward the right means

        the right; inclined in the other direction, as tso ‘\ it means

        the left. The heart placed beneath slave, i^ signifies anger;

        threads obstructed, as || , means to sunder ; but turned the

        other way, as H , signifies continuous.

        The fifth class, called hml shing, i.e., ‘ uniting sound symbols,’

        or phonogram, contains twenty-one thousand eight hundred

        and ten characters, or nearly all in the language. They

        are formed of an imitative symbol united to one which merely

        imparts its sound to the compound ; the former usually partakes

        more or less of the new idea, while the latter loses its

        own meaning, and gives only its name. In this respect, Chinese

        cliaracters are superior to the Arabic numerals, inasmuch

        as combinations like 25, 101, etc., although conveying the same

        meaning to all nations using them, can neiier indicate sound.

        This plan of forming new conjbinations by the union of symbols

        expressing idea and sound, enables the Chinese to increase

        the mnnber of charactei’s without multiplying the original symbolcj;

        but these compoundfe, or lcx’i<jraj_>hs^ us \j\\. I’ouceau callji

        METHOD OF FORMING PHONETIC CHARACTERS. 587

        tlieni, do nut increase very rapidly. In Annum they liave become

        so numerous in the course of years that the Chinese

        books made in that country are hard to i-ead. The probable

        mode in wliich this arose can best be explained by a case which

        occurred at Canton in 1832. Innnature locusts were to be described

        in a proclamation, l)ut the word nan, by which they

        were called, was not contained in any dictionary. It would be

        sufficient to designate this insect to all persons living where it

        was found by selecting a well-understood character, like ^

        south, having the exact sound nan, by which the insect itself

        was called, and joining it to the determinative symbol clmnfj

        ^ insect. It woidd then signify, to every one who knew the

        sound and meaning of the component parts, the insect nan ^

        and be read nan, ^ meaning this very insect to the people in

        Kwangtung. If this new combination was carried to a distant

        part of the country, where the insect itself was unknown, it

        would convey no more information to the Chinese who sav:) the

        united symbol, than the sounds insect nan would to an Englishman

        who heard them ; to both persons a meaning must be

        given by describing the insect. If, however, the people living

        in this distant region called the phonetic part of the new character

        by another sound, as oiam, nein, or lam, they would attach

        another name to the new compound, but the people on the

        spot would, perhaps, not understand them when they spoke it

        by tliat name. If they wrote it, however, both would give it

        the same signification, but a different sound.

        In this way, the thousands of characters under this class have probably originated. But this rule of sounding them according to the phonetic part is not in all cases certain; for in the lapse of time, the sounds of many characters have changed, while those of the parts themselves have not altered ; in other cases, the parts have altered, and the sounds remained ; so that now only a great degree of probability as to the correct sound can be obtained by inspecting the component parts. The similarity in sound between most of the characters having the same phonetic part is a great assistance in reading Chinese, though very little in understanding it, and has had much influence in keeping the sounds unchanged.

        There are a few instances of an almost inadvertent arrival at a true syllabic system, Ijy which the initial consonant of one part, Avhen joined to the final vowel of the other, gives the sound of the character; as ina andy?’, in the character j|l, when united in this way, make ml. The meanings of the components are hemp and not, that of the compound is extradayant, ‘wasteful, etc., showing no relation to the primary signification.

        The number of such characters is veiy small, and the syllabic composition here noticed is probably fortuitous, and not intentional. The sixth class, called hla tsle, i.e., ‘borrowed uses’, includes metaphoric symbols and combinations, m which the meaning is deduced by a somewhat fanciful accommodation ; their number is five hundred and ninety-eight. They differ but little from the second class of indicative symbols. For instance, the symbol ‘”f^ or j^, meaning a written character, is composed of a child under a shelter—characters being considered as the well-nurtured offspring of hieroglyphics. The character for hall means also mother, because she constantly abides there. The word for ‘//dnd or heart is sin ^, originally intended to represent that organ, but now used chiefly in a metaphorical sense. Chinese grammarians find abundant scope for the display of their fancy in explaining the etymology and origin of the characters, but the aid which their researches give toward understanding the language as at present used is small. This classification under six lieads is modern, and was devised as a means of arranging what existed already, for they confess that their characters were not formed according to fixed rules, and have gradually undergone many changes.

        MODES OF AKHANGING CIIAKACTERS. 589

        The total number in the six classes is twenty-four thousand two hundred and thirty-five, being many less than are found in KangXi’s Dictionary, which amount to forty-four thousand four hundred and forty-nine ; but in the larger sum are included the obsolete and synonymous characters, which, if deducted, would reduce it to nearly the same number. It is probable that the total of really different characters in tlie language sanctioned by good usage, does not vary greatly from twenty-five thousand, though luithors have stated them at from fifty-four thousand four hundred and nine, as Magaillaus does, up to two hundred and sixty thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, as Montueci.

        The Chinese editor of the hirge lexicon on which Dr. Morrison founded his Dictionary, gives it as his opinion that there are fifty thousand characters, including synonyms and different forms; and taking in every variety of tones given to the words, and sounds for which no characters exist, that there are five thousand different words. But even the sum of twenty-five thousand different characters contains thousands of miusual ones which are seldom met with, and which, as is the case with old words in English, are not often learned.

        The burden of remembering so many complicated symbols,

        whose form, sound, and meanings are all necessary to enable the

        student to read and write intelligibly, is so great that the result

        has been to diminish those in connnon nse, and increase their

        meanings. This course of procedure really occurs in most languages,

        and in the Chinese greatly reduces the labor of acquiring

        it. It may be safely said, that a good knowledge of ten

        thousand characters will enable one to read any work in Chinese,

        and write intelligibly on any subject ; and Premare says a

        good knowledi2;e of four or five thousand characters is sulficient

        for all connnon purposes, while two-thirds of that number might

        in fact suffice. The troublesome ones are either proper names

        or technics peculiar to a particular science. The nine canonical

        works coi^.tain altogether oidy four thousand six hundred and

        one dljfevent characters, while in the Five Classics alone there

        are over two hundred thousand words. The entire number of

        different characters in the code of laws ti-anslated by Staunton is

        under two thousand.

        The invention of printing and the compilation of dictionaries

        have given to the form of modern characters a greater degree

        of certainty than they had in ancient times. The vai-iants of

        some of the most common ones were exceedingly numerous before

        this period ; Callery gives forty-two different modes of

        writing pao^ ‘ precious ; ‘ and forty-one for writing tsun, ‘honorable

        ; ‘ showing the absence of an acknowledged standard, and the

        slii»:ht intercourse between learned men. The best mode of arranging: the characters so as to find them easily, has been a subject of considerable trouble to Chinese lexicographers, and the various methods they have adopted renders it difficult to consult their dictionaries without considerable previous knowledge of the language. In some, those having the same sound are grouped together, so that it is necessary to know what a character is called before it can be found ; and this arrangement has been followed in vocabularies designed principally for the use of the common people. One well-known vocabulary used at Canton, called the Fan Yan^ or ‘ Divider of Sounds,’ is arranged on this plan, the words being placed under thirty-three orders, according to their terminations. Each order is subdivided into three or four classes according to the tones, and all the characters having the same tone and termination are placed together, as kam^ lam^ tarn, nam, etc. As might be supposed, it requires considerable time to find a character whose tone is not exactly known ; and even with the tone once mastered, the uncertainty is equally troublesome if the termination is not familiar: for singular as it may seem to those who are acquainted only with phonetic languages, a Chinese can, if anything, more readily distinguish between two words %ning and fining, whose tones are unlike, than he can between *^mmg and ^nieng, fining or thing, where the initial or final differs a little, and the tones are the same.

        An improvement on this plan of arrangement was made by adopting a mode of expressing the sounds of Chinese characters introduced by the Buddhists, in the Yah Plen, published a.d. 5-43, and ever since used in all dictionaries. This takes the initial of the sound of one character and the final of another, and combines them to indicate the sound of the given character ; as from U-qw and y-ing to form ling. There are thirty-six characters chosen for the initial consonants, and thirty-eight for the final sounds, but the student is perplexed by the different characters chosen in different works to represent them.’ The inhabitants of Amoy use a small lexicon called the Shih-‘wu

        Yin, or ‘ Fifteen Sounds,’ in which the characters are classified

        ‘ Biot has a brief note upon the metliods emplo^’ed by native scholars fd

        studying pronunciation. Esaai sur Vinstruction en Chine, p. 597.

        CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO COMPOSITION. 591

        on this principle, by first arranging them all nnder fifty finals,

        and then placing all those having the same termination in a

        regular series under fifteen initials. Su])posing a new character,

        chien, is seen, whose sound is given, or the word is heard in

        conversation and its meanings are wanted, the person turns to

        the part of the hook containing the final ien, which is designated

        perhaps by the character I’un, and looks along the initials

        until he comes to cA, which is indicated by the character chany.

        In this column, all the words in the book I’ead or spoken chien^

        OS whatever tone they may be, are placed together according to

        their tones ; and a little practice readily enables a person speaking

        the dialect to use this manual. It is, however, of little or no

        avail to persons speaking other dialects, or to those whose vernacular

        differs much from that of the compiler, whose own ear

        was his only guide. Complete dictionaries have been published

        on the phonetic plan, the largest of which, the ^Vu Che Tun

        Fu^ is arranged with so much minuteness of intonation as to

        puzzle even the best educated natives, and consequently abridge

        its usefulness as an expounder of words.

        The unfitness of either of these modes of arrangement to find an unkno\\Ti character, led to another classification according to their composition, by selecting the most prominent parts of each character as its key, or radical, and grouping those together in which the same key occurred. This plan was adopted subsequently to that of arranging the characters according to the sounds, about a.d. S-IS, when their number was put at

        five hundred and forty-two ; they were afterward reduced to

        tlii-ee hundred and sixty, and toward the close of the Ming dynasty

        finally fixed at two hundred and fourteen in the Tsz* Lui.

        It is now in general use from the adoption of the abridged dictionary, the Kanghi Ts^ Tien / though this number could have been advantageously reduced, as has been shown by Gon^alves, its universal adoption, more than anything else, renders it the best system. All characters found under the same radical are placed consecutively, according to the number of strokes necessary to write them, but no regularity is observed in placing those having the same number of strokes. The term j)rrmitiv6 has been technically applied to the remaining part of the character, which, though perhaps no older than the radical, is conveniently denoted by this word. The characters selected for the radicals are all common ones, and among the most ancient in the language ; they are here grouped according to their meanings in order to show something of the leading ideas followed in combination.

        Corporal.—Body, corpse, head, hair, down, whiskers, face, eye, ear, nose, mouth, teeth, tusk, tongue, hand, heart, foot, hide, leather, skin, wings, feathers, blood, flesh, talons, horn, bones.

        Biological.—Man, woman, child ; horse, sheep, tiger, dog, ox, hog, liog’a head, deer ; tortoise, dragon, reptile, mouse, toad ; bird, gallinaceous fowls; fish ; insect.

        Botanicul. — Herb, grain, rice, wheat, millet, hemp, leeks, melon, pulse, bamboo, sacrificial herb ; wood, branch, sprout, petal.

        Mineral.—Metal, stone, gems, salt, earth.

        Meteorological.—Rain, wind, fire, water, icicle, vapor, sound ; sun, moon, evening •, time.

        Utewtils.—A chest, a measure, a mortar, spoon, knife, bench, couch, crockery, clothes, tiles, dishes, napkin, net, plough, vase, tripod, boat, carriage, pencil ; bow, halberd, arrow, dart, ax, musical reed, drum, seal.

        Descriptives.—Black, white, yellow, azure, carnation, sombre ; color ; high, long, sweet, square, large, small, strong, lame, slender, old, fragrant, acrid, perverse, base, opposed.

        Actions.—To enter, to follow, to walk slowly, to arrive at, to stride, to walk, to run, to reach to, to touch, to stop, to fly, to overspread, to envelop, to encircle, to establish, to overshadow, to adjust, to distinguish, to divine, to see, to eat, to speak, to kill, to fight, to oppose, to stop, to embroider, to owe, to compare, to imitate, to bring forth, to use, to promulge.

        Miscellaneous.—A desert, cave, field, den, mound, hill, valley, rivulet, cliff, retreat. A city ; roof, gate, door, portico. One, two, eight, ten. Demon ; an inch, mile ; without, not, false ; a scholar, statesman, letters ; art, wealth; motion ; self, myself, father ; a point ; again ; wine ; silk ; joined hands ; a long journey ; print of a bear’s foot ; a surname ; classifier of cloth.

        The number of characters found under each of these radicals

        in Kanghi’s Dictionary varies from five up to one thousand three

        hundred and fifty-four. The radical is not uniformly placed,

        but its usual position is on the left of the primitive. Some occur

        on the top, others on the bottom ; son)e inclose the primitive,

        and many have no fixed place, making it evident that no uniform

        plan was adopted in the original construction. They must be

        thoroughly learned before the dictionary can be readily used.

        RADICALS AND PRIMITIVES. 593

        and some practice had before a cliaracter can be qnickly found.’

        Tlie groups occurring under a niajoi-ity of tlie radicals are more

        or less natural in their general meaning, a feature of the language

        wbich has already been noticed (page 375), Some of

        the radicals are interchanged, and characters having the same

        meaning sometimes occur under two or three different ones—

        variations which seem to have arisen from the little importance

        of a choice out of two or three similar radicals. Thus the same

        word tsien. ‘a small cup,’ is written under the three radicals

        gein^ jmreelain^ and liorn^ originally, no doubt, referring to the

        material for making it. This interchange of radicals adds

        greatly to the number of duplicate forms, which are still further

        increased by a similar interchange of primitives having the

        same sound. These two changes very seldom occur in the same

        character, but there are numerous instances of synonymous

        forms under almost every radical, arising from an intei”change

        of primitives, and also under analogous radicals caused by their

        reciprocal use. Thus, from both these causes, there are, under

        the radical riia^ ‘ a horse,’ one hundred and eighteen duplicate

        forms, leaving two hundred and ninety-three different words ;

        of the two hundred and four characters under nm, ‘an ox,’

        thirty-nine are synonymous forms ; and so under other radicals.

        These characters do not difFer in meaning more thanfavor and

        favour, or lady and larhje ; they are mere variations in the

        form of writing, and though apparently adding greatly to the

        number of characters, do not seriously increase the difficulty of

        learning; the language.

        Variants of other descriptions frequently occur in books,

        which needlessly add to the labor of learning the language.

        Ancient forms are sometimes adopted by pedantic writers to

        show their learning, while ignorant and careless writers use

        abridged or vulgar forms, because they either do not know the

        correct form, or are heedless in using it. AVhen such is the

        case, and the character cannot be found in the dictionary, the

        reader is entirely at fault, especially if he be a foreigner^

        though in China itself he would not experience much difficulty

        ‘ Easy Lessons in Chinese, pp. 8-29 ; Chinese Repository, Vol. III. , pp. 1-37Vol. I.—38

        where the natives were at liaiid to refer to. Vulgar forms are

        very commori in cheap books and letters, which are as unsanctioned

        by the dictionaries and good nsage, as cockney

        Dhrases or miner’s slang are in pure English. They arise,

        either from a desire on the part of the writer to save time by

        makinsr a contracted form of few strokes instead of the correct

        character of many strokes ; or he uses common words to express

        an energetic vulgar phrase, for which there are no authorized

        characters, but which will be easily understood phonetically by

        his readers. These characters would perchance not be understood

        at all outside of the range of the author’s dialect, because

        the phrase itself was new ; their individual meaning, indeed,

        has nothing to do with the interpretation of the sentence, for in

        this case they are merely signs of sound, like words in other languages, and lose their lexigraphic character. For instance,

        the words Ma-fi for coffee, hajMan for captain, ml-sz” for Mr ,

        etc., however they were written, would be intelligible to a

        native of Canton if they expressed those sounds, because he was

        familiar with the words themselves ; but a native of Shensi

        would not understood them, because, not knowing the things

        intended, he would naturally refer to the characters themselves

        for the meaning of the phrase, and thus be wholly misled.

        In such cases, the characters become mere syllables of a phonetic

        word. Foreign names are often transliterated by writers

        on geography or history, and their recognition is no easy task

        to their readers.’

        In addition to the variations in the forms of characters, there

        are six different styles of writing them, which correspond to

        black-letter, script, italic, roman, etc., in English. The first is

        called Chuen shu (from the name of the person who invented it),

        which foreigners have styled the seal cliaractet^ from its use in

        seals and ornamental inscriptions. It is next to the picture hieroglyphics,

        the most ancient fashion of writing, and has undergone

        many changes in the course of ages. It is studied by those who

        cut seals or inscriptions, but no books are ever printed in it.

        ‘ One may gain some idea of this difficulty by referring to the geographical names contained in the Russo-Chinese Treaty, quoted on page 215.

        EI Bm 13 HI EJ 5t EI J3H 5? Q Q B a nB[$1

        SIX STYLES OF ClIINESK CIIAIJACTEKS. 597

        The second is the 11 shi, or style of official attendants, which

        was introduced about the (-hristian era, as an elegant style to be

        employed in engrossing docuinonts. It is now seen in prefaces

        and formal inscriptions, and re(|uires no special study to read it,

        as it differs but sliglitly from the following.

        The third is the Jiial ^s/^ //, or pattern style, and has been gradually

        formed by the improvements in good writing. It is the

        usual form of Chinese characters, and no man can claim a literary

        name among his countrymen if he cannot write neatly and

        correctly in this style.

        The fourth is called king shu, or running hand, and is the common hand of a neat writer. It is frequently used in prefaces and inscriptions, scrolls and tablets, and there are books prepared in parallel columns having this and the pattern style arranged for school-boys to learn to write both at the same time. The running hand cannot be read without a special study ; and although this labor is not very serious when the language of books is familiar, still to become well acquainted with l^oth of them withdraws many days and months of the pupil from progress in acquiring knowledge to learning two modes of writing the same word.

        The fifth style is called t.’^ao tsz\ or plant character, and is a

        fi-eer description of running hand than the preceding, being full

        of abbreviations, and the pencil runs from character to character,

        without taking it from the paper, almost at the writer’s fancy.

        It is more difficult to read than the preceding, but as the abbreviations

        are somewhat optional, the tsao tsz’ varies considerably,

        and more or less resembles the running hand according to the

        will of the writer. The fancy of the Chinese for a ” flowing

        pencil,’” and a mode of writing where the elegance and freedom of

        the caligraphy can be admired as much or more than the style or

        sentiment of the writing, as well as the desire to contract their

        nuiltangular characters as much as possible, has contributed to introduce

        and perpetuate these two styles of writing. How much

        all these varieties of form superadd to the difficulty of learning

        the mere apparatus of knowledge need hardly be stated.

        The sixth style is called Sung shu, and was introduced under

        the Sung dynasty in the tenth century, soon after printing on wooden blocks was invented. It differs from the third style, merely in a certain squareness and angularity of stroke, which transcribers for the press only are obliged to learn. Of these six forms of writing, the pattern style and running hand are the only two which the people learn to any great extent, although many acquire the knowledge of some words in the seal character, and the running hand of every person, especially those engaged in business, approaches more or less to the plant character. But foreigners will seldom find time or inclination to learn to write more than one form, to be able to read and communicate on all occasions.

        Besides these styles, there are fanciful ones, called * tadpole charactei’s,’ in imitation of various objects ; ‘ the Emperor Kienhmg brought together thirty-two of them in an edition of his poem, the Elegy ujwn the City of Mukden.^

        All the strokes in the characters are reduced to eight elementarv

        ones, which are contained in the single character ^yung, ‘eternal.’

        A dot, a line, a perpendicular, u hook, a siiikc, ;i sweep, ii sroke, a dash-line.

        Each of these is subdivided into many forms in copy-books,

        having particular names, with directions how to write them,

        and numerous examples introduced under each stroke/

        ‘ The writer has an edition of the Thouftdnd Chnradcv Clitsxtr, containing each couplet or eight words in a different form of character, making one hundred and twenty-five styles of type—too grotesque to be imitated, and probably never actually in use.

        •’ See page TJ3. In order that the Manchu portion of this famous poem might not appear inferior to the Chinese, the Emperor ordered thirty-two varieties of Manchu characters to be invented and published in like manner with the others. Remusat, Melanges, Tome II., p. 59. Pere Amiot, El/)ge de la ViUe de Moiikden. Trad, eii frant^oin. Paris, 1770.

        • Chinese Chrestomatlii/, Chap. I., Sees. 5 and 6, where the rules for writing

        Chinese are given in full with numerous examples; Easy Lessons in Chinese,

        ‘a 59; Chinese liepositvrj/, Vol. III., p. 37.

        ELEMENTARY STROKES OF THE CHARACTERS, 599

        The Chinese regard their characters as highly elegant, and

        take unwearied pains to learn to write them in a beautiful,

        uniform, well-proportioned manner. Students are provided

        with a painted board upon which to practise with a brush

        dipped in blackened water. The articles used in writing, collectively

        called wan fang sz’ jpao^ or ‘ four precious things of

        the library,’ are the pencil, ink, paper, and ink stone. The

        best pencils ai’e made of the bristly hair of the sable and fox,

        and cheaper ones from the deer, cat, wolf and rabbit ; camel’s

        hair is not used. K combination of softness and elasticity is

        required, and those who are skilled in their use discern a difference

        and an excellence altogether imperceptible to a novice.

        The hairs are laid in a regular manner, and when tied up are

        brought to a delicate tip ; the handle is made of the twigs of

        a bamboo cultivated for the purpose. The ink, nsually known

        as India ink, is made fi-om the soot of burning oil, pine, fir,

        and other substances, mixed with glue or isinglass, and scented.

        It is formed into oblong cakes or cylinders, inscribed with the

        maker’s name, the best kinds being put up in a very tasteful

        manner. A singular error formerlv obtained credence”regarding

        this Ink, that it was inspissated from the fluid found in the

        cuttle-fish. When used, the ink is rubbed with water upon

        argillite, marble, or other stones, some of which are cut and

        ground in a beautiful manner. Chinese paper is made from

        bamboo, by triturating the woody fibre to a pulp in mortars

        after the pieces have been soaked in ooze, and then taking it

        up in moulds ; the pulp is sometimes mixed with a little cotton fiber. Inferior sorts are made entirely from cotton refuse; and in the North, where the bamboo does not grow, the bark of the Brotissonetia, or paper mulberry, furnishes material for a tough paper used for windows, wrappings, and account

        books, etc. Bamboo paper has no sizing in it, and is a frail

        material for preserving valuable writings, as it is easily destroyed

        by insects, mildew, or handling.’

        ‘ Journal Asiatic Soc. Bengal, Vol. III. (Sept., 1834), p. 477. S. Julien in the Revue de I’ Orient et de VAlyerie, XX., p. 74, 1856.

        In the days of Confucius, pieces of bamboo pared thin, palm leaves, and reeds, were all used for writing upon with a sharp stick or stile. About the third century before Christ, silk and cloth were employed, and hair pencils made for writing. Paper was invented about the first century, and cotton-paper may have been brought from India, where it was in use more than a hundred years before. India ink was manufactured by the seventh century ; and the present mode of printing upon blocks was adopted from the discovery of Fungtau in the tenth century, of taking impressions from engraved stones. In the style of their notes and letters, the Chinese show both neatness and elegance; narrow slips of tinted paper are employed, on which various eml)leniatic designs are stamped in water lines, and enclosed in fanciful envelopes. It is common to affix a cipher instead of the name, or to close with a periphrasis or sentence well understood by the parties, and thereby avoid any signature; this, which originated, no doubt, in a fear of interception and unpleasant consequences, has gradually become a common mode of subscribing friendly epistles.

        The mode of printing is so well litted for the language that

        few improvements have been made in its manipulations, while

        the cheapness of books brings them within reach of tfie poorest.

        Cutting the blocks, and writing the characters, form two distinct

        branches of the business : printing the sheets, binding the

        volumes, and publishing the books, also furnish employment to

        other craftsmen. The first step is to write the characters upon

        thin paper, properly ruled with lines, two pages being cut upon

        one block, and a heavy double line surrounding them. The

        title of the work, chapter, and paging are all cut in a central

        column, and wdien the leaf is printed it is folded through this

        column so as to bring the characters on the edge and partly on

        both pages. Marginal notes are placed on the top of the page ;

        comments, when greatly extended, occupy the upper part, separated

        from the text by a heavy line, or when mci-e scholia, are

        interlined in the same column in characters of half the size.

        Sometimes two works are printed togethei-, one running through

        the volume on the upper half of the leaves, and separated from

        that occupying the lower half by a heavy line. Illustrations

        usually occupy separate pages at the connnencement of the

        PAPER AND PRINTING. 60l

        Look, but there are a few works with woodcuts of a wretched

        description, inserted in tlie body of the page. In books printed

        by government, each page is sometimes surrounded with dragons,

        or the title page is adorned in red by this emblem of imperial

        authority.

        When the leaf has been written out as it is to be printed, it

        is turned over and pasted upon the block, face downward.

        The wood usually used by blockcutters is pear or plum ; the

        boards are half or three-fourths of an inch thick, and planed

        fur cutting on both sides. The paper, when dried upon the

        board, is carefully rubbed off with the wetted finger, leaving

        every character and stroke plainly delineated. The cutter then,

        with his chisels, cuts away all the blank spots in and around

        the characters, to the depth of a line or more, after which the

        block is ready for the printer, whose machinery is very simple.

        Seated before a bench, he lays the block on a bed of paper so

        that it will not move nor chafe. The pile of paper lies on

        one side, the pot of ink before him, and the pressing brush on

        the other. Taking the ink brush, he slightly rubs it across the

        block twice in such a way as to lay the ink e(juably over the

        surface ; he then places a sheet of paper upon it, and over that

        another, which serves as a tympanum. The impi-ession is

        taken with the fibrous bark of the gonuiti palm ; one or two

        sweeps across the block complete the impression, for only one

        side of the paper is printed. Another and cheaper method in

        common use for publishing slips of news, court circulars, etc.,

        consists in cutting the characters in blocks of hard wax, from

        which as many as two hundred impi-essions can often be taken

        before they become entirely illegible. The ink is manufactured

        from lampblack mixed with vegetable oil ; the printers

        grind it for themselves.

        The sheets are taken by the binder, who folds them through

        the middle by the line around the pages, so that the columns

        shall register with each other, he then collates them into volumes,

        placing the leaves evenly by their folded edge, when the

        whole are arranged, and the covers ])asted on each side. Two

        pieces of paper stitch it through the back, the book is triinmed,

        and sent to the bookseller. If required, it is stitched firmly with thread, but this part, as well as writing the title on the bottom edges of the volume, and making the pasteboard wrapper, are usually deferred till the taste of a purchaser is ascertained.

        Books made of such materials are not as dm-able as European

        volumes, and those who can afford the expense frequent!}’ have

        valuable works inclosed in wooden boxes. They are printed of

        all sizes between small sleeve editions (as the Chinese call 2-i

        and 32 mos) up to quartos, twelve or fourteen inches square,

        larger than which it is difficult to get blocks.

        The price varies from one cent—for a brochure of twentyfive

        or thirty pages—to a dollar and a half a volume. It is

        seldom higher save for illustrated works. A volume rarely

        contains more than a hundred leaves, and in fine books their

        thickness is increased by inserting an extra sheet inside of each

        leaf. At Canton or Fuhchau, the ITlstopy of the Three States^

        bound in twenty-one volumes 12mo, printed on white paper, is

        usually sold for seventy-five cents or a dollar per set.

        Kanghfs Dictionary, in twenty-one volumes 8vo, on yellow

        paper, sells for four dollars ; and all the nine classics can be

        purchased for less than two. Books are hawked about the

        streets, circulating libraries are carried from house to house

        upon movable stands, and booksellers’ shops are frequent in

        large towns. No censorship, other than a prohibition to write

        about the present dynasty, is exercised upon the pi-ess ; nor are

        authors protected by a copyright law. Men of wealth sometimes

        show their literary taste by defraying the expense of getting

        the blocks of extensive works cut, and publishing them

        Pwan Sz’-ching, a wealthy merchant at Canton, published, in

        1846, an edition of the Pei Wan Yun Fu, in one hundred and

        thirty thick octavo volumes, the blocks for which nnist have

        cost him more than ten thousand dollars. The number of good

        impressions which can be obtained from a set of blocks is about

        sixteen thousand, and by retouching the characters, ten thousand

        more can be struck off.

        The disadvantages of this mode of printing are that other

        languages cannot easily be introduced into the page with the

        Chinese characters; tlie blocks occupy mudi room, are easily

        spoiled (jr lost ; and are incapable of correction without much

        THE MANUFACTUKE OF CHINESE BOOKS. 603

        expense. It possesses some compensatory adv^antages peculiar

        to the Chinese and its cognate languages, Manchu, Corean, Japanese, etc., all of which are written with a brush and have few or no circular strokes. Its convenience and cheapness, coupled with the low rate of wages, will no doubt make it the common mode of printing Chinese among the people for a long time.

        The honor of being the first inventor of movable tj^pes undoubtedly

        belongs to a Chinese blacksmith named Pi Shing, who

        lived about a.d. 1000, and printed books with them nearly five

        hundred years before Gutenberg cut his matrices at Mainz.

        They were made of plastic clay, hardened by fire after the

        characters had been cut on the soft surface of a plate of clay in

        which they were moulded. The porcelain types were then set

        up in a frame of iron partitioned off l)y strips, and inserted in a

        cement of wax, resin, and lime to fasten them down. The printing

        was done by rubbing, and when completed the types were

        loosened by melting the cement, and made clean for another impression.

        This invention seems never to have been developed to any

        practical application in superseding block-printing. The Emperor

        Kanghi ordered about two hundi-ed and fifty thousand

        copper types to be engraved for pi-inting publications of the government,

        and these works are now highly prized for their beauty.

        The cupidity of his successors led to melting these types into

        cash, but his grandson Kienlung directed the casting of a large

        font of lead types for government use.

        The attention of foreigners was early called to the preparation

        of Chinese movable types, especially for the rapid manufacture

        of religious books, in connection with missionary work. The

        first fonts were made by P. P. Thoms, for the E, I. Company’s

        office at Macao in 1S15, for the purpose of printing Morrison’s

        Dictionary. The characters were cut with chisels on blocks of

        type metal or tin, and though it was slow work to cut a full

        font, they gradually grew in numbers and variety till they served

        to print over twenty dictionaries and other works, designed

        to aid in learning Chinese, befoi-e they were destroyed by fire

        in 1856. A small font had been cast at Serampore in 1815, and in 1838, the Rojal Printing Office at Paris had obtained a set of blocks engraved in China, fi-om which thick castings were made and the separate types obtained by sawing the plates.

        M. Le Grand, a type-founder in Paris, about the year 1836, prepared an extensive font of type with comparatively few matrices, by casting the radical and primitive on separate bodies; and the plan has been found, within certain limits, to save so much expense and room that it has been adopted in other fonts.

        These experiments in Europe showed the feasibility of making

        and using Chinese type to any extent, but their results as to elegance

        and accuracy of form were not satisfactory^, and proved

        that native workmen alone could meet the native taste. Pev.

        Samuel Dyer of the London Mission at Singapore began in

        1838, under serious disadvantages, for he was not a practical

        printer, to cut the matrices for tM’O complete fonts. He continued

        at his self-appointed task until his death in 18-±4r, having

        completed only one thousand eight hundred and forty-five

        punches. His work was continued by P. Cole, of the American

        Presbyterian Missions, a skilful mechanic in his line, and in

        1851 he was able to furnish fonts of two sizes with four thousand

        seven hundred characters each. Their form and style met every

        requirement of the most fastidious taste, and they are now in

        constant use.

        While Mr. Dyer’s fonts were suspended by his death, an attempt

        was made by a benevolent printer, Ilerr Peyerhaus of

        Berlin, to make one of an intermediate size on the Le Grand

        principle of divisible types ; his proposal was taken up by the

        Presbyterian Board of Missions in New York, and after many

        delays a beautiful font was completed and in use about 1859.

        At this time, Mr. W. Gamble of that Mission in Shanghai, carried

        out his plan of making matrices by the electrotype process,

        and completed a large font of small pica type in about as many

        months as Dyer and Beyerhaus had taken years. By means of

        these various fonts books are now printed in many parts of

        China, in almost any style, and type foundries cast in whatever

        quantities are needed. The government has opened an extensive

        printing office in Peking, and its example will encourage

        native booksellers to unite typography with xylographic print*

        MOVABLE CHINESE TYPES MADE BY FOREIGNERS. 6(>R

        ing. More than this as conducing to the diffusion of knowledge

        among the people is the stimulus these cheap fonts of type have

        given to the circulation of newspapers in all the ports ; but for

        their convenient and economical use (Hiinese newsjia}»ers could

        not have been printed at all. It will be quite within the reach

        of native workmen, who are skilled in electrotjping, stereotjp

        ing, and casting type, to make types of all sizes and styles for

        their own books, as the growing intelligence of the people creates

        a demand for illustrated and scientific publications, as well as cheap ones.’

        Nothing has conduced more to a misapprehension of the nature of the Chinese language than the way in which its phonetic character has been spoken of by different authors. Some, describing the primitive symbols, and the modifications they have undergone, have conveyed the impression that the whole language consisted of hieroglyphic or ideographic signs, which depicted ideas, and conveyed their meaning entirely to the eye, irrespective of the sound. For instance, Ilemusat says, ” The character is not the delineation of the sound, nor the sound the expression of the character ; ” forgetting to ask himself how or when a character in any language ever delineated a sound. Yet every Chinese character is sounded as much ;is the words in alphabetic languages, and some have more than one to express their different meanings ; so that, although the character could not delineate the sound of the thing it denoted, the sound is the expression of the character. Others, as Mr. Lay,* have dissected the characters, and endeavored to trace back some analogy in the meanings of all those in which the same primitive is found, and by a sort of analysis, to find out how much of the signification of the radical w^as infused into the primitive to form the present meaning. His plan, in general terms, is to take all the characters containing a certain primitive, and find out how much of the meaning of that primitive is contained in each one ; then he reconstructs the series by defining the primitive, incidentally showing the intention of the fraaners of the characters in choosing tliat particular one, and apportioning so much of its aggregate meaning to each character as is needed, and adding the meaning of the radical to form its whole signification. If we understand his plan, he wishes to construct a formula for each group containing the same primitive, in which the signification of the primitive is a certain function in that of all the characters containing it ; to add up the total of their meanings, and divide the amount among the characters, allotting a quotient to each one. Languages are not so formed, however, and the Chinese is no exception. Some of Mr. Lay’s statements are correct, but his theory is fanciful. It is impossible to decide what proportion was made by combining a radical and a primitive with any reference to their meanings, according to IVIr. Lay’s theory, and how many of them Mere simply phonetic combinations ; probably nine-tenths of the compound characters have been constructed on the latter principle.

        1 Chinese RepoHilorij, Vol. III., pp. 246-253, 528 ; Vol. XIV., p. 124; Mi*sionary Rerarder, Jamiiiry, 1875.•^ Cidnetie an They .l;-, ,”ciiap. XXXIV.

        The fifth class of syllabic symbols were formed by combining

        the symbolic and syllabic systems, so as to represent sound

        chiefly, but bearing in the construction of each one some reference

        to its general signification. The original hieroglyphics contained

        no sound, i.e., were not formed of phonetic constituents;

        the object depicted had a name, but there was no clue to it. It

        was impossible to do both—depict the object, and give its name

        in the same chai-acter. At first, the number of people using

        these ideographic symbols being probably small, every one

        called them by the same name, as soon as he knew what they

        represented, and began to read them. But when the ideas attempted

        to be \vritten far exceeded in number the symbols, or,

        what is more likely, the invention of the limmers, recourse was

        had to the combination of the symbols already understood to express

        the new idea. This was done in several modes, as noticed

        above, but the syllabic system needs further explanation, from

        the extent to which it has been carried. The character ^^ nan,

        to denote the young of the locust, has been adduced. The

        same principle would be applied in reading every new character,

        of which the phonetic primitive merely was recognized, although

        its mtaniny; mioht not 1)0 known. Probablv all the characters

        in the fifth class were sounded in strict accordance with their

        PHONETIC CHARACTER OF THE LANGUAGE. 607

        phonetic primitives when constructed, but usage has changed

        some of their sounds, and many characters belonging to other

        classes, apparently containing the same primitive, are sounded

        quite differentl}- ; this tends to mislead those who infer the

        sound from the primitive. This mode of constructing and

        naming the characters also explains the reason why there are S6

        few sounds compared with the number of characters ; the phonetic

        primitive perpetuated its name in all its progeny.

        More than seven-eighths of the characters have been formed from less than two thousand symbols, and it is ditScult to imagine how it could have been used so long and widely without some such method to relieve the memory of the burden of retaining thousands of arbitrary marks. But, until the names and meanings of the original symbols are learned, neither the sound nor sense of the compound characters will be more apparent to a Chinese than they are to any one else ; until those are known, their combinations cannot be understood, nor even then the meaning wholly deduced ; each character must be learned by itself, just as words in other languages. The sounds given the original symbols doubtless began to vary early after coming into use. Intercommunication between different parts of the country was not so frequent as to prevent local dialects from arising ; but however strong the tendency of the spoken monosyllables to coalesce into polysyllables, the intractable symbols

        kept them apart. It is surprising, too, what a tendency the

        mind has to trust to the eye rather than to the ear, in getting

        and retaining the sense of a book ; it is shown in many ways,

        and arises from habit more than any real difficulty in catching

        the idea viva voce. If the characters could have coalesced,

        their names would soon have run together, and been modified

        as they are in other languages. The classics, dictionaries, and

        unlimited uses of a written language, maintained the same meaning; but as their sounds must be learned traditionally, endless variations and patois arose. Moreover, as new circumstances and increasing knowledge give rise to new words in all countries, so in China, new scenes and expressions arise requiring to be incorporated into the written language. Originally they were unwritten though well understood sounds ; and when first writ;-ten must be explained, as is the case with foreign words like tahu, ukdse, visie?’, etc., ad injin., when introduced into English. Different writers might, however, employ different primitives to express the sound, not aware that it had already been written, and hence woidd arise synonyms ; the\’ might use dissimilar radicals, and this as well would increase the modes of writing the sound. But the inconvenience of thus nndtiplyhig characters would be soon perceived in the obscurity of the sentence, for if the new character was not in the dictionary, its sound and composition were not enough to explain the meaning. When the language had attained a certain copiousness, the mode of education and the style of literary works compelled scholars to employ such characters only as were sanctioned by good use, or else run the risk of not being understood.

        The unwritten sounds, however, could not wait for this slow mode of adoption, but the risk of being misunderstood by using characters phonetically led to descriptive terms, conveying the idea and not the sound. Where alphabetic languages adopt a technic for a new thing, the Chinese make a new phrase. This is illustrated by the terms Iluny-rnao jin, or ‘ lied Bristled men,’ for Englishmen ; llwa-Vi^ or ‘ Flowery Flag,’ for Americans; Sl-yany^ or ‘ Western Ocean,’ for Portuguese, etc., used at Canton, instead of the proper names of those countries. Cause and effect act reciprocally upon each other in this instance ; the effect of using unsanctioned characters to express unwritten sounds, is to render a composition obscure, while the restriction to a set of characters compels their meaning to be sufficiently comprehensive to include all occasions. Local, unwritten phrases, and unauthorized characters, are so common, however, owing to the partial communication between distant parts of so great a country and mass of people, that it is evident, if this bond of union were removed by the substitution of an alphabetical language, the Chinese would soon be split into many small nations. However desirable, therefore, might be the introduction of a written language less difficult of acquisition, and more flexible, there are some reasons for w-ishing it to be dela^’ed until more intelligence is diffused and juster principles of government obtain. When the people themselves feel the need of it, they M’ill contriv^e some better mediuni for the promotion of knowledge.

        MODES OF INCORPORATING NEW WORDS. 609

        The nionosjllabic sound of the primitive once imparted to the ideophonous compound, explains the existence of so many characters having the same sound. When these various characters were presented to the eye of the scholar, no trouble wf s felt in recognizing their sense and sound, but confusion was experienced in speaking. This has been obviated in two wavs.

        One is by repeating a word, or joining two of similar meanings

        but of different sounds, to convey a single idea ; or else by adding

        a classifying word to express its nature. Both these modes

        do in fact form a real dissyllable, and it would appear so in an

        alphabetical language. The first sort of these Jden-hioh sz\ or

        ‘ clam-shell words,’ as they are called, are not unfrequent in books,

        far more common in conversation and render the spoken more

        diffuse than tlie written language—more so, perhaps, than is the

        case in other tongues. Similar combinations of three, four, and

        more characters occur, especially where a foreign article or term

        is translated, but the genius of the language is against the use

        of polysyllables. Such combinations in English as household^

        house- tcarinin’j, JiouseirJfe, house-room, houseleeks, hot-house,

        icood-house, household-stuff, etc., illustrate these dissyllables in

        Chinese ; but they are not so easily understood. Such terms as

        uiulerstand, eourtshij), withdraw, iqyright, etc., present better

        analogies to the Chinese compounds. In some the real meaning

        is totally unlike either of the terms, as tunghia (lit. ‘ east liouse’),

        for master; tungsl {\\t. ‘east wesf), for thing; Txungchu (lit. ‘ lord ruler ‘), for princess, etc. The classifiers partake of the nature of adjectives, and serve not only to sort different words, but the same word when nsed in different senses. They correspond to such words in English as herd, feet, troop, etc. To say a fleet of cows, a troop of ships, or a herd of soldiers, would be ridiculous only in English, but a similar misapplication would confuse the sense in Chinese.

        The other M-ay of avoiding the confusion of homophonons monosyllables, which, notwithstanding the “clam-shell words,” and the extensive use of classifiei’s, are still liable to misapprehension, is by accurately marking its right shing or tone, but as nothing analogous to them is found in European languages, it is rather difficult to describe them. At Canton there are eight arranged in an upper and lower series of four each ; at Peking there are only four, at Nanking five, and at Swatow seven. The Chinese printers sometimes mark the shing on certain ambiguous characters, by a semicircle put on one corner; but this is rarely done, as every one who can read is supposed to know how to speak, and consequently to be familiar with the right tone.

        These four tones are called 2^’^^”J-> ^^””*^? ^’h ^n<3 j’^h meaning, respectively, the even^ asccnduiy, dejyarthuj^ and cnterhig tone. They are applied to every word, and have nothing to do either with accent or emphasis; in asking or answering, entreating or refusing, railing or flattering, soothing or recriminating, they remain ever the same. The unlettered natives, ev^en children and females, who know almost nothing of the distinctions into four, five, seven, or eight shiny, observe them closely in their speech, and detect a mispronunciation as soon as the learned man. A single illustration of them will suffice. The i:ven tone is the natural expression of the voice, and native writers consider it the most important. In the sentence, ” When I asked him, ‘ Will you let me see it ? ‘ he said, ‘ No, I’ll do no such thing, ‘” the different cadence of the question and reply illustrate the upper and lower even tone. The ascending tone is heard in exclamatory words as ah! indeed ! It is a little like the crescendo in music, while the departing tone corresponds in the same degree to the diminuendo. The drawling tone of repressed discontent, grumbling and eking out a reply, is not uidike the departing tone. The entering tone is nearly eliminated in the northern provinces, but gives a marked feature to speech in the southern ; it is an abrupt ending, in the same modulation that the even tone is, but as if broken off ; a man about to say hc1i\ and taken with a hiccup in the middle so that he leaves off the last two letters, or the final consonant, pronounces ihejuh shing.

        A few characters have two tones, which give them different meanings; the ^>/yi//.s’A7’r?^ often denotes the substantive, and the hil shing, the verb, but there is no regularity in this respect.

        “clam-shell words” and tones. 611

        The tones are observed by natives of all ranks, speaking all patois and dialects, and on all occasions. They present a serious difficulty to the adult foreigner of preaching or speaking acceptably to the natives, for although by a proper use of classifiers, observance of idioms, and multiplication of synonyms, he may be understood, his speech will be rude and his words distasteful, if he does not learn the tones accurate!}’. In Amoy and Fuhchau, he will also run a risk of being misunderstood. If the reader, in perusing the following sentence, will accent the italicized syllables, he will have an imperfect illustration of the confusion a wrong intonation produces : ” The ipresent of that object occasioned such a tvunsjwrt as to rtJstract my mind from all around.” In Chinese, however, it is not accent upon one of two syllables which must be learned, but the integral tone of a single sound, as much as in the musical octave.

        It is unnecessary here to enter into any detailed description or enumeration of the words in the Chinese language. One remarkable feature is the frequency of the termination mj preceded by all the vowels, which imparts a peculiar singing character to Chinese speech, as Kwangtung^ Yangtsz’ kiang^ etc. In a list of sounds in the court dialect, about one-sixth of the syllables have this termination, but a larger proportion of characters are found under those syllables, than the mere list indicates.

        In Morrison’s Dictionary the number of separate words in the court dialect is 411, but if the aspirated syllables be distinguished, there are 533. In the author’s Sgllahic Dictionary the number is 532 ; Wade reduces the Peking dialect to 397 syllables in one list, and increases it to 420 in another. In the Cantonese there are 707 ; in the dialect of Swatow, 674 ; at Amoy, about 900 ; at Fuhchau, 928 ; and 660 at Shanghai. All these lists distinguish between aspirated and unaspirated words, as ting and tHng^ jm and p’a, which to an English ear are nearly identical. The largest part of the sounds ai-e common to the dialects, but the distinctions are such as to render it easy to detect each when spoken ; the court dialect is the most mellifluous of the whole and easiest to acquire. All the consonants in English are found in one or another of the dialects, besides many not occurring in that language, as hii\ chit\ gw^ jw, Iw, mw^ nw, etc. There are also several imperfect vowel sounds not known in any European language, as hni or ‘in, hn or ‘/c, “^’a high nasal sound), s.i’, ‘/7^, cJi\ etc. The phrase ‘m ”ng tdk in the Canton dialect, meaning cannot hejmshed, or cliah^^ mai” lany^’ a blind man,’ in the x\moy, cannot be so accurately expressed by these or any other letters that one can learn the sound from them. If it is difficult for us to express their sounds by Roman letters, it is still stranger for the Chinese to write English words.

        For instance, ha2)tlze in the Canton dialect hecou\QB jKi-j/i-tai-sz’; flannel becomesfat-Ian-j/in ^’ stairs hecomes, sz’-ta-sz’ / imjypegnable becomes iin-pi-lak-na-jpu-Vi / etc. Such words as AVasliington, nihlslirpnian, tongue, etc., can be written nearer their true sound, but the indivisible Chinese monosyllables offer a serious obstacle in the way of introducing foreign words and knowledge into the language.

        The preceding observations explain how the numerous local variations from the general language found in all parts of China have arisen. Difficult as the spoken language is for a foreigner to acquire, from the brevity of the words and nicety of their tones, the variety of the local pronunciations given to the same character adds not a little to the labor, especially if he be situated where he is likely to come in contact with persons from different places. Amid such a diversity of pronunciation, and where one sound is really as correct as another, it is not easy to define what should constitute a dialect, a patois, or a corruption.

        COURT, OR MANDARIN DIALECT. 613

        A dialect in other languages is usually described as a local variation in pronunciation, or the use of peculiar words and expressions, not affecting the idiom or grammar of the tongue; but in the Chinese, where the written character unites the mass of people in one language, a dialect has been usually regarded by those who have written on the subject, as extending to variations in the idiom, and not restricted to differences in pronunciation and local expressions. According to this definition, there are only four or five dialects (which would in fact be as many languages if they were not united by the written character), but an endless variety of patois or local pronunciations. The Chinese have published books to illustrate the court, Changchau or Amoy, the Canton and Fuhchau dialects. The differences in the idiTHE oms and proiinnciatioii tire such as to render persons speaking them nnitnally nnintelligible, but do not affect the style of writing, wliose idioms are founded upon tlie usage of the best writers, and remain unchanged.

        The court language, the kivan hira, or mandarin dialect, is rather the proper language of the country—the Chinese language—than a dialect. It is studied and spoken by all educated men, and no one can make any pretence to learning or accomplishments who cannot converse in it in whatever part of the Empire he may be boni. It is the common language throughout the northeastern provinces, especially Honan, Shantung, and Xganhwui, though presetiting more or less variations even in them from the standard of the court and capital.

        This speech is characterized by its soft and mellifluous tones, the absence of all harsh, consonantal endings, and the prevalence of li(j[uids and labials. In parts of the provinces where it is spoken, as the eastern portions of Chehkiang and Kiangsu, gutturals are common, and the initials softened or changed.

        This tongue is the most ancient speech now spoken, for

        stanzas of poetry written twenty-five centuries ago, in the times

        previous to Confucius, are now i-ead with the same rhymes as

        when peimed. The expressions of the kwan hica, although resembling

        the written language more than the other dialects, are

        still unlike it, being moi’e diffuse, and containing many synonyms

        and particles not required to make the sense clear when

        it is addressed to the eye. The difference is such in this respect

        that two well-educated Chinese speaking in the terse style

        of books would hardly understand each other, and be ol)liged

        to use more words to convey their meaning when speaking than

        they would consider elegant or necessary in an essay. This is.

        to be sure, more or less the case in all languages, but from the

        small variety of sounds and their monosyllabic brevity, it is unavoidable in Chinese, though it must not be inferred that the

        language cannot be written so as to he understood when read

        off ; it call be written as diffusely as it is spoken, but such a

        style is not considered very elegant. There are books written

        in the colloquial, however, from which it is not difficult to learn the style of conversation, and such books are amons: the best to put into the hands of a foreigner when beginning the study.

        The local patois of a place is called tu tan, or hiang tan, i.e..,

        local or village brogue, and there is an interpreter of it attached

        to almost every officer’s court for the purpose of translating the

        peculiar phrases of witnesses and others brought before him.

        The term dialect cannot, strictly, in its previous definition, be

        applied to the tu tan, though it is usually so called; it is a

        patois or brogue. The Canton dialect is called by its citizens

        pak vm, ‘the plain speech,’ because it is more intelligible

        than the court dialect. It is comparatively easy of acquisition,

        and differs less from the kwan /tuca, in its pronunciation and

        idioms, than that of Amoy and its vicinity ; but the diversity

        is still enough to render it unintelligible to people from the

        north. A very few books have been written in it, but none

        which can afford assistance in learning it. A native scholar

        would consider his character for literary attainments almost degraded if he should write books in the provincial dialects, and

        forsake the style of the immortal classics. The principal feature

        in the pronunciation of the Canton dialect which distinguishes

        it from the general language, is the change of the abrupt

        vowel terminations, as lok, kiah, pih, into the well-defined

        consonants l;p, and t, as lok, kaj>, pit, a change that considerably

        facilitates the discrimination of the syllables. The idioms

        of the two cannot well be illustrated without the help of the

        written character, but the differences between the sounds of

        two or three sentences may be exhibited : The phrase, / do not

        understand what he says, is in the

        Court dialect : Wo minjmh tung teh ta kiang shim mo.

        Canton dialect : Ngo -m km k’d kong mat ye.

        The rice contains sand in it.

        Court dialect : JSTa, ko mi yu sha ts2\

        Canton dialect : Ko tlk mai yau sha tsoi noi.

        Kone of the provincial patois differ so much from the kwan

        hwa, and affoi-d so many pcculiai’ities, as those spoken in the

        province of Fuhkicn and eastern portions of Kwangtung. All

        of them are nasal, and, compared with those spoken elsewhere,

        harsh and rougli. They have a large number of unwritten

        DIALECTS OF CAT^TOTST ATVD AMOY. G15

        sounds, and so supply the lack ; the same cliaructcr often has

        one sound when read and another when spoken ; all of them

        are in common use. This cni’ioiis feature obli<ji;es the foreiirner

        to learn two parallel languages when studying this dialect, so

        intimate and yet so distinct are the two. The difference between

        them will be more apparent by quoting a sentence : ” He

        first performed that which was difficult, and afterward imitated

        what was easier.” The corresponding words of the colloquial

        are placed underneath the reading sounds.

        Sien kH su chi se Ian, ji ho fc’i hau chi se te.k.

        Tai seng cho i e su e se oh, ji tui ate k’w”ai e hau (jiciii e se iit lioh.

        The changes from one into the other are exceedingly various

        both in sound and idiom. Thus, Men chien, ‘ before one’s face,’

        becomes hm chan when spoken ; while in the phrase eheng jit,

        ‘ a former day,’ the same word chien becomes cheng and not

        chan ; hoe chu^ ‘ pupil of the eye,’ becomes ang a ; sit hioan.,

        ‘ to eat rice,’ becomes ehiah j>ui^. Their dialect, not less than

        their trafficking spirit, point out the Amoy people wherever

        they are met, and as they are usually found along the whole

        coast and in the Archipelago, and are not understood except by

        their provincial compatriots, they everywhere clan together and

        form separate communities. Dr. Medhurst published a dictionary

        of the Changchau dialect, in which the sounds of the characters

        are given as they are read. Dr. C. Douglas has gathered a

        great vocabulary of words and phrases used in the Amoy colloquial,

        in which he has attempted to reduce everything to the

        liomanized system of writing, and omitted all the characters.

        The dialects of Fuhchau, Swatow, and Canton have been similarly

        investigated by Protestant missionaries. Messrs. Mac! ay

        and Baldwin have taken the former in hand, and their work

        leaves very little to be desired for the elucidation of that speech.

        Goddard’s vocabulary of the Swatow has no examples ; and

        Williams’ Tonic Dictionary of the Canton dialect gave no characters

        with the examples. This deficiency was made up in

        Lobscheid’s rearrangement of it under the radicals.

        The extent to which the dialects are used has not been ascertained, nor the degree of modification each undergoes in those parts where it is spoken ; for villagers within a few miles, althono’h able to understand each other perfectly, still give different sounds to a few characters, and have a few local phrases, enough to distinguish their several inhabitants, while towns one or two hundred miles apart are still more unlike. For instance, the citizen of Canton always says shut for water, and tss’ for child, but the native of Macao says sal and cJd for these two words ; and if his life depended upon his utterhig them as they are spoken in Canton, they would prove a shibboleth which he could not possibly enunciate. Strong peculiarities of speech also exist in the villages between Canton and Macao which are found in neither of those places. Yet whatever sound they give to a character it has the same tone, and a Chinese would be much less surprised to hear water called ttchiimi^ than he would to hear it called \yshui in the lower even tone, instead of its proper ascending tone. The tones really approach vowels in their nature more than mere musical inflections ; and it is by their nice discrimination, that the people are able to understand each other with less difficulty than we might suppose amidst such a jargon of vocables.

        This accurate discrimination in the vowel sounds, and comparative

        indifference to consonants, which characterize the Chinese

        spoken languages, has arisen, no doubt, from the monosyllabic

        nature, and the constant though slight variations the names of

        characters undergo from the traditionary mode in which they

        must be learned. There being no integral sound in any character,

        each and all of them are, of course, equally coi-rect, ^<;^r se /

        but the various general and local dictionaries have each tended

        somewhat to fix the pronunciation, just as books and education

        have fixed the spelling of English words. Nor do the Chinese

        more than other people learn to pronounce their mother tongue

        from dictionaries, and the variations are consequently but partially

        restrained by them. It may truly be said, that no two

        Chinese speak all words alike, while yet, through means of the

        universally understood character, the greatest mass of human

        beings ever collected under one government are enabled to express

        themselves without difficulty, and carry on all the business

        and concerns of life.

        PRONUNCIATION AND GRAMMAR. 617

        The grammar of the Chinese language is unique, but those

        writers who say it has no grammar at all must have overlooked

        the prime signification of the word. There are in all languages words which denote things, and others which signify (jualities; words which express actions done by one or many, already done, doing or to be done ; actions absolute, conditional, or ordered.

        The circumstances of the doer and the subject of the action,

        make prepositions necessary, as well as other connecting words.

        Thus the principles of grammar exist in all intelligible speech,

        though each may require different rules. These rules the Chinese

        language possesses, and their right application, the proper

        collocation of words, and use of particles, which supply the

        place of inflection, constitute a difficult part in its acquisition.

        It has no etymology, properly speaking, for neither the characters

        nor their names undergo any change ; whether used as

        verbs or nouns, adjectives or particles, they remain the same.

        The same word may be a noun, a verb, an adverb, or any part

        of speech, nor can its character be certainly known till it is

        placed in a sentence, when its meaning becomes definite. Its

        grammar, therefore, is confined chiefly to its syntax and prosody.

        This feature of the Chinese language is paralleled in English by

        such words as lights used as a noun, adjective, and verb ; I’lke^

        used as a verb, adjective, and adverb ; she^jj and deei\ used both

        in the singular and plural ; /v«//, used in the past, present, and

        future tenses ; and in all cases without undergoing any change.

        But what is occasional and the exception in that tongue, becomes

        the rule in Chinese ; nor is there any more confusion in the last than in the first.

        A good summary of the principles of Chinese grammar is given by Kemusat, who says that generally, ” In every Chinese sentence, in which nothing is understood, the elements of which it is composed are arranged in the following order : the subject, the verb, the complement direct, and the complement indirect.

        ” Modifying expressions precede those to which they belong : thus, the adjective is placed before the substantive, sub’ect, or complement ; the substantive governed before the verb that governs it ; the adverb before the verb, the proposition incidental, circumstantial, or liypothctical, before the principal proposition, to which it attaches itself by a conjunction expressed or understood.

        ” The relative position of words and phrases thus determined, supplies the place often of every other mark intended to denote their mutual dependence! their character whether adjective or adverhial, positive, conditional, or circumstantial.

        “If the subject be understood, it is because it is a personal pronoun, or that it is expressed above, and that the same substantive that is omitted is found in the preceding sentence, and in the same quality of subject, and not in any other.’

        ‘ If the verb be wanting, it is because it is the substantive verb, or some other easily supplied, or one which has already found place in the preceding sentences, with a subject or complement not the same.’

        ‘ If several substantives follow each other, either they are in construction with each other, or they form an enumeration, or they are synonyms which explain and determine each other.

        ” If several verbs succeed each other, which are not synonyms and are not employed as auxiliaries, the first ones should be taken as adverbs or verbal nouns, the subjects of those which follow; or these latter as verbal nouns, the complements of those which precede.”

        Chinese grammarians divide all words into sMh iss’ and hie tsz\ i.e., essential words and particles. The former are subdivided into 83^ tsz^ and hwoh tsz\ i.e., nouns and verbs; the latter into initials or introductory words, conjunctions, exclamations, finals, transitive particles, etc. They furnish examples under each, and assist the student, with model books, in which the principles of tlie language and all rhetorical terms are explained.

        The number and variety of grammatical and philological works prove that they have not neglected the elucidation and arrangement of their mother tongue. The rules above cited are applicable to the written language, and these treatises refer entirely to that ; the changes in the phraseology of the colloquial do not affect its grammar, however, which is formed upon the same rules.

        PARTS OF SPEECH. 619

        Although the characters are, when isolated, somewhat indefinite, there are many ways of limiting their meaning in sentences. Nouns are often made by suflixing formative particles, diBmtJci, ‘ angry spirit,’ merely means anger ; i M, ‘ righteous spirit,’ is rectitude ; chin ”rh, ‘ needle child,’ is a needle, etc. ; the suffix, in these cases, simply materializing the word. Gender is formed by distinctive particles, prefixed or suffixed by appropriate words for each gender, or by denoting one gender always by a dissyllabic compound ; as inalehem^ji, for the masculine ; \\OY&e-sire, or \iov&Q-‘niother, foi- stallion or dam ; hero, heroine; emperor, empress, etc. ; and lastly as wany-Jatu, /’.c, ]<.mg-quee)t, for queen, while icany alone means Mikj. Xuniher is formed by prefixing a numeral, as ITiduj, Tsin, tioo men ; by suffixing a formative, rnun, tdtuj, and others, us Jt/)-td/uj, man-.w/’/, or men; tamun, he-.s’or they ; by repeating the word, •Asjin-jln, man-man or inen y ehu-cha, place-place, or places, i.e., everywhere ; and jastly, by the scope of the passage. The nominative, accusative, and vocative cases are commonly known by their position; the genitive, dative, and ablative are formed by appropriate prepositions, expressed or understood. The vocative is common in liii’ht reading and historical studies.

        Adjectives precede nouns, by which position they are usually determined. Comparisons are nuide iu many ways. JIau is good, Txdng hau is better, and chl Imu is best / sJiihfun hau lian is very good ; hau hau tih \s j^rettij good, eta. The position of an adjective determines its comparison, as chang yih chlh means

        longer by one cuhit • yih chih chang is a caJjit long. The comparison

        of ideas is made by placing the two sentences parallel to

        each other ; for instance, ” Entering the hills and seizing a tiger

        is easy, opening the mouth and getting men to lean to is difficult,”

        is the way of expressing the comparison, ” It is easier to

        seize a tiger in the hills, than to obtain the good offices of men.”

        The proper use of antithesis and parallelism is considered one of

        the highest attainments in composition. The numerals are thirteen

        in number, with the additioii of the character ^ ling to

        denote a cipher. All amounts are written just as they are to

        be read, as yih, pelt, sz’ nhih. mn, ~^ ^ IJI)-)-‘^ i.e., *one hundred

        four tens three.’ They are here introduced, with their

        pronunciation in three dialects.

        12 3 4 .5 6 7 8 9 10 100 1,000 10,000

        Dialect, y^^^ ‘*’^^ •”^” -^-‘ ‘^’^ ^”^i ^^^^^ l^(ih kill siiih peh tsien ivan.

        Dialect. .V«^ * -sa^i •’52’ ‘ng luk tsat pal kaii. i>hap pa/c Mn man.

        Dialect” *^ P ^um sii Hgou liok chif pat kill sip pek chien ban.

        The Chinese, like the ancient Greeks, enumerate only up to

        a myriad, expressing sums higher than that by stating how many

        myriads there are ; the notation of 362,447,180 is three myriads,

        six thousand, two hundred and forty -four myj’iads, seven tliousand,

        one hundred, and eighty. Pronouns are few in number,

        and their use is avoided wlienever the sense is clear witliout

        them. The personal pronoims are three, wo^ lu, and ta, but

        other pronouns can all be readily expressed by adjectives, by

        collocation, and by participial phrases. The classifiers sometimes

        partake of the nature of adjective pronouns, but usually are mere

        distributive or numerical adjectives.

        Verbs, or “living characters,” constitute the most important part of speech in the estimation of Chinese grannnarians, and the shun tu/t, or easy flow of expression, in their use, is carefully studied. The dissyllabic compounds, called dam-sliell words, are usually verbs, and are made in many ways ; by uniting two similar ^Yords, as kwei-Men (lit. peep-look), ‘to spy ;’ by doubling the verb, as h’ten-hien, meaning to look earnestly ; by prefixing a formative denoting action, as ta shioui (lit. strike sleep), ‘ to sleep ;’ by suffixing a modifying word, as grasp-halt, to grasp firmly; tJdnh-arise, to cogitate, etc. Xo part of the study requires more attention tban the right selection of these formatives in both nouns and verbs ; perfection in the shun tnh and use of antitheses is the result oidy of years of study.

        The various accidents of voice, mood, tense, number, and person,

        can all be expressed by corresponding particles, but the

        genius of the language disfavors their frequent use. The passive

        voice is formed by prefixing particles indicative of agency

        before the active verb, as “The villain ‘received my sword’s

        cutting^” for ” The villain was wounded by my sword.” The imperative,

        potential, and subjvmctive moods are formed by particles

        or adjuncts, but the indicative and infinitive are not designated,

        nor are the number and person of verbs usually distinguished.

        The number of auxiliaries, particles, adjuncts, and

        suffixes of various kinds, employed to express what in other

        languages is denoted by inflections, is really very moderate ; and

        a nice discrimination exhibited in their use indicates the finished

        scholar.’Chinese Tiepoaitory, Vol. VIII., p. Wil.

        DEFECTS IN THE CHINESE LANGUAGE. 621

        The greatest defect in the Chinese language is the indistinct manner in which time is expressed ; not that there is any want of terms to denote its varieties, but the terseness of expression admired by Chinese writers leads them to discard every unessential word, and especially those relating to time. This defect is more noticed by the foreigner than the native, who has no knowledge of the precision of time expressed by inflection in other languages. Adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and interjections are not distinguished by native grammarians ; the former are classed with adjectives, and the others are collectively called hu tss’—’empty words.’

        No distinction is made between proper and common names, and as every word can be employed as a name it becomes a source of confusion to the translator ; in some books a single line drawn on the side of characters denotes the names of persons, and a double line the names of places ; important words are denoted by commencing a new line with them, raised one or two characters above the other columns, which answers to capitalizing them. In most books an entire absence of all marks of punctuation, and divisions into sentences and paragraphs, causes needless doubt in the mind of the reader. The great convenience experienced in European languages from the use of capital letters, marks of punctuation, separation into sentences and paragraphs, and the distinction of time, is more plainly seen when a translation is to be made from languages like the Chinese and Japanese, in which they are disregarded. A false taste prevents them from using them ; they admire a page of plain characters so much that a student who should punctuate his essay would I’un a risk of l>einof ridiculed.

        It is not easy 3’et to decide on the best way to adapt the

        technical words in western science to the genius of this language.

        The vast terminology in natural history, with the still greater

        arraj’of scientific names, need not be introduced into it, but can

        remain in their original Latin and Greek, where Chinese scientists

        can consult them. Xew compounds have already been

        proposed for gases, metals, earths, acids, and other elementary

        substances, in which the radical and primitive ai’e chosen with

        reference to their meanings, the latter being more complicated than usual for this purpose. These will gradually get into use as the sciences are studied, and their number will not be troublesomely large.

        There are several distinct styles of composition recognized.

        The hu wdn^ or the terse antithetic style of the ancient classics,

        is considered as inimitable and unimprovable, and really possesses

        the qualities of energy, vivacity, and brevity in a superior degree

        ; the wan. chamj, or style of elevated composition, adopted

        in essays, histories, and grave works ; and the siao shwoh, or

        colloquial style, used in stories.

        If there are serious defects, this language also possesses some

        striking beauties. The expressive nature of the characters, after

        their component parts have become familiar, causes nuich of the

        meaning of a sentence to pass instantly before the eye, while

        the energy arising from the brevity attainable by the absence of

        all inflections and partial use of particles, add a vigor to the

        style that is hardly reached by any alphabetic language. Dr.

        Morrison observes that ” Chinese fine writing darts upon the

        mind with a vivid flash, a force and a beauty, of which alphabetic

        language is incapable.” It is also better fitted than any

        other for becoming a universal medium of comnnmication, and

        has actually become so to a much greater extent than any other ;

        but the history of its diffusion, and the modifications it has undergone among the five nations who use it, though presenting a curious topic for philological inquiry, is one far too extensive to

        be discussed here. So general a use of one wi-itten language,

        however, affords some peculiar facilities for the diffusion of

        knowledge by means of books as introductory to the general

        elevation of the people using it, and their preparation for substituting an alphabetic language for so laborious and unwieldy a vehicle of thought, which it seems impossible to avoid as Christian civilization and knowledge extend.

        METHOD OF STUDYIXG CHINESE. 0:23

        It is often asked, is the Chinese language hard to learn? The preceding account of it shows that to become familiar with its numerous characters, to be able to speak the delicately marked tones of its short monosyllables, and to compose in it with perspicuity and elegance, is the labor of years of close application.

        To do so in Greek, Latin, English, or any settled tongue, is also a toilsome task, and excepting the barren labor of renienibering so many different characters, it is not more so in Chinese than in others. But knowledge sufficient to talk intelligibly, to write perspicuously, and read with considerable ease, is not so herculean a task as some suppose, though this degree is not to be attained without much hard study. Moreover, dictionaries, manuals, and translations are now available which materially diminish the labor, and their number is constantly increasing.

        The rules for studying it cannot be laid down so that they

        will answer equally well for all persons. Some readily catch

        the most delicate inflections of the voice, and imitate and remember

        the words they hear ; such persons soon learn to speak,

        and can make themselves understood on common subjects with

        merely the help of a vocabulary. Others prefer to sit down

        with a teacher and learn to read, and for most persons this is

        the best way to begin. At first, the principal labor should be

        directed to the characters, reading them over with a teacher and

        learning: their form. Commence with the two hundred and

        fourteen radicals, and commit them to memory, so that they

        can be repeated and written in their order ; then learn the primitives,

        or at least become familiar with the names and meaning

        of all the common ones. The aid this preliminary study gives

        in remembering the formation of characters is worth all the

        time it takes. Students make a mistake if they begin with the

        Testament or a tract ; they can learn more characters in the

        same period, and lay a better foundation for acquiring others,

        by conunencing with the i-adicals and primitives. Meanwhile,

        they will also be learning sounds and becoming familiar with

        the tones, which should be carefully attended to as a particular

        study from the living voice.

        When these characters are learned, short sentences or reading lessons selected from good Chinese authors, with a translation attached, should be taken up and committed to memory. Phrases may also be learned at the same time, for use in conversation; an excellent way is to memorize one or two hundred common words, and then practise putting them together in sentences. The study of reading lessons and phrases, with practice in speaking and writing them, will prepare the way for commencing the study of the classics or other native authors. By the time the student has readied this point he needs no further directions; the path he wishes thenceforth to pursue can easily be marked out by himself. It is not amiss here to remark that many persons ardently desirous of fitting themselves soon for preaching or talking to the people, weary their minds and hinder their ultimate progress by too hard study at first upon the dry characters; others come to look upon the written language as less important so long as they can talk rapidly and well, but in the end find that in this, as in every other living tongue, there is no royal road which does not lead them through the grammar and literature.’

        PIGEOX-ENGLISII. 625

        This sketch of the Chinese language would be incomplete without a notice of the singular jargon which has grown up between the natives and foreigners along the coast, called j/Z^^o^i-J^nyUsh. It has been so long in use as the medium of traffic and household talk that it now bids fair to become an unwritten patois, of which neither the Chinese nor the English will own the parentage. The term jngeon^ a corruption from business, shows, in its transformation, some of the influences “which our words must undergo as they pass through the Chinese characters. The foreigners who first settled at Canton had no time nor facilities for learning the dialect, and the traders with whom they bargained soon picked up more foreign words than the former did native. The shopmen ere longformed vocabularies of foreign words obtained from their customers, and wrote the sounds as nearly as possible ; these were committed to memory and formed into sentences according to the idioms of their own language, and disregarding all our inflections, in which they had no instruction. Thus the two parties gradually came to understand each other enough for all practical ends ; the foreigners were rather pleased to talk’ Many aids in learning the general language and all the leading dialects have been prepared in English, French, German, and Portuguese, but several of the early ones, as Morrison, Gon(;alves, Medhurst, and Bridgman, are already out of print. The names of all of these may be found most easily in the first volume of M. Cordier’s exhaustive Diction uaire Bihlioijrnpldque den ouvrujjet relatifn d VEmpire chiiioiK, pp. 725-804. Paris, 1881.

        “broken China,”‘ as it was not iiia})tly called, and habit soon made it natural to a new-comer to talk it to the natives, and it obviated all necessity for studying Chinese. The body of the jargon is English, the few Chinese, Portuguese, and Malay words therein imparting a raciness which, with the novelty of the expressions, has of late attracted much attention to this new language. Though apparently without any rules, the natives are very liable to misapprehend what is said to them by their masters or customers, because these rules are not followed, and constant difficulty arises fi-om mutual misunderstanding of this sort. The widening study of Chinese is not likely to do away with this droll lingo at the trade ports, and several attempts have been made to render English pieces into it. On the other hand, in California and elsewhere, the Chinese generally succeed in learning the languages of their adopted countries better than in talking jngeon-English, or the similar mongrel vernacular spoken at Macao by the native-born Chinese.

        A knowledge of the Chinese language is a passport to the

        confidence of the people, and when foreigners generally learn it

        the natives \\\\\ begin to divest themselves of their prejndices

        and contempt. As an inducement to study, the scholar and

        the philanthropist have the prospect of benefiting and informing

        through it vast numbers of their fellow-men, of imparting

        to them what will elevate their minds, purify their hearts, instruct

        their understandings, and strengthen their desire for

        more knowledge ; the\’ have an opportunity of doing much to

        counteract the tremendous evils of the opium trade by teaching

        the Chinese the only sure grounds on which they can be restrained,

        and at the same time of making them acquainted with the discoveries in science, medicine, and arts among western nations.

        CHAPTER XI.  CLASSICAL LITERATURE OF THE CHINESE

        The literature contained in the language now briefly described

        is very ample and discursive, but wanting in accuracy

        and unenlivened by much variety or humor. The books of the

        Chinese have formed and coiiiirmed their national taste, which

        consequently exhibits a tedious uniformity. The unbounded

        admii’ation felt for the classics and their immaculate authors,

        fostered by the examinations, has further tended to this result,

        and caused these writings to become still more famous from

        the unequalled influence they have exerted. It may be veiy

        readily seen, then, with what especial interest the student of Chinese sociology turns to an investigation of their letters, the immense accumulation of forty centuries. AVere its amount

        and prominence the only features of their literature, these would suffice to make necessary some study thereof ; but in addition,

        continued research may reveal some further qualities of

        ” eloquence and poetry, enriched by the beauty of a picturesque

        language, preserving to imagination all its colors,” which will

        substantiate the hearty expressions used by Rdmusat when first

        he entered upon a critical examination of its treasures.

        THE YITI KTXC, OK BOOK OF CTIAXGES. 027

        In taking a survey of this literature, the -6V ITu Tsiuen Shu Tsumj-muh^ or ‘ Catalogue of all Books in the Four Libraries,’ will be the best guide, since it embraces the wdiole range of letters, and affords a complete and succinct synopsis of the contents of the best books in the language. It is comprised in one hundred and twelve octavo volumes, and is of itself a valuable work, especially to the foreigner. The books are arranged into four divisions, viz., Classical, Historical, and Professional writings, and Belles-lettres. This Catalogue contains about 3440 separate titles, comprising upward of 78000 books; besides these, G,T64 other works, rminl)ering 93242 books, have been described in other catalogues of the imperial collections. These lists comprise the bulk of Chinese literature, except novels, Buddhist translations, and recent publications.

        The works in the first division are ranged under nine sections; one is devoted to each of the five Classics (with a subsidiary section upon these as a whole), one to the memoir on Filial Duty, one to the P^our Books, one to musical works, and the ninth to treatises on education, dictionaries, etc.

        At the head of the ‘ Five Classics ‘

        ( Wu Kin(j) is placed the

        Yih King, or ‘ Book of Changes,’ a work which if not—as it

        has been repeatedly called—

        Antiquisshnus Sinaruin libey\ can

        be traced with tolerable accuracy to an origin three thousand

        years ago. It ranks, according to Dr. Legge, third in aiitiquity

        among the Chinese classics, or after the Shu and portions of

        the SKi King ; but if an unbounded veneration for enigmatical

        wisdom supposed to lie concealed under mystic lines be any

        just claim for importance, to this wondrous monument of literature

        may easily be conceded the first place in the estimation of

        Chinese scholars.

        While following Dr. Legge in his recent exposition of this

        classic,” a clearer idea of its subject-matter can hardly be given

        than by quoting his words stating that ” the text may be briefly

        represented as consisting of sixty -four short essays, enigmatically

        and symbolically expressed, on important themes, mostly

        of a moral, social, and political character, and based on the

        same number of lineal figures, each made up of six lines, some

        of which are whole and the others divided.” The evolution of

        the eight diagrams from two original principles is ascribed to

        Fuh-hi (B.C. 3322), who is regarded as the founder of the nation,

        though his history is, naturally enough, largely fabulous. From

        the Liang T, or ‘Two Principles’ (—) (- -), were fashioned the

        /&’ Siaruj, or ‘ Four Figures,’ by placing these over themselves

        and each of them over the other, thus :

        ‘ The Saered Books of China. The Texts of Confucianism. Translated by James Legge. Part II. The Ti King. Oxford, 1882.

        The same pairs placed in succession under the original lines formed eight trigranis called the PAH KWA of FUH-HI.

        ITS PIIILOSOl’IIICAL SYSTE:\r. 629

        is derived and on wliose changes it is founded.. This substance

        M answers sufticiently ch)sely to tlic animated air of the Grecian

        pliilosopher Anaximenes ; its divisions are a subtle and a coarse

        principle which, acting and reacting upon each other, produce

        four slang^ or ‘forms,’ and these again combine into eight Jiica^

        or trigrams. Fuh-hi is thus said to have arranged the iirst four

        of the Pah Kica under the Yaiuj (strong or hard) principle,

        and the last four under the Yhi (weak or soft) principle ; the

        former indicate vigor or authority, and it is their part to command,

        while of the latter, representing feebleness or submission,

        it is the part to obey.

        It was probably AVan Wang, King Wan, chief of the principality

        of Chan in 11S5 b.c, who when thro^vn into prison by his

        jealous suzerain Shau, the tyrant of Sliang, arranged and multiplied

        the trigrams—long before his time used for purposes

        of divination—into the sixty-four hexagrams as they now occur

        in tlie T7A King. His was a wholly different disposition, both

        of names, attributes, and the compass points, from the original

        trigrams of Fuh-hi ; again, he added to them certain social relations

        of father, mother, three sons, and three daughters, which

        has ever since been found a convenient addition to the conjuring

        apparatus of the M^ork. ” I like to think,” says Dr. Legge,

        ” of the lord of Chau, when incarcerated in Yii-li, with the

        sixty-four figures arranged befoi-e him. Each hexagram assumed

        a mystic meaning and glowed with a deep significance.

        He made it to tell him of the qualities of various objects of

        nature, or of the principles of human society, or of the condition,

        actual and possible, of the kingdom. He named the

        figures each by a term descriptive of the idea with which he

        had connected it in his mind, and then he proceeded to set that

        idea forth, now with a note of exhortation, now Avith a note of

        warning. It was an attempt to restrict the follies of divination

        within the l)ounds of reason. . . . But all the work of

        King Wan in the Ylli thus amounts to no more than sixty-four

        short paragraphs. We do not know what led his son Tan to

        ei\ter into his \vork and complete it as he did. Tan was a

        patriot, a hero, a legisla-tor, and a philosopher. Perhaps he

        took the lineal figures in hand as a tribute of filial duty. What liad been done for the whole hexagram he M-oiild do for each line, and make it clear that all the six lines ‘ bent oneway their precious inflnence,’ and blended their ravs in the globe of light

        which his father had made each figure give forth. 13ut his

        method strikes us as singular. Each line seemed to become

        living, and suggested some ])henomenon in nature, or some case

        of human experience, from which the wisdom or folly, the

        luckiness or unluckiness, indicated by it could be inferred. It

        cannot be said that the duke carried out his plan in a way likely

        to interest any one but a Men shung who is a votary of divination

        and admires the style of its oracles. According to our

        notions, a framer of emblems should be a good deal of a poet;

        but those of the Yih only make us think of a dryasdust. Out of more than three hundi-ed and fifty, the greater mmiber are only grotesque. We do not recover from the feeling of disappointment

        till M’C remember that both father and son had to

        M’rite ‘ according to the trick,’ after the uianner of diviners, as

        if this lineal augury had been their profession.”

        Such is the text of the Yih. The \vords of King Wan and

        his son are followed by commentaries called the SJtih Yi/t, or

        ‘ Ten Wings.’ These are of a much later period than the text,

        and are commonly ascribed to Confucius, though it is extremely doubtful if the sage was author of more than the sentences introduced by the oft-repeated formula, “The Master said,” occurring

        in or concluding many chapters of the ‘Wings.’ Without

        lingering over the varied contents of these appendices,

        more than to point out that the fifth and sixth Wings (‘Appended

        Sentences ‘), known as the ‘ Great Treatise,’ contains for

        the first time the character Y!//, or ‘Change,’ it will be necessary,

        before leaving this classic, to illustrate its curious nature by means of a single quotation.

        EXTKACT.S FUOM ‘I’HK YIII KIXG. 031

        Ilien indicates that [on the i’lillilniont of the conditions implied in it] there will he free course and success. Its advantageousness will depend on the being firm and correct, [as] in marrying a young lady. There will hi good fortune.
        1. The first line, divided, shows one moving his great toes.
        2. The second line, divided, shows one moving the calves of his leg. There will be evil. If he abide [quiet in his place] there will be good fortune.
        3. The third line, undivided, shows one moving his thighs, and keeping close hold of those whom he follows. Going forward [in this way] will cause regret.
        4. The fourth line, undivided, shows that firm correctness which will lead to good fortune and prevent all occasion for repentance. If its subject be unsettled in his movements, [only] his friends will follow his purpose.
        5. The fifth line, undivided, shows one moving the flesh along the spine above the heart. There will be no occasion for repentance.
        6. The sixth line, divided, shows one moving his jaws and tongue.

        An idea of the several commentaries, or ‘ Wings,’ upon sueli a

        passage may be gained from the following e.xcerpts. First

        comes the ‘ Treatise on the Twan,’ or King Wan’s paragraphs ;

        then the ‘ Treatise on the Symbols,’ consisting of observations

        on Duke Chan’s exposition.

        From the Second Wi»g.—
        1. Ilk’ii is here used in the sense of Kan, meaning [mutually] influencing.
        2. The weak [trigram] above, and the strong one below; their two influences moving and responding to each other, and thereby forming a union; the repression [of the one] and the satisfaction [of the other] ; [with their relative position] where the male is placed below the female — all these things convey the notion of ‘ a free and successful course [on t e fulfilment of the conditions], while the advantage will depend on being firm and correct, as in marrying a young lady, and there will be good fortune.’ . . . etc., etc.

        Fourth Wuiij.—[The trigram representing] a mountain and above it that for [the waters of] a marsh form Ilu’ii. The superior man, in accordance with this, keeps his mind free from preoccupation, and open to receive [the influences of] others.

        1. ‘ He moves his great toe ‘—his mind is set on what is beyond [himself].
        2. Though ‘ there would be evil, yet if he abide [quiet] in his place there will be good fortune ‘—through compliance [with the circumstances of his condition and place] there will be no injury.

        3. ‘He moves his thighs’—he still does not [want to] rest in his place. His will is .set on ‘ following others ;’ what he holds in his grasp is low.

        4. ‘ Firm correctness will lead to good fortune, and prevent all occasion for repentance ‘—there has not yet been any harm from [a selfish wish to] influence. ‘He is unsettled in his movements’—[his power to influence] is not yet either brilliant or great.

        5. ‘ He [tries to] move the flesh along the spine above the heart ‘—his aim is trivial.

        6. ‘ He moves his jaws and tongue ‘—he [only] talks with loquacious mouth.

        Sixth Wing (‘Appended Sentences’). —Chapter I.—
        1. The eight trigrams having been completed in their proper order, there were in each the [three] emblematic lines. They were then multiplied by a process of addition till the [six] component lines appeared.

        2. The strong line and the weak push themselves each into the place of the other, and hence the changes [of the diagrams] take place. The appended explanations attach to every form of them its character [of good or ill], and hence the movements [suggested by divination] are determined accordingly.

        3. Good fortune and ill, occasion for repentance or regret, all arise from these movements . . . etc., etc.

        The hundreds of fortune-tellers seen in the streets of Chinese

        towns, whose answers to their perplexed customers are

        more or less founded on these cabala, indicate their influence

        among the illiterate ; while among scholars, who have long

        since conceded all divination to be vain, it is surprising to remark

        the profound estimation in which these inane lines are

        held as the consummation of all w-isdom—the germ, even, of

        all the truths which western science has brought to light!

        Each hexagram is supposed to i-epresent, at any given time, six

        different phases of the primordial V>. ” As all the good and

        evil in the world,^’ observes McClatchie, ” is attributed by the

        Chinese philosophers to the purity or impurity of the animated

        air from which the two-fold soul in man is formed, a certain

        moral value attaches to each stroke, and the diviner prognosticates

        accordingly that good or evil luck, as the case may be,

        will result to the consulter of the oracle with reo-ard to the matter

        on which he seeks it. Xine is the number of Heaven, or

        the undivided stroke, and six is the number of Earth, or the

        divided stroke, and hence each stroke has a double designatiovi.

        The first stroke, if undivided, is designated ‘ First-T\ ine,’ but if

        divided it is designated ‘ First-Six,’ and so on. The second

        and fifth strokes in each diagram are important, being the centre

        or medium strokes of their respective lesser diagrams. The

        fifth stroke, however, is the most important in divination, as it

        represents that portion of the air which is the especial throne

        of the imperial power, and is the ‘ undeflected due medium.’

        Nothing but good luck can follow if the person divining with

        the straws obtains this stroke. Tao, or the Divine Heason,

        ITS CIIAKACTElt AND INFLUENCE. 633

        which is the supreme soul of tlie wliole Kosnios, animates the

        air, pervading its six phases, and thus giving power to the diagrams

        to make known future events to mankind.”

        Of course anything and everything could be deduced from

        such a fanciful groundwork, but the Chinese have taken up the

        discussion in the most serious manner, and endeavored to find

        the hidden meanino; and evolutions of the universe from this

        curious system. The diagrams have, moreover, supplied the

        basis for many species of divination by shells, letters, etc., by

        which means the mass of the people are deluded into the belief

        of penetrating futurity, and still more wedded to their superstitions.

        The continued influence of such a work as the Yih illustrates

        the national jjenchant for law^s and method, while

        equally indicating the general indifPerence to empiiical research

        and the facts deduced from study of natural history. If, from

        a philosophical standpoint, we consider the barrenness of its results,

        there is little, indeed, to say for tlie Yih King, save concurrence

        in Dr. Gustave Schlegel’s epithet, ” a mechanical play

        (jf idle abstractions ; ” nevertheless, this classic contains in its

        whimsical dress of inscrutable strokes nnich of practical wisdom,

        giving heed to which it is not hard to agree with Dr.

        Leo-oe in concludino; that ” the inculcation of such lessons cannot

        have been without good effect in China during the long

        course of its history.” ‘

        The second section of the Imperial Catalogue contains treatises

        upon the SJiio King, or ‘ Book of Records.’ This classic,

        ‘ Some fourteen hundred and fifty treatises on the I7A— consisting of memoirs,

        digests, expositions, etc. —are enumerated in the Catalogue. The foreign

        literature upon it has heretofore been scant. The only other translations of

        the classic in extenso, besides Dr. Legge’s, already quoted, are the Y-Kiiuj;

        Antiquissimus Sinarum liber quern e.v hiUn/i iiih’rpn’tadoiie ; P. Regis, (dicrrumqueex

        Soc. Jesu P.P., edidit SnWws Mohl, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1834-39; and

        A Iranslation of the Confrman Yih King, or the Chissic of Chuncje, by the

        Rev. Canon McClatchie, Shanghai, 1876 (with Chinese text). Compare further

        Notice du livre chinois nomme Y-kiiu/, aver des notes, pdr M Claude Visdelou,

        contained in Pere Gaubil’s Clwn kinq, Paris, 1843 ; Die verbogenen Alterthumerder

        Chiiieser ana deni undfen Burlte Yeking iinterfiHchet, von M. Joh. Heinrich

        Schuhmacher, Wolfenbiittel, 1763 ; Joseph Haas, in Notes and Queries on Vhinu and Japitn, Vol. III., 1869; China Revieip, Vols. I., p. 151; IV., p.257; and v., p. 132.

        first ill importance as it is in age among the live King, consists

        of a series of documents relating to the history of China from

        the times of Yao down to King Iliang, of the Chan dynasty

        (b.c. 2357-627). Its earlier chapters were composed at periods

        following the events of which they relate, but after the twentysecond

        century b.c. the SJiu comes to us, though in a mutilated

        condition, as the contemporary chronicle of proclamations, addresses,

        and principles of the early sovereigns. Internal evidence

        leads to the conclusion that Confucius acted chielly as

        editor of documents existing in his day ; he probably wrote the

        preface, but what alterations it received at his hand cannot now

        be ascertained. A¥hen it left his care it contained eighty -one

        documents in one hundred books, arranged under the five

        dynasties of Yao, Shun, Ilia, Shang, and Chan, the last one

        coming down to within two hundred and twenty-one years of

        his own birth. . Most of these are lost, and others are doubted

        by Chinese critics, so that now only forty-eight documents remain,

        thirty of them belonging to tlie CUiau, with the preface

        ascribed to Confucius. lie showed his estimate of their value

        by calling the whole Shang Shu, or the ‘ Highest Book,’ and we

        may class their loss witli that of other ancient works in Hebrew

        or Greek literature. The Shu King now contains six different

        kinds of state papers, viz., imperial ordinances, plans drawn up

        by statesmen as guides for their sovereign, instructions prepared

        for the guidance of the prince, imperial proclamations

        and charges to the people, vows taken before Sliangtl by the

        monarch when going out to battle, and, lastly, mandates, announcements, speeches, and canons issued to the ministers of state.’

        ‘ Several translations have been made by missionaries. One by P. Gaubil was edited by De Guignes in 1770; a second by Rov. W. H. Medhurst, in 1846; but the most complete by J. Legge, D.D., in 18G5, with its notes and text, has brought this lieconl better than ever before to the knowledge of western scholars.

        THE SIIU KING, OK HOOK OF UECORDS. 635

        The morality of the Shu King-, for a pagan work, is extremely good ; the principles of administration laid down in it, founded on a regard to the welfare of the people, would, if carried out, insure universal prosperity. The answer of Kaoyao to the monarch Yu is expressive of a mild spirit : ” Your virtue, O Emperor, is faultless. You condescend to your ministers with

        a liberal ease ; you rule the multitude with a generous forbearance.

        Your punishments do not extend to the criminal’s heirs,

        but your rewards reach to after-generations. Y’ou pardon inadvertent

        faults, however great, and punish deliberate crime,

        however small. In cases of doubtful crimes you deal with them

        lightly ; of doubtful merit, you prefer the highest estimate.

        Ilather than put to death the guiltless, you will run the risk of

        irregularity and laxity. This life-loving virtue has penetrated

        tlie minds of the people, and this is why they do not render

        themselves liable to be punished by your officers.” ‘

        In the counsels of Yu to Shun are many of the best maxims

        of good government, both for rulers and ruled, which antiquity

        has handed down in any country. The following are among

        them : ” Y’ih said, Alas ! Be cautious. Admonish yourself to

        caution when there seems to be no reason for anxiety. Do

        not fail in due attention to laws and ordinances. Do not find

        enjoyment in indulgent ease. Do not go to excess in pleasure.

        Employ men of worth without intermediaries. Put away evil

        advisers, nor try to carry out doubtful plans. Study that all

        your purposes may be according to reas(jn. Do not seek the

        people’s praises by going against reason, nor oppose the people

        to follow your own desires. Be neither idle nor wayward, and

        even foreign tribes will come nnder your sway.”

        The Shu King contains the seeds of all things that are valuable

        in the estimation of the Chinese ; it is at once the foundation

        of their political system, their history, and their religious

        rites, the basis of their tactics, music, and astronomy. Some

        have thought that the knowledge of the true God under the

        appellation of Shangti is not obscurely intimated in it, and the

        precepts for governing a country, scattered through its dialogues

        and proclamations, do their writers credit, however little they

        may have been followed in practice. Its astronomy has attracted

        much investigation, but whether the remarks of the

        commentators are to be ascribed to the times in which they

        ‘ Legge, The Chinese Claasks, Vol. III. Slioo King, p. 59.

        themselves iiourished, or to the knowledge they had of the ancient

        state of tlie science, is douhtfuL The careful and candid

        discussions by Legge in the introduction to his translation furnish

        most satisfactory conclusions as to the origin, value, and

        condition of this venerable relic of ancient China. For his

        scholarly edition of the Classics he has already earned the

        hearty thanks of every student of Chinese literature.’

        The third of the classics, the Shi King, or ‘ Book of Odes,’

        is ranked together with the two preceding, while its influence

        upon the national mind has been equally great ; a list of commentators

        upon this work fills the third section of the Catalogue.

        These poetical relics are arranged into four parts : The Ktvoh

        Fimy, or ‘ National Airs,’ numbering one hundred and fifty-nine,

        from fifteen feudal States ; the Siao Ya, or ‘ Lesser Eulogiums,’

        numbering eighty, and arranged under eight decades ; the Ta

        Ya, or ‘ Greater Eulogiums,’ numbering thirty-one, under three

        decades (both of these were designed to be sung on solemn occasions

        at the royal court) ; and the Sung, or ‘ Sacrificial Odes,’

        numbering foi’ty-one chants connected with the ancestral worship

        of the rulers of Chan, Lu, and Sliang. Out of a total number

        of three hundred and eleven now extant, six have only their

        titles preserved, while to a major part of the others native

        scholars give many various readings.

        In the preface to his careful translation Dr. Legge has collected

        all the important information concerning the age, origin,

        and purpose of these odes, as furnished by native connnentators,

        whose theory is that ” it was the duty of the kings to make

        themselves acquainted with all the odes and songs current in

        ‘ Chinese Bepository, Vol. VIII., p. 385 ; Vol. IX., p. 573. Le Clum-king,

        un des Livres Sarrh (frs Olilixm, qui renfcrme leu Fondementsde leur ancienne

        Ilistoirey etc. Traduit par Feu le P. Gaubil. Paris, 1770, in-4. La Morale

        du Chou-kiiKj on le Livre Sacredela Chine. (The same), Paris, 1851. Ancient

        China. The Shoo King, or tlie Ilistariced Cla.mr. : being the vnM ancient authentic

        Record of the AnnaU of the Chinese Empire, translated by W. H. Medliurst.

        Sen., Shanghae, 184G. Nouveem Journal Asiatique, Tomes V. (1830), p.

        401; VI., p. 401, and XIV. (1842), p. 153. China Beoiew, Vol. IV., p. 13.

        Dr. Legge’s translation has recently (1879) appeared, without the Chinese text,

        in Max Miiller’s series of Sacred Rwks of tlie East, Vol. III. Richthofen,

        China, Bd. I., ])p. 277-305, an exhaustive treatise on the early geography of

        ULiua, with valuable historical maps.

        THE SlII KING, OU BOOK OF ODES. 0:37

        the different States, and to judge from them of the cliaracter of

        the rule exercised by tlieir several princes, so that they might

        minister praise or blame, reward or punishment accordingly.”

        These odes and songs seem to hav^e been gathered by Wan

        Wang and Duke Chau at the beginning of the Chau dynasty

        (b.c. 1120), some of them at the capital, others from the feudal

        rulers in the course of royal progresses through the land, the

        royal music-master getting copies from the music-masters of the

        princes. The whole were then arranged, set to nnisic, too, it

        may be, and deposited for use and reference in the national

        archives, as well as distributed among the feudatories. Their

        ages are uncertain, but probably do not antedate b.c. 1719

        nor come after 585, or about thirty years before Confucius.

        Their number was not improbably at first fully up to the thi-ee

        thousand mentioned by the biographers of Confucius, but long

        before the sage appeared disasters of one kind and another had

        reduced them to nearly their present condition. What we have

        is, therefore, but a fragment of various collections made in the

        early reigns of the Chau sovereigns, which received, perhaps,

        larger subsequent additions than were preserved to the time of

        Confucius. He probably took them as they existed in his day,

        and feeling, possibly, like George Herbert, that

        ” A verse may finde liim, who a sermon flies,

        And turn delight into a sacrifice,”

        did everything he could to extend their adoption among his

        countrymen. It is difficult to estimate the power they have

        exerted over the subsequent generations of Chinese scholars

        nor has their influence ever tended to debase their morals, if it

        has not exalted their imagination. They have escaped the

        looseness of Moschus, Ovid, or Juvenal, if they have not attained

        the grandeur of Homer or the sweetness of Yirgil and

        Pindar. There is nothing of an epic character in them—nor

        even a lengthened narrative—and little of human passions in

        their strong development. The metaphors and illustrations are

        often quaint, sometimes puerile, and occasionally ridiculous.

        Their ackjiowledged antiquity, their religious character, and

        their illustration of early Chinese customs and feelings form

        638 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        their priiicipal claiius to our notice and appreciative study.

        M. Ed. JJiot, of Paris, was the first European scholar who studied

        them carefully in this aspect, and his articles in the Joarnal

        Asiatlque for 1S43 are models of analytic criticism and synthetic

        compilation, enabling one, as he says, ” to contemplate

        at his ease the spectacle of the primitive manners of society in

        the early age of China, so different from what was then found

        in Europe and “Western Asia.”

        An ode referred to the time of Wan Wang (a contemporary

        of Saul) contains a sentiment reminding us of Morris’ lines

        beginning ” Woodman, spare that tree. ” It is in Part I., Book

        II., and is called Kan-tawj, or the ‘ Sweet pear-tree.’

        1. O fell not that sweet pear-tree!

        See how its branches spread.

        Spoil not its shade,

        For Shao’s chief laid ^

        Beneath it his weary head.

        2. O clip not that sweet i)ear-tree I

        Each twig and leaflet spare

        ‘Tis sacred now,

        Since the lord of Shao,

        When weary, rested him there.

        3. O touch not that sweet pear-tree I

        Bend not a twig of it now ;

        There long ago,

        As the stories show,

        Oft halted tlie chief of Shao.’

        The eighth ode in Book III., called IRung CJu^ or ‘ Cock

        Pheasant,’ contains a wife’s lament on her husband’s absence.

        1. Away the startled pheasant flies.

        With lazy movement of his wings ;

        Borne was my heart’s lord from my eyes

        What pain the separation brings !

        2. The pheasant, though no more in view,

        Ilis cry below, above, forth sends.

        Alas! my princely lord, ’tis yon,

        Your absence, that my bosom rends.

        Dr. Legge, The She King, trduddted into Enylinh verse, p. 70. London, 1876.

        ii:xamplks of its lykic poetry. 63tJ

        3. At sun uiul moon I sit and gaze,

        In converse with my troubled heart.

        Far, far from me my husband stays !

        When will he come to heal its smart ?

        4, Ye princely men, who with him mate,

        Say, mark ye not his virtuous way ?

        His rule is, covet nought, none hate :

        How can Ins steps from goodness stray ? ‘

        From tlie same book we translate somewliat freely an example

        (Xo. IT) of love-song, or serenade, not uncommon among

        these odes.

        Maiden fair, so sweet, retiring,

        At tlie tryst I wait for thee ;

        Still I pause in doubt, inquiring

        Why thou triflest thus with me.

        Ah ! the maid so coy, so handsome,

        Pledged she with a rosy reed ;

        Than the reed is she more winsome.

        Love with beauty liard must plead

        !

        In the meadows sought we flowers.

        These she gave me—beauteous, rare

        :

        Far above the gift there towers

        The dear giver— lovelier, fair !

        Among the ‘ Lesser Eulogiums ‘ (Book IV., Ode 5) is one

        more ambitions in its scope, relating to the completion of a

        palace of King Sinen, about b.c. 800.

        1. On yonder banks a palace, lo ! upshoots.

        The tender blue of southern hill behind,

        Time-founded, like the bamboo’s clasping roots

        ;

        Its roof, made pine-like, to a point defined.

        Fraternal love here bears its precious fruits,

        And unfraternal schemes be ne’er designed 1

        2. Ancestral sway is his. The walls they rear

        Five thousand cubits long, and south and west

        The doors are placed. Here will the king appear,

        Here laugh, here talk, here sit him down and rest.

        <«”- — ——

        ‘/6.,p. 83.

        G40 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        3. To mould the walls, the frames they firmly tie ;

        The toiling builders beat the earth and lime

        ;

        The walls shall vermin, storm, and bird defy

        Fit dwelling is it for his lordly prime.

        4. Grand is the hall the noble lord ascends ;

        In height, like human form, most reverent, grand ;

        And straight, as flies the shaft when bow unbends

        ;

        Its tints like hiaes when pheasant’s wings expand.

        5. High pillars rise the level court around ;

        The pleasant light the open chamber steeps,

        And deep recesses, wide alcoves are found,

        Where our good king in perfect quiet sleeps.

        6. Laid is the bamboo mat on rush mat square ;

        Here shall he sleep ; and waking say, ‘

        ‘ Divine

        What dreams are good ? For bear and piebald bear,

        And snakes and cobras haunt this couch of mine.”

        7. Then shall the chief diviner glad reply,

        *’ The bears foreshow their signs of promised sons.

        The snakes and cobras daughters prophesy

        :

        These auguries are all auspicious ones.”

        8. Sons shall be liis— on couches lulled to rest

        ;

        The little ones enrobed, with sceptres play

        ;

        Their infant cries are loud as stern behest,

        Their knees the vermeil covers shall display.

        As king liereafter one shall be addressed ;

        The rest, our princes, all the States shall sway.

        9. And daughters also to him shall be born.

        They shall be placed upon the ground to sleep

        ;

        Their playthings tiles, their dress the simplest worn;

        Their part alike from good and ill to keep,

        And ne’er their parents’ hearts to cause to mourn

        ;

        To cook the food, and spirit-malt to steep.

        The last two stanzas indicate tlie comparative estimate, in

        ancient days, of boys and girls born into a family ; and this estimate,

        still maintained, has been in a great degree upheld by

        this authority.. Another ode in the ‘ Greater Eulogies ‘ (Book

        III., Ode 10) deplores the misery that prevailed about b.c. 780,

        owing to the interference of women and eunuchs in the govern-

        >/(/., Tlie She KliKj, p. 332.

        VERSIFICATION OF THE Sill KIN(i. 641

        nieiit. Two stanzas only are quoted, which are supposed to

        have been specially directed against Pao Sz’, a mischief-maker

        in the court of King Yu, like Agrippina and Pulcheria in

        Koman and Byzantine annals.

        8. A wise man builds the city wall,

        But a wise woman throws it down.

        Wise is she ? Good you may her call

        ;

        She is an owl we should disown !

        To woman’s tongue let scope be given

        And step by step to harm it leads.

        Disorder does not come from Heaven ;

        ‘Tis woman’s tongue disorder breeds.

        Women and eunuchs 1 Never came

        Lesson or warning words from them !

        4. Hurtful and false, their spite they wreak

        ;

        And when exposed their falsehood lies—

        The wrong they do not own, but sneak

        And say, ” Xo harm did we devise.”

        *’ Thrice cent, per cent. ! ” Why, that is trade!

        Yet ‘twould the princely man disgrace.

        So public things to wife and maid

        Must not silkworms and looms displace.

        There are, however, numerous stanzas among the odes in tho

        ‘ National Airs ‘ which show their fairer side and go far to neutralize

        these, giving the same contrasts in female character

        which were portrayed by King Solomon during the same age.

        The versification in a monosyllabic language appears very

        tame to those who are only familiar with the lively and varied

        rhythms of western tongues ; but the Chinese express more

        vivacity and cadence in their ballads and ditties when sung than

        one would infer from these ancient relics when transliterated

        in our letters. As the young lad has usually committed all the

        three hundred and five odes to memory before he enters the

        Examination Hall, their influence on the matter and manner of

        his own future poetical attempts can hardly be exaggerated. It

        is shown throughout the thousands of volumes enumerated in

        the fourth division of the Imperial Catalogue. Most of the

        ‘ Id., The She King, p. 347.

        Vol. I.—41

        ^42 THE 3IIDDLE KINGDOM.

        >S/u King is written in tetrametres, and nothing can be more

        simple. They have been most unfortunately likened to the

        Hebrew Psalms by some of the early missionaries, but neither

        in manner nor matter is the comparison a happy one. One point

        of verbal resemblance is noticed by Dr. Legge between the first

        ode in Part III. and the one hundred and twenty-first psalm,

        where the last line of a stanza is generally repeated in the first

        line of the next, a feature something like the repetitions in Hiawatha.

        The rhymes and tones both form an essential part of

        Chinese poetry, one which can only be imperfectly represented

        in our language. The following furnishes an example of the

        general style, to which a literal rendering is subjoined

        :

        1. Nan yin kUw muh,

        Puh Wo Mu sill

        ;

        Han yin yin nu,

        Puh Wo kiu sz\

        Han clii kii^ang i,

        Puh Wo y11,11(1 sz’;

        Kianrj chi yung i

        Puh Wofang sz\

        2. Kiao kia,o Uo sin,

        Yen i ki chii,

        ;

        Chi tsz’ yii kwei

        Yen moh kl ma ;

        Han chi kwang i, etc.

        8. Kiao kiao tso sin,

        Yen i ki lao ;

        Chi tsz^ yiX kwei

        Yen moh ki kii.

        Han ch’i kwang i, etc.

        South has stately trees,

        Not can shelter indeed ;

        Han has rambling women,

        Not can solicit indeed.

        Han’s breadth l)e sure,

        Not can be dived indeed

        ;

        Kiang’s length be sure.

        Not can be rafted indeed.

        Many many mixed faggots,

        Willingly I cut the brambles ;

        Those girls going home.

        Willingly I would feed their horses

        ;

        Han’s breadth be sure, etc.

        Many many mixed faggots,

        Willingly I cut the artemisia

        ;

        Those girls going home,

        Willingly I would feed their colts

        ;

        Han’s breadth be sure, etc.

        The highest range of thought in the odes is contained in

        Part TY., but the whole collection is worthy of perusal, and

        thi-ough the labors of Dr. Legge has been made more accessible

        than it was ever before. The amount of native literature extant,

        illustrative, critical, and philological, referring to the

        Book of Odes ‘ is not so large as that on the Tik King ; but the

        ‘ A recent German translation of these odes has combined, with mucli accuracy

        and a smooth versification, the peculiar adaptability of that tongue to the

        THE THREE IIITUALS. 643

        fifty-five works quoted in his preface ‘ contain enough to indicate

        their industry and acumen. Tliese works will elevate the

        character of Chinese scholarsliip in the opinion of those foreigners

        who remember the disadvantaijces of its isolation from

        the literature of other lands, and the difficulties of a language

        which rendered that literature inaccessible.”

        The fourth section in the Catalogue contains the Tlituals and

        a list of their editions and commentators, but only one of the

        three is numbered among the Jvlng and used as a text-l»ook at

        the public examinations. Tliis is the lA Ki, or ‘ Book of Rites,’

        the Memorial des Jiitct^, as M. Callery calls it in his translation,^

        and one of the works which has done so much to mold

        and maintain Chinese character and institutions. It is not superior

        in any respect to the Chau Li and the /Z/’, but owes its

        influence to its position. They were all the particular objects

        of Tsin Chi IIwangti\s ire in his efforts to destroy every ancient

        literary production in his kingdom; the present texts

        were recovered from their hiding-places about b.c. 135. The

        Chmt LI, or ‘Ttitual of Chan,’ is regarded as the work of Duke

        Chau (b.c. 1130), who gives the detail of the various offices established

        under the new dynasty, in which he bore so prominent

        a part. The sections containing the divisions of the administrative

        part of the Chinese government of that day have

        furnished the types for the six boards of the present day and

        their subdivisions. So far as we now know, no nation then existing

        could show so methodical and effective a system of national

        polity.

        reproduction (in some degree) of sounds so foreign to tlie language as Chinese.

        Shi KiiKj. JJiiH iMuonisclis Liederbuch tier Gldiunen. Uehersctzt voii Victor

        von Strauss. Heidelberg, 1880.

        ‘ Ih” GJiiiifx:’. Glassies, Vol. IV., pp. 172-180. Hongkong, 1871.

        – Compare Confucii Ghi-l’ing site TAher Gartninum, ex latina P. Lacharme

        iiiU’vpretatiom edicUt J. Mohl, Stuttgart, 1830 ; Essai sur le GM-kiny, it sur

        Pancieiine poesir rlunoise, p(ir M. Brosset jeune, Paris, 1828 ; BihUotlteque oricnt(

        de, Vol.11., p. 247 (1872). Ghi-khni, on. TArre des Vns, Traduction de M. G.

        Pauthier; Gkina Rfvi>ir,Vo\. VI., pp. 1 ff. and Ififi ff. .Innud X. G. Br. R.

        As. &r., Vol. XII., pp. 97 ff.

        •” Li-ki on Memorial des BiU’s, tntduit pour la premiere fois du cJiinois, et (u>

        compagne de notes, de commentuires et du texte orifjinal, par J. M. Callery.

        Turin et Paris, 1853.

        644 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        The / L’l is a smaller work, treating of family affairs, and

        as its name, ‘Decorum Hitual,”‘ indicates, contains di)-ections

        for domestic life, as the other does for state matters. That is

        in forty-four sections and this is in seven, and both are now

        accepted as among the most ancient works extant. The former

        was translated by Ed. Biot,’ and remains a monument of his

        scholarship and research.

        The Li K’% owes its posititai among the classics to the belief

        that Confucius here gives his views on government and manners,

        although these chapters are not regarded as the same in

        their integrity as those said to have been found in the M-alls of his

        house, and brought to light in the second century p..r. by Ivao

        Tang of Lu, under the name of ^^^ L’l, or the ‘ Scholar’s Ritual.’

        In the next century Tai Teh collected all the existing

        docimients relating to the ancient rituals in two hundred and

        fourteen sections, oidy a portion of which M-ere then held to

        have emanated from the sage and recorded by his pupils. His

        work, in eighty-five sections, is called Ta Tai Li, or the

        ‘Senior Tai’s Hitual,’ to distinguish it from the Siiao Tai

        Ij^ or the ‘Junior Tai’s Tiitual,’ a work in forty-nine sections,

        by his nephew, Tai Sliing. This is the work now known as

        the Li Ki, M. Gallery’s translation of which contains the

        authorized text of Ivanghi according to Fan Tsz’-tang, in

        thirty-six sections, with many notes. His translation is wearisome

        reading from the multitude of parentheses interjected

        into the text, distracting the attention and Aveakening its contiruiity.

        Those who have read iVbbc Hue’s entertaining remarks on

        the Rites in China will find in these three works the reason and

        application of their details. In explanation of their importance,

        M. Callery shows in a few words what a wide field they

        cover : ” Ceremony epitomizes the entire Chinese mind ; and,

        in my opinion, the Li L\^l i&jyer se the most exact and complete

        monograph that China lias been able to give of itself to other

        nations. Its affections, if it has anv, are satisfied bv cere-

        ‘ Le TcJw/ni-Li on. Ritfs d^n Tcheou, trndvit pour la premiere foia du chinot8»

        par Feu fidouard Biot. 2 Tomes. Paris, 1851.

        THE Li Kl, OR 1500K OF IJITES. 645

        monj ; its duties are fulfilled by ceremony ; its virtues and

        vices are refen-ed to ceremony ; the natural relations of created

        beings essentially link themselves in ceremonial—in a word,

        to that people ceremonial is man as a moral, political, and religious

        being in his multiplied relations with family, country,

        society, morality, and religion.” This explanation shows, too,

        how meagre a rendering eereiiiony is for the Chinese idea of li,

        for it includes not only the extcriud conduct, but involves the

        right principles from which all true etiquette and politeness

        spring. The state religion, the government of a family, and

        the rules of society are all founded on the true li, or relations

        of things. Reference has already been made to this profoundly

        esteemed work (p. 520), and one or two more extracts will suffice

        to exhibit its spirit and style, singular in its object and

        scope among all the bequests of antiquity.

        Affection bet ipceii father and son.

        In the Domestic Rules it is said, “Men in serving their parents, at the first

        cock-crowing, must all wash their hands ; rinse their mouth ; comb their

        hair ; bind it together with a net ; fasten it with a bodkin, forming it into a

        tuft ; brush off the dust ; put on the hat, tying the strings, ornamented with

        tassels ; also the waistcoat, frock, and girdle, with the note-sticks placed in it,

        and the indispensables attached on the right and lelt ; bind on the greaves;

        and put on the shoes, tying up the strings. Wives must serve their husband’s

        father and mother as their own; at the first cock-crowing, they must wash

        their hands ; rinse their mouth ; comb their hair ; bind it together with a net

        ;

        fasten it with a bodkin, forming it into a tu-t ; put on their frocks and girdles,

        with the indispensables attached on the right and left; fasten on their bags of

        perfumery ; put on and tie up their shoes. Then go to the chamber of their

        father and mother, and father-in-law and mother-in-law, and having entered,

        in a low and placid tone they must in(pure wliether their dress is too warm or

        too cool ; if the parents have pain or itching, themselves must respect ully

        press or rub [the part aTected] ; and i: they enter or leave the room, themselves

        either going before or following, must respect “nlly support them. In

        bringing the apparatus for washing, the younger must present the bowl ; tlie

        elder the water, begging them to pour it and wash ; and alter they have

        washed, hand them the towel. In asking and respectl’uUy jjresenting what

        they wish to eat, they must cheer them by their mild manner ; and must wait

        till their father and mother, and father-in-law and mother-in-law have eaten,

        and then retire. Boys and girls, who have not arrived at the age of manhood

        and womanhood, at the first cock-crowing must wash their hands; rinse their

        mouth ; comb their hair ; bind it together with a net ; and form it into a tuft

        0’46 TIIK MIDDLK KINGDOM.

        I)rusli oPF the dust ; tie on their hags, having them well snpplied with perfumery

        ; then hasten at early dawn to see their parents, and inquire if they have

        eaten and drunk ; if they have, they must immediately retire ; but if not,

        they must assist their superiors in seeing that everything is duly made ready.”

        Of rejirociiKj jMreiits.

        ” When his parents are in error, the son with a liumble spirit, pleasing

        countenance, and gentle tone, must point it out to them. If they do not receive

        liis reproof, he must strive more <ind more to be dutiful and respectful

        toward them till they <ire pleased, and then he must again point out their

        error. But if lie does not succeed in pleasing them, it is better that he should

        continue to reiterate reproof, than permit them to do injury to the whole

        department, district, village, or neighborhood. And if the parents, irritated

        and displeased, chastise their son till the blood flows from him, even then he

        must not dare to harbor the least resentment ; hut, on the contrary, should

        treat them with increased respect and dutifulness.

        Respect to be paid jxirents in one^s conduct.

        ‘• Although your father and mother are dead, if you propose to yourself any

        good work, only reflect how it will make their names illustrious, and your

        purpose will be fixed. So if you propose to do Avhat is not good, only consider

        how it will disgrace the names of your father and mother, and you will desist

        from your purpose.” ‘

        These extracts sliow soinetlniig of tlie molding principles

        which operate on Chinese yontli from earliest years, and the

        scope given in his education to filial piety. From conning such

        precepts the lad is imbued with a respect for his parents that

        finally becomes intensified into a religious sentiment, and forms,

        as he increases in age, his only creed—the worship of ancestors.

        His seniors, on the other hand, have but to point to the textbooks

        before him as authority for all things they e.xact, and as

        being the only possible source of those virtues that conduct to

        happiness. The position of females, too, has remained, under

        these dogmas, much the same for hundreds of years. ISTor is it

        difticult to account for the influence whieli they have had.

        Those who were most aware of their excellence, and had had

        some experience in the tortuous dealings of the human heart,

        as husbands, fathers, mothers, officers, and seniors, were those

        who had the power to enforce obedience upon wives, children,

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. V., pp. 306-312.

        THE CHUX TSIU, OR SPRI^STG AND AUTUMX KECOKD. 647

        daughters, subjects, and juniors, as well as teach it to them.

        These must wait till increasing years brought about their turn

        to fill the upper rank in the social system, by wliich time habit

        would lead them to exercise their sway over the rising generation

        in the same manner. Thus it would be perpetuated, for

        the man could not depart from the way his childhood was

        trained ; had the results been more disastrous, it would have

        been easy for us to explain why, amid the ignorance, craft, ambition,

        and discontent found in a populous, nneducated, pagan

        country, such formal rules had failed of benefiting societ}^ to

        any lasting extent. We must look higher for this result, and

        acknowledge the degree of wholesome restraint upon the passions

        of the Chinese which the Author of whatever is good in

        these tenets has seen fit to confer upon them in order to the preservation

        of society.

        The fifth section contains the Chan Tslu, or ‘ Spring and

        Autumn Record,’ and its literature. This is the only one of

        the King attributed to Confucius, though whether we have in

        the Becord, as it now exists, a genuine compilation of the sage,

        does not appear to be beyond doubt. His object being to construct

        a narrative of events in continuation of the Shu King,

        he, with assistance from his pupils, drew np a history of his

        own country, extending from the reign of Ping AVang to about

        the period of his bii-th (b.c. T22 to 480). Inasmuch as the

        author of this chronicle confined himself to the relation of such

        facts as he deemed Avorthy to be recorded, and was not al)t)ve

        altering or concealing such details as in his private judgment

        appeared unworthy of the princes of his dynasty, this history

        cannot be regarded as exactly in conformity with modern notions

        of what is desirable in -works of this class. That Confucius

        wished to leave behind him a lasting monument to his own

        name, as well as a narration of events, we gather from mor.*

        than one of his utterances : ” The superior man is distressed

        lest his name slioulil not be honorably mentioned after death

        My principles do not make way in the world ; how shall T make

        myself known to future ages ? ” In order, therefore, to insure

        the preservation of his chef cVoeuvre to all time, he combines

        with the annals certain censures and rig-hteous decisions which

        648 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        should render it at once a liistoiy and a text-book of moral lessons

        ; and in giving tiie book to bis disciples, “It is bj the

        Chan. Tsiu,’” be said, ”that after-ages will know me, and also

        by it that thej will condemn me.”

        The title, ” Spring and Autumn,” is understood by many Chinese

        scholars to be a term for chronological annals ; in this case

        the name being explained “because their commendations are

        life-giving like spring, and their censures life-withering like

        autumn,”‘ or, as we find in the Trlnietricul Classic, ” which by

        praise and blame separates the good and bad.” ‘ A closer inspection

        of the CJiaii Tsin is sure to prove disappointing; spite

        of the glowing accounts of Mencius and its great reputation,

        this history is simply a bald record of incidents whose entire

        contents afford barely an hour’s reading. “Instead of a history

        of events,” writes Dr. Legge, ” woven artistically together,

        we find a congeries of the briefest possible intimations of matters

        in which the court and State of Lu were more or less concerned,

        extending over two hundred and forty-two years, without

        the slightest tincture of literary ability in the composition,

        or the slightest indication of judicial opinion on the part of the

        writer. The paragraphs are always brief. Each one is designed

        to conmiemorate a fact ; l>nt whether that fact be a display of

        virtue calculated to command our admiration, or a deed of

        atrocity fitted to awaken our disgust, it can hardly be said that

        there is anything in the language to convey to us the shadow of

        an idea of the author’s feelings about it. The notices—for we

        cannot call them narratives—are absolutely unimpassioned. A

        base murder and a shining act of heroism are chronicled just

        as the eclipses of the sun are chronicled. So and so took

        ‘ This somewhat fanciful explanation of. the title is from the Han commentators.

        Dr. Legge {(Jlassim, Vol. V., Prolegomena, p. 7) observes that “not

        even in the work do we find such ‘ censures ‘ and ‘ commendations ; ‘ and much

        less are they trumpeted in the title of it.” His interpretation that Spring and

        Autumn are put by synechdoche for all four seasons, i.e., the entire record of

        the year, appears to he a more natiu’al account. The same writer declines that

        ” the whole hook is a collection of riddles, to which there are as many answers

        as there are gnessers ” Tlie interesting chapters of his pmlejioniena to this

        translation, and his judicious criticisms on these early records, should tempt all

        sinologues to read them throughout.

        place; that is all. Xo details are given; no judgment is expressed.”

        So imperturbable a recital could hardly have been saved from

        extinction even by the great reputation of the sage, had it not

        been for the amplification of Tso, a younger contemporary or

        follower of Confucius, who lillel up the meagre sentences and

        added both flesh and life to the skeleton. It ‘n possible that

        the enthusiastic praises of Mencius are due to the fact that he

        associated the text and commentary as one work. The Chuen

        of Tso has indeed always been regarded as foremost among the

        secondary classics ; uor is it too much, considering his terse yet

        vivid and pictorial style, to call its author, as does Dr. Legge,

        ” the Froissart of China.” ‘ In addition to his purpose of explaining

        the text of the Chun Tuia, Tso’s secondary object was

        to give a general view of the history of China during the period

        embraced by that record ; unless he had put his living tableaiix

        into the framework of his uuister, there is grave reason to fear

        that many most important details relating to the sixth and seventh

        centuries b.c. would have been forever lost. Two other

        early commentaries, those of Kung Yang and Kidi Liang, dating

        from about the second century b.c, occupy a high position

        in the estimation of Chinese scholars as illustrative of the original

        chronicle. They do not compare with the Tf<o Chuen

        either in interest or in authority, though it may be said that a

        study of the Chun T^’iu can hardly be made unless attended

        with a careful perusal of their contents. It will not be without

        interest to give an example of the Record^ followed with elucidations

        of the text by these three aimotators. The second year

        of Duke Hi of Lu (b.c. G57) runs as follows

        :

        1. In thvi [duke’s] second year, in spring, in the king’s first month, we

        [aided in the] walling of Tsu-kin.

        2. In summer, in the fifth month, on Sin-sz’, we buried our duchess, Gai

        Kiang.

        3. An army of Yu and an army of Tsin extinguished Kia-yang.

        ‘ The same writer adds, in summing up the merits of tlie T,^o (lliuen : ” It

        is, in my opinion, tlie most precious literary treasure which has come down to

        posterity from the Chow dynasty.”

        (Jlaam’s, Vol. V., Proleg., p. 35.

        650 THE 3IIDDLE KIXGDO:\r.

        4. Ill autuiun, in the ninth month, the Marquis of Tsz’, tlie Duke of Sung

        an officer of Kiang, and an officer of Hwang, made a covenant in Kwan.

        5. Ill winter, in the tenth month, there was no rain.

        G. A body of men from Tsu made an incursion into Ching.

        Upon the tliird entry for tliis year tlie T.so Chuen enlarges

        :

        Seiin Seih, of Tsin, requested leave from the marquis to take his team of

        Kiuh horses and his J5e«7t of Chui-keih jade, and with tlieni borrow a way from

        Yu to march through it and attack Kwoh. “Tliey are the things I hold most

        precious,” said the marquis. Seih replied, “But if you get a way through

        Yu, it is but like placing them in a treasury outside the State for a time.”

        ” There is Kung Che-kl in Yu,” objected the duke. ” Kuug Clie-kl,” returned

        the other, ” is a weak man, and incapable of remonstrating vigorously. And,

        moreover, from his youth up he has always been with the Duke of Yu. who is

        so familiar with him that though he should remonstrate the duke will not

        listen to him.” The marquis accordingly sent Seun Seih to borrow a way

        through Yu with this message: “Formerly Ki, against right and reason, entered

        your State from Tien-ling, and attacked the three gates of Ming. It

        suffered for so doing, all through your grace. Now Kwoh, against right and

        reason, has been keeping guards about the travellers’ lodges, to make incursions

        from them into my southern l)orders, and I venture to beg a right of way

        from you to ask an account of its offence.” The Duke of Yu granted the request,

        and even asked to take the lead in invading Kwoh. Kung Clie-ki

        remonstrated with him, but in vain ; and he raised his army for the enterprise.

        In summer, Li Kill and Seun Seih brought on the army of Tsin, made

        a junction with that of Yu, and invaded Kwoh, when they extinguished Hiayang.

        The army of Yu is mentioned first, because of the bribes which the

        duke accepted.

        The coniiuentar}^ of Knng Yang says on tlie same paragraph :

        Yu was a small State ; why is it that it is here made to take precedence of

        a great one ‘? To make Yu take tlie lead in the wickedness.

        Why is Yu made to take the lead in the wickedness V Yu received the

        bribes with whicli those [wlio were going to] extinguish the State [of Kwoh]

        borrowed a way through it, and thus brought on its own ruin.

        IIow did it receive [those] bribes ‘i Duke Hieii [of Tsin] gave audience to

        his great officers, and asked them why it was that he had lain all night without

        sleeping One of them advanced and said, “Was it because you did not feel

        at ease [in your mind] ? or was it because your [proper] bedfellow was not by

        your side “‘. ” The duke gave no answer, and then Seun Seih came forward

        and said, “Was it because Yu and Kwoh were appearing to you ? ” The duke

        motioned to him to come [more] forward, and then went with him into an inner

        apartment to take counsel. ” I wish,” said he, ” to attack Kwoh, but Yu

        will go to its velief. and if I attack Yu Kwoh will succor it ; what is to be

        done ? I wish to consider the case with you.” Seun Seih replied, “If you

        will use my counsel, you shall take Kwoh to-day and Yu to-morrow ; why

        EXTRACTS FROM IJIK i’UUN TSIU. ‘ 651

        should your lordship he trouhled y ” ” IIow is this to he accomplished’:”‘

        asked the duke. ” Please let [me go toj Yu,” said the other, ‘” with your team

        01 Kiuh horses and your white peth or Chui-keih, and you are sure to get

        [what you wautj. It will only be taking your valuable {jai/t] Ironi your inner

        treasury and depositing it in an outer one ; your lor(l^^hip will lose nothing

        by it.” The duke said, “Yes; but Kung Che-ki is there. What are

        we to do with him ? ” Seun Seih replied, ” Kung Che-ki is indeed knowing ;

        but the Duke of Yu is covetous, and fond of valuable curios ; he is sure

        not to follow his minister’s advice. I beg you, considering everything, to let

        nie go.” . . . etc., etc.

        The following, as a l)rief sample of the Kiih Liang conmientaiy,

        takes up the narrative M’here we have broken off. There

        is so ninch that is similar in these two latter exegeses as to lead

        to the belief that they “were composed with reference to each

        other.

        On this Duke Hien soirght [in the way proposed] for a passage [through

        Yu] to invade Kwoh. Kung Che-ki remonstrated, saying, “The words of the

        envoy of Tsin are humble, but his oSFerings are great ; the matter is sure not

        to be advantageous to Yu.” The Duke of Yu, however, would not listen to

        him, but received the offerings and granted the passage through the State.

        Kung Che-ki remonstrated [again], suggesting that the case was like that in

        the saying about the lips being gone and the teeth becoming cold ; alter wliicli

        he fled with his wi^e and children to Tsao.

        Duke Hien then destroyed Kwoh, and in the fifth year [of our Duke Hi] he

        dealt in the same way with Yu. Seun Seih then had the horses led forward,

        while he carried the peih in his hand, and said : “The peih is just as it was,

        but the horses’ teeth are grown longer ! ” ‘

        Meagre as are the items <»f the text, they sliow, together with

        its copious commentaries, the methodical care of the early Chinese

        in preserving their ancient records. The hints which these

        and other books give of their intellectual activity during the

        eight centuries before C/hrist, naturally compel a higher estimate

        of their culture than we have hitherto allowed them.”

        The sixth section of the Catalogue has already been noticed

        as comprising the literature of the JTiao King.

        ‘ To this the Kung Yang commentator adds: “This he said in joke.”

        * Compare Tchun Tsieov, Jje Prinfemps cf- PAutomne, mi Anri/iles de la Pnneipaute

        (Je Loii, depuis 122 jusqu” en 481, etc. Traduites en fran^ow, purLQ

        Roux Deshauterayes. 1750. Dr. E. Bretschneider, in the Chinese BecordeVf

        Vol. IV., pp. 51-52, 1871.

        652 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        Tlie seventh section contains a list of works written to eluci^

        date tlie Five Classics as a whole, and if their character for

        orio-inality of thought, variety of research, extent of illustration,

        and explanation of obscurities was comparable to their size and

        numbers, no books in any language could boast of the aids possessed

        by the Wu Khvj for their right comprehension. Of

        these commentators, Chu Hi of Kiangsi, M’ho lived during the

        Sun<‘- dvnasty, has so greatly exceeded all others in illustrating

        and expounding them, that his explanations are now considered

        of almost equal authority with the text, and are always given

        to the beginner to assist him in ascertaining its true meaning.

        The eighth section of the Catalogue comprises memoirs and

        comments upon the &’ Shu^ or ‘ Four Books,’ which have been

        nearly as influential in forming Chinese mind as the Wu King.

        They are by different authors, and since their publication have

        perhaps undergone a few alterations and interpolations, but the

        changes either in these or the Five Classics cannot be very

        numerous or great, since the large body of disciples who followed

        Confucius, and had copies of his writings, would carefully

        preserve uncorrupt those which he edited, and hand do\\’n

        unimpaired those which contained his sayings. Xone of the

        Four Books were actually written by Confucius himself, but

        three of them are considered to be a digest of his sentiments ;

        they were arranged in their present form by the brothers Ching,

        who flourished about eight centuries ago.

        The first of the Four Books is the Ta Illoh, i.e., ‘ Superior’

        or ‘ Great Learning,’ which originally formed one chapter of

        the Book of Rites. It is now divided into eleven chapters,

        only the first of which is ascribed to the sage, the remainder

        forming the comment upon them ; the whole does not contain

        two thousand words. The argument of the Ta Ilioh is briefly

        summed up in four heads, ” the improvement of one’s self, the

        regulation of a family, the government of a state, and the rule

        of an empire.” In the first chapter this idea is thus developed in a circle peculiarly Chinese:

        The ancients, who wished to illustrate renovating virtue throughout the

        Empire, first ordered well their own states. Wishing to order well their

        states, they first regulated their lamilies. Wishing to regulate their families,

        THE GREAT LEARNING AND JUST MEDIUM. 653

        they first cultivated tlieir persons. Wishing to cultivate their person!’, they

        first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first sought to

        be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their tlioughts, they

        first extended their knowledge to the utmost. Such extension oi.’ knowledge

        lay in the investigation of things. Things being investigated, knowledge became-

        complete : knowledge being comi)lete, their thoughts were sincere : their

        thoughts being sincere, their hearts were then rectified : their hearts being

        rectified, their persons were cultivated : their persons being cultivated, their

        families were regulated : families being regulated, states were rightly governed

        ; and states being rightly governed, the Empire was made tran(iuil.

        From the Son of Heaven to the man of the people, all must consider the

        cultivation of the person to be the foundation.

        The subsequent c]i;q)ters mainly consist of the terse sayings

        of ancient kings and authors gathered and arranged by Tsang

        and aftei’ward hy CJliu Hi, designed to ilhistrate and enforce

        the teachings of Confucius contained in the first. One quotation

        only can be given from Chapter X.

        In the Declaration of [tlio Duke of] Tsin, it is said : ” Let me have but one

        minister plain and sincere, not pretending to other abilities, but with a simple

        upright mind ; and possessed of generosity, regarding the talents of others as

        though he possessed them himself, and where he fintls accomplished and perspicacious

        men, loving them in his lieart more than his mouth expresses, and

        really sliowing himself able to avail himself of them ; such a minister will be

        able to preserve my descendants and the Black-haired people, and benefits to

        the kingdom might well be looked for. But if it be, when lie finds men of

        ability, he is jealous and hateful to them ; and when he meets accomplished

        and perspicacious men, he opposes theni and will not allow their advancement,

        showing that he is really not able to avail liimself of them ; such a

        minister will not be able to protect my descendants and the Black-haired

        people. May he not even be pronounced dangerous V

        Tt will be willingly allowed, ^^hen reading these extracts,

        that, destitute as they were of the higli sanctions and animating

        hopes and promises of the Word of God, these Chinese

        moralists began at the right place in tlieir endeavors to reform

        and benefit their countrymen, and that they did not fnlly succeed

        was owing to causes beyond their reforming power.

        The second of the Four Books is called CJnin’j Ynny, or the

        ‘ Just Medium,’ and is, in some respects, the most elaborate

        treatise in the series. Tt was composed by Kung Kih, the

        grandson of Confucius (better known hy his style Tsz’-sz’),

        about ninety years after tlie sage’s death. It once also formed part of the Vi Ki., from wliicli it, as well as the Ta Hioh.,

        Avere taken out by Chii Hi to make two of the Sz’ Shu. It

        lias thirty-three chapters, and has been the subject of numei’ous

        comments. The great purpose of the author is to illustrate the

        nature of human virtue, and to exhibit its conduct in the

        actions of an ideal Jiiun fs2\ or ‘princely man ‘ of immaculate

        propriety, who always demeans himself correctly, without going

        to extremes. He carries out the advice of Hesiod

        :

        ” Let every action prove a mean confess’d;

        A moderation is, in all, the best.”

        True virtue consists in never going to extremes, though it does

        not appear that by this the sage meant to repress acti\e benevolence

        on the one hand, or encourage selfish stolidity on the

        other. C/d/Kj, or uprightness, is said to be the basis of all

        things; and /to, harmony, the all-pervading principle of the

        universe ; ” extend uprightness and harmony to the utmost,

        and heaven and earth will be at rest, and all things be produced

        and nourished according to their nature.” The general character

        of the work is monotonous, but relieved with some animated

        passages, among which the description of the Mun tsz\ or

        princely man, is one. ” The princely man, in dealing with others, does not descend to anything low or improper. How unbending his valor ! He stands in the middle, and leans not to either side. The princely man enters into no situation where he is not himself. If he holds a high situation, he does not treat with contempt those below him ; if he occupies an inferior station, he uses no mean arts to gain the favor of his superiors. He corrects himself and blames not othei’S ; he feels no dissatisfaction.

        On the one hand, he nun-miirs not at Heaven ; nor, on the other, does he feel resentment toward man. Hence, the superior man dwells at ease, entirely waiting the will of Heaven.”‘

        ‘ Collie’s Foicr linakx, pp. 0-10.

        THE SAGE, OR PRINCELY MAN. 655

        Chinese moralists divide maidcind into three classes, on these principles : ” Men of the highest order, as sages, worthies, philanthropists, and lieroes, are good without instruction ; men of the middling classes are so after instruction, such as x^usbandnien, pliysicians, astrologers, soldiers, etc., while those of the lowest are bad in spite of instruction, as play-actors, pettifoggers, slaves, swindlers, etc.” The first are shing^ or sages; the second are Men, or worthies ; the last are yu, or worthless. Sir John Davis notices the similarity of this triplicate classification with that of Ilesiod. The Just Med’turii thus describes the first character:

        It is only the sage who is possessed of that clear discrimination and profound intelligence which fit him for filling a high station ; who possesses that enlarged liberality and mild benignity which lit him for bearing with others; who manifests that firmness and magnanimity that enable him to hold fast good principles ; who is actuated by that benevolence, justice, propriety, and

        knowledge which command reverence ; and who is so deeply learned in

        polite learning and good principles as to qualify him rightly to discriminate.

        Vast and extensive are the effects of his virtue ; it is like the deep and living

        stream which flows unceasingly ; it is substantial and extensive as Heaven,

        and profound as the great abyss. Wlierever ships sail or chariots run ; wherever

        the heavens overshadow and the earth sustains ; wherever the sun and

        moon shine, or frosts and dews fall, among all who have blood and breath,

        there is not one who does not honor and love him.

        Sincerity or conscientiousness holds a high place among the

        attributes of the superior or princely man ; but in translating

        the Chinese terms into English, it is sometimes puzzling enough

        to find those which will exhibit the exact idea of the original.

        For instance, sincerity is described as “the origin or consummation

        of all things ; without it, there would be nothing. It is

        benevolence by which a man’s self is perfected, and knowledge

        by which he perfects others.” In another place we read that

        ” one sincere w^ish would move heaven and earth.” The Ixlun tsz’

        is supposed to possess these qualities. The standard of excellence

        is placed so high as to be absolutely unattainable by unaided

        human nature ; and though Kih probably intended to

        elevate the character of his grandfather to this height, and thus

        hand him down to future ages as a sMng Jin, or ‘ perfect and

        holy man,’ he has, in the providence of God, done his countrymen

        great service in setting before them such a character as is

        ‘lb., p. 28.

        here given in the Chung Yung. Bj being made a text-book in the schools it has been constantly studied and memorized by generations of students, to their great benefit.

        The third of the Four Books, called the Lun Yu, or ‘ Analects of Confucius,’ is divided into twenty chapters, in which the collective body of his disciples recorded his woi’ds and actions, much in the same way that Boswell did those of Johnson.

        It has not, however, the merit of chronological arrangement,

        and parts of it are so sententious as to be obscure, if not

        almost unintelligible. This work discloses the sage’s shrewd

        insight into the character of his conntiymen, and knowledge of

        the manner in which they could best be approached and influenced.

        Upon the commencement of his career as reformer and

        teacher, he contented himself with reviving the doctrines of

        the ” Ancients ; ” but finding his influence increasing as he

        continued these instructions, he then—yet always as under their

        authority—engrafted original ideas and tenets upon the minds

        of his generation. Had even his loftiest sentiments been propounded

        as his own, they would hardly have been received in

        his day, and, perhaps, through the contempt felt for him by

        his contemporaries, have been lost entirely.

        Among the most remarkable passages of the Four Books are

        the following : Replying to the question of Tsz’-kung, ” Is there

        one word wliicli may serve as a rule of practice for all of one’s

        life?” Confucius said: “Is not .^ihu (‘reciprocity’) such a

        word ? What you do not want done to youi-self, do not do to

        others.” In a previous place Tsz’-kung had said : ” What I do

        not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men.” Confucius

        replied : ” Tsz’, you have not attained to that.” The

        same principle is repeated in the C/t ung Yung, where it is said

        that the man who does so is not far from the path. Another

        is quoted in the Imperial Dictionary, under the word Fuh: ” The people of the west have sages,” or ” There is a sage (or holy man) among the people of the west,” where the object is to show that he did not mean Buddha. As Confucius was contemporary M’ith Ezra, it is not impossible that he had heard something of the history of the Israelites scattered throughout

        the one hundred and twenty-seven provinces of the Persian

        THE ANALECTS OF CONFUCIUS, 657

        monarchy, or of the writings of their prophets, though there is not the least historical evidence that he knew anything of the countries in Western Asia, or of the books extant in their languages. Some idea of the character of the Lun Yu may be gathered from a few detached sentences, selected from Marshman’s translation.’

        Grieve uot that men know jou not, but be grieved that you are ignorant of men.

        Governing with equity resembles the north star, which is fixed, and all the stars surround it.

        Have no friends unlike yourself.

        Learning without reflection will profit nothing ; reflection without learningwill leave the mind uneasy and miserable.

        Knowledge produces pleasure clear as water ; complete virtue brings happiness solid as a mountain ; knowledge pervades all things ; virtue is tranquil and happy ; knowledge is delight ; virtue is long life.

        Without virtue, both riches and honor seem to me like the passing cloud.

        The sage’s conduct is affection and benevolence in operation.

        The man who possesses complete virtue wishes to fix his own mind therein, and also to fix the minds of others ; he wishes to be wise himself, and would fain render others equally wise.

        Those who, searching for virtue, refuse to stay among the virtuous, how can they obtain knowledge ? The rich and honorable are those with whom men desire to associate ; not obtaining their company in the paths of virtue, however, do not remain in it.

        In your appearance, to fall below decency would be to resemble a savage rustic, to exceed it would be to resemble a fop ; let your appearance be decent and moderate, then you will resemble the honorable man.

        When I first began with men, I heard words and gave credit for conduct; now I hear words and observe conduct.

        I have found no man who esteems virtue as men esteem pleasure.

        The perfect man loves all men ; he is not governed by private affection or interest, but only regards the public good or right reason. The wicked man, on the contrary, loves if you give, and likes if you commend him.

        The perfect man is never satisfied with himself. He that is satisfied with himself is not perfect.

        He that is sedulous and desires to improve in his studies is not ashamed to stoop to ask of others.

        Sin in a virtuous man is like an eclipse of the sun and moon ; all men

        gaze at it, and it passes away ; the virtuous man mends, and the world standsin admiration of his fall.

        ‘ The TFbrA’.* of Confucius ; containing the oi’i(jiiud text, %cith a Translation,by J. Marshman. Vol. I. Serampore, 1807.Vol. I.–43

        Patience is the most necessary thing to have in this world. A few facts respecting the life, and observations on the character, of the great sage of Chinese letters, may here be added, though the extracts already made from his writings are sufficient to show his style. Confucius was born b.c.551, in the twentieth year of the Emperor Ling (about the date at which Cyrus became king of Persia), in the kingdom of Lu, now included in Yenchau, in the south of IShantung. His father was a district magistrate, and dying when lie was only three years old, left his care and education to his mother, who, although not so celebrated as the mother of Mencius, seems to have nurtured in hiui a respect for morality, and directed his studies. During his youth he was remarkable fuj- a grave demeanor and knowledge

        of ancient learning, which gained him the respect and admiration

        of his townsmen, so that at the age of twenty, the year

        after his marriage, he was entrusted M’itli the duties of a subordinate

        office in the revenue department, and afterward appointed

        a supervisor of fields and herds. In his twenty-fourth

        year his mother deceased, and in conformity with the ancient

        usage, which had then fallen into disuse, he immediately resigned

        all his employments to mourn for her three years, during M’hicli

        time he devoted himself to study. This practice has continued

        to the present day.

        His examination of the ancient writings led him to resolve

        upon instructing his countrymen in them, and to revive the

        usages of former kings, especially in whatever related to the

        rites. His position gave him an entry to court in Lu, where

        he met educated and influential men, and by the time he was

        thirty he was already in repute among them as a teacher. His

        own king, Siang, gave him the means of visiting the imperial

        t’ourt at Lohyang. Here, together Avith his disciples, he examined

        everything, past and present, with close scrutiny, and returned

        home with renewed regard for the ancieiit founders of

        the House of Chau. His scholars and admirers increased in

        numbers, and a corresponding extension of fame followed, so

        that ere long he had an invitation to the court of the prince of

        Tsi, but on arrival there was mortified to learn that curiosity

        had been the prevailing cause of the invitation, and not a desire

        to adopt his principles. He accordingly left him and went

        LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 659

        home, where the struggles between three rival families carried disorder and misery throughout the kingdom ; it was with the greatest difficulty that he remained neutral between these factions.

        His disciples were from all parts of the land, and public opinion began to be influenced by his example. At length an opportunity offered to put his tenets into practice. The civil strife had resulted in the flight of the rebels, and Lu was settling down into better government, when in b.c. 500 Confucius was made the magistrate of the town of Chung-tu by his sovereign, Duke Ting. He was now fifty years old, and began to carry out the best rule he could in his position as minister of crime. For three years he administered the affairs of State with such a mixture of zeal, prudence, severity, and

        regard for the rights and wants of all classes, that Lu soon

        became the envy and dread of all other States. He even

        succeeded in destroying two or three baronial castles M’hose

        chiefs had set all lawful authority at defiance. His precepts

        had been fairly put in practice, and, like Solomon, his influence

        in after-ages was increased by the fact of acknoM’ledged

        success.

        It was but little more than an experiment, however ; for Duke

        King of Tsi, becoming envious of the growing power of his

        neighbor, sent Ting a tempting present, consisting of thirty

        horses beautifully caparisoned, and a number of curious rai’ities,

        with a score of the most accomplished courtesans he could

        procure in his territories. This scheme of gaining the favor of

        the youthful monarch, and driving the obnoxious cynic from

        his counj3ils, succeeded, and Confucius soon after retired by

        compulsion into private life. He moved into the dominions of

        the prince of Wei, accompanied by such of his disciples as chose

        to follow him, where he employed himself in extending liis

        doctrines and travelling into the adjoining States.

        He Mas at times applauded and pati’onized, but quite as often

        the object of persecution and contumely ; more than once his

        life was endangered. He compared himself to a dog driven

        from his home : ” I have the fidelity of that animal, and I am

        treated like it. But what matters the ingratitude of men ?

        They cannot hinder me from doing all the good that has been appointed me. If my precepts are disregarded, I have the consolation of knowing in my own breast that I have faithfully performed my duty.” lie sometimes spoke in a manner that showed his own impression to be that heaven had conferred on him a special commission to instruct the world. On one or two occasions, when he was in jeopardy, he said : ” If IJeaven means not to obliterate this doctrine from the earth, the men of Kwang can do nothing to me.” And ” as Heaven has produced whatever virtue is in nie, what can Ilwan Tui do to me 5f ” In his instructions he improved passing events to afford useful lessons, and some of those recorded are at least ingenious. Observing a fowler one day soi’tinghis birds into different cages, he said, ” I do not see any old birds here ; Where have you put them ? ” ” The old birds,” replied the fowler, ” are too wary to be caught ; they are on the lookout, and if they see a net or cage, far from falling into the snare they escape and never return.

        Those young ones which are in company with them likewise escape, but only such as separate into a flock by themselves and rashly approach are the birds I take. If perchance I catch an old bird it is because he follows the young ones.”

        ” You have heard him,” observed the sage, turning to his disciples; “the words of this fowler afford us matter for instruction.

        LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. G61

        The young birds escape the snare oidy when they keep with the old ones, the old ones are taken when they follow the young ; it is thus with maidvind. Presumption, hardihood, want of forethought, and inattention are the principal reasons why young people are led astray. Inflated with their small attainments they have scarcely made a commencement in learning before they think they know everything; they have scarcely performed a few common virtuous acts, and straight they fancy themselves at the height of wisdom. Under this false impression they doubt nothing, hesitate at nothing, pay attention to nothing ; they rashly undertake acts without consulting the aged and experienced, and thus securely following their own notions, they are misled and fall into the flrst snare laid for ihem. If you see an old man of sober years so badly advised as to be taken with the sprightliness of a youth, attached tq him, and thinking and acting with him, he is led astray by him and soon taken in the same snare. Do not forget the answer of the fowler.””

        Once, when looking at a stream, he compared its ceaseless

        current to the transmission of good doctrine through succeeding

        generations, and as one race had received it they should liand

        it down to others. ” Do not imitate those isolated men [the

        Rationalists] who are wise only for themselves ; to communicate

        the modicum of knowledge and virtue we possess to others will

        never impoverish ourselves.” lie seems to have entertained

        only faint hopes of the general reception of his doctrine, though

        toward the latter end of his life he had as much encouragement

        in the respect paid him personally and the increase of his

        scholars as he could reasonably have wished.

        Confucius returned to his native country at the age of sixtyeight,

        and devoted his time to completing his edition of the

        classics and in teaching his now large band of disciples. He

        was consulted by his sovereign, who had invited him to return,

        and one of his last acts was to go to court to urge an attack on

        Tsi and punish the nnu’der of its duke. Many legends have

        gathered around him, so that he now stands before his countrymen

        as a sage and a demigod ; yet there is a remarkable

        absence of the prophetic and the miraculous in every event connected

        with these later writings. One story is that when he

        had finished his writings he collected his friends around him

        and made a solenm dedication of his literary labors to heaven

        as the concluding act of his life. ” he assembled all his disciples and led them out of the town to one of the hills where sacrifices had usually been offered for many years. Here he erected a table or altar, upon which he placed the books ; and then turning his face to the north, adored Heaven, and returned thanks upon his knees in a humble manner for having had life and strength granted him to enable him to accomplish this laborious undertaking ; he implored Heaven to grant that the benefit to his countrymen from so arduous a labor might not be small. He had prepared himself for this ceremony by privacy, fasting, and prayer. Chinese pictures represent the sage in the attitude of supplication, and a beam of light or a rainbow desceiiding from the sky upon the books, Avhile his scholars stand around in admiring wonder.” ‘

        A few davs before his death lie tottered about the house, sighing,

        Tai shan, ki tui Jiu!—Liang miih. hi liwai hit,

        !—Ch’ijin, ki wei hu!

        The great mountain is broken

        !The strong beam is thrown down !

        The wise man withers like a plant

        !lie died soon after, b.c. 478, aged seventy-three, leaving a

        single descendant, his grandson Tsz’-sz, thi-ougli whom the succession

        has been transmitted to the pi-esent day. During his

        life the return of the Jews from Bal)ylon, the invasion of

        Greece by Xerxes, and concjucst of Egypt l)y the Persians took

        place. Posthumous honors in great variety, amounting to idolatrous

        worship, have been conferred upon him. His title is the

        ‘Most Holy Ancient Teacher’ Kung tsz’, and the ‘Holy Duke.’

        In the reign of Kanghi, two thousand one hundred and fifty

        years after his death, there were eleven thousand males alive

        bearing his name, and most of them of the seventy-fourth generation,

        being undoubtedly one of the oldest families in the

        world. In the Sacrificial llitual a short account of his life is

        given, which closes M’ith the following pa^an :

        Confucius ! Confucius ! How great is Confucius !

        Before Confucius there never was a Confucius !

        Since Confucius there never has been a Confucius !

        Confucius ! Confucius ! How great is Confucius !

        The leading features of the })hilosophy of CVjnfucius are subordination

        to superiors and kind, upright dealing with our fellow-

        nien ; destitute of all reference to an iniseen Power to whom

        all men are accountable, they look only to this world for their

        sanctions, and make the monarch himself only partially amenable

        to a higher tribunal. It would indeed be hard to overestimate

        the influence of Confucius in his \^q,^ princelij scholar,

        and the power for good over his race this conception ever since

        has e.xerted. It might be compared to the glorious work of the

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. XI., p. 421. Pauthier, La Chine, Paris, 1839,pp. 121-184.

        ClIAKACTEK OF THE CONFUCIAN SYSTEM. 663

        sculptor on tlie Acropolis of Athens—that matchless statue

        more than seventy feet in height, whose casque and spear of

        burnished brass glittered above all the temples and high places

        of the city, and engaged the constant gaze of the mariner on

        the near ^Egean ; guiding his onward course, it was still ever

        beyond his reach. Like the Athena Promachos to the ancient

        Attic voyager, so stands the klun-tsz” of Confucius among the

        ideal men of pagan moralists. The immeasurable influence

        in after-ages of the character thus portrayed proves how lofty

        was his own standard, and the national conscience has ever

        since assented to the justice of the portrait.

        From the duty, honor, and obedience owed by a child to his

        parents, he proceeds to inculcate the obligations of wives to their

        husbands, subjects to their prince, and ministers to their king,

        together with all the obligations arising from the various social

        relations. Political morality must be founded on private rectitude,

        and the beginning of all real advance was, in his opinion,

        comprised in nosce tei]_)Hiu)i. It cannot be denied that among

        much that is commendable there are a few exceptionable dogmas

        among his tenets, and Dr. Legge, as has already been seen,

        reflects severely on his disregard of truth in the Chun Tain

        and in his lifetime. Yet compared wdth the precepts of Grecian

        and Poman sages, the general tendency of his writings is good,

        while in adaptation to the society in which he lived, and their

        eminently practical character, they exceed those of western

        philosophers. lie did not deal much in sublime and unattainable

        descriptions of virtue, but rather taught how the common

        intercourse of life was to be maintained—how children should

        conduct themselves toward their parents, when a man should

        enter on office, when to marry, etc., etc., which, although they

        may seem somewhat trifling to us, were probably well calculated

        for the times and people among whom he lived.’

        ‘ Compare Dr. Legge’s lielirjions of Clnmi ; Prof. R. K. Douglas, Confucianism and Tuouism, London, 1879 ; S. Johnson, Orkntdl IMigions : China, Boston, 1877 ; A Systematical Digest of tfis Doctrines of Confiidus, according to the Analects, Great Learning, and Doctrine of the Mean, etc., by Ernst Faber. Translated from the German by MollendorfF, Hongkong, 1875 ; Histoire de Confucius, par J. Senamaud, Bordeaux et Paris, 1878.

        Had Confucius transmitted to posterity such works as the

        Iliad, the De Officiis, or the Dialogues of Plato, he would no

        doubt liave taken a higher rank among the commanding intellects

        of the world, but it may be well doubted whether his influence

        among his own countrymen would have been as good or

        as lasting. The variety and minuteness of liis instructions for

        the nurture and education of children, the stress he lays upon

        filial duty, the detail of etiquette and conduct he gives for the

        intercourse of all classes and ranks in society, characterize his

        writings from those of all philosophers in other countries, who,

        comparatively speaking, gave small thought to the education of

        the young. The Four Books and the Five Classics woukl not,

        80 far as regards their intrinsic character in comparison with

        other productions, be considered as anything more than curiosities

        in literature for their antiquity and language, were it not

        for the incomparable influence they have exerted over so many

        millions of minds ; in this view they are invested with an interest

        which no book, besides tlie Bible, can claim. The source

        and explanation of this influence is to be found in their use as

        text-books in the schools and competitive examinations, and

        well would it be for Christian lands if their youth had the same

        knowledge of the writings of Solomon and the Evangelists.

        Their freedom from descriptions of impurity and licentiousness,

        and alhisions to whatever debases and vitiates the heart, is a

        redeeming quality of the Chinese classics which should not be

        overlooked. Chinese literature contains enough, indeed, to pollute

        even the mind of a heathen, but its scum has become the

        sediment ; and little or nothing can be found in the writings

        that are most highly prized which will not bear perusal by any

        person in any country. Every one acquainted with the writings

        of Hindu, Greek, and Koman poets knows the glowing descriptions

        of the amours of gods and goddesses which fill their

        pages, and the purity of the Chinese canonical books in this

        respect must be considered as remarkable.

        For the most part the Chinese, in worshipping Confucius, content

        themselves with erecting a simple tablet in his honor ; to

        carve imaiires for the cult of the sage is uncommon. The incident

        represented in the adjoining wood-cut illustrates, however,

        WORSHIP OF CONFUCIUS. 665

        Worship of Confucius and his Disciples.

        an exception to the prevailing severity of this worship. A certain

        “Wei Ki, a scholar living in the Tang dynasty (a.d. 657), not

        content, it is said, with giving instruction in the classics, set np

        the life-size statues of Confucius and his seventy-two disciples

        in order to incite the enthusiasm of his own pupils. Into this

        sanctuary of the divinities of learning were wont to come the

        savant AYei and his scholars—among whom were numhered

        hoth his grandfather and several of his grandchildren—to prostrate

        themselves before the ancient worthies. ” But of his descendants,”

        concludes the chronicler, ” there were many who

        arose to positions of eminence in the State.”

        The last of the Fonr Books is nearly as large as the other

        three nnited, and consists entirely of the writings of Mencius,

        Mang tsz’, or Mang fu-tsz’, as he is called by the Chinese.’

        This sage flourished npward of a century after the death of his

        master, and although, in estimating his character, it must not

        be forgotten that he had the advantages of his example and

        stimulus of his fame and teachings, in most respects he displayed

        an oi-iginality of thought, inflexibility of purpose, and

        extensive views superior to Confucius, and must be regarded

        as one of the greatest men Asiatic nations have ever produced.

        Mencius was born b.c. 371,^ in the city of Tsau, now in the

        province of Shantung, not far from his master’s native district.

        He was twenty-three years t)ld when Plato died, and many

        other great men of Greece were his contemporaries. His

        father died earlj’^, and left the guardianship of the boy to his

        widow, Changshi. “The care -of this prudent and attentive

        mother,” to quote from Bemusat, ” has been cited as a model

        for all virtuous parents. The house she occupied was near that

        ‘ It may liere be remarked that the terms tsz’ or fu-tsz’ do not properly form a part of the name, but are titles, meaning rabhi or eminent teacher, and are added to the surnames of some of the most distinguished writers, by way of peculiar distinction ; and in the words Mencius and Confucius have been Latinized with Mang and Kung, names of the persons themselves, into one word. The names of other distinguished scholars, as Chu fu-tsz’, Ching fu-tsz’, etc., have not undergone this change into Chufucius, Chingfucius ; but usage has now brought the compellation for these two men into universal use as a distinctive title, somewhat like the term reneraUe applied to Bede.

        llemusat, Nouveuux MekuKjex, Tome II., pp. 115-129.

        LIFE OF MENCIUS. 667

        of a butcher ; she observed that at the first crj of the animals

        that were being slaughtered the little Mang ran to be present

        at the sight, and that on his return he sought to imitate what

        he had seen. Fearful that his heart might become hardened,

        and be accustomed to the sight of blood, she removed to another

        house wdiicli Avas in the neighborhood of a cemetery.

        The relations of those who were buried there came often to

        weep upon their graves and make the customaiy libations ; the

        lad soon took pleasure in their ceremonies, and amused himself

        in imitating them. This was a new subject of uneasiness to

        Changshi ; she feared her son might come to consider as a jest

        what is of all things the most serious, and that he would acquire

        a habit of performing with levity, and as a matter of

        routine merely, ceremonies which demand the most exact attention

        and respect. Again, therefore, she anxiously changed her

        dwelling, and went to live in the city, opposite to a school,

        where her son found examples the most worthy of imitation,

        and soon began to profit by them. I should not have spoken

        of this trifling anecdote but for the allusion which the Chinese

        constantly make to it in the common proverb, ‘ Formerly the

        mother of Mencius chose out a neighborhood.” ” On another

        occasion her son, seeing persons slaughtering pigs, asked her

        why they did it. ” To feed you,” she replied ; but reflecting

        that this was teaching her son to lightly regard tlie truth, went

        and bought some pork and gave him.

        Mencius devoted himself early to the classics, and probably attended the instructions of noted teachers of the school of Confucius and his grandson Ivih. After his studies were completed, at the age of forty, he came forth as a public teacher, and offered his services to the feudal princes of the country. Among others, he was received by Ilwui, king of Wei, but, though much respected by this ruler, his instructions were not regarded ; and he soon perceived that among the numerous petty rulers and intriguing statesmen of the day there was no prospect of restoring tranquillity to the Empire, and that discourses upon the mild government and peaceful virtues of Yao and Shun, King Wan and Chingtang, offered little to interest persons whose ininds were engrossed with schemes of conquest or pleasure, lie thereupon accepted an invitation to go to Tsi, the adjoining State, and spent most of his public life there; the records show that he was often called on for his advice by statesmen of many governments. As he went from one State to another his influence extended as his experience showed him the difficulties of gcwd government amidst the general disregard of justice, mercy, and frugality. His own unyielding character and stern regard for etiquette and probity chilled the loose,

        luiscrupulous men of those lawless times. At length he retired

        to his home to spend the last twenty years of his life in the

        society of his disciples, there completing the Mork which bears

        liis name and has made him such a power among his countrymen.

        He has always been an incentive and guide to popular

        efforts to assert the rights of the subject against the injustice

        of riders, and an encourager to rulers who have governed with

        justice. His assertion of the proper duties and prerogatives

        belonging to both parties in the State was prior to that of any

        M’estern writer; some of his principles of liberal govermnent

        were taught before their enunciation in Holy Writ. He died

        when eighty-four years old (b.c. 288), shortly before the death

        of Ptolemy Soter at the same age.

        After his demise Mencius was honored, by public act, with

        the title of ‘ Holy Prince of the country of Tsau,’ and in the

        temple of the sages he I’eceives the same honors as Confucius

        his descendants bear the title of ‘ Masters of the Traditions

        concerning the Classics,’ and he himself is called A-sMn//, or

        the ‘ Secondary Sage,’ Confucius being regarded as the first.

        His writings are in the form of dialogues held with the great

        personages of his tinae, and abound with irony and ridicule

        directed against vice and oppression, which only make his

        praises of virtue and integrity more weighty. After the manner

        of Socrates, he contests nothing with his adversaries, but,

        while granting their premises, he seeks to draw from them consequences

        the most absurd, which cover his opponents with confusion.

        The king of Wei, one of the turbulent princes of the time,

        was conq)laining to Mencius how ill he succeeded in his endeavors

        to make Ids people happy and his kingdom flourishing.

        PERSONAL CHARACTER OF HIS TEACHINGS. 669

        “Prince,” said the philosopher, “you love war; permit me to draw a comparison from thence : two armies are in presence; the chaige is sounded, the battle begins, one of the parties is conquered; half its soldiers have Hed a hundjed paces, the other half has stopped at fifty. Will the last have any right to mock at those mIio have fled further than themselves?*’

        “No,” said the king; “they have equally taken flight, and the same disgrace must attend them both.”

        ” Prince,” says Mencius quickly, ” cease then to boast of your efforts as greater than your neighbors’. You have all deserved the same reproach, and not one has a right to take credit to himself over another.” Pursuing then his bitter interrogations, he asked, “Is there a difference, O king! between killing a man with a chip or with a sword? ” ” No,” said the prince.

        “Between him who kills with the sword, or destroys by an inhuman tyranny?” “No,” again replied the prince.

        “Well,” said Mencius, “your kitchens are encumbered with food, your sheds are full of horses, while yonr subjects, with emaciated conntenances, are worn down with misery, or found dead of hunger in the middle of the fields or the deserts. What is this but to breed animals to prey on men ‘i And what is the difference between destroying them by the sword or by nnfeeling conduct ? If we detest those savage animals which mutually tear and devour eaclr other, how much more should we abhor a prince who, instead of being a father to his people, does not hesitate to lear animals to destroy them. What kind of father to his people is he who treats his children so nnfeelingly, and has less care of them than of the wild beasts he provides for ?”

        On one occasion, addressing the prince of Tsi, Mencius renuirked: ” It is not the ancient forests of a country which do it honor, but its families devoted for many generations to the duties of the magistracy. Oh, king ! in all your service there are none such ; those whom you yesterday raised to honor, what are they to-day ?”

        ” In what way,” replied the king, ” can I know beforehand that they are without virtue, and remove them ?”

        “In raising a sage to the highest dignities of the State,” replied the philosoplier, “ii king acts only as lie is of necessity bound to do. But to put a man of obscure condition over the nobles of his kingdom, or one of his remote kindred over princes more nearly connected with him, demands most careful deliberation. Do his courtiers imite in speaking of a man as wise, let him distrust them. If all the magistrates of his kingdom concur in the same assurance, let him not rest satisfied with their testimony, but if his subjects confirm the story, then let him convince himself; and if he finds that the individual is indeed a sage, let him ]-aise him to office and honor. So, also, if all his courtiers would f)ppose his placing confidence in a minister, let him not give heed to them; and if all the magistrates are of this opinion, let him be deaf to their solicitations; but if the people unite in the same request, then let him examine the object of their ill-will, and, if guilty, remove him. In short, if all the courtiers think that a minister should sufPer death, the prince must not content himself with their opinion merely. If all the high officers entertain the same sentiment, still he must not yield to their convictions ; but if the people declare that such a num is unfit to live, then the prince, inquiring himself and being satisfied that the charge is true, must condemn the guilty to death ; in such a case, we may say that the people are his judges. In acting thus a prince becomes the parent of his subjects.”

        The will of the people is always referred to as the supreme

        power in the State, and Mencius warns princes that they nnist

        both please and benefit their people, observing that ” if the

        country is not subdued in heart there will be no such thing as

        governing it; ” and also, ” He who gains the hearts of the people

        secures the throne, and he who loses the people’s hearts

        loses the throne.” A prince should ” give and take what is

        })leasing to them, and not do that wdiich they hate.” ” Good

        laws,” he further remarks, ” are not equal to winning the people

        by good instruction.” Being consulted by a sovereign, wdiether

        he ought to attempt the conquest of a neighboring territory, he

        answered : ” If the people of Yen are delighted, then take it ;

        but if otherwise, not.” lie also countenances the dethroning of

        a king who does not rule his people with a regard to their hap

        HIS ESTIMATE OF HUMAN NATURE. 671

        piness, and adduces the example of tije founders of the Shang

        and Chan dynasties in proof of its propriety. “Wlien the

        prince is gnilty of great errors,” is liis doctrine, “the minister

        should reprove him ; if, after doing so again and again, he does

        not listen, he ought to dethrone him and put another in his

        place.”

        His estimate of human nature, like many of the Chinese

        sages, is high, believing it to be originally good, and that ” all

        men are naturally virtuous, as all water flows downward. All

        men have compassionate hearts, all feel ashamed of vice.” But

        he says also, ” Shame is of great moment to men ; it is only the

        desig-nino; and artful that find no use for shame.” Yet human

        nature must be tried by suffering, and to form an energetic and

        virtuous character a man nnist endure much ; ” when Heaven

        was about to place Shun and others in important trusts, it first

        generally tried their minds, inured them to abstinence, exposed

        them to poverty and adversity ; thus it moved their hearts and

        taught them patience.” His own character presents traits

        widely differing from the servility and baseness usually ascribed

        to Asiatics, and especially to the Chinese ; and he seems to

        have been ready to sacrifice everything to his principles. ” I

        love life, and I love justice,” he observes, “‘ but if I cannot preserve

        both, I would give up life and hold fast justice. Although

        I love life, there is that which I love more than life; although

        I hate death, there is that which I hate more than death.” And

        as if referring to his own integrity, he elsewhere says: “The

        nature of the superior man is such that, although in a high and

        prosperous situation, it adds nothing to his virtue ; and although

        in low and distressed circumstances, it impairs it in nothing.”

        In many points, especially in the importance he gives to filial

        duty, his reverence for the ancient books and princes, and his

        adherence to old usages, Mencius imitated and upheld Confucius

        ; in native vigor and carelessness of the reproaches of his

        compatriots he exceeded him. Many translations of his work

        have appeared in European languages, but Legge’s ‘ is in most

        respects the best for its comments, and the notices of Men-CMnese Classics, Vol II. Hongkong, 1863. ciiis’ life and times, and a fair estimate of his character and in fiuence.

        KeLurning to the Imperial Catalogue, its ninth section contains a list of musical works, and a few on dancing or posture making; they hold this distinguished place in the list from the importance attached to music as employed in the State worship and domestic ceremonies.

        The tenth section gives the names of philological treatises and lexicons, most of them confined to the Chinese language, though a few are in Mancliu. The Chinese government has excelled in the attention it has given to the compilation of lexicons and encyclopaedias. The number of works of this sort here catalogued is two hundred and eighteen, the major part issued during this dynasty, and including only works on the general language, none on the dialects. For their extent of quotation, the variety of separate disquisitions upon the form, origin, and composition of characters, and treatises upon subjects connected with the language, they indicate the careful labor native scholars have bestowed upon the elucidation of their own tongue.

        One of them, the Pel Wan Yiin Fa, or ‘ Treasury of compared

        Characters and Sounds,’ is so extensive and profound as

        to deserve a short notice, which cannot be bettei’ made than by

        an extract from the preface of M. Callery to his prospectus to

        its translation, of which he only issued one livi-aison. He says

        the Emperor Kanglii, who planned its preparation, ” assembled

        in his palace the most distinguished literati of the Empire, and

        laying befoi-e them all the works that could be got, whether

        ancient or modern, commanded them carefully to collect all the

        words, allusions, forms and figures of speech of every style, of

        which examples might be found in the Chinese language ; to

        class the principal articles according to the pronunciation of the

        words ; to devote a distinct paragraph to each expression ; and

        to give in suppoi-t of every paragraph several quotations from

        the original works. Stimulated by the nuinificence, as well as

        the example, of the Emperor, who reviewed the performances

        of every day, seventy-six literati assembled at Peking, labored

        with such assiduity, and kept up such an active correspondence

        KANGIlfs DICTIONARY. 673

        \v »th the learned in all parts of the Empire, that at the end of

        eight years the work was completed (1711), and printed at the

        public expense, in one hundred and thirty thick volumes.” The

        peculiar natui-e of the Chinese language, in the formation of

        many dissyllabic compounds of two or more characters to express

        a third and new idea, renders such a work as this thesaurus

        more necessary and useful, perhaps, than it would be in any

        other lano;naoi;e. Under some of the common characters as

        many as three hundred, four hundred, and even six hundred

        combinations are noticed, all of which modify its sense more or

        less, and form a complete monograph of the character, of the

        highest utility to the scholar in composing idiomatic Chinese.

        This magnificent monument of literary labor reflects great

        credit on the monarch who took so much interest in its compilation

        (as he remarks in his preface), as to devote the leisure hours of every day, notwithstanding his manifold occupations, for eight years, to overlooking the labors of the scholars engaged upon it.Vol. L—43

        CHAPTER XII.  POLITE LITERATURE OP THE CHUSTESE

        The three remaining divisions of the Imperial Catalogue

        comprise lists of Historical, Professional, and Poetical works.

        The estimate made of their value will depend somewhat on the

        peculiar line of research of the student, and to give him the

        means of doing this would re([uire copious extracts from poetical,

        religious, topographical or moral writings. Those who

        have studied them the longest, as Remusat, Julien, Staunton,

        Pauthier, the two Morrisons, Legge, etc., speak of them with

        the most respect, whether it arose from a higher appreciation

        of their worth as they learned more, or that the zealousness of

        their studies imparted a tinge of enthusiasm to their descriptions.

        A writer in the Quarterly Hemeto gives good reasons

        for placing the polite literature of the Chinese first for the insight

        it is likely to give Europeans into their habits of thought.

        ” The Chinese stand eminently distinguished from other

        Asiatics by their early possession and extensive use of the important

        art of printing—of printing, too, in that particular shape,

        the stereotype, which is best calculated, by multiplying the

        copies and cheapening the price, to promote the circulation of

        eV’Cry species of their literature. Hence they are, as might be

        expected, a reading people ; a certain degree of education is

        connnon amono; even the lower classes, and amono- the hisfher it

        is superfluous to insist on the great estimation in which letters

        must be held under a system where learning forms the very

        threshold of the gate that conducts to fame, honors, and civil

        employment. Amid the vast mass of printed books which is

        the natural offspring of such a state of things, we make no

        CHINESE WORKS ON HISTORY. 675

        scruple to avow that the circle of their helles-lettres, comprised

        under the heads of drama, poetrv, and novels, has always possessed

        the highest place in our esteem ; and we must say that

        there appears no readier or more agreeable mode of becoming

        intimately acquainted with a people from whom Europe can

        have so little to learn on the score of either moral or physical

        science than by drawing largely on the inexhaustible stores of

        their ornamental literature.”

        The second division in the Catalogue, &’ Pu, or ‘ Historical

        Writings,’ is subdivided into fifteen sections. These writings

        are very extensive ; even their mere list conveys a high idea of

        the vast amount of labor expended upon them ; and it is impossible

        to withhold respect, at least, to the industry displayed in

        compilations like the Seventeen Histories^ in two hundred and

        seventeen volumes, and its continuation, the Twenty-two Histories^

        a still larger work. Though the entertaining episodes

        and sketches of character found in Herodotus and other ancient

        European historians are wanting, there is plenty of incident in

        court, camp, and social life, as well as public acts and royal

        biography. The dynastic records became the duty of special

        officers, and the headings adopted from the Sui, a.d. 590, have

        since been followed in arranging the historic materials under

        twelve heads. From the mass of materials digested by careful

        scholars have been compiled the records now known ; they

        form, with all their imperfections, the best continuous history

        of any Asiatic people. Popular abridgments are common,

        among which the Tung Klen Kang-muh, or ‘ General Mirror

        of History,’ and a compiled abridgment of it, the Kang Klen I

        Chi, or ‘ History made Easy,’ are the most useful.

        The earliest historian among the Chinese is Sz’maTsien,’ who

        flourished about b.c. 104, in which year he commenced the &’

        Kt, or ‘ Historical Memoirs,’ in one hundred and thirty chapters.

        . In this great work, which, like the Muses of Herodotus

        in Greek, forms the commencement of credible modern history

        with the Chinese, the author relates the actions of the Emperors

        ‘ Compare Remusat, Nouveaiix Mehinriefi, Tome II., pp. IBO ff., where there

        are excellent biographical notices of Sz’ma Tsieu and other native historians.

        676 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        in regular succession and the principal events which happened

        during their reigns, together with details and essays respecting

        mus’c, astronomy, religious ceremonies, weights, public works,

        etc., and the changes they had nndei-gone during the twentytwo

        centuries embraced in his Memoirs. It is stated by liemusat

        that there are in the whole work five hundred and twentysix

        thousand five hundred characters, for the Chinese, like the

        ancient Hebrews, number the words in their standard authors.

        The aSs’ Kl is in five parts, and its arrangement has served as

        a model for subsequent historians, few of whom have equalled

        its author in the vivacity of their style or carefulness of their

        research.

        The General Mh’ror to Aid in Governin/j, by Sz’ma Kwang,

        of the Sung dynasty, in two hundred and ninety-four chapters,

        is one of the best digested and most lucid amials that Chinese

        scholars have produced, embracing the period between the end

        of the Tsin to the beginning of the Sung dynasty (a.d. 313 to

        960). Both the historians Sz’ma Tsien and Sz’ma Ivwang filled

        high offices in the State, were both alternately disgraced and

        honored, and were mixed up with all the political movements

        of the day. Kemusat speaks in terms of deserved connnendation

        of their writings, and to a notice of their works adds some

        account of their lives. One or two incidents in the career of

        Sz’ma Kw^ang exhibit a readiness of action and freedom in expressing

        his sentiments which are more common among the

        Chinese than is usually supposed. In his youth he was standing

        with some companions near a large vase used to rear gold

        fish, when one of them fell in. Too terrified themselves to do

        anything, all but young Kwang ran to seek succor ; he looked

        around for a stone with which to break the vase and let the

        water flow out, and thus saved the life of his companion. In

        subsequent life the same common sense was joined with a boldness

        which led him to declare his sentiments on all occasions.

        Some southern people once sent a present to the Emperor of a

        strange quadruped, which his flatterers said was the mythological

        Jxi-lin of happy omen. Sz’ma Ivwang, being consulted on

        the matter, replied : ” I have never seen the ki-len, therefore I

        cannot tell wdiether this be one or not. What I do know is that

        THE HISTORIANS Sz’mA TSIEN AND SZ’mA KWANG. G77

        tlie i-eal JA-Un conkl iievei- ])e In-ought liitliei hy foi’eignors ; he

        appears of liiniself wlieii the State is well governed.” ‘ An extension

        of this great work hj Li Tao, of the Sung (Ivnasty, in

        five Imndrod and twenty books, gave their countrymen a fair

        account of the thirty-six centuries of their national fortunes ;

        and the digest under C’hu Ui’s direction has made them still

        more accessible and famous to succeed in<r a^es.

        Few works in Chinese literatui-e are more popular than a

        historical novel by Chin Shan, about a.d. 350, called the San

        Kiroh C/n, or ‘ History of the Three States ;’ its scenes are laid

        in the northern parts of China, and include the period between

        A.I). 170 and ‘j\7, when several ambitious chieftains conspii’ed

        against the indjecile ju-inces of the once famous Ilan dynasty,

        and, after that was overtlirown, fought among themselves until

        the Empire Avas again reconsolidated under the Tsin dynasty.

        This pei’formance, from its donl)le character and the long period

        over which it extends, necessarily lacks that unity which a novel

        should have. Its charms, to a Chinese, consist in the animated

        descriptions of plots and counterplots, in the relations of battles,

        sieges, and retreats, and the admirable manner in M-hicli the

        characters are delineated and their acts intermixed with entertaining

        episodes. The work opens with desci-ibing the -distracted

        state of the Empire under the misrule of Ling ti and

        Ilwan ti, the last two monarchs of the ILjuse of Ilan (147 to

        184), who were entirely swayed l)y eunuchs, and left the administration

        of government to reckless oppressors, until aml»itious

        men, taking advantage of the general <liscontent, raised

        the standard of rebellion. The leaders ordered their partisans

        to wear yellow head-dresses, whence the rebellion Avas called

        that of the Yellow Caj^s, and Avas suppressed only after several

        years of hard struggle by a few distinguished generals who upheld

        the throne. Among these was Tung Choh, who, gradually

        drawing to himself all the power in the State, therel)y arrayed

        against himself others equally ambitious and unscrupulous.

        Disorganization had not yet proceeded so far that all hope of

        supporting the rightful throne had left the minds of its adher

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IX., pp. 210, 274.

        078 THE middlj: kingdom.

        ents, among wlioiu was Wang Yun, a chancellor of the Empire,

        who, seeing the danger of the State, devised a scheme ta

        inveigle Tung Choh to his ruin, which is thus narrated

        :

        One day Timg Cholx gave a great entertainment to the officers of government.

        When the wine had circulated several times, Lii Pu (his adopted son)

        whispered something in his ear, whereupon he ordered the attendants to take

        Chang Wan from the table into the hall below, and presently one of them returned,

        handing up his head in a charger. The spirits of all present left their

        bodies, but Tung, laughing, said, ” Pra}’, sirs, do not be alarmed. Chang

        Wan has been leaguing with Yuen 8huh how to destroy me ; a messenger just

        now brought a letter for him, and inadvertently gave it to my son ; for which

        he has lost his life. You, gentlemen, have no cause for dread.” All the

        officers replied, ” Yes ! Yes ! ” and immediately separated.

        Chancellor Wang Yun returned home in deep thought : ” The proceedings of this day’s feast are enough to make my seat an uneasy one ;” and taking his cane late at night he walked out in the moonlight into his rear garden, when standing near a rose arbor and weeping as he looked up, he heard a person sighing and groaning within the peony pavillion. Carefully stepping and watching, he saw it was Tiau Chen, a singing-girl belonging to the house, who had been taken into his family in early youth and taught to sing and dance ; she was now sixteen, and both beautiful and accomplished, and Wang treated her as if she had been his own daughter.

        Listening some time, he spoke out, ” What underhand plot are you at now, insignificant menial ‘? ” Tiau Chen, much alarmed, kneeling, said, ” What treachery can your slave dare to devise ? ” “If you have nothing secret, why then are you here late at night sighing in this manner V ” Tiau replied, “Permit your handmaid to declare her inmost thoughts. I am very grateful for your excellency’s kind nurture, for teaching me singing and dancing, and for the treatment I have received. If my body should be crushed to powder [in your service], I could not requite a myriad to one [for these favors]. But lately I have seen your eyebrows anxiously knit, doubtless from some State affairs, though I presumed not to ask ; this evening, too, I saw you restless in your seat. On this account I sighed, not imagining your honor was overlooking me. If I can be of the least use, I would not decline the sacrifice of a thousand lives.” Wang, striking his cane on the ground, exclaimed, “Who would have thought the rule of Han was lodged in your hands ! Come with me into the picture-gallery.” Tiau Chen following in, he ordered his females all to retire, and placing her in a seat, turned himself around and did her obeisance. She, much surprised, prostrated herself before him, and asked the reason of such conduct, to which he replied, ” You are able to compassionate all the people in the dominions of Han.” His words ended, the tears gushed like a fountain. She added, ” I just now said, if I can be of any service I will not decline, though I should lose my life.”

        Wang, kneeling, rejoined, “The people are in most imminent danger, and

        the nobility in a hazard like that of eggs piled up ; neither can be rescued

        Without your assistance. The traitor Tung Choh wishes soon to seize the

        EXTRACT FROM THE HISTORY OF THE THREE STATES. 679

        throne, and none of the civil or military officers have any practicable means

        of defence. He has an adopted son, Lii Pu, a remarkably daring and brave

        man, wlio, like himself, is the slave of lust. Now I wish to contrive a scheme

        to inveigle them both, by first promising to wed you to Lii, and then offering

        you to Tung, while you must seize the opportunity to raise suspicions in them,

        and slander one to the other so as to sever them, and cause Lii to kill Tung,

        whereby the present great evils will be terminated, the throne upheld, and

        the government re-established. All this is in your power, but I do not know how the plan strikes you.” Tiau answered, “I have promised your excellency my utmost service, and you may trust me that I will devise some good scheme when I am offered to them.”

        ” You must be aware that if this design leaks out, we shall all be utterly exterminated.” “Your excellency need not be anxious, and if I do not aid in accomplishing your patriotic designs, let me die a thousand deaths.”

        Wang, bowing, thanked her. The next day, taking several of the brilliant pearls preserved in the family, he ordered a skillful workman to inlay there into a golden coronet, which he secretly sent as a present to Lii Pu. Highly gratified, Lti himself went to Wang’s house to thank him, where ar well-prepared feast of viands and wine awaited his arrival. Wang went out to meet him, and waiting upon him into the rear hall, invited him to sit at the top of the table, but Lii objected : “I am only a general in the prime minister’s department, while your excellency is a high minister in his Majesty’s court—why this mistaken re.spect V”

        Wang rejoined, “There is no hero in the country now besides you; I do not pay this honor to your office, but to your talents.” Lii was excessively pleased. Wang ceased not in engaging him to drink, the while speaking of Tung Choh’s high qualities, and praising his guest’s virtues, who, on his side, wildly laughed for joy. Most of the attendants were ordered to retire, a few waiting-maids stopping to serve out wine, when, being half drunk, he ordered them to tell the young child to come in. Shortly after, two pages led in Tiau Chen, gorgeously dressed, and Lii, much astonished, asked, “Who is this ?”

        ” It is my little daughter, Tiau Chen, whom I have ordered to come in and see you, for I am very grateful for your honor’s misapplied kindness to me, which has been like that to near relatives. ” He then bade her present a goblet of wine to him, and, as she did so, their eyes glanced to and from each other.

        Wang, feigning to be drunk, said : ” The child strongly requests your honor

        to drink many cups ; my house entirely depends upon your excellency.” Lii

        requested her to be seated, but she acting as if about to retire, Wang remarked,

        “The general is my intimate friend; be seated, my child; what are

        you afraid of V ” She then sat down at his side, while Lii’s eyes never strayed

        from their gaze upon her, drinking and looking.

        Wang, pointing to Tiau, said to Lii, ” I wish to give this girl to you as a concubine, but know not whether you will receive her ? ” Lii, leaving the table to thank him, said, ” If I could obtain such a girl as this, I would emulate the requital dogs and horses give for the care taken of them-“

        Wang rejoined, ” I will immediatcly select a lucky day, and send her to your house” Lii was delighted beyond measure, and never took his eyes off her, while Tiau herself, with ogling glances, intimated her passion. The feast shortly alter broke up, and Lii departed.

        The scheme here devised was successful, and Tung Choli was assassinated by his son when he was on his war to depose the monarch. His death, however, brought no peace to the country, and three chieftains, Tsau Tsau, Lin Pi, and Sun Iviuen, soon distinguished themselves in their struggles for power, and afterward divided the Empire into the three States of AVu, Shuh, and Wei, from which the work derives its name. Many of the personages who figure in this work have since been deified, among whom are Liu Pi’s sworn brother Kwan Yli, who is now the Mars (Kioan ti), and Ilwa To, the Esculapius, of Chinese mythology. Its scenes and characters have all been fruitful subjects for the pencil and the pen of artists and poetasters.

        One commentator has gone so far as to incorporate his reflections in the body of the text itself, in the shape of such expressions as ” Wonderful speech ! What rhodomontade ! This man was a fool before, and shows himself one now ! ” Davis likens this M’ork to the Iliad for its general arrangement and blustering character of the heroes ; it was composed when the scenes described and their leading actors existed chiefly in personal recollection, and the remembrances of both were fading away in the twilight of popular legends.

        Among the numerous historians of China, only a few would repay the labor of an entire translation, but many would furnish good materials for extended epitomes. Among these are the Tso Chtieriy already noticed ; the Anterior Ilan Dynasty by Pan Ivu and his sister ; the Wei /Shu, by Wei Shau (a.d.3SG-55C) ; and the works of Sz’ma Ivwang. In addition to the dynastic histories, numerous similar works classified under the heads of amials and complete I’ecords in two sections of this division would furnish nnich authentic material for the foreign archaeologist. The most valuable relic after the Chun Tsiu, of a historic character, is the ” Bamboo Books,” reported to have been found in a tomb in Ilonan, .\.d. 279 ; it gives a chronological list down to b.c. 299, with incidents interspersed, and bears many internal evidences of genuineness. Legge and Biot have each translated it.’

        BIOGPAPHIES A:SI) STATISTICS. 681

        Biographies of distinguished men and women are numerous, and their preparation forms a favorite branch of literary labor. It is noticeable to observe the consideration paid to literary women in these memoirs, and the praises bestowed upon discreet mothers whose talented children are considered to be the criteria of their careful training. One work of this class is in one hundred and twenty volumes, called Sifuj J^i/, but it does not possess the incident and animation which are found in some less formal biographical dictionaries. The Ziek Wil Chuen, or ‘Memoirs of Distinguished Ladies’ of ancient times, by Liu Iliang, B.C. 125, is often cited by writers on female education who wish to show how women were anciently trained to the practice of every virtue and accomplishment. If a Chinese author cannot quote a case to illustrate his position at least eight or ten centuries old, he thinks half its force abated by its

        youth. Biographical works are almost as numerous as statistical,

        and afford one of the best sources for studying the national

        character; some of them, like the lives of Washington or

        Cromwell in our own literature, combine both history and

        biography.

        Some of the statistical and geographical works mentioned in

        this division are noticed on p. 49. Among those on the Constitution

        is the ‘ Complete Antiquarian Besearches’ of Ma

        Twan-lin (a.d. 1275), in three hundred and forty-eight chapters.

        It forms a most extensive and profound work, containing i-esearches

        upon every matter relating to government, and extending

        through a series of dynasties which held the throne nearly

        forty centuries. Benmsat goes so far as to say : ” This excellent

        work is a library by itself, and if Chinese literature possessed

        no other, the language would l)e worth learning foi- the

        sake of reading this alone.” ]^o book has been more drawn

        upon by Europeans for information concerning matters relating

        to Eastern Asia than this ; Yisdelou and De Guignes took from

        ‘ Legge’s CMnese Classics, Vol. III. ; Proleqomenn, Chap. TV. E. Biot in

        the Jourtud Aaiatigrte, 2e Series, Tome? XII., p. 537, and XIII., pp. 203

        381.

        it much of their information relating to the Tartars and Huns; and Pingsc extracted his account of the comets and aerolites from its pages, besides some geographical and ethnographical papers. Remusat often made use of its stores, and remarks that many parts merit an entire translation, which can be said, indeed, of few Chinese authors. A supplement prepared and published in 1586 by AVang Ki brings it down to that date. A further revision was issued under imperial patronage in 1TT2, and a iinal one not long afterward, continuing the narrative to the reign of Kanghi.’ It elevates our opinion of a nation whose literature can boast of a work like this, exhibiting such patient investigation and candid comparison of authorities, such varied research and just discrimination of what is truly important, and so extensive a mass of facts and opinions upon every subject of historic interest. Although there be no quotations

        in it from Homan or Greek classic authors, and the ignorance

        of the compiler of what was known upon the same subjects in

        other countries disqualified him from giving his remarks the

        completeness they would otherwise have had, 3’et when the

        stores of knowledge from western lands are made known to a

        people whose scholars can produce such works as this, the Memoirs

        of Sz’ma Tsien, and others equally good, it may reasonably

        be expected that they will not lack in industry or ability to

        carry on their researches.

        The third division of Tsz* I^u, ‘ Scholastic ‘ or ‘ Professional Writings,” is arranged under fourteen sections, viz. : Philosophical, Military, Legal, Agricultural, Medical, Mathematical, and Magical writings, works on the Liberal Arts, Collections, Miscellanies, Encyclopedias, Novels, and treatises on the tenets of the Buddhists and Rationalists. The first section is called Jil Khi Lid, meaning the ‘ Works of the Literary Family,’ under which name is included those who maintain, discuss, and teach the tenets of the sages, although they may not accept all that Confucius taught. This class of books is worthy of far more examination than foreigners have hitherto given to it, and they will find that Chinese philosophers have discussed morals, government, cosmogony, and like subjects, with a freedom and acuteness that has not been credited to them.

        ‘ Compare Remusat, Melanges Asiatiques, Tome II., p. 166; Chinese Beposi'(ory. Vol. IX., p. 143 ; Wylie’s Notea, p. 55 ; Mayer’s Chinese Seader^s Manual,p. 149.

        CHINESE rJIILOSOPHICAL WKITINGS. 683

        It was during the Sung dynasty, when Eui’ope was utterly

        lethargic and unprogressive, that China showed a marvellous

        mental activity, and received from Ching, Chu, Chau, and their

        disciples a molding and conservative influence which has remained

        to this day. An extract from a discussion by Chu Hi

        will show the way in which he reasons on the i>ruiimn mohile.

        Under the whole heaven there is no primary matter (//) without the immaterial

        principle {kl), and no immaterial principle apart from the primary matter.

        Subsequent to the existence of the immaterial principle is produced

        primary matter, which is deducible from the axiom that the one male and the

        one female principle of nature may be dominated iao or logos (the active principle

        from which all things emanate) ; thus nature is sj^ontaneously possessed

        of benevolence and righteousness (which are included in the idea of tao).

        First of all existed ticn II (the celestial principle or soul of the universe), and then came primary matter ; primary matter accumulated constituted ridj,(body, substance, or the accidents and qualities of matter), and nature was arranged.

        Should any ask whether the immaterial principle or primary matter existed

        first, I should say that the immaterial principle on assuming a figure ascended,

        and primary matter on assuming form descended ; when we come to speak of

        assuming form and ascending or descending, how can we divest ourselves of

        tlie idea of priority and subsequence V When the immaterial 2:)rinciple does

        not assume a form, primary matter then becomes coarse, and forms a sediment.

        Originally, however, no priority or subsequence can be predicated of the

        immaterial principle and primary matter, and yet if you insist on carrying out

        the reasoning to the question of their origin, then you must say that the immaterial

        principle has the priority ; but it is not a separate and distinct thing ;

        it is just contained in the centre of the priniary nuitter, so that were there no

        primary matter, then this immaterial principle would have no place of attachment.

        Primary matter consists, in fact, of the four elements of metal, wood,

        water, and fire, while the immaterial principle is no other than the four cardinal

        virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom.

        Should any one ask for an explanation of the assertion that the immaterial

        principle has first existence, and after that comes primary matter, I say, it is

        not necessary to speak thus : but when we know that they are combined, is it

        that the immaterial principle holds the precedence, and the primary matter

        the subsequence, or is it that the immaterial principle is subsequent to the

        primary matter V We cannot thus carry our reasoning ; but should we endeavor

        to form some idea of it, then we may suppose that the primary matter

        relies on the immaterial principle to come into action, and wherever the primary matter is coagulated, there the immaterial principle is present. For the primary matter can concrete and coagulate, act and do, but the immaterial principle has neither will nor wish, plan nor operation : but only where the primary matter is collected and coagulated, then the immaterial principle is in

        the midst of it. Just as in nature, men and things, grass and trees, birds and

        beasts, in their propagation invariably require seed, and certainly cannot without

        seed from nothingness produce anything ; all this, then, is the primary

        matter, but the immaterial principle is merely a pure, empty, wide-stretched

        void, without form or footstep, and incapable of action or creation ; but the

        primary matter can ferment and coagulate, collect and produce things. . . .

        Should any one ask, with regard to those expressions, ” The Supreme Ruler

        confers the due medium on the people, and when Heaven is about to send

        down a great trust upon men, out of regard to the people it sets up princes

        over them ;

        ” and, ” Heaven in producing things treats them according to their

        attainments : on those who do good, it sends down a hundred blessings, and

        on those who do evil, a hundred calamities;” and, “When Heaven is about

        to send down some uncommon calamity upon a generation, it first produces

        some uncommon genius to determine it ;” do these and such like expressions

        imply that above the azure sky there is a Lord and Ruler who acts thus, or is

        it still true that Heaven has no mind, and men only carry out their reasonings

        in this style ? I reply, these three things are but one idea ; it is that the immaterial

        principle of order is thus. The primary matter in its evolutions

        hitherto, after one season of fulness has experienced one of decay ; and after a period of decline it again flourishes ; just as if things were going on in a circle. There never was a decay without a revival.

        When men blow out their breath their bellies puff out, and when they inhale their bellies sink in, while we should have thought that at each expiration the stomach would fall in, and swell up at each inspiration ; but the reason of it is that when men expire, though the mouthful of breath goes out, the second mouthful is again produced, therefore the belly is puffed up ; and when men inspire, the breath which is introduced from within drives the other out, so that the belly sinks in. LaoZi said nature is like an open pipe or bag ; it moves, and yet is not compelled to stop, it is empty, and still more comes out ; just like a fan-case open at both ends.

        The great extreme (Taiji) is merely the immaterial principle. It is not an independent separate existence ; it is found in the male and female principles of nature, in the five elements, in all things ; it is merely an immaterial principle, and because of its extending to the extreme limit, is therefore called the (jredt extreme. If it were not for it, heaven and earth would not have been set afloat. . . . From the time when the great extreme came into operation, all things were produced by transformation. This one doctrine includes the whole ; it was not because this was first in existence and then that, but altogether there is only one great origin, which from the substance extends to the use, and from the subtle reaches to that which is manifest. Should one ask, because all things jiartake of it, is the great extreme split up and divided ?

        I should reply, that originally there is only one great extreme {(inima mimdi), of which all things partake, so that each mw is provided with a great extreme;

        CIIU HI ON THE GREAT EXTREME. 68o

        just as the moon in the heavens is only one, and ^-et is dispersed over the hills and Lakes, being seen from every place in succession ; still you cannot say that the moon is divided.

        The great extreme has neither residence, nor form, nor place which you can assign to it. If you speak of it before its development, then previous to that emanation it was perfect stillness ; motion and rest, with the male and female principles of nature, are only the embodiment and descent of this principle.

        Motion is the motion of the great extreme, and rest is its rest, but these same motion and rest are not to be considered the great extreme itself. Should any one ask, what is the great extreme ‘i I should say, it is simply the principle of extreme goodness and extreme perfection. Every man has a great extreme, everything has one ; that which Chao-tsz’ called the great extreme is the exemplified virtue of everything that is extremely good and perfect in heaven and earth, men and things.

        The great extreme is simply the extreme point, beyond which one cannot go ; that which is most elevated, most mysterious, most subtle, and most divine, beyond which there is no passing. Lienki was a’^raid lest people should think that the great extreme possessed form, and therefore called it the boundless extreme, a principle centred in nothing, and having an infinite extent.

        . It is the immaterial principle of the two powers, the four forms, and the eight changes of nature ; we cannot say that it does not exist, and yet no form or corporeity can be ascribed to it. From this point is produced the one male and the one female principle of nature, which are called the dual powers ; the four forms and eight changes also proceed from this, all according to a certain natural order, irrespective of human strength in its arrangement.

        But from the time of Confucius no one has been able to get hold of this idea.’

        And, it miglit be added, no one ever will be able to ” get hold ” thereof. Such discnssions as this have ocenpied the minds and pens of Chinese metaphysicians for centuries, and in their endeavors to explain the half-digested notions of the Bool’ of Ohaiujes^ they have wandered far away from the road which would have led them in the path of true knowledge, namely, the observation and record of the works and operations of nature around them ; and one after another they have continued to roll this stone of Sisyphns until fatigne and bewilderment have come over them all. Some works on female education are found in this section, which seems designed as much to include whatever philosophers wrote as all they wrote on philosophy.

        ‘ Translated by Rev. W. H. Medhurst, iu the OJiinese Hi’potiiUjvy, Vol. XIII.,pp. 552, 001) et seq.

        The second and third sections, on military and legal subjects, contain no writings of any eminence. The isolation of the Chinese prevented them from studying the various forms of government and jurisprudence observed in other countries and ages ; it is this feature of originality which renders their legislation so interesting to western students. Among the fourth, on agricultural treatises, is the Kdng Chili Tu Shi, or ‘ Plates and Odes on Tillage and Weaving,’ a thin quarlo, which was written a.d. 1210, and has been widely circulated by the present government in order ” to evince its regard for the people’s support.” The first half contains twenty-three plates on the various processes to be followed in raising rice, the last of which represents the husbandmen and their families returning thanks to the gods of the land for a good harvest, and offering a portion of the fruits of the earth ; the last plate in the second part of the work also represents a similar scene of returning thanks for a good crop of silk, and presenting an offering to the gods.

        The drawings in this work are among the best for perspective and general composition which Chinese art has produced; probably their merit was the chief inducement to publish the work at governmental expense, for the odes are too brief to contain much information, and too difficult to be generally understood.

        The Encydopedia of Agriculture, by Sii Kwang-ki, a high officer in 1600, better known as Paul Su, gives a most elaborate detail of farming operations and utensils existing in the Ming. Other treatises on special topics and crops have been written, but it is the untiring industry of the people which secures to them the best returns from the soil, for they o^ve very little to science or machinery.

        Among the numerous writings published for the iuiprovement

        and instruction of the people by their rulers, none have

        been more influential than the ShlngYu, or ‘ Sacred Commands,’

        a politico-moral treatise, which has been made known to English

        readers by the translation of Dr. Milne.’ The groundwork

        ‘ The Sacred Edict, London, 1817; a second edition of this translation appeared in Shanghai in 1870, and another in 1878. Compare Wylie’s JVotes, p.71 ; Sir G. T. Staunton’s MureUdneous Notm’n, etc., pp. 1-56 (1812); Le Saint Edit, Etude de JAUerature chinoixc, i)reparee par A. Tlieophile Piry, Shanghai, 1879.

        THE SACRED COMMANDS OF KANGHI, 687

        consists of sixteen apothegms, written bj the Emperor Kano-hi,

        containing general rules for the peace, prosperity, and wealth

        of all classes of his subjects. In order that none should })lead

        ignorance in excuse for not knowing the Sacred Commands, it

        is by law required that they be proclaimed throughout the Empire

        by tlie local officers on the first and fifteenth day of every

        month, in a public hall set apart for the purpose, where the

        people are not only permitted, but requested and encouraged,

        to attend. In point of fact, however, this political preaching,

        as it has been called, is neglected except in large towns, though

        the design is not the less commendable. It is highly praise-

        \vorthy to monarchs, secure in their thrones as Kanglii and

        Yungching were, to take upon themselves the teaching of

        morality to their subjects, and institute a special service every

        fortnight to have their precepts communicated to them. If,

        too, it should soon be seen that their designs had utterly failed

        of all real good results from the mendacity of their officers and

        the ignorance or opposition of the people, still the merit due

        them is not diminished. The sixteen apothegms, each consisting

        of seven characters, are as follows:
        1. Pay just regard to filial and fraternal duties, in order to give due importance to the relations of life.
        2. Respect kindred in order to display the excellence of harmony.
        3. Let concord abound among those who dwell in the same neighborhood, thereby preventing litigations.
        4. Give the chief place to husbandry and the culture of the mulberry, that adequate supplies of food and raiment be secured.
        5. Esteem economy, that money be not lavishly wasted.
        6. Magnify academical learning, in order to direct the scholar’s progress.
        7. Degrade strange religions, in order to exalt the orthodox doctrines.
        8. Explain the laws, in order to warn the ignorant and obstinate.
        9. Illustrate the principles of a polite and yielding carriage, in order to improve manners.
        10. Attend to the essential employments, in order to give unvarying determination to the will of the people.
        11. Instruct the youth, in order to restrain them from evil.
        12. Suppress all false accusing, in order to secure protection to the innocent.
        13. Warn those who hide deserters, that they may not be involved in their downfall.
        14. Complete the payment of taxes, in order to prevent frequent urging.
        15. Unite the pao and km, in order to extirpate robbery and theft.
        16. Settle animosities, that lives may be duly valued.

        The aniplilications of these maxims by Yungchiiig contain much information respecting the tlieoiy of his government, and the position of the writer entitles him to speak from knowledge; his amplification of the fourteenth maxim shows their character. From of old the country was divided into districts, and a tribute paid proportioned to the produce of the land. From hence arose revenues, upon which the expense of the five I’l and the whole charges of government depended.

        These expenses a prince must receive from the people, and they are what inferiors should offer to superiors. Both in ancient and modern times this principle has been the same and cannot be changed. Again, the expenses of the salaries of magistrates that they may rule our people ; o” pay to the army that they may protect them ; O- preparing for years o!; scarcity that they may be fed ; as all these are collected from the Empire, so they are all employed for its use. How then can it be supposed that the granaries and treasury of the sovereign are intended to injure the people that he may nourish himself ? Since the establishment of our dynasty till now, the proportions of the revenue have been fixed by an universally approved statute, and all unjust items completely cancelled ; not a thread or hair too much has been demanded from the people. In the days of our sacred Father, the Emperor Pious, his abounding benevolence and liberal favor fed this people upward of sixty years. Daily desirous to promote their abundance and happiness, he greatly diminished the revenue, not limiting the reduction to hundreds, thousands, myriads, or lacs of taels. The mean and the remote have experienced his favor ; even now it enters the muscles, and penetrates to the marrow.

        To exact with moderation, diminish the revenue, and confer favors on the multitude, are the virtues of a prince : to serve superiors, and to give the first place to public service and second to their own, are the duties of a people.

        Soldiers and people should all understand this. Become not lazy and trifling, nor prodigally throw away your property. Linger not to pay in the revenue, looking and hoping for some unusual occurrence to avoid it, nor entrust your imposts to others, lest bad men appropriate them to their own use.

        Pay in at the terms, and wait not to be urged. Then with the overplus you can nourish your parents, complete the marriages of your children, satisfy your daily wants, and provide for the annual feasts and sacrifices. District officers may then sleep at ease in their public halls, and villagers will no longer be vexed in the night by calls from the tax-gatherers ; on neither hand will any be involved. Your wives and children will be easy and at rest, than which you have no greater joy. If unaware of the importance of the revenue to government, and that the laws must be enforced, perhaps you will positively refuse or deliberately put off the payment, when the magistrates, obliged to balance their accounts, and give in their reports at stated times, must be rigorously severe. The assessors, suffering the pain of the whip, cannot help indulging their rapacious dtunands on you ; knocking and pecking at your doors like hungry luiwks, they will devise numerous methods of getting their wants supplied. These nameless ways o^ spending will probably amount to more than the sum which ought to have been paid, and that sum, after all, cannot be dispensed with.

        THEIR AMPLIFICATION BY YUNGCIIING. GSO

        We know not what benefit can accrue from this. Rather than give presents to satisfy the rapacity of policemen, how much better to clear off the just assessments ! Rather than prove an obstinate race and refuse the payment of the revenue, would it not be better to keep the law ? Every one, even the most stupid, knows this. Furthermore, when superiors display benevolence, inferiors should manifest justice ; this belongs to the idea of their being one body. Reflect that the constant labors and cares of the palace are all to serve the people. When freshes occur, dikes must be raised to restrain them ; ij! the demon of drought appear, prayer must be oTered for rain ; when the locusts come, they must be destroyed. If the calamities be averted, you reaji the advantage ; but if they overwhelm you, your taxes are forborne, and alms liberally expended for yon. If it be thus, and the people still can suffer themselves to evade the payment of taxes and hinder the supply of government, how, I ask, can you be easy ? Such conduct is like that o” an undutiful son. We use these repeated admonitions, only wishing you, soldiers and people, to think of the army and nation, and also of your persons and families.

        Then abroad you will have tlie fame of faithfulness, .and at home

        peacefully enjoy its fruits. Officers will not trouble yon, nor their clerks vex

        you—what joy equal to this ! O soldiers and people, meditate on these things

        in the silent night, and let all accord with our wishes. ^

        Wang Yu-pi, a liigh officer under Yiingching, paraphrased

        the anipliiications in a colloquial manner. His remarks on the

        doctrines of the Buddhists and nationalists will serve as an

        illustration ; the (juotation liere given is found under the seventh

        maxim.

        You simple people know not how to discriminate ; for even according to

        what the books of Buddha say, he was the first-born son of the king Fan ; but,

        retiring from the world, he fled away alone to the top of the Snowy Mountains,

        in order to cultivate virtue. If he regarded not his own father, mother, wi^’e,

        and children, are you such fools as to suppose that he regards the multitude

        of the living, or would deliver his laws and doctrines to you ? The imperial

        residence, the queen’s palace, the dragon’s chamber, and halls of state – if he

        rejected these, is it not marvellous to suppose that he should delight in the

        nunneries, monasteries, temples, and religious houses which you can build for

        .’lim ? As to the Gemmeous Emperor, the most honorable in heaven, if there

        ^if- indeed such a god, it is strange to think he should not enjoy himself at his

        own ease in the high heavens, but must have you to give him a body of molten

        gold, and build him a house to dwell in !

        All these nonsensical tales about keeping fasts, collecting assemblies,

        building temples, and fashioning images, are feigned by those sauntering,

        • Sacred Edict, pp. 254-259.

        Vol. I.—44

        690 THE MIDDLE KINGDOlVr.

        worthless priests and monks to deceive you. Still you believe them, and not

        only go yourselves to worship and burn incense in the temples, but also suffer

        your wives and daughters to go. With their hair oiled and faces painted,

        dressed in scarlet and trimmed with green, they go to burn incense in the

        temples, associating with the priests of Buddha, doctors of Reason and barestick

        attorneys, touching slioulders, rubbing arms, and pressed in the moving

        crowd. I see not where the good tliey talk of doing is ; on the contrary,

        tliey do many shameful things that create vexation, and give people occasion

        for laughter and ridicule.

        Further, there are some persons who, fearing that their good boys and

        girls may not attain to maturity, take and give them to the temples to become

        priests and priestesses of Buddha and Reason, supposing that after having removed

        them from their own houses and placed them at the foot of grandfather

        Fuh (Buddha), they are then sure of prolonging life ! Now, I would ask you

        if those who in this age are priests of these sects, all reach the .age of seventy

        or eighty, and if there is not a short-lived person among them y

        Again, there is anotlier very stupid class of persons who, because their

        parents are sick, pledge their own persons by a vow before the gods that if

        their parents be restored to health, they will worship and burn incense

        on the hills, prostrating themselves at every step till they arrive at the summit,

        whence they will dash themselves down ! If they do not lose their lives,

        they are sure to break a leg or an arm. They sa}’ to themselves, “To give

        up our own lives to save our parents is the highest display of liliahduty.”

        Bystanders also praise them as dutiful children, but they do not consider that

        to slight the bodies received from their parents in this manner discovers an

        extreme want of filial duty.

        Moreover, you say that serving Fiih is a profitable service ; that if you

        burn paper money, present offerings, and keep fasts before the face of your

        god Fuh, he will dissii^ate calamities, blot out your sins, increase your happiness,

        and prolong your age ! Now reflect : from of old it has been said, ” The

        gods are intelligent and just.” Were Buddha a god of this description, how

        could he avariciously desire your gilt paper, and your offerings to engage him

        to afford you protection ? If you do not burn gilt paper to him, and spread

        offerings on his altar, the god Fuh will be displeased with you, and send down

        judgments on you ! Then your god Fuh is a scoundrel ! Take, for example,

        the district magistrate. Should you never go to compliment and flatter him,

        yet, if you are good people and attend to your duty, he will pay marked attention

        to you. But transgress the law, commit violence, or usurp the rights

        of others, and though you should use a thousand ways and means to flatter

        him, he will still be displeased with you, and will, without fail, remove such

        pests from society.

        You say that worshipping Fuh atones for your sins. Suppose you have

        violated the law, and are hauled to the judgment-seat to be punished ; if you

        should bawl out several thousand times, ” O your excellency ! O your excellency

        ! ” do you think the magistrate would spare you ? Yoii will, however,

        at all risks, invite several Buddhist and Rationalist priests to your houses to recite

        their canonical books and make confession, siipposing that to chant their

        WANG YU-Pf S RIDICULE OF BUDDHISM. 691

        mummery drives away misery, secures peace, and prolongs happiness and life.

        But suppose you rest satisfied with merely reading over the sections of these

        Sacred Commands several thousands or myriads of times without acting conformably

        thereto ; would it not be vain to suppose that his Imperial Majestj’

        should delight in you, reward you with money, and promote you to office ?

        This ridicule of the popular superstitions has, no doubt, had

        some effect, repeated as it is in all parts of the country’ ; but

        since the literati merely tear down and build up nothing, giving

        the people no substitute for what thej take away, but rather,

        in their times of trouble, doing the things they decry, such

        homilies do not destroy the general respect for such ceremonies.

        The Shlng Yic has also been versitied for the benefit of children,

        and collo<piial explanations added, which has further

        tended to enforce and inculcate its admonitions. The praise

        bestowed on this work by Johnson, in his Oriental Ecllgmis^

        has a good degree of actual usefulness among the people to

        confirm his observations ; yet they are quite used to hearing

        the highest moral platitudes from their rulers, to whom they

        would not lend a dollar on their word.

        In the fifth section, on medical writings, separate works are

        mentioned on the treatment of all domestic animals; among

        them is one on veterinary surgery, whose writers have versified

        most of their observations and prescriptions. The Ilerhal of

        Li Shi-chin, noticed on p. 370, and monographs on special diseases,

        all show the industry of Chinese physicians to much better

        advantage than their science. Works on medicine and

        surgery are numerous, in which the surface of the body is

        minutely represented in pictures, together with drawings of

        the mode of performing various operations. Works on judicial

        astrology, chiromancy, and other .modes of divination, on the

        rules for finding lucky spots for houses, graves, and temples,

        are exceedingly numerous, a large number of them written by

        Rationalists.

        The eighth section, on art, contains writings on painting,

        music, engraving, writing, posturing, and archery, and they will

        doubtless furnish many new points to western artists on the

        > ^red Edict, p. 146.

        692 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        principles and attainments o£ the Chinese in these Inanchea

        wlien the works have been made better known.

        Tlie ninth section, entitled ‘Collections’ or ‘ llepertories,’ is

        divided into memoirs on antiques, swords, coins, and bronzes,

        and presents a field of interesting research to a foreign archaeologist

        likely to reward him. Another division, containing the

        monographs on tea, bamboo, floriculture, etc., is not so promising.

        The tenth section, on philosophical writings, having a tinge of

        heterodoxy, is a very large one, and offers a i-are opportunity of

        research to those curious to know what China can contribute to

        moral science. The writings of Roman Catholics and Moslems

        are included in this long catalogue.

        Under the head of encyclopa>dias, a list of sunnnaries, compends,

        and treasuries of knowledge is given, which for extent

        and bulkiness cannot be equalled in any language. Among

        them is the Tal Tlen^ or’ Great Record ‘ of the Euqjeror Yungloh

        (a.d. 1403), in twenty-two thousand eight hundred and

        sev^enty-seven chapters, and containing the substance of all classical,

        historical, philosophical, and scientific writings in the language.

        Parts of this compilation were lost, and on the accession

        of the Manchus one-tenth of it was missing ; but by means

        of the unequalled interest on the part of Yungloh in his

        national literature, three hundred and eighty-five ancient and

        rare works were rescued from destruction. The San Tsai Tu,

        or ‘ Plates [illustrative of the] Three Powers ‘ (?!.«?., heaven,

        earth, and man, by which is meant the entire universe), in one

        hundred and thirty volumes, is one of the most valuable compilations,

        by reason of the great number of plates it contains,

        which exhibit the ideas of the compilers much better than their

        descriptions.

        The twelfth section, containing novels and tales, called Sia/)

        Shinoh., or ‘Trifling Talk,’ gives the titles of but few of the

        thousands of productions of this class in the language. Works

        of fiction are among the most popular and exceptionable books

        the Chinese have, and those which are not demoralizing are,

        with some notable exceptions, like the Ten Talented Authors,

        generally slighted. The books sold in the streets are chiefly

        of this class of writings, consisting of tales and stories generally

        CYCLOPiEDIAS, NOVELS, ETC. 693

        destitute of all iutricaey of ])lot, fertility of illustration, or elevation

        of sentiment. They form the common mental aliment

        of the lower classes, being read by those who are able, and

        talked about by all ; their influence is consequently immense.

        Many of them are written in the purest style, among which a

        callection called L’lao Chat, or ‘Pastimes of the Study,’ in sixteen

        volumes, is pre-eminent for its variety and force of expression,

        and its perusal can be recommended to every one who

        wishes to study the copiousness of the Chinese language. The

        preface is dated in 1079 ; most of the tales are shoi’t, and few

        have any ostensible moi-al to them, while those which are objectionable

        for their immorality, or ridiculous from their magic

        whimsies, form a large proportion. A quotation or two will

        illustrate the author’s invention:

        A villager was once selling pinms in the market, which were rather delicions

        and fragrant, and high in price ; and there was a Tao priest, clad in

        ragged garments of coarse cotton, begging before his wagon. The villager

        scolded him, but he would not goolf ; whereupon, becoming angry, he reviled

        and hooted at him. The priest said, “The wagon contains manj hundred

        plums, and I have only begged one of them, which, for you, respected sir,

        would certainly be no great loss ; wh}^ then are yon so angry ‘i ” The spectators

        advised to give him a poor plum and send him away, but the villager

        would not consent. The workmen in the market disliking the noise and

        clamor, furnished a few coppers and bought a plum, which they gave the

        priest. He bowing thanked them, and turning to the crowd said, ” I do not

        wish to be stingy, and reqiiest you, my friends, to partake with me of this

        delicious plum.” One of them replied, ” Now you have it, why do you not eat

        it yourself V” “I want only the stone to plant,” said he, eating it up at a

        munch. When eaten, he held the stone in his hand, and taking a spade off

        his shoulder, dug a hole in the ground several Indies deep, into which he put

        it and covered it with earth. Then turning to the market people, he procured

        some broth with which he watered and fertilized it; and others, wishing to

        see what would turn up, brought him boiling dregs from shops near by, which

        he poured upon the hole just dug. Every one’s eyes being fixed upon the

        spot, they saw a crooked shoot issuing forth, which gradually increased till it

        became a tree, having branches and leaves ; flowers and then fruit succeeded,

        large and very fragrant, which covered the tree. The priest then approached

        the tree, plucked the fruit and gave the beholders ; and when all were consumed,

        he felled the tree with a colter— chopping, chopping for a good while,

        until at last, having cut it off, lie shouldered the foliage in an easy manner,

        and leisurely walked away.

        When first the priest began to perform his magic arts, the villager was

        also among the crowd, with outstretched neck and gazing eyes, and completely

        694 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        forgot his own business. When the priest had gone, he hegan to look int«

        liis wagon, and lo ! it was empty of plums ; and for the first time he perceived

        that wliat liad just been distributed were all his own goods. Moreover, looking

        narrowly about his wagon, he saw that the dashboard was gone, having

        just been cut ojE with a chisel. Much excited and incensed he ran after him,

        and as he turned the corner of the wall, he saw the board thrown down beneath

        the hedge, it being that with which the plum-tree was felled. Nobody

        knew where the priest had gone, and all the market folks laughed heartily.

        The Rationalists are considered as the chief magicians among

        the Chinese, and they figure in most of tlie tales in this work,

        whose object probably was to exalt their craft, and add to their

        reputation. Like the foregoing against liardheartedness, the

        following contains a little sidewise admonition against theft

        :

        On the west of the city in the hamlet of the White family lived a rustic

        who stole his neighbor’s duck and cooked it. At night he felt his skin itch,

        and on looking at it in the morning saw a thick growth of duck’s feathers,

        which, when irritated, pained him. He was much alarmed, for he had no

        remedy to cure it; but, in a dream ox the night, a man informed him, ” Your

        disease is a judgment from heaven ; you must get the loser to reprimand you,

        and the feathers will fall off.” Now this gentleman, his neighbor, was always

        liberal and courteous, nor during his whole life, whenever he lost anything,

        had he even manifested any displeasure in his countenance. The thief

        craftily told him, ” The fellow who stole your duck is exceedingly afraid of a

        reprimand; but reprove him, and he will no doubt then fear in future.” He,

        laughing, replied, “Who has the time or disposition to scold wicked men ?” and

        altogther refused to do so ; so the man, being hardly bestead, was obliged to

        tell the truth, upon which the gentleman gave him a scolding, and his disorder

        was removed.

        Remusat compares the construction of Chinese novels to those

        of Itichardson, in which the ” authors render their characters

        interesting and natural by reiterated strokes of the pencil, which

        finally produce a high degree of illusion. The interest in their

        pages arose precisely in proportion to the stage of my progress

        ;

        and in approaching to the termination, I found myself about to

        part with some agreeable people, just as I had duly learned to

        relish their society.” lie briefly describes the defects in Chinese

        romances as principally consisting in long descriptions of trifling

        particulars and delineations of localities, and the characters and

        circumstances of the interlocutors, while the thread of the narrative

        is carried on mostly in a conversational way, which, fronj

        CHARACTER OF CHINESE FICTION. 695

        its minuteness, soon becomes tedious. The length of their

        poetic descriptions and prolix display of the wonders of art or

        the beauties of nature, thrown in at the least hint in the narrative,

        or moral reflections introduced in the most serious manner

        in the midst of diverting incidents, like a long-metre psalm in

        a comedy, tend to confuse the main story and dislocate the unity

        requisite to produce an effect.

        Chinese novels, however, generally depend on something of

        a plot, and the characters are sometimes well sustained. ” Visits

        and the formalities of polished statesmen ; assemblies, and above

        all, the conversations which make them agreeable ; repasts, and

        the social amusements which prolong them ; M^alks of the admirers

        of beautiful nature ; journeys ; the manoeuvres of adventurers;

        lawsuits; the literary examinations; and, in the

        sequel, marriage, form their most fi-equent episodes and ordinary

        conclusions.” The hero of these plots is usually a young academician,

        endowed with an amiable disposition and devotedly

        attached to the study of classic authors, who meets with every

        kind of obstacle and ill luck in the way of attaining the literary

        honors he has set his heart on. The heroine is also well acquainted

        with letters ; her own inclinations and her father’s

        desires are that she may find a man of suitable accomplishments,

        but after having heard of one, every sort of difficulty is

        thrown in the way of getting him ; which, of course, on the

        part of both are at last happily surmounted.

        The adventures which distinguished persons meet in wandering

        over the countiy incognito, and the happy denouement of

        their interviews with some whom they have been able to elevate

        when their real characters have been let out, form the plan of

        other tales. There is little or nothing of high wrought description

        of passion, nor acts of atrocious vengeance introduced to

        remove a troublesome person, but everything is kept within the

        bounds of jirobability ; and at the end the vicious are punished

        by seeing their bad designs fail of their end in the rewards and

        success given those who have done well. In most of the stories

        whose length and style are such as to entitle them to the name

        of novel, and which have attained any reputation, the story is

        not disgraced by anything offensive ; it is rather in the shorter

        G96 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM,

        tales that decency is violated. Among tlieiu the Ilung La(s

        Jlfwyt^, or ‘ Dreams of the Red Chamber,’ is one of the most

        popular stories, and open not a little to this objection.

        The historical novels, of which there are many, would, if

        translated, prove more interesting to foreign readers than those

        merely describing manners, because they interweave much information

        in the story. The SJiui Hu Chnen, or ‘Narrative

        of the “Water Marshes,’ and ‘ The Annals of the Contending

        States,’ are two of the best written ; the latter is more credible

        as a history than any other work in this class.

        The fourth division of the Catalogue is called TkUi Pu, or

        ‘ Miscellanies,’ and the works mentioned in it are chieily poems

        or collections of songs, occupying nearly one-third of the whole

        collection. They arc arranged in five sections, namely : Poetry

        of Tsu, Complete Works of Individuals, and General Collections,

        On the Art of Poetry, and Odes and Songs. The most

        ancient poet in the language is Yuh Yuen, a talented Minister

        of State who flourished previous to the time of Mencius, and

        wrote the Li Sao, or ‘Dissipation of Sorrows.’ It has been

        translated into German and French. Ilis name and misfortunes

        are still commemorated by the Festival of Dragon-boats

        on the fifth day of the fifth moon. More celebrated in Chinese

        estimation are the poets Li Tai-peh and Tu Fu of the Tang

        djTiasty, and Su Tung-po of the Sung, who combined the three

        leading traits of a bard, being lovers of flowers, wine, and song,

        and attaining distinction in the service of government.’ The

        incidents in the life of the former of these bards were so varied,

        and his reckless love of drink brought him into so many scrapes,

        that he is no less famed for his adventures than for his sonnets.

        The following stoi-y is told of him in the ‘ Remarkable Facts

        of all Times,’ which is here abridged from the translation of

        T. Pavie :

        Li, called Tai-peli, or ‘Great-white,’ from the planet Venns, was endowed

        with a beautiful countenance and a well-made person, exhibiting in all liis

        ‘ The second of these, Tu Fu, is a poet of some distinction noticed by Eemusat

        {Koiivcdiix MeUoicicx, Tome II., p. 174). He lived in the eighth century

        A.I)., dying of hunger in the year 768. His writings are usually edited wit);

        those of Li Tai-peh.

        STORY OF LI TAI-PEII, THE POET. 697

        movements a gentle nobility which indicated a man destined to rise above his

        age. When only ten years old, he could read the classics and histories, and

        liis conversation sliowed the brilliancy of liis thoughts, as Avell as the purity

        ol his diction. He was, in consequence oi’ his precocity, called the Exiled

        Immortal, but named himself the Retired Scholar of the Blue Lotus. Some

        one having extolled the quality of the wine of Niauching, he straightway

        went there, although more than three hundred miles distant, and abandoned

        lumself to his appetite for liquor. While singing and carousing in a tavern,

        a military commandant passed, who, hearing his song, sent in to inquire who

        it was, and carried the poet off to his own house. Cn departing, he urged Li

        to go to the capital and compete for literary honors, which, he doubted not,

        couid be easily attained, and at last induced him to bend his steps to the capital.

        On his arrival there, he luckily met the academician Ho near the palace,

        who invited him to an alehouse, and laying aside his robes, drank wine with

        him till night, and then carried him home. The two were soon well acquainted,

        and discussed the merits of poetry and wine till they were much charmed with

        each other.

        As the day of examination approached. Ho gave the poet some advice.

        ” Ihe examiners for this spring are Yang and Kao, one a brother of the Empress,

        the other commander of his Majesty’s body-guard ; both of them love

        those who make them presents, and if you have no means to buy their favor,

        the road of promotion will be shut to you. I know them both very well, and

        will write a note to each of them, which may, perhaps, obtain you some

        favor.” In spite of his merit and high reputation, Li found himself in such

        circumstances as to make it desirable to avail of the good-will of his friend

        Ho ; but on perusing the notes he brought, the examiners disdainfully exclaimed,

        ” After having fingered his pi’oieije^a money, the academician contents

        himself with sending us a billet which merely rings its sound, and bespeaks

        our attention and favors toward an upstart without degree or title. On the

        day of decision we will remember the name of Li, and any composition signed

        by him shall be thrown aside without further notice.” The day of examination

        came, and the distinguished scholars of the Empire assembled, eager to

        hand in their compositions. Li, fully capable to go through the trial, wrote

        off his essay on a sheet without effort, and handed it in first. As soon as he

        saw the name of Li, the examiner Yang did not even give himself time to

        glance over the page, but with long strokes of his pencil erased the composition,

        saying, “Such a scrawler as this is good for nothing but to grind my ink !

        ” To grind your ink ! ” interrupted the other examiner Kao ; ” say rather he is

        only fit to put on my stockings, and lace up my buskins.”

        With these pleasantries, the essay of Li was rejected ; but he, transported

        with anger at such a contemptuous refusal at the public examination, returned

        liome and exclaimed, “I swear that if ever my wishes for promotion are accomplished,

        I will order Yang to grind my ink, and Kao to put on my stockings

        and lace up my buskins; then my vows will be accomplished.” Ho

        endeavored to calm the indignation of the poet: ” Stay here with me till a

        new examination is ordered in three years, and live in plenty ; the examiners

        will not be the same then, and you will surely succeed.” They therefore

        continued to live as they had done, drinking and making verses.

        69S THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        After many months had elapsed, some foreign ambassadors came to the

        capital charged with a letter from their sovereign, whom he was ordered to

        receive and entertain in the hall of ambassadors. Ihe next day the officers

        handed in their letter to his Majesty’s council, who ordered the doctors to opei»

        and read it, but they could none of them decipher a single word, humbly declaring

        it contained nothing but fly-tracks; “your subjects,” they added,

        “have only a limited knowledge, a shallow acquaintance with things ; they are

        unable to read a word.” On hearing this, the Emperor turned to the examiner

        Yang and ordered him to read the letter, but his eyes wandered over the

        characters as if he had been blind, and he knew nothing of them. In vain

        did his Maje.’ity addi’ess himself to the civil and military officers who filled the

        court ; not one among them could say whether the letter contained words of

        good or evil import. Highly incensed, he broke out in reproaches against the

        grandees of his palace : ” What ! among so many magistrates, so many scholars

        and warriors, cannot there be found a single one who knows enough to relieve

        us of the vexation of this affair ? If this letter cannot be read, how can it be

        answered ? If the ambassadors are dismissed in this style, we shall be the

        ridicule of the barbarians, and foreign kings will mock the court of Nanking,

        and doubtless follow it up by seizing their lance and buckler and join to invade

        our frontiers. What then ? If in three days no one is able to decipher this

        letter, every one of your appointments shall be suspended ; if in six days you

        do not tell me what it means, your offices shall every one be taken away ; and

        death shall execute justice on such ignorant men if I wait nine days in vain

        for its explanation, and others of our subjects shall be elevated to power whose

        virtue and talents will render some service to their country.”

        Terrified by these words, the grandees kept a mournful silence, and no one

        ventured a single reply, which only irritated the monarch the more. On hia

        return home. Ho related to his friend Li everything that had transpired at

        court, who, hearing him with a mournful smile, replied, ” How to be regretted,

        how unlucky it is that I could not obtain a degree at the examination last

        year, which would have given mo a magistracy ; for now, alas ! it is impossible

        for me to relieve his Majesty of the chagrin which troubles him.” “But

        truly,” said Ho, suddenly, ” I think you are versed in more than one science,

        and will be able to read this unlucky letter. I shall go to his Majesty and

        propose you on my own responsibility.” The next day he went to the

        palace, and passing through the crowd of courtiers, approached the throne,

        saying, ” Your subject presumes to announce to your Majesty that there is a

        scliolar of great merit called Li, at his house, who is profoundly acquainted

        with more than one science ; command him to read this letter, for there is

        notliing of which he is not capable.”

        This advice pleased the Emperor, who presently sent a messenger to the

        house of the academician, ordering him to present himself at court. But Li

        offered some objections : “I am a man still without degree or title; I have

        neither talents nor information, while the court abounds in civil and military

        officers, all equally famous for their profound learning. How then can you

        have recourse to sucli a contemptible and useless man as IV If I presume to

        accept this behest, I fear that I shall deeply offend the nobles of the palace”—

        referring especially to the premier Yang and the general Kao. When hisreplj^

        STOliY OF Li TAI-PEII, THE POET. 699

        was announced to the Emperor, lie demanded of IIo why his guest did not

        come when ordered. Ho replied, ” I can assure your Majesty that Li is a man

        of parts beyond all those of the age, one whose compositions astonish all who

        read them. At the trial of last year, his essay was marked out and thrown

        aside by the examiners, and lie himself shamefully put out of the hall. Your

        Majesty now calling him to court, and he having neitlier title nor rank, liis

        self-love is touched ; but if your Majesty would hear your minister’s prayer

        and shed your favors upon his friend, and send a high officer to him, I am

        sure he will hasten to obey the imperial will.” ” Let it be so,” rejoined the

        Lmperor ; ” at the instance of our academician, we confer on Li Peh the title

        of doctor of the first rank, with the purple robe, yellow girdle, and silken

        bonnet ; and herewith also issue an order for him to present himself at court.

        Our academician Ho will charge himself with carrying this order, and bring

        Li Peh to our presence without fail.”

        Ho returned home to Li, and begged him to go to court to read the letter,

        adding how his Majesty depended on his help to relieve him from his present

        embarrassment. As soon as he had put on his new robes, which were those

        of a high examiner, he made his obeisance toward the palace, and hastened to

        mount his horse and enter it, following after the academician. Seated on his

        throne, Hwantsung impatiently awaited the arrival of the poet, who, prostrating

        himself before its steps, went through the ceremony of salutation and

        acknowledgment for the favors he had received, and then stood in his place.

        The Emperor, as soon as he saw Li, rejoiced as poor men do on finding a treasure,

        or starvelings on sitting at a loaded table ; his heart was like dark clouds

        suddenly illuminated, or parched and arid soil on the approach of rain. “Fome

        foreign ambassadors have brought us a letter wliieli no one can read, and we

        have sent for you, doctor, to relieve our anxiety.” ” Your minister’s knowledge

        is very limited,” politely replied Li, with a bow, ” for his essay was rejected by

        the judges at the examination, and lord Kao turned him out of doors. Now

        that he is called upon to read this letter from a foreign prince, how is it that

        the examiners are not charged with the answer, since, too, the ambassadors

        liave already been kept so long waiting ? Since I, a student turned off from

        the trial, could not satisfy the wishes of the examiners, how can I hope to

        meet the expectation of your Majesty V ” ” We know what you are good for,”

        said the Emperor ; ” a truce to your excuses,” putting the letter into his hands.

        Running his eyes over it, he disdainfully smiled, and standing before the

        throne, read off in Cliinese the mysterious letter, as follows

        :

        “Letter from the mighty Ko To of the kingdom of Po Hai to the prince

        of the dynasty of Tang : Since your usurpation of Corea, and carrying your

        conquests to the frontiers of our States, your soldiers have violated our territory

        in frequent raids. We trust yon can fully explain to us this matter, and as we

        cannot patiently bear such a state of things, we have sent our ambassadors to

        announce to you that you must give up the hundred and sixty-six towns of

        Corea into our hands. We have some precious things to ofer you in compensation,

        namely, the medicinal plants from the mountains of Tai Peh, and the

        byssus from the southern sea, gongs of Tsiching, stags from Fuyu, and hor.ses

        from Sopin, silk of Wucliau, black fish from the river Mcito, prunes from

        700 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        Kiutu, and building materials from Loyu ; some of all these articles shall be

        sent you. If you do not accept these propositions, we shall raise troops and

        carry war and destruction into your borders, and then see on whose side victory

        will remain.”

        After its perusal, to which they had given an attentive ear, the grandees

        were stupefied and looked at each other, knowing how improbable it was that

        the Emperor would accept the propositions of Ko To. iMor was the mind of

        his Majesty by any means satisfied, and after remaining silent for some time,

        he turned himself to the civil and military officers about him, and asked what

        means were available to repulse the attacks of the barbarians in case their

        forces invaded Corea. Scholars and generals remained mute as idols of clay

        or statues of wood ; no one said a word, until Ho ventured to observe, *’ Your

        venerable grandfather Taitsung, in three expeditions against Corea, lost an untold

        number of soldiers, without succeeding in his enterprise, and impoverished

        his treasury. Thanks to Heaven Kai-su-wSn died, and profiting by the

        dissensions between the usurper’s sons, the glorious Emperor Taitsung confided

        the direction of a million of veterans to the old generals Li Sie and Pi Jinkwei,

        who, after a hundred engagements, more or less important, finally conquered

        the kingdom. But now having been at peace for a long time, we have

        neither generals nor soldiers ; if we seize the buckler and lance, it will not be

        easy to resist, and our defeat will be certain. I await the wise determination

        of your Majesty.”

        ” Since such is the case, what answer shall we make to the ambassadors ?

        said Hwantsung. ” Deign to ask Li,” said the doctor; ” he will speak to the

        purpose.” On being interrogated by his sovereign, LI replied, “Let not this

        matter trouble your clear mind. Give orders for an audience to the ambassadors,

        and I will speak to them face to face in their own language. The terms

        of the answer will make the barbarians blush, and their Ko To will be obliged

        to make his respects at the foot of your throne.” “And who is this Ko To ?

        demanded Hwantsung. “It is the name the people of Po Hai give to their

        king after the usage of their country ; just as the Hwui Hwui call theirs Kokan ;

        the Tibetans, T.sangpo ; the Lochau, Chau ; the Holing, Si-mo-wei ; each one

        according to the custom of his nation.”

        At this rapid flood of explanations, the mind of the wise Hwantsung experienced

        a lively joy, and the same day he honored Li with the title of an

        academician; a lodging was prepared for him in the palace of the Golden

        Bell ; musicians made the place re-echo with their harmony ; women poured

        out the wine, and young girls handed him the goblets, and celebrated the

        glory of Li with the same voic(?s that lauded the Emperor. What a delicious,

        ravishing banquet ! He could hardly keep witliin tlie limits of propriety, but

        ate and drank until he was unconscious of anything, when the Emperor ordered

        the attendants to carry him into the palace and lay him on a bed.

        The next morning, when the gong announced the fifth watch, the Emperor

        repaired to the hall of audience ; but Li’s faculties, on awaking, were

        not very clear, though the officers hastened to bring him. When all had gone

        through their pro.strations, Hwantsung called the poet near liim, but perceiv

        ing that the visage of the new-made doctor still bore the marks of his debaucli,

        STORY OF LI TAI-PEH, THE POET, 701

        and discovering the discomposure of Lis mind, he sent into the kitcVien for a little wine and some well-spiced fish broth, to arouse the sleepy bard. The servants presently sent it up on a golden tray, and the Emperor seeing the cup was fuming, condescended to stir and cool the broth a long time with the ivory chopsticks, and served it out himself to Li, who, receiving it on his knees, ate and drank, while a pleasing joy illumined his countenance. While this was going on, some among the courtiers were much provoked and displeased at the strange familiarity, while others rejoiced to see how well the Emperor knew to conciliate the good will of men. Ihe two examiners, Yang and Kao, betrayed in their features the dislike they felt.

        At the command of the Emperor, the ambassadors were introduced, and

        saluted his Majesty by acclamation, whilst Li Tai-peh, clad in a purple robe

        and silken bonnet, easy and gracious as an immortal, stood in the historiographer’s

        place before the left of the throne, holding the letter in his hand, and

        read it ol in a clear tone, without mistaking a word. Then tinning toward

        the frightened envoys, he said, ” Your little province has failed in its etiquette,

        but our wise ruler, whose power is comparable to the heavens for vastness, disdains

        to take advantage of it. This is the answer which he grants you : hear

        and be silent.” The terrified amljassadors fell trembling at the foot of the

        throne. The Emperor had already prepared near him an ornamented cushion,

        and taking a jade stone with which to rub the ink, a pencil of leveret’s hair

        bound in an ivory tube, a cake of perfumed ink, and a sheet of flowery paper,

        gave them to Li, and seated liim on the cushion ready to draw up the answer.

        ” May it please your Majesty,” objected Li, ” my boots are not at all suitable, for they were soiled at the banquet last evening, and I trust your Majesty in your generosity will grant me some new buskins and stockings fit for ascending the platform.” The Emperor acceded to his request, and. ordered a servant to procure them ; when Li resumed, “Your minister has still a word to add, and begs beforehand that his untoward conduct may be excused ; then he will prefer his request.” “Your notions are misplaced and useless, but I will not be ofended at them ; go on, speak,” said Hwantsung ; to which LI, nothing daunted, said, “At the last examination, your minister was turned off by Yang, and put out of doors by Kao. The sight of these persons here to-day at the head of the courtiers casts a certain discomposure over his spirits; let your voice deign to command Yang to rub my ink, whilst Kao puts on my stockings and laces iip my buskins ; then will my mind and wits begin to recover their energies, and my pencil can trace your answer in the language of the foreigners. In transmitting the reply in the name of the Son of Heaven, he will then not disappoint the confidence with which he is honored.” Afraid to displease Li when he had need of him, the Emperor gave the strange order ; and while Yang rubbed the ink and Kao put on the buskins of the poet, they could not help reflecting, that this student, so badly received and treated by them, only fit at the best to render such services to them, availed himself now of the sudden favors of the Emperor to take their own words pronounced against him as a text, and revenge himself upon them for past injuries. Rut what could they do ? They could not oppose the sovereign will, and if they did feel chagrined, they did not dare at least to express it. The proverb hath it true: Do not draw upon you a person’s enmity, for enmity is never appeased; injury returns upon him who injures, and sharp words recoil against him who says them.”

        The poet triumphed, and his oath was accomplished. Buskiued as he desired, he mounted the platform on the carpet and. seated himself on the cushion, while Yang stood at his side and rubbed the ink. Of a truth, the disparity was great between an ink-grinder and the magnate who counselled the Emperor.

        But why did the poet sit while the premier stood like a servant at his side ‘i It was because Li was the organ of the monarch’s words, while Yang, reduced to act the part o: an ink-rubber, could not request permission to sit.

        With one hand Li stroked his beard, and seizing his pencil in the other, applied it to the paper, which was soon covered with strange chai-acters, well turned and even without a fault or rasure, and then laid it lapon the dragon’s table. The Emperor gazed at it in amaze, for it was identical with that of the barbarians ; not a character in it resembled the Chinese ; and as he handed it about among the nobles, their surprise was great. When requested to read it, Li, placed before the throne, read in a clear loud tone the answer to the strangers:” The mighty Emperor of the Tang dynasty, whose reign is called Kiayuen, sends his instructions to Ko To of the Po Hai.

        “From ancient times the rock and the egg have not hit each other, nor the serpent and dragon made war. Our dynasty, favored by fate, extends its power, and reigns even to the four seas ; it has under its orders brave generals and tried soldiers, solid bucklers and glittering swords. Your neighbor, King Hiehli, who refused our alliance, was taken prisoner ; but the people of Putsau, after offering a present of a metal bird, took an oath of obedience.

        ” The Sinlo, at the southern end of Corea, have sent us praises written on the finest tissues of silk ; Persia, serpents which can catch rats ; India, birds that can speak ; and Rome, dogs which lead horses, holding a lantern in their month; the white parrot is a present from the kingdom of Koling, the carbuncle which illumines the night comes from Cambodia, and famous horses are sent by the tribe of Koli, while precious vases are brought from Nial : in short, there is not a nation which does not respect our imposing power, and does not testify their regard for the virtue which distinguishes us. Corea alone resisted the will of Heaven, but the divine vengeance has fallen heavily upon it, and a kingdom which reckoned nine centuries of duration was overthrown as in a morning. Why, then, do you not profit by the terrible prognostics Heaven vouchsafes yon as examples ‘? Would it not evince your sagacity ?

        “Moreover, your little country, situated beyond the peninsula, is little more than as a province of Corea, or as a principality to the Celestial Empire ; your resources in men and horses are not a millionth part those of China. You are like a cha’”ed locust trying to stop a chariot, like a stiff-necked goose which will not submit. Under the arms of our warriors your blood will run a thousand J’l. You, prince, resemble that audacious one who re”used our alliance, and whose kingdom became annexed to Corea. The designs of our Bage Emperor are vast as the ocean, and he now bears with your culpable anJ unreasonable conduct ; but hasten to prevent misfortune by repentance, and cheerfully pay the tribute of each year, and you will prevent the shame and opprobrium which will cover you and expose you to the ridicule of your neighbors. Reflect thrice on these instructions.”

        STORY OF Li TAI-PEH, THE POET. 703

        The reading of this answer filled the Emperor with joy, who ordered Li to make known its contents to the ambassadors ; he then sealed it with the imperial seal. The poet called Kao to put on the boots which he had taken off. and he then returned to the palace of Golden Bells to inform the envoys concerning his sovereign’s orders, reading the letter to them in a loud tone, while they heard tremblingly. The academician Ho reconducted them to the gates of the capital, and there the ambassadors asked who it was who had read the imperial instructions. ” He is called Li, and has the title of Doctor of the Hanlin.” ” But among so many dignitaries, M^hy did the first Minister of State rub his ink, and the general of the guards lace up his buskins ‘? ” ” Hear,” added Ho ; ” those two personages are indeed intimate ministers of his Majesty, but they are only noble courtiers who do not transcend common humanity, while Doctor Li, on the contrary, is an immortal descended from heaven on the earth to aid the sovereign of the Celestial Empire. How can any one equal him ? ” The ambassadors bowed the head and departed, and on their return rendered an account of their mission to their sovereign. On reading the answer of Li, the Ko To was terrified, and deliberated with his counsellors: “The Celestial Empire is upheld by an immortal descended from the .skies! Is it possible to attack it ‘/ ” He thereupon wrote a letter of submission, testifying his desire to .send tribute each year, which was thenceforth allowed. Li Tai-peh afterward drowned himself from fear of the machinations of his enemies, exclaiming, as he leaped into the water, ” I’m going to catch the moon in the midst of the sea !”

        The poetry of the Chinese has been investigated hy Sir Jolni

        Davis, and tlie republication of liis first paper in an enhirged

        fonn in 1870, with the versification of Legge’s translations of

        the Shi King by his nephew, and two volumes of ^’arious pieces

        by Stent, have altogether given a good variety/ Davis explains

        the principles of Chinese rhythm, touches upon the tones, notices

        the parallelisms, and distinguishes the various kinds of

        verse, all in a scholarly manner. The Avhole subject, however,

        stOl awaits more thorough treatment. Artificial poetry, where

        ‘ Davis, Poetry of (he Chinese, London, 1870 ; G. C. Stent, The Jade Chaplet,

        London, 1874; Entmnhed Alive, and other Verses, 1878; Le Marquis

        D’Hervey-Saint-Denys, Poesies de VEpoqne des Thanr/, Paris, 18G2. A number

        of extracts of classical and modern literature will be found in Confucius and

        the Chinese Classics, compiled by Rev. A. W. Loomis, San Francisco, 1867

        China Peview, Yols. I., p. 248, IV., p. 4G, and passim the sound and jingle is regarded more than the sense, is not uncommon; the great number of characters having the same sound enables versifiers to do this with greater facility than is possible in other languages, and to the serious degradation of all high sentiment. The absence of inflections in the words Clippies the easy flow of sounds to which our ears are familiar, but renders such lines as the following more spirited to the eye which sees the characters than to the ear which hears them: Liang kinuij, ming nuvrifi, yanr] hiang tsiang, Ki n’t, jn eJti, I’l M mi, etc.

        Lines consisting of characters all containing the same radical are also constructed in this manner, in which the sounds are subservient to the meaning. This bizarre fashion of writing is, however, considered fit only for pedants.

        The Augustan age of poetry and letters was in the ninth and

        tenth centui’ies, during the Tang dynasty, when the brightest

        day of Chinese civilization was the darkest one of European.

        Xo complete collection of poems has yet been translated into any

        Eui’opean language, and perhaps none would bear an entire version.

        The poems of Li Tai-peh form thirty volumes, and those

        of Su Tung-po are contained in one hundred and fifteen volumes,

        while the collected poems of the times of the Tang dynasty

        have been published by imperial authority in nine hundred

        volumes. The proportion of descriptive poetry in it is small

        compared with the sentimental. The longest poem yet turned

        into English is the Jlwa Tsien Ki, or ‘ The Flower’s Petal,’ by

        P. P. Thoms, nnder the title of Cldneae CouHsld]) ; it is in heptameter,

        and his version is quite prosaic. Another of much

        greater repute among native scholars, called Li Sao, or ‘ Dissipation

        of Sorrows,’ dating from about b.c. 314, has been rendered

        into French by D’llervey-Saint-Denys.’

        It is a common pastime for literary gentlemen to try their’ Chinese Courtship. In Verse. To wJiieJi is added an Appendix treating of the Jievenue of China, etc., etc., by Peter Perring Thorns, London, 1S24. Compare the Quarterly Review for 1827, pp. 49G ff. Lc Li-Sao, Poeme da III’ Siedeuvant noire ere. Traduit da Chinois, par le Marquis d’Hervey de Saiut<Denys, Paris, 1870.

        CHINESE SONGS AND BALLADS. 705

        skill in versification ; epigrams and pasquinades ai-e usually put into metre, and at the examinations every candidate must hand in his poetical exercise. Consequently, much more attention is paid by such rhymesters to the jingle of the words and artificial structure of the lines than to the elevation of sentiment or copiousness of illustrations ; it is as easy for them to write a sonnet on shipping a cargo of tea as to indite a love-epistle to their mistress. Extemporaneous verses are made on every subject, and to illustrate occurrences -that are elsewhere regarded as too prosaic to disturb the mnse.

        Still, human emotions have been the stimulus to their expression in verse among the Chinese as well as other people ; and all classes have found an ntterance to them. Ribald and impure ditties are sung by street-singers to their own low classes, but such subjects do not characterize the best poets, as they did in old Rome. A piece called ‘ Chang Liang’s Flute ‘ is a fair instance of the better style of songs:

        ‘Twas niglit—the tired soldiers were peacefully sleeping,
        The low hum of voices was hushed in repose ;
        The sentries, in silence, a strict watch were keeping
        ‘Gainst surprise or a sudden attack of their foes ;
        When a low mellow note on the night air came stealing,
        So soothingly over the senses it fell—
        So touchingh- sweet—so soft and appealing,
        Like the musical tones of an aerial bell.
        Now rising, now falling — now fuller and clearer—
        Now liquidly solt — now a low wailing cry,

        Now the cadences seem floating nearer and nearer—
        Now dying away in a whispering sigh.
        Then a burst of sweet music, so plaintively thrilling.
        Was caught up by the echoes which sang the refrains
        In their many-toned voices—the atmosphere filling
        With a chorus of dulcet mysterious strains.

        The sleepers arous(», and with beating hearts listen;
        In their dreams they had heard that weird music before ‘,
        It touches each heart—with tears their eyes glisten.
        For it tells them of those they may never see more.
        In fancy those notes to their childhood’s days brought them,
        To those far-away scenes they had not seen for years ;
        To those who had loved them, had reared them, and taught them,
        And the eyes of those stern men were wetted with tears.
        Bright visions of home through their mem’ries came thronging,
        Panorama-like passing in front of their view;
        They were lunne-mk—no power could withstand that strange yearning;
        The longer they listened the more home-sick they grew.

        Whence came those sweet sounds ‘?— who the unseen musician
        That breathes out his soul, which floats on the night breeze
        In melodious sighs—in strains so elysian
        As to soften the hearts of rude soldiers like these ?
        Each looked at the other, but no word was spoken.
        The music insensibly tempting them on :
        They must return home. Ere the daylight had broken
        The enemy looked, and behold ! they were gone.
        There’s a magic in music—a witchery in it,
        Indescribable either with tongue or with pen ;
        The tlute of Chang Liang, in one little minute,
        Had stolen the courage of eight thousand men I’

        The following verses were presented to Dr. Parker at Canton by a Chinese gentleman of some literary attainments, upon the occasion of a successful operation for cataract. The original may be considered as a very creditable example of extempore sonnet:

        A fluid, darksome and opaque, long time had dimmed my sight,
        For seven revolving, weary years one eye was lost to light;
        The other, darkened by a film, during three years saw no day,
        High heaven’s bright and gladdening light could not pierce it with its ray.

        Long, long I sought the hoped relief, but still I sought in vain,
        My treasures lavished in the search, brought no relief from pain;
        Till, at length, I thought my garments I must either pawn or sell,
        And plenty in my house, I feared, was never more to dwell.

        Th<m loudly did I ask, for what cause such pain I bore—
        For transgressions in a former life unatoned for before ?
        But again’ came the reflection how, of yore, oft men of worth.
        For slight errors, had borne sutf’ ring great as drew my sorrow forth.
        Stent’s Jiule Cluiplet.

        SPECIMEN OF AN EXTEMPORE SONNET. 707

        ” And shall not one,” said I then, ” whose worth is but as naught, Bear patiently, as heaven’s gift, what it ordains ‘i ” The thought Was scarce completely formed, when of a friend the footstep fell

        On my threshold, and I breathed a hope he had words of joy to tell.
        ‘* I’ve heard,” the friend who enter’d said, ” there’s come to us of late
        A native of the ‘ Flowery Flag’s ‘ far-ofi and foreign State ;
        O’er tens of thousand miles of sea to the Inner Land he’s come—
        His hope and aim to heal men’s pain, he leaves his native home.”

        I quick went forth, this man I sought, this gen’rous doctor found;
        He gained my heart, he’s kind and good ; for, high up from the ground,
        He gave a room, to which he came, at morn, at eve, at night—
        Words were but vain were I to try his kindness to recite.
        With needle argentine he pierced the cradle of the tear.
        What fears I felt ! Su Dong-po’s words rung threatening in my ear:
        ” Glass hung in mist,” the poet says, “take heed you do not shake ;
        “(The words of fear rung in my ear), “how if it chance to break I” The fragile lens his needle pierced : the dread, the sting, the pain, I thought on these, and that the cup of sorrow I must drain ; But then my mem’ry faithful showed the work of fell disease.

        How long the orbs of sight were dark, and I deprived of ease.

        And thus I thought : ” If now, indeed, I were to find relief,

        ‘Twere not too much to bear the pain, to bear the present grief.”

        Then the words of kindness which I heard sunk deep into my soul,

        And free from fear I gave myself to the foreigner’s control.

        His silver needle sought the lens, and quickly from it drew
        The opaque and darksome fluid, whose effect so well I knew;
        His golden probe soon clear’d the lens, and then my eyes he bound,
        And laved with water sweet as is the dew to thirsty ground.

        Three days thus lay I, prostrate, still ; no food then could I eat ;

        My limbs relax’d were stretched as though th’ approach of death to meet

        With thoughts astray—mind ill at ease —away from home and wife,

        I often thought that by a thread was hung my precious life.

        Three days I lay, no food had I, and nothing did I feel;

        Nor hunger, sorrow, pain, nor hope, nor thought of woe or weal;

        My vigor fled, my life seemed gone, when, sudden, in my pain,

        There came one ray—one glimm’ring ray,—I see,—^I live again !

        As starts from visions of the night he who dreams a fearful dream,

        As from the tomb uprushing comes one restored to day’s bright beam,

        Thus I, with gladness and surprise, with joy, with keen delight,

        See friends and kindred crowd around ; I hail the blessed light.

        With grateful hfart, with heaving breast, with feelings flowing o’er,

        I cried, ” O lead nie quick to him who can the sight restore !”

        To kneel I tried, but he forbade ; and, forcing me to rise,

        ” To mortal man bend not the knee ;

        ” then pointing to the skies:—

        ” I’m but,” said he, ” the workman’s tool ; another’s is the hand ;

        Before Jiis might, and in Im sight, men, feeble, helpless, stand :

        Go, virtue learn to cultivate, and never thou forget

        That for some work of future good thj life is spared thee yet !”

        The off’ring, token of my tlianks, he refused ; nor would he take

        Silver or gold—they seemed as dust ; ’tis but for virtue’s sake

        His works are done. His skill divine I ever must adore,

        Nor lose remembrance ox his name till life’s last day is o’er.

        Thus liave I told, in these brief words, this learned doctor’s praise:

        Well does his worth deserve tliat I should tablets to liim raise.

        In this facility of versification lies one of the reasons for the

        mediocrity of common Chinese poetry, but that does not prevent

        its power over the popular mind being very great. Men

        and women of all classes take great delight in recitation and

        singing, hearing street musicians or strolling play-actors ; and

        these results, whatever we may judge by our standards, prove

        its power and suitableness to infiuence them. One or two

        additional specimens on different subjects may be quoted, inasnnich

        as they also illustrate some of the better shades of feeling

        and sentiment. A more finished piece of poetry is one

        written about a.d. 370, by Su-IIwui, whose husband was banished.

        Its talented authoress is said to have written more than

        five thousand lines, and among them a curious anagram of

        about eight hundred characters, which was so disposed that it

        would make sense equally well when i-ead up or down, crosswise,

        backward, or forward.’ Nothing from her pen remains except this ode, interesting for its antiquity as well as sentiment.

        ‘ A translation is given in the Chinese lieposztori/ (Vol, IX., p. 508) of a supposed complaint made by a cow of her sad lot in being obliged to work hard and fare poorly during life, and then be cut up and eaten when dead; the ballad is arranged in the form of the animal herself, and a herdboy leading her, who in his own form praises the happiness of a rural life. This ballad is a Buddhist tractate, and that fraternity print many such on broad-.sheets; one common collection ol’ prayers is arranged like a pagoda, with images of Buddlia sitting in the windows of each story.

        LAMENT OF TUV: POETESS SIT-IIWUI. 709

        ODE OF RU-HWUI.

        When thou receiv’dst the king’s command to quiet tlie frontier,
        Together to the bridge we went, striving our liearts to cheer-

        Hiding our grief. These words I gasped upon that mournful day :

        ” Forget not, love, my fond embrace, nor tarry long away !”

        Ah ! Is it true that since tliat time no message glads my sight V

        Think you that 7io?p your lone wi’e’s heart even in bright spring delights ?

        Our pearly stairs and pleasant yard the foul weeds have o’ergrown ;

        Our nuptial room—and couch—and walls—are now with dust o’erstrown.

        Whene’er I think of our farewell, my soul with fear grows cold;

        My mind resolves what shape I’d take to see thee as of old.

        Now as I watch the deep-sea moon, I long her form to be;

        Again, the mountain cloud has filled my dull heart with envy.

        For deep-sea moon shines year by year upon the land abroad ;

        And ye, O mountain clouds, may meet the form of my adored!

        Aye, flying here and flying there, seek my beloved’s place.

        And at ten thousand thousand miles—speed !—gaze on his fair face.

        Alas ! for iiie the road is long, steep mountain peaks now sever

        Our loving souls. I can but weep—O ! may’t not be forever !

        The long reed’s leaves had yellow grown when we our farewell said ;

        Who then had thought the plum-tree’s bough so oft would turn to red ?

        The fairy flowers spreading their leaves have met the early spring—
        All, genial months, what time for love !—But who can ease my sting ?
        The pendant willows strew the court, for thee I pull them down ;
        The falling flowers enrich the earth, none pick these from the ground
        And scatter vernal growth, as once, before the ancestral tomb !
        Taking the lute o? Tsun I strive to chase away the gloom
        By thrumming, as I muse o? thee, songs of departed friends.

        Sending my inmost thoughts away, they reach the northern ends—

        Those northern bounds! —how far they seem, o’erpassed the hills and streams

        No news, no word from those confines to lighten e’en my dreams !

        My dress, my pillow, once so white, are deeply stained with tears ;

        My broidered coat with gilded flowers, all spotted now appears.

        The very geese and storks to me, when in their passage north.

        Seemed by their cries, my distant love, to tear my heartstrings forth.

        No more my lute —though thou wert strong, with passion was I wrung;
        My grief was its utmost bent—my song was still unsung.

        Ah ! husband, lord, thy love I feel is stable as the liills ;

        ‘Tis joy to think each hour of this—a balm for countless ills!

        I had but woven half my task—I gave it to his Grace :

        O grant my husband quick release, I pine for his embrace!

        Auioiig tlie best of Chinese ballads, if regard be had to the

        character of the sentiment and metaphors, is one on Picking

        Tea, wliich the girls and women sing as they collect the leaves.

        BALLAD OF THE TEA-PICKER.

        I.

        A\Tiere thousand hills the vale enclose, our little lu;t is there,
        And on the sloping sides around the tea grows everywhere ;
        And I must rise at early dawn, as busy as can be.
        To get my daily labor done, and pluck the leafy tea.

        II.

        At early dawn I seize my crate, and sighing. Oh, for rest!
        Thro’ the thick mist I pass the door, with sloven hair half drest;
        The dames and maidens call to me, as hand in hand they go,
        ” What steep do you, miss, climb to-day—what steep of high Sunglo?*

        III.
        Dark is the sky, the twilight dim still on the hills is set;
        The dewy leaves and cloudy buds may not be gathered yet:
        Oh, who are they, the thirsty ones, for whom this work we do,
        For whom we spend our daily toil in bands of two and two ?

        IV.
        Like fellows we each other aid, and to each other say,
        As down we pull the yielding twigs, ” Sweet sister, don’t delay ;
        E’en now the buds are growing old, all on the boughs atop.
        And then to-morrow—who can tell ?—the drizzling rain may drop.”

        V.
        We’ve picked enow ; the topmost bough is bare of leaves ; and so
        We lift our brimming loads, and by the homeward path we go;
        In merry laughter by the pool, the lotus pool, we hie.
        When hark ! tiprise a mallard pair, and hence affrighted Hy.

        VI.
        Limpid and clear the pool, and there how rich the lotus grows.
        And only lialf its opening leaves, round as the coins, it shows—
        I bend me o’er the jutting brink, and to myself I say,
        ” I marvel in the glassy stream, how looks my face to-day ?”

        VII.

        My face is dirty; out of trim my hair is, and awry;
        Oh, tell me, where’s the little girl so ugly now as I ?
        ‘Tis all because whole weary hours I’m forced to pick the tea.
        And driving winds and soaking showers have made me what von seet

        VIII.
        With morn again come wind and rain, and though so fierce and strong,
        With basket big, and little hat, I wend my way along;
        At home again, when all is picked, and everybody sees
        How muddy all our dresses are, and drabbled to the knees.

        IX.

        I saw this morning through the door a pleasant day set in;
        Be sure I quickly dressed my hair and neatly fixed my pin,
        And fleetly sped I down the path to gain the wonted spot,
        But, never thinking of the mire, my working shoes forgot!

        X.
        The garden reached, my bow-shaped shoes are soaking through and through;
        The sky is changed—the thunder rolls—and I don’t know what to do;
        I’ll call my comrades on the hill to pass the word with speed
        And fetch my green umbrella-hat to help me in my need.

        XI.

        But my little hat does little good ; my plight is very sad !
        I stand with clothes all dripping wet, like some poor fisher-lad;
        Like him I have a basket, too, of meshes woven fine—
        A fisher-lad, if I only had his fishing-rod and line.

        XII.
        The rain is o’er ; the outer leaves their branching fibres show;
        Shake down the branch, the fragrant scent about us ‘gins to blow;
        Gather the yellow golden threads that high and low are found—
        Oh, what a precious odor now is wafted all around !

        XIII.
        N^o sweeter perfume does the wild and fair Aglaia shed,
        Throughout Wu-yuen’s bounds my tea the choicest will be said;
        When all are picked we’ll leave the shoots to bud again in spring,
        But for this morning we have done the third, last gathering.

        XIV.

        Oh, weary is our picking, yet do I my toil withhold ?
        My maiden locks are all askew, my pearly fingers cold;
        I only wish our tea to be superior over all.
        O’er this one’s “sparrow-tongue,” and o’er the other’s “dragon-ball.”

        XV.

        Oh, for a month I weary strive to find a leisure day ;
        I go to pick at early dawn, and until dusk I stay ;
        Till midnight at the firing-pan I hold ray irksome place:
        But will not labor hard as this impair my pretty face ?

        XVI.

        But if my face be pomewhat lank, more firm shall be my mind;
        I’ll fire my tea that all else shall be my golden buds behind ;
        But yet the thought arises who the pretty maid shall be
        To put the leaves in jewelled cup, from thence to sip my tea.

        XVII.
        Her griefs all flee as she makes her tea, and she is glad ; but oh,
        Where shall she learn the toils of us who labor for her so ”.
        And shall she know of the winds that blow, and the rains that jiour their wrath,
        And drench and soak us thro’ and thro’, as plunged into a bath ?

        XVIII.
        In driving rains and howling winds the birds forsake the nest,
        Yet many a loving pair are seen still on the boughs to rest;
        Oh, wherefore, loved one, with light look, didst thou send me away?
        I cannot, grieving as I grieve, go through my work to-day.

        XIX.
        But though my bosom rise and fall, like T)ucket in a well.
        Patient and toiling as I am, ‘gainst work I’ll ne’er rebel;
        My care shall be to have my tea fired to a tender brown,
        And let the Jla(/ and aid, well rolled, display their whitish down.’

        XX.
        Ho ‘ for my toil ! Ho I for m\’ steps ! Aweary though I be.
        In our poor house, for working folk, there’s lots of work, I see ;
        When the firing and the drying’s done, off at the call I go,
        And once again, this very morn, I climb the high Sunglo.

        XXI.
        My wicker basket slung on arm, and hair entwined with flowers,
        To the slopes I go of high Sunglo, and pick the tea for hours;
        How laugh we, sisters, on the road ; what a merry turn we’ve got;
        I giggle and say, as I point down the way, There, look, there lies our cot!

        XXII.
        Your handmaid ‘neath the sweet green shade in sheltered cot abides.
        Where the pendant willow’s sweeping bough the thatchy dwelling hides;
        To-morrow, if you wish it so, my guests I pray you’ll be !
        The door you’ll know by the fragrant scent, the .scent of the firing tea.
        ‘ The ki, or ‘ flag,’ is the term by which the leaflets are called when they just begin to unroll ; the tfiiang, or ‘ awl,’ designates those lijaves which are still wrapped u]^ and which are somewhat sharp.

        XXIII.
        While ’tis cold, and then ’tis warm, when I want to fire iny tea,
        The sky is sure to shift and change— and all to worry me;
        When the sun goes down on the western hills, on the eastern there is rain I
        And however fair lie promises, he promises in vain.

        XXIV.
        To-day the tint of the western hills is looking bright and fair,
        And I bear my crate to the stile,’ and wait my fellow toiler there ;
        A little tender lass is she—she leans upon the rail
        And sleeps, and though I hail her she answers not my hail.

        XXV.
        And when at length to my loudest call she murmurs a reply,
        ‘Tis as if bard to conquer sleep, and with half-opened eye;
        Up starts she, and with straggling steps along the path she’s gone,
        She brings her basket, but forgets to put the cover on !

        XXVI.
        Together trudge we, and we pass the lodge of the southern bowers,
        Where the beautiful sea-pomegranate waves all its yellow Howers ;
        Fain would we stop and pluck a few to deck our tresses gay,
        But the tree is high, and ’tis vain to try and reach the tempting spray.

        XXVII.
        The pretty birds upon the boughs sing songs so sweet to hear.
        And the sky is so delicious now, half cloudy and half clear ;
        While bending o’er her work, each maid will prattle of her woe.
        And we talk till our hearts are sorely hurt, and tears unstinted flow.

        XXVIII.
        Our time is up, and yet not full our baskets to the mouth—
        The twigs anorth are fully searched, let’s seek them in the south;
        Just then by chance I snapped a twig whose leaves were all apair;
        See, with my taper fingers now I fix it in my hair.

        XXIX.
        Of all the various kinds of tea, the bitter beats the sweet,
        But for whomever either seeks, for him I’ll find a treat;
        Though who it is shall drink them, as bitter or sweet they be,
        I know not, my friend—but the pearly end of my finger only see!
        ‘ The ting is not exactly a stile, being a kind of shed, or four posts supporting
        a roof, which is often erected by villagers for the convenience of wayfarers,
        who can stop there and rest. It sometimes contains a bench or seat, and is usually over or near a spring of water.

        XXX.
        Ye twittering swallows, rise and fall in your flight around the hill,
        But when next I go to the high Sunglo, I’ll change my gown—I will;
        And I’ll roll up the cuff and show arm enough, for my arm is fair to see:
        Oh, if ever there were a fair round arm, that arm belongs to me 1

        CHINESE DRAMAS AND BUKLETTAS. 715

        In the department of plays and dramas, Chinese literature shows a long list of names, few or none of which have ever been heard of away from their native soil. Some of their pieces have been translated by Julien, Bazin, Davis, and others, most of which were selected from the Hundred Plays of Yuan. The origin of the present Chinese drama does not date back, according to M. Bazin, beyond the Tang dynasty, though many performances designed to be played and sung in pantomime had been written before that epoch. He cites the names of eighty-one persons, besides mentioning other plays of unknown authors, whose combined writings amount to five hundred and sixty-four separate plays ; all of whom flourished during the Mongol dynasty. The plays that have been translated from this collection give a tolerably good idea of Chinese talent in this difficult department; and, generally speaking, whatever strictures may be nuide upon the management of the plot, exhibition of character, unity of action, or illustration of manners, the tendency of the play is on the side of justice and morality. Pere Preraare first translated a play in 1731, under the title of the Orphan of Chau,^ which was taken by Voltaire as the groundwork of one of his plays. The Heir in Old Aye and the Sorrows of Han are the names of two translated by Sir J. F. Davis. The Oircle of CJialk was translated and published in 1832 by Julien, and a volume of Bazin, aine, containing the Tidrtgaes of an Ahiyail, the Coupared Tunic, the So)i(jstrcss, and Ilesentnierd of Tau JS^go, appeared in 1838, at Paris, None of these pieces exhibit much intricacy of plot, nor would the simple arrangements of Chinese theatres allow much increase to the dramatis personoi without confusion. M. Bazin, moreover, translated the Pi-pa Ki, or History of a Lide^ ‘ Tehiio-cM-cou-eulh, ou VOrphdin de la Maison de Telmo, tragedie chinoise, tradnile par le R. P. de Pr>’mare, Miss, de la Chine, 1755. Julien published a translation o2 the same, I’aris, iy34.

        a drama in twenty-four acts, of more pretensions, partaking of the novel as well as the drama; the play is said to have been represented at Peking in 1404, under the Ming dynasty.’

        Besides plays in the higher walks of the drama, which form the principal part of the performances at theatres, there are by-plays or farces, which, being confined to two or three interlocutors, depend for their attractiveness upon the droll gesticulations, impi’omptu allusions to passing occurrences, and excellent pantomimic action of the performers. They are usually brought on at the conclusion of the bill, and from the freedom given in them to an exhibition of the humor or wit of the players, are much liked by the people. A single illustration will exhibit the simple range and character of these burlettas.

        THE MENDER OF CRACKED CHINAWARE.

        DKAMATis PERSONS. \ ^f” ^^’^]’ ^ wandering tinker.

        ( narif/ jyutng A joung girl.

        Scene—A Street.

        Niu Chau enters—across his shoulder is a bamboo, to each end of which are

        suspended boxes containing the various tools and impleynenls of his trade,

        and a small stool. He is dressed meanly ; his face and head are painted

        and decorated in a fantastic manner.

        (Sings) Seeking a livelihood by the work of my hands,

        Daily do I traverse the streets of the city.

        {Speaks) Well, here I am, a mender of broken jars,

        An unfortunate victim of ever changing plans.

        To repair old fractured jars

        Is my sole occupation and support.

        ‘Tis even so. I have no other employment.

        (7’akes his bo.rcs from his shoulder, places tJiem on the ground^ sits

        beside them, and drawing out his fan, continues sjoeaking)—

        A disconsolate old man—I am a slave to inconveniences.

        For several days past I have been unable to go abroad,

        •Since the appearance of M. Bazin’s Theatre Chinois (Paris, 18B8) and Davis’ Sorroirs of Han (London, 1829), there has been astonishingly little done

        In the study of Chinese plays. Compare, for the rest, an article on this subject by J. J. AmpJre, in the Eevue des Deux Mondes, September, 1838 ; The Far East, Vol. I. (1876), pp. 57 and 90 ; Chinese Repository, Vol. VI., p. 575 ; China Review, Vol. I., p. 2G ; also Lay’s Chinese as They Are, and Dr. Gray’s China, passim. Lieut. Kreitner gives an interesting picture of the Chinese theatre in a country town, together with a few pages upon the drama, of which his party were spectators. Lnfernen Osten, pp. 595-599.

        But, observing this morning a clear sky and fine air,
        I was induced to recommence my street wanderings.

        (Sings) At dawn I left my home,
        But as yet have had no job.
        Hither and yon, and on all sides,
        From the east gate to the west.
        From the south gate to the north,
        And all over within the walls,
        Have I been, but no one has called
        For the mender of cracked jars. Unfortunate man 1

        But this being my first visit to the city of Nanking,

        Some extra exertion is necessary ;

        Time is lost sitting idle here, and so to roam again I go.

        {8Jionlders Ids boxes and stuol, and walks about, ct^ying)-‘

        Plates mended ! Bowls mended !

        Jars and pots neatly repair’d !

        Lady Wang (fieard ‘mthin). Did I not hear the cry of the mender ot cracked jars ?

        I’ll open the door and look. {She enters, looking around.)

        Yes, there comes the repairer of jars.

        Niu Chau. Pray, have you a jar to mend ?

        I have long been seeking a job.

        Did you not call ?

        TMdy W. What is your charge for a large jar—

        And how much for a small one ?

        Kiu Chau. For large jars, one mace five.

        Lady W. And for small ones ‘?

        JV^iu Chau. Fifty pair of cash.

        Lady W. To one mace five, and fifty pair of cash.

        Add nine candareens, and a new jar may be had.

        liiu Chau. What, then, will you give ?

        Ljidy W. I will give one caudareen for either size.

        Niu Chau. Well, lady, how many cash can I get for this caudareen ?

        fjody W. Why, if the price be high, you will get eight cash.

        Niu Chau. And if low V

        Lady W. You will get but seven cash and a half.

        Niu Chau. Oh, you wicked, tantalizing thing!
        (Sings) Since leaving home this morning,

        I have met but with a trifler.

        Who, in the shape of an old wife.

        Tortures and gives me no job ;

        I’ll shoulder again my boxes, and continue my walk.

        And never again will I return to tli(* house of Wang.

        (Iffi moves off slowly.}

        Lady W. Jar-mender ! return, quickly return ; with a loud voice, I entreat

        you; for I have something on which I wish to consult with

        you.

        THE MENDER OF CHINAWARE—A FARCE. 717

        Hiu Chav. What is it on wliicli you wish to consult me ?

        Lady M’. I will give you a hundred cash to mend a large jar.

        Niu Chau. And for mending a small one V

        Lady W. And for mending a small one, thirty pair of cash.

        Niu Chau. One hundred, and thirty pair !—truly, lady, this is worth consulting about.

        Lady Wang, where shall I mend them ?

        Lady W. Follow me. {.They move toward tJie door of the house.)

        {Sings) Before walks the Lady Wang.

        Niti Chdu. And behind comes the jni-kany (or jar-mender).

        Lady W. Here, then, is the place.

        JVtu Chau. Lady Wang, permit me to pay my respects.

        {Bows reiwatedly in a ridiculotis manner.)

        We can exchange civilities.

        I congratulate 3’ou ; may you prosper—before and behind.

        Lady W. Here is the jar ; now go to work and mend it.

        {Takes the jar in his hand and tosses it about, examining it.)

        Niu Chan. This jar lias certainly a very appalling fracture.

        Lady W. Therefore, it requires the more care in mending.

        Niu Clmu. That is self-evident.

        ha^y W. Now, Lady Wang will retire again to her dressing room,

        And, after closing the door, will resume her toilet.

        Her appearance she will beautify ;

        On the left, her hair she will comb into a dragon’s head tuft,

        On the right, she will arrange it tastefully with flowers ;

        Her lips she will color with blood-red vermilion.

        And a gem of chrysoprase will she place in the dragon’s head tuft.

        Then, liaving completed her toilet, she will return to the door,

        And sit down to look at the jar-mender. {E.iit.)

        (Niu Ghausits dotcn, straps the jar on his knee, and arranges his tools before him, and as he drills holes for the clamps, sings)—

        Every hole drilled requires a pin.

        And every two holes drilled require pins a pair.

        As I raise my head and look around,

        (At this moment Lady Wang re-enters, beautifully dressed, and sits down by the door.)

        There sits, I see, a delicate young lady ;

        Before she had the appearance of an old wife,

        Now she is transformed into a handsome young girL

        On the left, her hair is comb’d into a dragon’s head tuft;

        On the right it is adorn’d tastel’ully with flowers.

        Her lips are like plums, her mouth is all smiles,

        Her eyes are as brilliant as the phamix’s ; and

        She stands on golden lilies, but two inches long.

        I look again, another look,—down drops the jar.

        {Tliejar at this moment falls, and is broken to pieces.]

        {Speaks) Heigh-ya ! Here then is a dreadful smash !

        Lady \V. You have but to replace it with another, and do so quickly.

        iVm Chau. For one that was broken, a good one must be given.

        Had two been broken, then were a pair to be supplied ;

        An old one being smashed, a new one must replace it.

        Lady W. You have destroyed the jar, and return me nothing but words.

        Give me a new one, then you may return home,—not before.

        Niu CJutu. Here upon my knees upon the hard ground, I beg Lady Wang,

        while she sits above, to listen to a few words. Let me receive

        pardon for the accident her beauty has occasioned, and I will-^’

        at once make her my wife.

        lAidy W. Impudent old man ! How presume to think

        That I ever can become your wife !

        Niu Cluiu. Yes, it is true, I am somewhat older than Lady Wang,

        Yet would I make her my wife.

        Lady W. No matter then for the accident, but leave me now at once.

        Niu Chau. Since you have forgiven me, I again shoulder my boxes,

        And I will go elsewhere in search of a wife.

        And here, before high heaven, I swear never again to come near the house of Wang.

        You a great lady ! Yon are but a vile ragged girl.

        And will yet be glad to take up with a much worse companion.

        (Going away, Tw suddenly thToimoffJds upper dress, and appears as a handsome young man.)

        Lady W. Henceforth, give up your wandering profession,

        And marrying me, quit the trade of a jar-mender.

        With the Lady Wang pass happily the remainder of your life.

        {They eiithrace, and exeunt.]

        DEFICIENCIES AND LIMITS OF CHINESE LITERATURE. 719

        Such is the general range and survey of Chinese literature, according to the Catalogue of the Imperial Libraries. It is, take it in a mass, a stupendous monument of human toil, fitly compared, so far as it is calculated to instruct its readers in useful knowledge, to their Great Wall, which can neither protect from its enemies, nor be of any real’ use to its makers. Its deficiencies are glaring. Ko treatises on the geography of foreign countries nor truthful narratives of travels abroad are contained in it, nor any account of the languages of their inhabitants, their history, or their governments. Philological works in other languages than those spoken within the Empire are unknown, and must, owing to the nature of the language, remain .so until foreigners prepare them. Works on natural history, medicine, and physiology are few and useless, while

        those on inatheiiiatics and the exact sciences are much less

        popular and useful than they might be ; and in the great range

        of theology, founded on the true basis of the Bible, there is

        almost nothing. The character of the people has been mostly

        formed by their ancient books, and this correlate influence has

        tended to repress independent investigation in the pursuit of

        truth, though not to destroy it. A. new infusion of science,

        religion, and descriptive geography and history will lead to

        comparison with other countries, and bring out whatever in it

        is good.

        A survey of this body of literature shows the effect of governmental

        patronage, in maintaining its character for what

        appears to ns to be a wearisome uniformity. Xew ideas, facts,

        and motives must now come from the outer world, which will

        gradually elevate the minds of the people above the same unvarying

        channel. If the scholar knows that the goal he strives

        for is to be attained by proficiency in the single channel of

        classicvJ knowledge, he cannot be expected to attend to other

        studies until he has secured the prize. A knowledge of mediciiiC,

        mathematics, geography, or foreign languages, might, indeed,

        do the candidate much more good than all he gets out

        of the classics, but knowledge is not his object ; and where all run the same race, all must study the same works. But let there be a different programme of themes and essays, and a wider range of subjects required of the students, and the present system of governmental examinations in China, with all its imperfections, can be made of great benefit to the people, if it is not put to a strain too great for the end in view.

        The Chinese are fond of proverbs and aphorisms. They employ them in their writings and conversation as much as any people, and adorn their houses by copying them upon elegant scrolls, carving them upon pillars, and embroidering them upon banners. A complete collection of the proverbs of the Chinese has never been made, even among the people themselves any more than among those of other lands. Davis published, in 1828, a volume called Moral Maxims, containing two hundred aphorisms ; P. Perny issued an assortment of four hundred and forty-one in 1869 ; and J. Duolittle collected several hundred proverbs, signs, couplets, and scrolls in his Vocahulaiy.

        CHINESE PROVERBS. 721

        Besides these, a collection of two thousand seven hundred and twenty proverbs was published in 1875 by W. 8carboi-ough, furnished with a good index, and, like the others noted here, with the original text. Davis mentions the 3I’h(/ Shi Pao Kien, or ‘Jewelled Mirror for Illumining the Mind,’ as containing a large number of proverbs. The Ku Ss* Kimig Lhi^ or ‘Coral Forest of Ancient Matters,’ is a similar collection; but if that be compared to a dictionary of quotations, this is better likened to a classical dictionary, the notes which follow the sentences leaving the reader in no doubt as to their meaning.

        Manuscript lists of sentences suitable for hanging upon doors or in parlors are collected by persons who write them at New Year’s, and whose success depends upon their facility in quoting elegant couplets. The following selection will exhibit to some extent this branch of Chinese wisdom and wit:
        Not to distinguish properly between the beautiful and ugly, is like attaching a dog’s tail to a squirrel’s body.
        An avaricious man, who can never have enough, is as a serpent wishing to swallow an elephant.
        While one misfortune is going, to have another coming, is like driving a tiger out of the front door, while a wolf is entering the back.
        The tiger’s cub cannot be caught without going into his den.
        To paint a snake and add legs. (Exaggeration.)
        To sketch a tiger and make it a dog, is to iniitatt’ a work of genius and spoil it.
        To ride a fierce dog to vaXx-\\ a huut^ rabbit. (Useless power over a contcni])- tible enemy.)
        To attack a thousand tigers with ten men. (To atteniiit a ditliculty with incommensurate means.)
        To cut off a hen’s head with a battle-axe. (Unnecessary valor.)
        To cherish a bad man is like nourishing a tiger ; if not well fed he will devour you: or like rearing a hawk ; if hungry he will stay by you, but lly away when fed.
        To instigate a villain to do wrong is like teaching a monkey to climb trees.
        To catch a fish and throw away the net ;—not to requite benefits.
        To take a locust’s shank for the shaft of a carriage;—an inefficient person doing important work.
        A pigeon sneering at a roc ;— a mean man despising a prince.
        To climb a tree to catch a fish, is to talk much and get nothing.
        To test one good horse by judging the portrait of another.
        A fish sports in the kettle, but his life will not be long.
        Like a swallow building her nest on a hut is an anxious statesman.
        Like a crane among hens is a man of parts among fools.
        Like a sheep dressed in a tiger’s skin is a superficial scholar.
        Like a cuckoo in a magpie’s nest is one who enjoy’s another’s labor.
        To hang on the tail of a beautiful horse. (To seek promotion.)
        Do not pull up your stockings in a melon field, or arrange your hat under a peach tree, lest people think you are stealing.
        An old man marrying a young wife is like a withered willow sprouting.
        Let us get drunk to-day while we have wine ; the sorrows of to-morrow may be borne to-morrow.
        If the blind lead the blind, they will both go to the pit.
        Good iron is not used for nails, nor are soldiers made of good men.
        A fair wind raises no storm.
        A little impatience subverts great undertakings.
        Vast chasms can be filled, but the heart of man is never satisfied.
        The body may be healed, but the mind is incurable.
        When the tree falls the monkeys flee.
        Trouble neglected becomes still more troublesome.
        Wood is not sold in tlie forest, nor fish at the pool.
        He who looks at the sun is dazzled, he who hears the thunder is deafened.(Do not come too near the powerful.)
        He desires to hide his tracks, and walks on the snow.
        He seeks the ass, and lo! he sits upon him.
        Speak not of others, but convict yourself.
        A man is not always known by his looks, nor the sea measured by a bushel.
        Ivory does not come from a rat’s mouth.
        If a chattering bird be not placed in the mouth, vexation will not sit between the eyebrows.
        Prevention is better than cure.
        For the Emperor to break the laws is one with the people’s doing so.
        Douiit and distraction are on earth, the brightness of truth in heaven.
        Punishment can oppose a barrier to open crime, laws cannot reach to secret offences.
        Wine and good dinners make abundance of friends, but in time of adversity not one is to be found.
        Let every man sweep the snow from before his own doors, and not trouble himself about the hoarfrost on his neighbor’s tiles.
        Better be upright with poverty than depraved with abundance. He whos’) virtue exceeds his talents is the good man; he whose talents exceed his virtues is the fool.
        Though a man may be utterly stupid, he is very perspicuous when reprehending the bad actions of others; though he may be very intelligent, he is dull enough when excusing his own faults: do you only correct yourselves on the same principle that you correct others, and excuse others on the same principles you excuse yourselves.
        ‘If I do not debauch other men’s wives, my own will not be polluted.
        Better not be than be nothing.
        The egg fights with the rock—hopeless resistance.
        One thread does not make a rope ; one swallow does not make a summer.
        To be fully fed and warmly clothed, and dwell at ease without learning, is little better than a bestial state.
        A woman in one house cannot eat the rice of two. (A wise woman does not marry again.)
        Though the sword be sharp, it will not wound the innocent.
        Sensuality is the chief of sins, filial duty the best of acts.
        Prosperity is a blessing to the good, but to the evil it is a curse.
        Instruction pervades the heart of the wise, but cannot penetrate the ears of a fool.
        The straightest trees are first felled ; the cleanest wells first drunk up.
        The yielding tongue endures ; the stubborn teeth perish.
        The life of the aged is like a candle placed between two doors—easily blown out.
        The blind have the best ears, and the deaf the sharpest eyes.
        The horse’s back is not so safe as the buffalo’s. (The politician is not so secure as the husbandman.)
        A wife should excel in four things : virtue, speech, deportment, and needlework.
        He who is willing to inquire will excel, but the self-sufficient man will fail.
        Anger is like a little fire, which if not timely checked may burn down flofty pile.
        Every day cannot be a feast of lanterns.
        Too much lenity multiplies crime.
        If you love your son, give him plenty of the cudgel; if you hate him, cram him with dainties.
        When the mirror is highly polished, the dust will not defile it; when the heart is enlightened with wisdom, impure thoughts will not arise in it.
        A stubborn wife and stiff necked son no laws can govern.
        He is my teacher who tells me my faults, my enemy who speaks my virtues.
        He has little courage who knows the right and does it not.
        To sue a flea, and catch a bite—the results of litigation.
        Would you understand the character of a prince, look at his ministers; or the disposition of a man, observe his companions; or that of a father, first mark his son.
        The fame of good deeds does not leave a man’s door, but his evil acts are known a thousand miles off.
        A virtuous woman is a source of honor to her husband, a vicious one disgraces him.
        The original tendency of man’s heart is to do right, and if well ordered will not of itself be mistaken.
        They who respect themselves will be honored, but disesteeming ourselves we shall be despised.
        The load a beggar cannot carry he himself begged.
        The happy-hearted man carries joy for all the household.
        The more mouths to eat so much the more meat.
        The higher the rat creeps up the cow’s horn the narrower he finds it.

        ‘ The commendation by Lord Brougham of this “admirable precept,” as he called it, is cited by Sir J. Davis.

        CHAPTER XIII.  ARCHITECTURE, DRESS, AND DIET OF THE CHINESE

        It is a sensible remark of De Guigues,’ that ” the habit we

        fall into of conceiving things according to the words which express

        them, often leads ns into error when reading the relations

        of travellers. Such writers have seen objects altogether new,

        but they are compelled, when describing them, to employ equivalent

        terms in their own language in order to be understood; while these same terms tend to deceive the reader, who imagines

        that he sees such palaces, colonnades, peristyles, etc., under

        these designations as he has been used to, when, in fact, they

        are (piite another thing.” The same observation is true of other

        things than architecture, and of other nations than the Chinese,

        and this confusion of terms and meanings proves a fruitful

        source of error in regard to an accurate knowledge of foreign

        nations, and a just perception of their condition. For instance,

        the terms a court of justice^ a common school^ jiolltenesa^^ leariiing^

        navy, houses, etc., as well as the names of things, like razor,

        shoe, cap’, hed, jj<3;?6’//, jxijjer, etc., ai’e inapplicable to the same

        things in England and China; M’hile it is plainly hnpossible to

        coin a new word in English to describe the Chinese article, and

        equally inexpedient to introduce the native term. If, for example,

        the utensil used by the Chinese to shave with were

        picked up in Portsmouth by some English navvy who had never

        seen or heard of it, he would be more likely to call it an oysterknife,

        or a wedge, than a razor ; while the use to which it is

        ‘ Voyage a Peking, Vol. II., p. 173.

        POPULAR EKRORS KEiiAUDING FOREIGN COUNTRIES. 725

        applied must of course give it that name, and would, if it were

        still more unlike the western article. So with other things.

        The ideas a Chinese gives to the terms htcangtl, kwanfa, jxio^

        2jih, and shu^ are very different from those conveyed to an

        American by the words envperor, inag1strate, cannon, jpoicil,

        and IjooJ^:. Since a person can only judge of what he hears or

        reads by what he knows, it is desirable that when he meets with

        western names ap])lied to their equivalents in eastern countries,

        the function of a different civilization, habits, and notions should

        not be overlooked in the opinion he forms. These remarks are

        peculiarly applicable to the domestic life of the Chinese, to their

        houses, diet, dress, and social customs; although careful descriptions

        may go a good way in conveying just ideas, it cannot be

        hoped that they will do what the most cursory examination of

        the ol)ject or trait would instantly accomplish.

        The notions entertained abroad on tliese particulars ai-e, it need

        hardly i)e remarked, rather more accurate than those the Chinese

        have of distant countries, and it is scarcely possible that

        they can lose their conceit in their own civilization and position

        among the nations so long as such ideas are entertained as the

        following extract exhibits. Tien Ivi-shih, a popular essayist of

        the last century, thus congratulates himself and his readers: ” I

        felicitate myself that I was born in China, and constantly think

        how very different it would have been with me if I had been

        born beyond the seas in some remote part of the earth, M’liere

        the people, far remov^ed from the converting maxims of the

        ancient kings, and ignorant of the domestic relations, are clothed

        with the leaves of plants, eat wood, dwell in the wilderness, and

        live in the holes of the earth ; though born in the world, in

        such a condition I should not have been different from the

        beasts of the field. But now, happily, I have been born in the

        Middle Kingdom. I have a house to live in ; have food and

        drink, and elegant furniture ; have clothing and caps, and infinite

        blessings : truly, the highest felicity is mine.” This extract

        well indicates the isolation of the writer and his race from their

        fellow-men ; among the neighboring nations even the Japanese

        would have shoAvn him his erroneous view. The seclusion which

        had been forced upon both these peoples, who closed their doors as the surest possible defence against aggression from foreign traders and sought in this fashion to remove all cause of quarrel, brought with it in time the almost equal dangers of ignorance and inability to understand their true position among the nations of the world.

        Diagram of Chinese Roof Construction. (From Fergusson.)

        ABSENCE OF GREAT ARCHITECTURAL MONUMENTS. 727

        The architecture of the Chinese suggests, in its general outline and the peculiar concave roof, a canvas tent as its primary motive, though there is no further proof than this likeness of its origin. From the palace to the hovel, in temples and in private dwellings, this type everywhere stands confessed,’ and almost nothing like a dome or cupola, a spire or a turret, is anywhere found. Few instances occur of an attempt to develop even this simple model into a grand or imposing building. While the Mogul princes in India reared costly mausolea and palaces to perpetuate their memory and the splendor of their reigns, the monarchs of China, with equal or greater resources at command, seldom indulged in this princely pastime, or even attempted the erection of any enduring monument to commemorate their taste or their splendor. Whether it was owing to the absence of the beautiful and majestic models seen in western countries, or to ignorance of the mechanical principles of the art, the fact is not the less observable, and the inference as to the advance made by them in knowledge and taste not less just.

        ‘ It is said that when Ghoimis in Lis invasion of Hiina took a city, his soldiers immediately set about pulling down the four walls of the houses, leaving the overhanging roofs supported by the wooden columns—by which process they converted them into excellent tents for themselves and their horses.—Encyclopedia Britannica : Art. China.

        Fergiisson has no doubt assigned one good reason for this fact, in that ” the Chinese never had either a dominant priesthood or a hereditary nobiHty. The absence of the former class is important, because it is to sacred art that architecture has owed its highest inspiration, and sacred art is never so strongly developed as under the influence of a powerful and splendid hierarchy. In the same manner the want of a hereditary nobility is equally unfavorable to domestic architecture of a durable description.

        Private feuds and private wars were till lately unknown, and hence there are no fortalices or fortified mansions, which by their mass and solidity giv^e such a marked character to a certain class of domestic edifices in the west.” ‘ These reasons have their weight, but they hardly cover the whole question, whose solution reaches into the well-known inertness of the imaginative faculty in the Chinese mind. It is nevertheless true that there is nothing in the whole Empire worthy to be called an architectural ruin, nothing which can inform us whether previous generations constructed edifices more splendid or more mean than the present.^

        Dwelling-houses are generally of one story, having neither

        cellars nor baseuients, and lighted by lattices opening into a

        court; they must not equal adjacent temples in height, nor

        possess the ornaments appropriated to palaces and religious establishments.

        ‘ James Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 687; compare also Minwires Concernant les Chinois, where Chinese architecture is treated of in almost every volume.

        ‘ The foreign literature upon this subject is as yet scant and unimportant. Compare the rare and costly Designs of Chinese Buildings, Furniture, Dresses, etc., from Originals draicn in China by Mr. Chambers, London, 1757, folio; J. M. Callery, De VArchitecture Chinoise, in the Recue d*Architecture ; Wm. Simpson, in Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 1873-74,p. 33 , Notes and Queries on China arid Japan.

        The common building materials are bricks, adobie or matting for the walls, stone for the foundation, brick tiling for the roof, and wood only for the inner work ; stone and wooden houses are not unknown, but are so rare as to attract attention. The high prices of tinil)er and the very partial use of window-glass have both tended to modify and restrict the

        construction of dwelHngs. The id chuen, or sifted earth, is a

        compound of decomposed granite or gravel and lime mixed with

        water, and sometimes a little oil, of which durable walls are

        made by pounding it into a solid mass between planks secured

        at the sides and elevated as the wall rises, or by beating it into

        large blocks ; when stuccoed and protected from the rain this

        material gradually hardens into stone. In houses of the better

        sort the stone M’ork of the foundation rises three or four feet

        above the ground, and sometimes the finished surfaces, great

        size of the stones and the i-egularity of their arrangement make

        one regret that the same skill had nut been expended on large

        edifices. In towns their fronts present no opening except the

        door, and when the outer walls of sevei’al houses join those of

        gardens and enclosures, the sti-eet presents an uninteresting

        sameness, unrelieved by steps, windows, balconies, porticoes,

        or front yards. The walls are twenty -five or thirty feet high,

        usually hollow, or too thin to safely support the roof unaided.

        In the common buildings a framework of wood is erected on

        the foundation, which has large stones so arranged as to receive

        the posts, and on these rests the entire weight of the roof. The

        brick nogging fills up the intervals, but supports nothing ; it is

        sometimes solid, more frequently merely a face-work, and if the

        roof becomes leaky or broken a heavy rain will destroy the

        wall, as it soaks through the courses and washes out the mud

        within. In the central provinces common walls are often made

        of small bricks four inches square and one thick, which are laid

        on their edges in a series of hollows ; between the courses a

        plank sometimes adds greater strength to the wall. These cellular

        constructions are more durable than would be imagined provided

        the stucco remains uninjured.

        CONSTRUCTION OF CHINESE BUILDINGS. 729

        The bricks are the same size as our own, and usually burned to a grayish slate coloi- ; they are made by hand, and sell at a price varying from three dollars to eight dollars a thousand. In the sea-coast districts lime is cheaply obtained from shells, but in the interior from limestone calcined by anthracite coal; the people use it pure, only occasionally mixing sand with it for either mortar or stucco. The walls are often stuccoed, and when not thus covered the bricks are occasionally rubbed smooth and pointed with tine cement. In place of a broad coi-nice the top is frequently relieved by a pretty ornament of moulded work of painted clay figures in alto relievo, representing a battle scene, a landscape, clusters of flowers, or some other design, defended from the weather by the projecting eaves. A black painted baud, relieved by cornei-s and designs of flowers and scrolls, is a cheap substitute for the carved figures.

        The roofs are hipped in some provinces, but rarely in the north. They are steep, and if kept tight will last several years; the grass which is apt to spring up on them is a source of injury, and its growth or removal alike endangers the soundness

        of the construction. The yellow and green glazed tiles of public

        buildings add to their beauty, as do the dragon’s heads and

        globes on their ridge-poles ; these features, together with the

        earthen dogs at the corners of temples or official houses, make

        the structures exceedingly picturesque. In Peking the framework

        under the wide eaves of palaces is tastefully painted in

        green and gold, and protected by a netting of copper wire.

        Hoofs are made of earthen tiles laid on coarse clapboarding

        that rests on the purlines in alternate ridges and furrows. The

        under layer consists of square thin pieces, laid side by side in

        ascending rows with the lower edges overlapping ; the sides are

        covered by the serai-cylindrical tiles, which are further protected

        by a covering of mortar. In the northern provinces the tiles

        are laid in a course of mud resting on straw over the clapboarding.

        The workmen begin the tiling at the ridge-pole and finish as they come down to the eaves, so as not to walk over the tiles and crack them ; but such roofs easily leak in driving storms. No chimneys are seen ; the slope is steep, for quick discharge of rain and snow. Terraces are erected on shops, but balustrades or flat roofs are seldom seen. Occasionally the gable w^alls rise above the roof in degrees, imparting a singular, bow-like aspect to the edifice. The purlines and ridge-pole extend from wall to wall, and the i-afters are slender strips. In all roofs the principal weight rests on the two rows of pillars; it the sides, tliut iiphold the plates, and the aiitefixoe which support the broad eaves far beyond the walh A series of beams and posts above the phites and tie-beams make the roof very heavy but also secure; curb and mansard roofs are unknown.

        The pillars of stone or timber in Chinese temples are often

        noticeable, owing to their size or length as single pieces. They

        are, however, unadorned with either capital or carved base,

        though the shaft may be finely carved and painted, the color

        decoration being often upon a thick coating of ]_>aj)iei’-mac1iey

        laid on to protect the wood. In two-story houses the sleepers

        of the rioor are supported on tie-beams attached to the main

        posts if they do not rest on the wall. Posts form an element

        of all Chinese buildings, either to support the roof or the

        veranda. The entrance is on the sides, and the wall is set back

        from the outer line of the eaves so as to afford a shelter or porch.

        Hipped roofs enable the architect to encompass the entire

        building with a veranda, this being a common arrangement in

        the southern provinces. A slight ceiling usually conceals the

        tiling, but the apartment appears lofty owing to the cavity of

        the roof.

        The pavilion is a prominent feature of Chinese architecture,

        and its ornamentation calls out the best talent of the builder in

        making his edifice acceptable. One charming specimen of this

        style at the Emperor’s sunnner palace of Yuen-ming Yuen is

        already famous, its material being of pure copper ; it is about

        fourteen feet square and twenty high.

        Another beautiful structure which well exhibits the pavilion is shown in the adjoining cut. It is the Pih-yung Rang, or ‘Classic Hall,’ built by Kienlung adjacent to the Confucian Temple at Peking Tpage 74), and devoted to expounding the classics. This loftj^ building, which may be here seen through

        an ornamental arch across the court, is perfectly square, covered

        with a four-sided double roof, whose bright 3’ellow tiles and

        gilded ball at the apex produce a most brilliant effect in the

        sindight. The deep veranda, completely encircling the structure-

        and supported by a score of colored wooden pillars, very

        al)ly relieves the dead mass and heavy upper roof of the pavilion

        P1H-YU>G KUNG, OK ‘CLASSIC HALL,’ PEKING.

        ORNAMENTAL EDIFICES AND DWELLINGS. 731

        proper. Around flow the waters of a circular tank, edged witli

        marble balustrades and spanned by four bridges which form

        the approaches to each of the sides.

        The general disposition of a Chinese dwelling of the better

        sort is that of a series of rooms separated and lighted by intervening

        courts, and accessible along a covered corridor communicating

        with each, or by side passages leading through the courts.

        In cities, where the houses are cramped and the lots irregular

        in shape, there is more diversity in the arrangement and size

        of rooms ; and in the country establishments of wealthy families,

        where the gradual increase of the members calls for additional

        space, the succession of courts and buildings, interspersed

        with gardens and pools, sometimes renders the whole not a little

        complicated. The great expense of timber for floors, posts, and

        sleepers has been the chief reason for retaining the single

        story, rather than tlie awkwardness caused by cramping women’s

        feet. Xo contrivance for warming the rooms by means of

        chimneys or flues exists, except that found in the I’dng, or brick

        bed, on which the inmates lie and sit.

        The entrance into large mansions in the country is by a triple

        gate leading through a lawn or garden up to the hall ; in towns,

        a single door, usually elevated a step or two above the street,

        introduces the visitor into a porch or court. A wall or movable

        screen is placed inside of the doorway, and the intervening

        space is occupied by the porter ; upon the wall on the left is

        often seen a shrine dedicated to the gods of the threshold. In

        the liouses of oSicials, upon this wall is inscribed a list of dignities

        and offices which the master has held during his life. The

        door is solidly constructed, and moves upon pivots turning in

        sockets. Under the projecting eaves hang paper lanterns informing

        the passer-by of the name and title of the householder,

        and when lighted at night serving to illumine the street and

        designate his hal)itation ; for door-plates and numbers are unknown.

        The roughness of the gate is somewhat concealed by

        the names or grotesque representations of two tutelar gods,

        Shintu and Yuhlui, to whom the guardianship of the house is

        entrusted ; wliile the sides and lintel are embellished with felicitous

        quotations written upon red paper, or with sign-boards of official rank. The doorkeeper and other servants lodge in small rooms within the gateway, and above the porch is an attic containing one or two apartments, to be reached by a rude stairway.

        On passing behind the screen a court, occasionally adorned

        with flowers or a fancy fish-pool, is crossed before reaching the

        principal hall. Tlie upper end of the hall is furnished with a

        high table, on which incense vases, idolatrous utensils, and offerings

        are placed in honor of the divinities and lares worshipped

        there, whose tablets and names are on the wall. Sometimes the

        table merely contains flowers in jars, fancy pieces of white

        quartz, limestone or jade, or ornaments of various kinds. Before

        the table is a large couch, with a low stand in its centi’e,

        and a pillow for reclining upon. In front of it the chairs are

        arranged down the room in two I’ows facing each other, each

        pair having a small table between them. Tlie floors are made of

        thick, lai’ge tiles of brick or marble, or of hard cement. Even

        in a bright day the room is dim, and the absence of carpets and

        fireplaces, and of windows to afford a prospect abroad, renders

        it cheerless to a foreigner accustomed to his own glazed and

        loftier houses.

        A rear door near the side wall opens either into a kitchen or

        court, across which are the female apartments, or directly into

        the latter and the rooms for domestics. Instead of being always

        rectangular the doors are sometimes made round, leaf-shaped,

        or semi-circular, and it is thought desirable that they should not

        open opposite each other, lest evil spirits find their way in from

        tlie street. The rear rooms are lighted by skylights when

        other modes are unavailable, and along the southern sea-coasts

        the thin laminae of a species of oyster (Placuna) cut into small

        squares supply the place of window-glass. Commerce is gradually

        bringing this material into greater use all over the land,

        though the fear of thieves still limits it. (^orean paper is the

        chief substitute for glass in the north. The kitchen is a small

        affair, for the universal use of portable furnaces enables the

        imnates to cook M’herever the smoke will be least troulilesome.

        Warming the house, even as far north’as i^ingpo, is not frequent,

        as the inmates lely on their quilted and fur garments foi

        AHRAXGEMEXT OF COUNTRY HOUSES. 733

        protection. Tlie flue of tlio tiled-brick divan, or hoig^ is connected

        with a pit lined with brick dug in the floor in front; when the pot of coal is well lighted and placed near the opening, the draft carries the heat into the passages running under the surface, and soon warms the room without much smoke.

        The pot of burning coal furnishes all the cooking-fire the poor

        liave, and at night the inmates sleep on the warm bricks.

        The country establishments of wealthy men furnish the best

        expression of Chinese ideas of elegance and comfort. In these

        enclosures the hall of ancestors, library, school-room, and summer-

        houses are detached and erected upon low plinths, surrounded

        by a veranda, and frecpiently decorated with tracery

        and ornamental carving, l^ear the rear court are the female

        apartments and offices, many of the former and the sleeping

        apartments being in attics. Considerable space is occupied by

        the quadrangles, which are paved and embellished by fish-pools,

        flowering shrubs, and other plants. Mr. Fortune describes ‘ the

        house and garden of a gentleman at Kingpo as being connected

        by rude-looking caverns of rock-work, ” and what at first sight

        appears to be a subterranean passage leading from room to room,

        tln-ough which the visitor passes to the garden. The small

        courts, of which a gliinpse is caught in passing along, are fitted

        up with rock-work ; dwarf trees are planted here and there in

        various places, and graceful creepers hang down into the pools

        in front. These being passed, another cavernous passage leads

        into the garden, with its dwarf trees, vases, ornamented lattices,

        and beautiful shrubs suddenly opening to the view. By

        windings and glimpses along the rocky passages into other

        courts, and hiding the real boundary by masses of shrubs and

        trees, the grounds are made to appear much larger than they

        really are.”

        * Wanderings in China, p. 98.

        The houses of the poor are dark, dirty, low, and narrow tenements, where the floor is of earth covered with mats or tiled, and the doorway the only opening, on which a swinging mat conceals the interior. The whole family often sleep, eat, and live in a single room. Pigs, dogs, and hens dispute the space with cliiklron and fiiruitui-c—if a tublc and a few trestles and

        stools, pots and plates, deserve that name. The filthy street

        without is a counterpart to the gloomy, smoky abode within,

        and a single walk through the streets and lanes of such a neighborhood

        is sufficient to reconcile a person to any ordinary condition

        of life. On the outskirts of the town a still poorer class

        take up with huts made of mats and thatch npon the ground,

        through which the rain and wind find free course. It is surprising

        that people can live and enjoy liealth, and even be

        cheeriul, as the Chinese are, in such circumstances. Between

        these hovels and the abodes of the rich is a class of middle

        houses, consisting of three or four small rooms surrounding a

        court, each one lodging a family, which uses its portion of the

        quadrangle.

        The best furniture is made of a heavy w^ood stained to resemble,

        ebony ; camphor, elm, pine, aspen, and melia woods furnish

        cheaper nuiterial. Ornamental articles, porcelain vases, copper

        tripods or pots, stone screens, book-shelves, flowers in pots, etc.,

        show the national taste. Ink sketches of landscapes, gay scrolls

        inscribed with sentences suspended from the walls, and pretty

        lanterns relieve the baldness of the room; their combined effect

        is not destitute of vai’iety and elegance, though there is a lack of

        ‘:oriifort. l*artitions are sometimes fancifully made of latticework,

        with openings neatly arranged for the reception of boxes

        containing books. The bedrooms are small, poorly ventilated,

        and seldom visited except at night. A massive bedstead of

        costly woods, elaborately carved, and supporting a tester for

        the silk curtains and mosquito-bars, is often shown as the family

        ])ride and heirloom ; a scroll of fine writing adorns its fringe or

        valance. Mattresses or feather beds are not used, and the pillow

        is a liollow square frame of rattan or bamboo. The bed, wardrobe,

        and toilet usually complete the furniture of the sleeping

        apartments of the Chinese ; but if this is also the sitting room,

        the bed is rolled up so as often to furnish seats on its boards.

        The grounds of the rich are laid out in good style, and were

        not the tasteful arrangements aiul diversified shrubbery which

        would render them charming resorts almost always spoiled by

        geiieial bad keeping—neglect and ruin, if not nastiness and

        STYLE OF GAKDEXS. To.”)

        offals, being often visible—tliej would please the most fastidi

        ons. The necessity of having a place for the women and children

        to recreate themselves is one reason for having an open

        enclosure, even if it be only a plat of flo\vei-s or a bed of

        vegetables. In the imperial gardens the attempt to make an

        epitome of nature has been highly successful. De Guignes

        describes their art of gardening as ” imitating the beauties and

        producing the inequalities of nature. Instead of alleys planted

        symmetrically or uniform grounds, there are winding footpaths,

        trees here and there as if by chance, woody or sterile hillocks,

        and deep gulleys with narrow passages, whose sides are steep

        or rough with rocks, and presenting only a few miserable

        shrubs. They like to bring together in gardening, in the same

        view, cultivated grounds and arid plains ; to make the field

        uneven and cover it with artificial rock-work ; to dig caverns in

        mountains, on whose tops are arbors half overthrown, and around

        which tortuous footpaths run and return into themselves, prolonging, as it were, the extent of the grounds and increasing the pleasure of the w^alk.”

        A fish-pond, supplied by a rivulet running wildly through

        the grounds, forms a pretty feature of such gardens, in which,

        if there be room, a summer-house is erected on a rocky islet, or

        on piles over the water, accessible by a rugged causey of rockwork.

        The nelumbium lily, with its plate-like leaves and magnificent

        flowers, is a general favorite in such places ; carp and

        other fish are reared in their waters, and gold-fish in small

        tanks. AA^henever it is possible a gallery runs along the sides

        of the pond for the pleasure and use of the females in the household.

        A tasteful device in some gardens, which beguiles the

        visitor”s ramble, is a rude kind of shell or pebble mosaic iidaid

        in the g^’avelly paths, representing birds, animals, or other

        figures ; the time required to decipher them prolongs the walk,

        and apparently increases the size of the grounds. The pieces of

        rock-work are cemented and bound w-ith wire ; and in fish-pools,

        grottos, or causeways this unique ornament has a charming

        effect, the moss and plants which grow upon it adding rather to

        its appropriateness.

        The wood and mason work is unsubstantial, requiring con736

        THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        staiit repairs ; when new they present a pi-etty appearance, but

        both gardens and lionses, when neglected, soon fall into a ruinous

        condition. Some of the princi})al merchants at Canton, in

        the former days of the hong monopoly, had cultivated grounds

        of greater or less extent attached to their establishments. One

        of them, by way of variety, constructed a summer-house entirely

        of glass, this wonderful structure being made so that it

        could be closed and protected with shutters.

        The arrangement of shops and warehouses is modified by the

        uses to which they are applied, but they still i-esemble dwellinghouses

        more than is the case with stores in western cities. The

        rear room of the shop is a small apartment, used for a dormitory,

        store-room, or workshop, and sometimes for all these purposes

        together ; it is in most cases on an upper floor. Small

        ones are lighted from the street, but the lai-gest by a skylight,

        in whicli cases there is a latticed screen reaching across the

        room, to secure the inside from the street. The whole shopfront

        is thrown open by day and closed at uight by shutters

        running in grooves, and secured by heavy cross-bars to a row of

        posts whicli fit in sockets in the threshold and lintel. The doorway

        recedes a foot or two, and the projecting roof serves to protect

        customers, and such goods as are exposed, fi-om the rain and

        sun. In small shops there are two counters, a long one running

        back from the door, and another at right angles to it, reaching

        partly across the front. The shopman sits within the angle

        formed by these, and as they are low he can easily serve a customer

        in the street as well as in the shop. At night the smaller

        one often forms a lodging place for homeless beggars. The

        facing of the outer counter is of granite, and in Canton a niche

        containing a tablet inscribed to the god of wealth is cut in the

        end, where incense is burned. Another shrine is placed on

        liigh within the apartment,- dedicated to the deity of the place,

        whoever he may be.

        The loft is much contracted ; and that it may not intercept

        the skylight, it is usually a small chamber reached by a gallery,

        and lighted in front. Chinese tradesmen do not make nnich

        display in exhibiting their goods, and the partial use of glass

        renders it somewhat unsafe for them to do so. The want of a

        SHOPS AND THOROUGHFARES. 7H7

        yard compels theni to cook and wash either beliind or on top of

        tlie building ; clerks and workmen usually eat and sleep under

        the shop roof. In the densest parts of Canton the roofs are

        covered with a loose framework, on which firewood is piled,

        clothes washed and dried, and meals cooked ; it also affords a

        sleeping place in summer. In case of fire, however, these lumbered

        roofs become like so many tinder-boxes, and aid not a

        little to spread the flames.

        The narrowness of the streets in Chinese cities is a source of

        many inconveniences ; few exceed ten or twelve feet in width,

        and most of those in Canton are less than eight. No large

        squares having fountains and shrubbery, nor any open spaces

        except the areas in front of temples relieve the closeness of

        these lanes. The absence of horses and carriages in southern

        cities, and a custom of liuddling together, a desire to screen the

        thoroughfare from the sun, and ignoi-ance of the advantages

        of another mode, are among the leading reasons for making

        them so contracted ; while the difficulty of collecting a mob in

        them shoidd be mentioned as one point in their favor. In case

        of fire it is difficult to get access to the burning buildings, and

        dangerous for the inmates to move or save their property. At

        all times porters carrying burdens are impeded by the crowd

        of passengers, who likewise must pass Indian file lest they tilt

        against the porters. Ventilation is imperfect where the

        buildings are packed so closely, and the public necessaries and

        their olfal carried through the streets by the scavengers pollute

        the air. Drainage is very superficial and incomplete ; the sewers

        easily choke up or get broken and exude their contents over

        the pathway. The ammoniacal and other gases which are generated

        aggravate the ophthalmic diseases so prevalent ; and

        it is a matter of surprise that the cholera, plague, or yellow

        fever does not visit the inhabitants of such confined abodes,

        who breathe so tainted an atmosphere. The peculiar government

        of cities by means of wards and neighborhoods, each

        responsible to the officials, combined with the ignorance

        among all ranks of the principles of hygiene, will account for

        the evils so patent to one accustomed to the energetic sway o^

        a mayor and board of health in most European cities, whc

        Vol. I. -47

        738 THE CUDDLE KIX<,;l)OM.

        can bring knowledge and power to cooperate for tlie well-being

        of all.

        The streets are usnally paved with slabs of stone laid crosswise,

        and except near markets and wells are comparatively

        clean. They are not laid out straight, and some present a singularl}^

        irregular appearance from the slight angle which each

        house makes with its neighbors ; it being considered rather unlucky

        to have them exactly even. The names of the streets are

        written on the gateways crossing them, whenever they are

        marked at all ; occasionally, as at Canton, each division njakes

        a separate neighborhood and has its own name ; a single long

        street will thus have live, six, or more names. The general arrangement

        of a Chinese city presents a labyrinth of streets,

        alleys, and byways very perplexing to a stranger who has

        neither plan nor directory to guide him, nor numbers upon

        the houses and shops to direct him. The sign-boards are

        hung each side of the door, or securely inserted in stone sockets

        ; some of them are ten or fifteen feet high, and being gaily

        painted and gilded on both sides with picturesque characters, a

        succession of them as seen down a street produces a gay effect.

        The inscriptions simply mention the kind of goods sold, and

        “without half the puffing seen in western cities ; accounts sometimes

        given of the inscriptions on sign-boards in Chinese cities,

        as ” Ko cheating here,” and others, describe the exception and

        not the rule. The edicts of government, handbills of medicines

        and the famous doctors who make them, notices offering rewards

        for children who are lost or slaves escaped, new shops opened,

        houses to let, or other events, cover blank walls in great vaiiety,

        printed on red, black, white, or yellow paper ; the absence of

        newspapers leads shopmen to depend more for patronage upon

        a circle of customers and the distribution of cards than to spend

        much money in handbills. The shrines of the street gods occur

        in southern cities, located in niches in the wall, with altars

        before them.

        The temples and assembly-halls are the only public buildings

        in C’liinese cities belonging to the people. Their courts and

        cloisters, with such gardens, tea-houses, and pools as may be

        accessible, attract constant crowds, and furnish the only places

        CLUB-HOUSES AND TAVERNS. 739

        of common resort. The priests derive no small portion of their

        income from travellers, and their establishments are consequently

        made more commodious and extensive than the number

        of priests or the throng of worshippers require.

        The assembly-halls or club-houses form a peculiar feature of

        Chinese society. There are more than a hundred in Canton

        and many hundreds in Peking. They are built sometimes by a

        particular craft as its guildhall, or more commonly erected by

        persons resorting to the place for trade, study, or amusement,

        who subscribe to fit up a commodious establishment to accommodate

        persons coming from the same town. In this w^ay their

        convenience, assistance, oversight, and general safety are all increased.”

        All buildings pay a ground rent to the government,

        but no data are available for comparing this tax with that levied

        in western cities. The government furnishes the owner of the

        ground with ^ hung Vi, or ‘red deed,’ in testimony of his right

        to occupancj’, which puts him in possession as long as he pays

        the taxes. There is a record office in the local magistracy of

        such documents.

        Houses are rented on short leases, and the rent collected quarterly in advance ; the annual income from real estate is between nine and twelve per cent. The yearly rent of the best shops in Canton is from $150 to $400 ; there is no system of insuring against fire, which, with the municipal taxes and the difficulty of collecting bad rents, enhances their price. Such kind of property in China is liable to many risks.

        Compare pp. 76 and 167.

        The taverns are numerous and adapted for every calling. Though they will not bear comparison with western hotels, they are far in advance of the cheerless khans and caravansaries found in Western Asia. The traveller brings his own bedding, sometimes also his own provision, and when night comes spreads his mat upon the floor or divan and lies down in his clothes. The better sort of travellers order a room for themselves, but officials or rich men go to temples, or hire a boat in which to travel and sleep ; this usage takes off the best class of customers. One considerable source of income to innkeepers is the preparation of dinners for parties of men, who either come to the house or send to it for so many covers ; for when a gentleman

        invites his fi-iends to an entertainment it is common to serve it

        up at liis warehouse, or at an inn. In towns and cities thousands

        of men eat in the streets ; the number of eating and cooking-

        stalls produces a most lively impression upon a stranger.

        This custom has had a good effect in promoting the general

        courtesy so conspicuous among the people, and is increased by

        y-reat numbers of street story-tellers. The noisy hilaritv of

        the customers, as they ply their ” nimble lads,” or chopsticks,

        and the vociferous cries of the cooks recommending their cakes

        and dishes, with the steaming savor from the frying-pan and

        kettles, form only one of the many objects to attract the notice

        of the foreign observer. Their ap23earauce and the variety of

        bustling scenes and j)icturesque novelties presented to him afford

        constant instruction and entertainment. Those at Canton have been thus described by an eye-witness. The iiuinlMT of itinerant workmen of one kind or another which line the sides of the streets or occupy the areas before public buildings in Chinese towns is a remarkable feature. Fruiterers, pastrymen, cooks, venders of gimcracks, and wayside sho^nnen are found in other countries as well as China; but to see a travelling blacksmith or tinker, an itinerant glass-mender, a peripatetic repairer of umbrellas, a locomotive seal-cutter, an ambulatory barber, a migratory banker, a peregrinatory apothecary or druggist, or a walking shoemaker and cobbler, one must travel hitherward. These movable establishments, together with fortune-tellers, herb and booksellers, chiromancers, etc., pretty well fill up the space, so that one often sees both sides of the streets literally lined with the stalls, wares, or tools of persons selling or making something to eat or to wear. The money-changer sits behind a small table, on which his strings of cash are chained, and where he weighs the silver he is to change ; his neighbor, the seal-cutter, sits next him near a like fashioned table.

        The barber has his chest of drawers made to serve for a seat, and if he has not a furnace of his own he heats his water at the cook’s or the blacksmith’s fire near by, perhaps shaving his friend gratis by way of recompense.

        STREET SCENES IN CANTON AND PEKING. 741

        The herbseller chooses an open place where he will not be trampled on, and there displays his simples and his plasters, while the denti.st, with a ghastly string of fangs and grinders around his neck, testimonials of his skill, sits over against him, each with his infallible remedy. The book-peddler and chooser of lucky days, and he who searches for stolen goods by divination, arrange themselves on either side, with their tables and stalls, and array of sticks, l)en.:-ils, signs, and pictures, all trying to “catch a little jngeon.” The spectacle-mender and razor-grinder, the cutler and seller of bangles and bracelets, and tho uiakfi- <»’.’ clay jjiippcts or mender of old shoes, are not far off, all plying their callings as l)usily as it’ tln^y were in their own shops. Then, besides the hundreds of stalls for selling articles of food, dress, or ornament, there are innumerable hucksters going up and down with baskets and trays slung on

        their shoulders, each bawling or making his own peculiar note, which, with

        coolies transporting burdens, chair-bearers carrying sedans, and passengers following

        one another lik(! a stream, with here and there a woman among them,

        so till up the stre(4s that it is no easy matter to navigate one’s way. Notwitlistanding

        all these obstructions, it is worthy of note and highly praiseworthy

        to see these crowds jjass and repass with the greatest rapidity in the narrow

        streets without altercation or disturbance, and seldom with accident.

        Streets at the north present a somewhat different, and on the

        whole a less inviting becanse less entertaining and pictnresqne

        aspect. Their greater width allows carts to pass, and it also

        offers more room for the garbage, the rubbish, and the noisome

        sights that are most disgusting, all of which are made worse in

        rainy weather by the mud through which one liounders. Barrow

        thus delineates those in Peking: “The midtitude of movable

        workshops of tinkers and barbers, cobblers and blacksmiths,

        the tents and booths where tea and fruit, i-ice and other eatables

        were exposed for sale, with the wares and merchandise arrayed

        befoi-e the doors, had contracted this spacious street to a narrow

        road in the middle, just wide enough for two little vehicles to

        pass each other. The processions of men in office attended by

        their numerous retinues, bearing umbrellas and Hags, painted

        lanterns and a variety of strange insignia of their rank and

        station, different trains that were accompanying, with lamentable

        cries, corpses to their graves, and with squalling nmsic, brides

        to their husbands ; the troops of dromedaries laden with coals

        from Tartary ; the wbeel-barrows and hand-carts stuffed with

        vegetables, occupied nearly the whole of this middle space in

        one continued line. All was in motion. The sides of the streets

        were filled with an immense concourse of people, buj’ing and

        sellino; and bartering; their different connnodities. The buzz

        and confused noises of this mixed multitude, proceeding fi’om

        the loud bawling of those who were crying their wares, the

        wrangling of others, with every now and then a strange twanging

        ‘ Chinese Repository^ Vol. X. , p. 473.

        sound like the jarring of a cracked jewsharp (the barber’s »io-nal), the mirth and laughter that prevailed in every group,

        could scarcely be exceeded. Peddlers with their packs, jugglers

        and conjurers, fortune-tellers, mountebanks and quack doctors,

        comedians and musicians, left no space unoccupied.” ‘

        Shops are closed at nightfall, and persons going abroad carry

        a lantern or torch. Over the thoroughfares slender towers are

        erected, where notice of a fire is given and the watches of the

        night announced by striking a gong. Few persons are met in

        the streets at night, and the private watch kept by all who are

        able greatly assists the regular police in preserving order and

        apprehending thiev^es. These watchers go up and down their

        wards beating large bamboos, to let ” thieves know they are on

        the lookout.” Considering all things, large Chinese cities are

        remarkably quiet at night. Beggars find their lodgings in the

        porches and squares of temples, or sides of the streets, and

        nestle toorether for mutual warmth. This class is under the care

        of a headman, who, in order to collect the poor-tax allowed by

        law, apportions them in the neighborhoods with tiie advice of

        the elders and constables. During the day they go from one

        door to another and receive their allotted stipend, which cannot

        be less than one cash to each person. They sit in the doorway

        and sing a ditty or beat their clap- dishes and sticks to attract

        attention, and if the shopkeeper has no customers he lets them

        keep up their cries, for he knows that the longer they are detained

        so much the more time will elapse before they come

        again to his shop. Many are blind and all present a sickly

        appearance, their countenances begrimed with dirt and furi’owed

        by sorrow and suffering. The very difficult question how to

        assist, restrain, and employ the poor has been usually left to the

        mercy and wisdom of the municipal officers in the cities ; and

        the results are not on the whole discreditable to their humanity

        and benevolence. Many persons give the headman a dollar or

        more per month to purchase exemption from the daily importunity

        of the beggars, and families about to have a house-warming,

        marriage, or funeral, as also jiewly arrived junks, are obliged

        to fee him t<» get rid of the clamorous and loathsome crowd.

        ^Travels in China, p. 96.

        OONTROL OF BEGGARS AND FIRES IN CITIES. 743

        When fires occur the officers of goveniinent are held responsible

        ; the law being that if ten houses are burned vntlmi

        the walls, tlie higliest officer in it shall l)e fined nine months’

        pay ; if more than thirtj-, a year’s sahiry ; and if three hundred

        are consumed, lie shall be degraded one degree. The governor

        and other high officers, attended by a few troops, are frequently

        seen at fires in Canton, as much to prevent thievery as

        to direct in extinguishing the flames. The engines ai’e hurried

        through tlie narrow streets at a fearful rate ; those who carry

        away property are armed with swords to defend it, and usually

        add to the crash of the burning houses by loud cries. The police

        do not hesitate to pull down houses if the fire can thereby

        be sooner extinguished, but there is no organized body of firemen,

        nor any well-arranged system of operations in such cases,

        thoufch conflagrations are ordinarilv soon under control. Cruel

        men often take the opportunity at such times to steal and carry

        off defenceless persons, especially young girls.

        At Canton the usage is general of levying a bonus on the

        owners of the houses adjacent to the burnt district, whose

        dwellings were saved by the exertions of the firemen, the appraisement

        decreasing as the distance increases ; the sum is divided

        among the firemen. The householders thus saved also

        employ priests to erect an altar near by, whereon to perform a

        service, and “return thanks for Heaven’s mercy.” On the

        whole, the fire control in China is superior to that in Turkey,

        where the firemen pay themselves for their efforts by extortions

        practised upon house-owners.

        The pagoda is a building considered as so peculiar to the

        Chinese that a landscape or painting relating to China without a

        pagoda perched on a hill—like one of Egyptian scenerj’ destitute

        of a pyramid—would be considered deficient. The ioxm. pagoda

        is used in its proper sense by most of the French and Portuguese

        writers to denote a temple for idols, but in English books it has

        always been appropriated to the polygonal towers seen throughout

        the country. Some confusion has arisen in consequence of applying

        the account of an immense temple full of idols to these

        towers. The English use is the most definite in China, although

        its misapplication is indefensible if we regard its derivation.

        The form of the (“liinesc tult is probably derived from the epire on the top of the Hindu dagoha, as its name is doubtless taken from the first syllable; but their purpose has so long been identitied with the geomantie inihK^nces which determine the hit’k of a place that the people do not associate them with Buddhism. Mr. Milne explains this in his remark that “the presence of such an edifice not only secures to the site the protection of heaven, if it already bears evidence of enjoying it, but represses any evil influences that may be native to the spot, and imparts to it the most salutary and felicitous omens.” ‘

        Those in the southern and central provinces seldom contain

        idols of any pretensions. They are ascended by stairways built

        in the thick walls on alternate sides of the stories. In the

        north there is another kind, designed to contain a she-li, or

        relic of Buddha, having a large room near the base for worshipping

        the -idol placed in it, but otherwise entirely solid and

        nearly uniform in size to the top ; the stories are merely numerous

        narrow projections, like eaves or string courses, on which

        hundreds of small images are sometimes placed. These structlu’es

        more nearly resemble the Indian dagoha than the other

        kind, and are always connected with a monastery, while those

        are not uniformly so placed, though under a priestly oversight.

        Xo town is considered complete without a pagoda, and many

        large cities have several ; there ]nust be nearly two thousand in

        the Empire, some of which are quite celebrated. It is rare to

        see a new one, and the ruinous condition of most of them indicates

        the weakness of the faith which erected them. They vary

        in height from five to thirteen stories, and are mostly built in

        so solid a manner that they are likely to remain for centuries.

        One at Ilangchau is octagonal, each face twenty-eight feet

        wide and the wall at the base eighteen feet thick ; the top is

        reached by a spiral stairway between the M’alls ; a covei-ed gallery

        on the outside of each story affords resting-places and everchanging

        views to the visitor; it is one hundred and seventy

        feet high, and Avas built during the Sung dynasty, in the twelfth

        ‘ Life in China, p. 453.

        century. The prospect from its summit is superb ; the picturescjiie coiubinatiou of sen aiul shore, land and water, city aiul country, wilderness, gardens, andliills, with many historical and religious associations interesting to a Jiativi;, make it one of the most charming landscapes in China.

        PAGODAS, THEIR PURPOSE AXD COXSTRUCTION. 74.J

        Sir John Davis visited one near Lintsing chau iu Shantung,

        in very good repair, inhabited hy Buddhist ])riests, and containing

        two idols ; each of its nine stories was inscribed with Otneto

        Fuh, in large characters. It was erected since the completion

        of the Grand Canal. A M’iuding stairway of near two hundred

        steps conducted to the top, about one hundred and fifty feet

        from the ground, from whence an extensive view was obtained

        of the surrounding counti’v. The basement was excellently

        built of granite, and all the rest of glazed brick, beautifully

        joined and cemented.

        The objects in building these structures being of a mixed nature,

        sometimes geomantic and sometimes religious, their materials,

        size, and structure vary considerably. There are two inside

        of Canton, and three near the Pearl Hiver, below the city ;

        fifteen others occur in the prefecture. Suchau has two, Xingpo

        one, Fuhchau two, and Peking six in and out of the Avails.

        One of those at Canton was built by the Moslems about a thousand

        years ago, a plain brick tower nearly two hundred feet

        high, from which the faithful were probably called to prayers in

        the adjacent mosque. Fergusson’s remarks upon Chinese architecture

        wcndd probably have been modified had the writer enjoyed

        a wider range of observation and a fuller knowledge of

        the designs of native builders. They are, however, the conclusions

        of a competent observer, and the position he gives to

        the pagoda among the tower-like buildings of the woi-ld, arising

        from its peculiar form, its divisions, and its apparent uselessness,

        will be genei-ally accepted as just.

        Mr. Milne, in his interesting work, has a good account of pagodas; he shows that while their model is of Hindu origin, and has been carefully followed since the first one was erected(about A.D. 250) at Nanking, the popular geomantic ideas connected with their octawnal form and great heii>:ht have “”radually increased and influenced their location. The Buddhists seem themselves to have lost their ancient confidence in the protection of the sJie-ll (or salna) supposed to be built in them. The number of Indian words transliterated in Chinese accounts of these edifices further proves their foreign origin. For convenience and accuracy in describing them, it would be best to restrict the term 2)a(joda to the hollow octagonal towers, the word dagoha to the solid ones covering the relics, and toj)e to the erections over priests when buried.

        Pagodas are sometimes made of cast iron ; those hitherto observed

        are in the central provinces. One exists in Chehkiang

        province, nearly fifty feet high and of nine stories. The octagonal

        pieces forming the walls are each single castings, as are also the

        plates forming the roof. The whole structure, including the

        base and spire, was made of twenty pieces of iron. Its interior

        is filled with brick, probably Mith the design to strengthen it

        ao;ainst storms. The ignorance of the Cliinese of later davs of

        the Hindu origin of pagodas has led to their regarding those

        now in existence as of native design, and appropi-iated by the

        Buddhists for their own ends. Most of them are falling to

        ruins ; and the assurances held out by the geomancers that the

        pagoda will act like an electric tractor to draw doAvn every

        felicitous omen from above, so that fire, water, wood, earth, and

        metal will be at the service of the people, the soil productive,

        trade prosperous, and the natives submissive and happy, all fail

        to call out funds for repairing them,’

        ^Voyages d Peking, Tome II., p. 79 ; Davis’ Sketclies, Vol. I., p. 213 ; PergiLsson, Indian and Eastern Architecture, 187G, p. ()!)5 ; Milne’s Life in China p. 429 seq.; Chinese Repositoi-y, Vol. XIX., pp. 535-540.

        MODES OF TRAVELLING, 747

        The dull appearance of a Chinese city when seen from a distance is unlike that of European cities, in which spires, domes, and towers of churches and cathedrals, halls, palaces, and other public buildings relieve the uniformity of rows of dwellings. In China, temples, houses, and palaces are nearly of one height ; their sameness being only partially relieved by trees mingled with pairs of tall flag-staffs with frames near their tops, which at a distance rather suggest the idea of dismantled gallows. Nature, however, charms and delights, and few countries present more beautiful landscapes ; even the tameness of the works of man serves as a foil for the diversified beauties of the cultivated landscape,

        A Chinese usually prefers to travel by water, and in the southeastern provinces it may be said that vehicles solely designed for carrying travelers or goods do not exist, for the carts and wheel l)arrows which are met with are few and miserably made. Ihit north of the Yangzi River, all over the Great Plain carts and wheelbarrows form the chief means of travel and transportation. The high cost of timber and the bad roads compel the people to make these vehicles very rude and strong, having axles and wheels able to bear the strains or upsets which befall them. Carts for goods are drawn by three or four horses

        Wheelbarrows Used for Travelling.

        usually driven tandem, and fastened Ijy long traces to the axletree,

        one remaining within the thills. The common carts,

        drawn by one or two mules, are oblong boxes fastened to an

        axle, covered -with cotton cloth, and cushioned to alleviate the

        jolting; the passengers get in and out at the front, where the

        driver sits close to the horse. In Peking the members of

        the imperial clan and family are allowed to use carts having the

        wheel behind the body ; their ranks are further indicated by a

        red or yellow covering, and a greater or less number of outriders

        to escort them. The wheelbarrow is in great use for short

        distances throughout the same region. The position of the wheel in the center enables the man to 2)rupel a heavy load readily. When on a good road, and aided by a donkey, the larger \arieties of barrow carry easily a burden of a ton’s weight ; two men are necessary to maintain the balance and guide the rather top-heavy vehicle.

        Where travelling by water is impossible, sedan chairs are used to carry passengers, and coolies with poles and slings transport their luggage and goods There are two kinds of sedan, neither of them designed for reclining like the Indian ^^(dl’ij.

        The light one is made of bamboo, and so narrow that the sitter is obliged to lean forward as he is carried ; the large one, called hiao^ is, whether viewed in regard to lightness^ comfort, or any other quality associated with such a mode of carriage, one of the most convenient articles found in any country. Its use is subject to sumptuary laws, and forbidden to the common people unless possessing some kind of rank. In Peking only the highest officials ride in them, with four bearers. In other cities two chairmen manage easily enough to maintain a gait of four miles an hour with a sedan upon their shoulders. Goods are carried upon poles, and however large or heavy the package may be, the porters contrive to subdivide its weight between them by means of their sticks and slings. The number of persons who thus gain a livelihood is great, and in cities they are employed by headmen, who contract for work just as carmen do elsewhere ; when unengaged by overseers, parties station themselves at corners and other public places, ready to start at a beck, after the manner of Dlenstuianner in German cities. In the

        streets of Canton groups of brawny fellows are often seen idling

        awa\’ their time in smoking, gambling, sleeping, or jeering at

        the wayfarers ; and, like the husbandmen mentioned in the

        parable, if one ask them why they stand there all the day idle?

        the answer will be, ” Because no man hath hired us.”

        SEDAX ClfAHIS AND KIVKll CHAFT. 740

        The chair-bearers form a distinct guild in cities, and the establishments where sedans and their bearers are to be hired suggest a comparison with the livery stables of western cities; the men, in fact, are nicknamed at Canton mo ml ma, ‘tailless horses.’ A vehicle used sometimes by the Emperor and high officers consists of an open chair set upon poles, so made that the inciinibeiit can 1×3 .sccii as avcU as si-e around him. It undergoes many changes in different parts of the country, as it is both cheap and iiglit and M’ell litted for traversing mountainous regions.

        In the construction and management of their river craft the Chinese exceh ^Vs boats are intended to be the residences of those who navigate them, regard is had to this in their arrangement.

        ^)uly a part of the fleets of boats seen on the river at (^anton ai’C intended for transportation, a large nundier being designed for fixed residences, and per]ia|>s half of them are pernianently moored. They are not t)bligcd to remain where they station themselves, but the boats and their inmates are both under the supervision of a M^ater police, who I’egister them and point out the position they may occupy. Barges for families, those in which oil, salt, fuel, or other articles are sold, lighters, passage-boats, flower-boats, and other kinds, are by this means grouped together, and more easily found. It was once ascertained that there were eighty-four thousand boats

        registered as belonging to the city of Canton, but whether all

        remained near the city and did not go to other parts of the district,

        or whether old ones were erased from Ihe register when

        broken up, was not determined. It is not likely, however, that

        at one time this luimber of boats ever lay opposite the citv.

        Ko (lueMdio has been at Canton can forget the noisy, animating

        sight the river offers, nor failed to have noticed the good humored carefulness with which boats of every size pass each other without collision.

        It is difficult to describe the many kinds of craft found t>n Chinese waters without the assistance of drawings. They are furnished with stern sculls moving upon a pivot, and easily propelling the boat. Large boats are furnished with two or three of these, which, when not in use, are conveniently haided in upon the side. They are provided with oars, the loom and blade of which are fastened by withs, and “work through a band attached to a stake ; the rower stands up and pushes his oar with the same motion as that employed by the A’enetian gondolier. Occasionally an oarsman is seen rowing with his feet.

        The mast in some large cargo boats consists of two sticks, resting Oil the gunwales, joined at top, and so arranged as to be hoisted from the boAv ; in those designed for residences no provision is made for a mast. Fishing boats, ligliters, and seagoing craft have one or two permanent masts. In all, except the smallest, a wale or frame projects from the side, on which the boatmen Avalk when poling the vessel. The sails in the south are “woven of strips of matting, sewed into a single sheet, and provided with yards at the top and bottom ; the bamboo ribs crossing it serve to retain the hoops that run on the mast, and enable the boatmen to haul them close on the wind. A driver is sometimes placed on the taifrail, and a small foresail near the bow, but the mainsail is the chief dependence. No Chinese boat has a bowsprit, and very few are coppered, or have two decks, further than an orlop in the stern quarter in which to stow provisions; no dead-lights give even a glimmer to these recesses, which are necessarily small.

        The internal arrangement of dwelling-boats is simple. The

        better sort are from sixty to eighty feet long, and about fifteen

        wide, divided into three rooms ; the stem is sharp, and upholds

        a platform on which, when they are moored alongside, it is

        easy to pass from one boat to another. Each one is secured by

        ropes to large hawsers which run along the whole line at the

        bow and stern. The room nearest the bow serves for a lobby

        to tlie pi’incipal apartment, which occupies about half the body

        of the boat ; the two are separated by trellis bulkheads, but the

        sternmost room, or sleeping apartment, is carefully screened.

        Cooking and wasliiug are performed on a high stern framework,

        wliicli is a(]miral)ly contrived, by means of furnaces and other

        conveniences above and hatches and partitions below deck, to

        serve all these purposes, contain all the fuel and water necessary,

        and answer for a sleeping place as well. By means of

        awnings and frameworks the top of the l)oat also subser\’es

        many objects of work or pleasure. The window-shutters are

        movable, fitted for all kinds of weather and for fiexibility of

        arrangement, meeting all the demands of a family and the particular

        service of a vessel ; nothing can be more ingenious.

        Tiie lumdsomest of these craft are called hica ting, or flowerboats,

        and are let to parties for pleasure excursions on tlie river,-

        d\vp:lleiis on the water. 751

        a large proportion of them are also the abodes of public women.

        The smaller sorts at Canton are generally known as tait.kia

        boats ; they are about tweuty-live feet long, coutain only one

        room, and are fitted with moveable mats to cover the whole

        vessel ; they are usually rowed by women. In these ” egghouses

        ” whole families are reared, live, and die ; the room which

        serves for passengers by day is a bedroom by night ; a kitchen

        at one time, a washroom at another, and a nursery always.

        As to this custom of living upon the water, we have an interesting testimony of its practice so far back as the fourteenth century, from the letter of a Dominican Friar in 1330. ” The realm of Cathay,” writes the missionary, ” is peopled passing well And there be many great rivers and great sheets of water throughout the Empire; insomuch that a good half of the realm and its territory is under water. And on these waters dwell great multitudes of people because of the vast population that there is in the said realm. They build wooden houses upon boats, and so their houses go up and down upon the waters; and the people go trafficking in their houses from one province to another, whilst they dwell in these houses with all their families, with their wives and children, and all their household utensils and necessaries. And so they live upon the waters all the days of their life. And there the women be brought to bed, and do everything else just as people do who dwell upon diy land.” ‘

        ‘ Yule, Cat/iay and t/ie Way TMthn\ Vol. I., p. 243.

        It is unnecessary to particularize the various sorts of lighters or c7toj)-hoats found along the southern coast, the passenger boats plying from town to town along the hundreds of streams, and the smacks, revenue cutters, and fishing craft to be seen in all waters, except to call attention to their remarkable adaptation for the ends in view. The best sorts are made in the southern provinces; those seen at Tientsin or Niuchwang suffer by comparison for cleanliness, safety, and speed, owing partly to the high price of wood and the less use made of them for dwellings. On the head waters of the River Ivan the boats are of a peculiarly light construction, with upper works entirely of matting, and the liull like a crescent, well fitted to encounter the rapids and rocks which beset their course.

        Besides these various kinds the revenue service employs a narrow, sharp-built boat, j^ropelled by forty or fifty I’owers, armed with swivels, spears, boarding-hooks, and pikes, and lined on the sides with a menacing array of rattan shields painted with tigers’ heads. Smugglers have simihirly made boats, and now and then imitate the government boats in their appearance, which, on their part, often compete with them in smuggling. In 1S<!3 the imperial government was induced to adopt a national flag for all its own vessels, which will no doubt gradually extend to merchant craft. It is triangular in shape, and has a dragon with the head looking upward. It is usual for naval officers to exhibit long yellow flags with their official titles at full length ; the vessels under them are distinguished by various pennons. Junks carry a great assortment of flags, triangular and square, of white, red, and other colors, most of them bearing inscriptions. The number of governmental boats and war junks, and those used for transporting the revenue and salt, is proportionately very snuill ; but if all the craft found on the rivers and coasts of China be included, their united tonnage perhaps equals that of all other nations put together. The dwellers on the water near Canton are not, as has been sometimes said, debaiTed from living ashore. A boat can be built cheaper than a brick house, and is equally comfortable; it is kept clean easier, pays no ground-rent, ainl is not so (ibnoxious to fire and thieves. Most of them are constructed c^f fir or jtine and smeared with wood oil; the seams are caulked with i-attan shavings and paid over with a cement (»f oil and gvpsum. The sailing craft are usually flat-bottomed, shai-i)foi-wai'(l, and guided by an enormous i-udder which can be hoisted through the open stern sheets when in shallow waters. The teak-Mood anchors have iron-bound flukes, held bycoii’or bamboo hawsers— now often replaced by iron chain and giapnel.’

        ‘Compare an article by W. F. Mayers in Notes and Queries on C. and J.,Vol. I., pp. 170-173 (with illustrations) ; Mrs. Gray, Fourteen Months in Canton, passim ; Dr. Edkins in Journal JV! H. Br. R. A. Soc, Vol. XT., p. 12:5; Doolittl.?, VoMihvliry, Part ITT., No. LXVTTT ; Enirin.-.M- J. W. Kiuir in The United Service, Vol. IT., p. 383 (Phila., 1880).

        RKVENUK BOATS AND J UN Kb. 753

        The ()1<1 picturesque junk, with its bulging Inill, high steni, and great eyes on tlu; Itow, is rapidly disappearing before steamers. Its original model is said to he a huge sea monster; the teeth at the cutwater and top of the bow detine its mouth, the long boards on each side of the bow form the armature of the head, the eyes being painted on them, the masts and sails are ^he tins, and the high stern is the tail frisking aloft. The cabins look more like niches in a sepulchre than the accommodations for a live passenger. The crew live upon deck most of the time, and are usually interested in the trade of the vessel or an adventure of their own. The hold is divided into watertight compartments, a contrivance that has its advantages when the vessel strikes a rock, but prevents her carrying a cargo comparable to her size. The great number of passengers which have been stowed in these vessels entailed a frightful loss of life when they Mere wrecked. In February, 1822, Capt. Pearl, of the English ship Indiana, coming through Gaspar Straits, fell in with the cargo and crew of a wrecked junk, and saved one hundred and ninety-eight persons (out of one thousand six hundred with whom she had left Amoy), whom he landed at Pontianak ; this humane act cost him $55,000.”

        Among secondary architectural works deserving notice are bridges and honoraiy jiortals. There is good reason for supposing that the Chinese have been acquainted with the arch from very early times, though they make comparatively little use of it. Certain bridges have pointed arches, others have semicircular, and others approach the form of a horse-shoe, the transverse section of an ellipse, or even like the Greek /2, the space being widest at the top. In some the arch is high for the accommodation of boats passing beneath; and where no heavy wains or carriages cross and jar the fabric, it can safely be made light. A graceful specimen of this class is the structure seen in the illustration on page T54. This bridge, though serving no practical purpose, is one of the greatest ornaments about the Emperor’s summer palace of Yuan-ming Yuan. The material is marble; its summit is reached by forty steps rising abruptly from the causeway, and impracticable, of course, for any but pedestrians.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. VI., p. 149. Vol. I.—48

        BRIDGES IN CHINA. 755

        The balustrades and paving of the long marble bridges near Peking and Hangzhou, some of them adorned with statues of elephants, lions, and other animals, present a pleasing effect, while their solidity and endurance of freshes running over the top at times attest the skill of the architects. Wooden bridges furnish means for crossing small streams in all parts of the land; when the river is powerful, or the rise and fall of the tide great, it is crossed on boats fastened together, with contrivances for drawing out two or three in the centre when the passing craft demand a passage. At Tientsin, Ningbo, and other cities, this means of crossing entails little delay in comparison to its cheapness.

        Some of the bridges in and about Peking are beautiful structures; their erection, however, presented no difficult problem, while that at Fuhchau was a greater feat of engineering.

        It is about four hundred yards long and five wide, consisting of nearly forty solid buttresses of hewn stone placed at unequal distances and joined by slabs of granite; some of these slabs arc three feet square and forty-five feet long. They support a granite pavement. The bridge was formerly lined with shops, which the increased traffic has caused to be removed. Another similar bridge lies seven miles north of it on the River Min, and a third of equal importance at the city of Chinchew, north of Amoy. Some of the mountain streams and passes in the west and north are crossed by rope bridges of ingenious construction, and by chain suspension bridges.

        Mr. Lowrie describes a bridge at Changchau, near Amoy, and these structures are more numerous in the eastern provinces than elsewhere. ” It is built on twenty-live piles of stone about thirty feet apart, and perhaps twenty feet each in height. Large round beams are laid from pile to pile, and smaller ones across in the simplest and rudest manner; earth is then placed above these and the top paved with brick and stone. One would suppose that the work had been assigned to a number of different persons, and that each one had executed his part in such manner as best suited his own fancy, there being no regularity whatever in the paving. Bricks and stone were intermingled in the most confused manner, and the railing was here wood and there stone. We were particularly struck Math the length of some of the granite stones used in paving the bridge; one was eight, another eleven, and three others eighteen paces, or about forty-five feet long, and two broad. The bridge averaged eight or ten feet in width, and about half its length on both sides was occupied by shops.”‘

        ‘ Chinese Repository^ Vol. XII., p. 528 ; Medhurst’s HohJceen Dictionary, Introduction pp. XXII, XXIII.

        A causeway of ninety arches crosses a feeder of the Grand Canal near Hangchau. The stones for the arch in one bridge noticed by Barrow were cut so as to form a segment of the arch, and at each end were mortised into transverse blocks of stone stretching across the bridge ; they decreased in length from ten feet at the spring of the arch to three at the vertex, and the summit stone was mortised, like the rest, into two transverse blocks lying next to it.* (* Barrow’s Travels, p. 338.)The tenons were short, and the disposition of tlio principal pieces such that a bridge built in tliit^ way “would not support great weights or endure many ages.

        The mode oi” placing the pieces can be seen in the cut. In other instances the stones are laid in the same manner as in Europe; many small bridges over creeks and canals have cambered or straight arches. When one of these structures falls into ruins or becomes dangerous, the people seldom bestir themselves to repair the damage, preferring to wait for the government ; they thereby lose the benefit of self-dependence and action.

        Bridge showing the mode of Moitising the Arch.

        TAI-LAU, OR irOXOKAUY rOlJTALS. 7o7

        It is singular how the term triumphal arch came to be applied to tha j)al-fan<j und jxii-lau, or honorary portals or tablets, of the Chinese; for a triumph was perhaps never heard of in that country, and these structures are never arched. They consist merely of a broad gateway flanked with two smaller ones, and suggest a turnpike gate Mitli side-ways for foot passengers rather than a triumphal monument. They are scattered in great numbers over the provinces, and are erected in honor of distinguished persons, or by officers to commemorate their parents, by special favor from the Emperor. Some are put up in honor of women who liiive distinguished thoiiiHclves for their cliastity and filial duty, or to widows who have refused a second marriage. Permission to erect them is considered a high honor, and perhaps the term tflant_p/ud was given them from this circumstance.

        The economical and peaceful nature of such honors conferred upon distinguished men in China is most characteristic; a man is allowed to build a stone gateway to himself or his parents, and the Emperor furnishes the inscription, or perhaps sends with it a patent of nobility. Their general arrangement is exhibited in the title page of this work; the two characters, f<Jiin(j c/ii, at the top, meaning ‘ sacred will,’ intimate that it was erected by his Majesty’s permission.

        Some of the J>al-l(( (6 are elaborately ornamented with carved work and inscriptions; and as a protection to the frieze a ponderous covering of tiles projects over the top, which, however, exposes the structure to injury from tempests. They are placed in conspicuous places in the outskirts of towns, and in the streets before temples or near government edifices. Travellers looking for what they had read about have sometimes strangely mistaken the gateways at the heads of streets or the entrance to temples for the honorary portals.’ Those built of stone are fastened by mortises and tenons in the same manner as the wooden ones ; they seldom exceed twenty or twenty-five feet in height. The skill and taste displayed in the symmetry and carving upon some of them are creditable ; but as the man in wdiose honor it is erected is, generally speaking, “the architect of his own fame,” he prudently considers the worth of that commodity, and makes an inferior structure to what would have been done if his fellow-subjects, ” deeply sensible of the honor,” had come together to appoint a committee and open a subscription list for the purpose. Among the numerous ^>^//-Zc^?^, in and near Peking, two or three deserve mention for their beauty.

        One lies in the Confucian Temple in front of the Plh-yung Kung, and is designed to enhance the splendor, of its approach by presenting, as it were, a frame before its facade. It is built of stone and overlaid with square encaustic tiles of many hues.

        ‘ Encyclopedia Americana, Art. Canton.

        The arrangement of the colors, the carving on the marble, and the fine proportions of the structrue render it altogether one of the most artistic objects in China. Another like it is built in the Imperial Park, but the position is not so advantageous.

        Fergusson points out the similarity between tho&e pai-lau and certain Hindu gateways, and claims that India furnished the model. The question of priority isliardly susceptible of proof; but his fancy that a \iirge pai-lau in a street of Amoy presented a simulated coffin on it above the principal cornice, leads us to suspect that he was looking for what was never in the builder’s mind.

        The construction of forts and towers presents little worthy of

        observation, since there is no other evidence of science than what

        the erection of lines of massive stone Avail displays. The portholes

        are too large for protection and the parapet too slight to

        resist modern missiles. The Chinese idea of a fortification is

        a wall along the water s edge, with embrasures and battlements,

        and a plain wall landwai’d without port-holes or. parapets, enclosing

        an area in which a few houses accommodate the garrison

        and ammunition. Some erected at the junction of streams are

        pierced on all sides ; others are so unscientifically jilanned that

        the walls can be scaled at angles where not a single gun can be

        brought to bear. The towers are rectangular edifices of brick

        on a stone foundation, forty feet square and fifty or sixty high,

        to be entered by ladders through a door half way up the side.

        The forts in the neighborhood of Canton, probably among the best in the Empire, are all constructed without fosse, bastion, glacis, or counter-defence of any kind. Both arrangement and placement are alike faulty : some are square and approachable without danger; others circular on the outer face but with flank or rear exposed; others again built on a hillside like a pound, so that the garrison, if dislodged from the battlements, are forced to fly up the slope in full range of their enemy’s fire. The gate is on the side, unprotected by ditch, drawbridge, or portcullis, and poorly defended by guns upon the walls or in the area behind. In general the points chosen for their forts display a misapprehension of the true principles of defence, though Bome may be noted as occupying commanding positions.

        MILITAKY Ar.dllTKCTUUE—DRKSS. 759

        111 recent times mud defences and batteries of sand-bags have proved a much safer defence than such buildings against ships and artillery, and show the aptitude of the people to adopt practical things. Though not particularly resolute on the held, the Chinese soldier stands well to his guns when behind a fortification of whose strength he is assured. The forts which have recently been constructed under supervision of European engineers are rapidly taking the place of native works in all parts of the country.

        Dress, like other things, undergoes its changes in China, and fashions alter there as well as elsewhere, but they are not as rapid or as strikhig as among European nations. The full costume of both sexes is, in general terms, commodious and graceful, combining all the purposes of warmth, beauty, and ease which could be desired, excepting always the shaven crown and braided queue of the men and the crippled feet of the women, in both of which fashions they have not less outraged nature than deformed themselves. On this point different tastes exist, and some prefer the close-fitting dress of Europeans to the loose robes of Asiatics ; but when one has become in a measure habituated to the latter, one is willing to allow the force of the criticism that the European male costume is ‘* a mysterious combination of the inconvenient and the unpicturesque : hot in summer and cold in winter, useless for either keeping off rain or

        sun, stiif but not plain, bare without being simple, not durable,

        not becoming, and not cheap.” The Chinese dress has remained,

        in its general style, the same for centuries ; and garments of fur

        or silk are handed down from parent to child without fear of

        attracting attention by their antique shapes. The fabrics most

        worn are silk, cotton, and grass-cloth for summer, with the addition

        of furs and skins in winter ; woollen is used sparingly, and

        ahiiost wholly of foreign manufacture.

        Barber’s Establishment Dress of the Common People.

        VARIETY AND MATERIAL OP APPAREL. 761

        The principal articles of dress are inner and outer tunics of various lengths made of cotton or silk, reaching below the loins or to the feet ; the lapel on the right side folds over the breast and fits close about the neck, which is left uncovered. The sleeves are much wider and longer than the arms, have no cuffs or facings, and in common cases serve for pockets. A Chinese, instead of saying ” he pocketed the book,” would say ” he sleeved it.” In robes of ceremony the end of the sleeve resembles a horse’s hoof, and good breeding requires the hand to be kept in a position to exhibit the cuff when sitting. In warm weather one upper garment is deemed sufficient; in winter a dozen can be put on without discommodity, and this number is sometimes actually seen upon persons engaged in sedentary employments, or on those who sit in the air. Latterly, underwear of flannel has become common among the better dressed, who like the knitted fabric so close-fitting and warm. The lower limbs are comparatively slightly protected ; a pair of loose trousers, covered;o the knee by cloth stockings, is the usual summer garment; tight leggings are pulled over both in winter and attached to the girdle by loops ; and as the trousers are rather vohiiriiiions and the tunic short, the excess shows behind from luider these leggings in a rather unpleasant manner. Gentlemen and officers always wear a robe with the skirt opened at the sides, which conceals this intermission of the imder apparel. The colors preferred for outer garments are various hues of buff, purple, oi blue.

        The shoes are made of silk or cotton, usually embroidered for women’s wear in red and other colors. The soles are of felt, sometimes of paper inside a rim of felt, and defended on the bottom by hide. These shoes keep the feet dry and unchilled on the tiles or ground, so that a Chinese nuiy be said really to carry the floor of his house under his feet instead of laying it on the ground. The thick soles render it necessary for ease in walking to round up their ends, which constrains the toes into an elevated position so irksome that all go slipshod who conveniently can do so. The cost of a cotton suit need not exceed five dollars, and a complete silken one, of the gayest colors and best materials, can easily be procured for twenty-five or thirty. Quilted cotton garments are exceedingly common, and are so made as to protect the whole person from the cold and obviate the need of fires. In the north dressed sheepskin i-()l)os furnish bedding as well as garments, and their durability will long make them more desirable than woven fabrics.

        The ancient Chinese wore the hair long, bound upon the top of the head, somewhat after the style of the Lewchewans; and taking pride in its glossy black, called themselves the black-haired race. But in 1627 the Manchus, then in possession of only Liautung, issued an order that all Chinese under them should adopt their coiffure as a sign of allegiance, on penalty of death; the fashion thus begun by compulsion is now followed from choice. The fore part of the head is shaved to the crown and the hair braided in a single plait behind. Laborers often wind it about the head or knot it into a ball out of the way when barebacked or at work. The size of the queue can be enlarged by permitting an additional line of hair to grow; the appearance it gives the M-earer is thus described by Mr. Downing, and the quotation is not an unfair specimen of the remarks of travelers upon China : ” At the hotel one of the waiters was dressed in a pecuhar manner about the head. Instead of the hair being shaved in front, he had it cut round the top of the forehead about an inch and a half in length. All the other part was tiu-ned as usual and plaited down the back. This thin semi-circular ridge of hair was then made to stand bolt upright, and as each hair was separate and stiff as a bristle, the whole looked like a very fine-toothed comb turned upward. This I imagined to be the usual way of dressing the head by single unengaged youths, and of course must be very attractive.”” Thus what the wearer regarded as ill-looking, and intended to braid in as soon as it was long enough, is here taken as a device for beautifying himself in the eyes of those he never saw or cared to see.

        Tricks Played with the Queue.

        OFFICIAL COSTUMES. 763

        The people are vain of a long thick queue, and now and then play each other tricks with it, as well as use it as a ready means for correction ; but nothing irritates them more than to cut it off. Men and women oftener go bareheaded than covered, warding off the sun by means of a fan ; in winter felt or silk skull-caps, hoods, and fur protect them from cold. Laborers shelter themselves from rain under an umbrella hat and a grotesque thatchwork of leaves neatly sewn upon a coarse network—very effectual for the purpose. In illustration of the remailv at the beginning of this chapter, it might be added that if they were not worn on the head such hats woukl be called ti-ays, so unlike are they to the English article of that name. The formal head-dress is the conical straw or felt hat so peculiar to this nation, usually covered with a red fringe of silk or hair.

        The various forms, fabrics, colors, and ornaments of the dresses

        worn by grades of officers are regulated by sumptuary laws.

        Citron-yellow distinguishes the imperial family, but his Majesty’s

        apparel is less showy than many of his courtiers, and in all

        that belongs to his own personal use there is an appearance of

        disregard of ornament. The five-clawed dragon is figured upon

        the dress and whatever pertains to the Emperor, and in certain

        things to members of his family. Tlie nionarchs of China formerly

        wore a sort of flat-topped crown, shaped somewhat like

        a Cantab’s cap, and having a row of jewels pendent from each

        side. The sunnner bonnet of officers is made of finely woven

        straw covered with a red fringe ; in winter it is trimmed with

        fur. A string of beads hanging over an embroidei’ed robe, a

        round knob on the cap, thick-soled satin boots, two or three

        pouches for fans or chopsticks, and occasionally a watch or two

        hanging from the girdle, constitute the principal points of difference

        between the official and plebeian costume. No company

        of men can appeal- more splendid tlian a large pai’ty of officers

        in their winter robes made of fine, lustrous crapes, trimmed

        with rich furs and brilliant with gay embroidery. In winter a silk or fur spencer is worn over the robe, and forms a handsome and warm garment. Lambskins are much used, and the downy coats of unyeaned lambs, which, with the finer furs and the skins of hares, wild cats, rabbits, foxes, wolves, otter, squirrels, etc., are worn by all I’anks. Some years ago a lad used to parade the streets of Canton, who presented an odd appearance in a long spencer made of a tiger’s skin. The Chinese like strong contrasts in the colors of their garments, sometimes wearing yellow leggings underneath a light blue robe, itself set off by a purple spencer.

        The dress of women is likewise liable to few fluctuations, and all ranks can be sure that the fashion will last as long as the gown. The garments of both sexes among the common people resemble each other more than in Western Asia. The tunic oi short gown is open in front, buttoning around the neck and under the arm, reaching to the knee, like a smock-frock in its general shape. The trousers among the lower orders are usually worn over the stockings, both being covered, on ceremonial occasions, by a petticoat reaching to the feet. Laboring women, whose feet are left their natural size, go barefoot or slipshod in the M-arni latitudes, but cover their feet carefully farther north. Both sexes have a paucity of linen in their habiliments—if not a shiftless, the Chinese certainly are a shirtless race, and such undergarments as they have are not too often washed.

        The head-dress of married fenuiles is becoming and even elegant.

        The copious black hair is bound upon the head in an

        oval-formed knot, which is secured in its place and shape by a

        broad pin placed lengthwise on it, and fastened by a shorter ona

        thrust across and under the bow. The hair is drawn back from

        the forehead into the knot, and elevated a little in front by combino;

        it over the fiuo’er ; in order to make it lie smooth the locks

        are drawn through resinous shavings moistened in warm M^ater,

        which also adds an exti-a gloss, at the cost, however, of injury

        to the hair. In front of the knot a tube is often inserted, in

        which flowers can be placed. The custom of wearing them is

        nearly universal, fresh blossoms being preferred wdien obtainable,

        and artificial at other times. Having no covering on the head

        there is more opportunity than in the west to display pretty

        devices in arranging the hair. A widow is known by her white

        flowers, a maiden by one or two plaits instead of a knot, and so on; in their endless variety of form and ornament, Chinese women’s head-dresses furnish a source of constant study. Mr. Stevens tells us that the animated appearance of the dense crowd which assembled on the bridge and banks of the river at Fuhchau when he passed in 1835, was still more enlivened by the flowers worn by the women.

        COSTUMES OF CHINESE WOMEN. 765

        Matrons wear an embroidered fillet on the forehead, an inch or more wide, pointed between the eyebrows, and covering the front of the hair though not concealing the baldness which often comes on early from the resinous l)and()line used. This fillet is embroidered, or adorned with pearls, a favorite ornament with Chinese ladies. The women along the Yangzi River wear a band of fur around the head, which relieves their colorless complexions.

        A substitute for l)onnets is common in summer, consisting of a flat piece of straw trimmed with a fringe of blue cloth. The hair of children is unbound, but girls more advanced allow^ the side locks to reach to the waist and plait a tress down the neck ; their coarse hair does not curl, and the beautiful luxuriance of curls and ringlets seen in Europe is entirely unknown.

        False hair is made use of by both sexes, the men being particularly fond of eking out their queues to the fullest length. Gloves are not worn, the long sleeves being adequate for warmth; in the north the ears are protected from freezing by ear-tabs lined with fur, and often furnished with a tiny looking-glass on the outside.

        The dress of gentlewomen, like that of their husbands, is

        regulated by sumptuary laws, but none of these prevent their

        costumes from being as splendid as rich silks, gay colors, and

        beautiful embroidery can make them. The neck of the robe is

        protected by a stiff band, and the sleeves are large and long,

        just the contrary of the common style, which being short allows

        the free use and display of a well-turned arm. The official embroidery

        allowed to the husband is changed to another kind on

        his wife’s robe indicative of the same rank. No belt or girdle

        is seen, nor do stays compress the waist to its lasthig injury.

        One of the prettiest parts of a lady’s dress is the petticoat, which appears about a foot below the upper robe covering the feet. Each side of the skirt is plaited about six times, and in front and rear are two pieces of buckram to which they are attached; the plaits and front pieces are stiffened with wire and lining. Embroidery is worked upon these two pieces and the plaits in such a way that as the wearer steps the action of the feet alternately opens and shuts them on each side, disclosing a part or the whole of two different colored figures, as may be seen in the illustration. The plaits are so contrived that they are the same when seen in front or from behind, and the effect is more elegant when the colors are well contrasted. In order to produce this the plaits close around the feet, unlike the wider skirt of western ladies.

        Ornaments are less worn by the Chinese than other Asiatic

        nations. The men suspend a string of fragrant beads together

        with the tobacco-pouch from the jacket lapel, or occasionally

        wear seal-rings, linger- rings, and armlets of strass, stone, oi

        glass. They are by law prohibited from carrying weapons of

        any sort. The women wear bangles, bracelets, and ear-rings of

        glass, stone, and metal ; most of these appendages are regarded

        more as amulets to ward off evil influences than mere orna*

        raents. Felicitous charms, such as aromatic bags, old coins,

        and rings, are attached to the persons of children, and few

        adults venture to go through life without some preservative of

        this kind ; no sacred thread or daub of clay, as in India, is

        known, however, nor any image of a saint or other figurine, as

        in Ttomish countries. The queer custom of wearing long nails

        is practised by comparatively few ; and although a man or

        woman with these appendages would not be deemed singular, it

        is not regarded as in good taste by well-bred persons. Pedantic

        scholars wear them more than other professions, in order to

        show that they are above manual labor ; but the longest set the

        writer ever saw was, oddly enough, o’n a carpenter’s fingers, who

        thereby showed that he was not obliged to use his tools. Fine

        ladies protect theirs with silver sheaths.

        The practice of compressing the feet, so far as investigation has gone, is more an inconvenient than a dangerous custom, for among the many thousands of patients who have received aid in the missionary hospitals, few have presented themselves with ailments chargeable to this source. A difference of opinion exists respecting its origin. Some accounts state that it arose from a desire thereby to remove the reproach of the club feet of a popular empress, others that it gradually came into use from the great admiration of and attempt to imitate delicate feet, and others that it was imposed by husbands to keep their wives from gadding.’ Its adoption was gradual, however it may have commenced, and not without resistance. It is practised

        ‘ It is recorded that Hau-Chu, of the Chin dynasty, in the year a.d. 583 ordered Lady Yao to bind hor feet so as to make them looli like the new moon; and Uiat the evil fashion has since prevaili’d against all subsequent prohibitions.—^o/^^s «//(/ Q’lcr/cs on Ghina and Jajxtn, Vol. II., pp. 37 and 43.

        MANNER OF COMPRESSING THE FEET. 767

        by all classes of society except the Manchus and Tartars, poor as

        well as rich (for none are so poor as not to wish to be fashionable)

        ; and so habituated does one become to it after a residence

        in the country, that a well-dressed lady with large feet seems

        to be denationalized. There is no certain age at which the

        operation nnist be commenced, but in families of easy circumstances

        the bandages are put on before five; otherwise not until

        betrothment, or till seven or eight years old. The whole operation

        is performed, and the shape maintained, by bandages,

        which are never permanently removed or covered by stockings;

        iron or wooden shoes are not used, the object being rather to

        prevent the feet growing than to make them smaller.

        A good account of the effects of this practice is given in a paper contained in the Transactions of the Royal Society of London, written by Dr. Cooper, detailing the appearances presented on dissection.

        The foot belonged to a person in low life ; it was five and one-fourth inches long, which is full eighteen lines over the most fashionable size. The big toe was bent upward and backward on the foot, and the second twisted under it and across, so that the extremity reached the inner edge of the foot. The third toe somewhat overlapped the second, but lying less obliquely, and reaching to the first joint of the great toe. The ball of the great toe, much flattened, separated these two from the fourth and fifth toes. The fourth toe stretched obliquely inward under the foot, but less so than the little toe, which passed under and nearly across the foot, and had been bound down so strongly as to bend the tarsal bone. The dorsum of the foot was much curved, and a deep fissure crossed the sole and separated the heel and little toe, as if the two ends of the foot had been forced too-ether ; this was filled for three Appearance of the Bones of a

        Foot when Compressed.

        inches with a very condensed cellular tissue; the instep waa

        three and one-half inches high. The heel-bone, which naturally

        forms a considerable angle with the ankle, was in a direct Ihie

        with the leg-bones ; and the heel itself was large and flat,

        covered with a peculiarly dense integument, and forming, with

        the end of the metatarsal bone of the great toe and the two

        smallest toes bent under the sole, the three points of taction in

        walkino-. When the operation is begun earlier, and the bones

        are more flexible, four of the toes are bent under the foot and

        only the big toe laid upon the top. The development of the

        nniscles of the calf being checked, the leg tapers from the knee

        downward, though there is no particular w^eakness in the limb.

        The appearance of the deformed member when uncovered is shocking, crushed out of all proportion and beauty, and covered with a wrinkled and lifeless skin like that of a washerwoman’s hand. It is surprising how the circulation is kept up in the member without any pain or wasting away ; the natural supposition would be that if any nutriment M’as conveyed to it, there would be a disposition to grow until maturity was attained, and consequently constant pain ensue, or else that it would be destroyed or mortify for want of nourishment.

        Feet of Chinese Ladies.

        PllEVALENCP] OF THE FASTnON”.—LADIES SHOES. im

        The gait of these victims of fashion can be imitated by a l)erson walking on the heels. Women walking alone swing their arms and step quick and short, elderly women availing themselves, when practicable, of an umbrella, or leaning upon the shoulder of a lad or maid for support—literally making a walking-stick of them. The })ain is said to be severe at first, and a recurrence now and then is felt in the sole ; but the evident freedom fiom distress exhibited in the little girls who are seen walking or playing in the streets, proves that the amount of suffering and injm-ious effects upon life and health are perhaps not so great as has been imagined. The case is different when the girl is not victimized until ten or more years old. The toes are then bent under and the foot forced into the smallest compass ; the agony arising from the constrained nniscles and excoriated ilesli is dreadful, while, too, the shape of the member is, even in Chinese eyes, a burlesque upon the beautiful little ness so nnich desired.

        Shape of a Lady’s Shoe.

        The opinion prevails abroad that only the daughters of the rich or learned pay this price to Dame Fashion. A greater proportion is indeed found among the well-to-do classes, and in the southern provinces near the rivers the unfashionable form perhaps half of the whole ; for those who dwell in boats, and all who in early life may have lived on the water or among the farmsteads, and slave girls sold in infancy for domestics, are usually left in the happy though low-life freedom of nature. Close observation in the northern provinces show general adoption of the usage among the poor, whose feet are not, however, usually so small as in the south. Foreigners, on their arrival at Canton or Fuhchau, seeing so many women with natural feet on the boats and about the streets, wonder where the ” little-footed Celestials” they had heard of were, the only specimens they see being a few crones by the wayside mending clothes. Across the Mei ling range the proportion increases. All the women who came to the hospital at Chusan in 1841, to the number of eight hundred or one thousand, had their feet more or less cramped ; and some of them walked several miles to the hospital and home again the same day. Although the operation may be less painful than has been represented, the people are so much accustomed to it that most men would refuse to M^ed a woman whose feet were of the natural size ; and a man who should find out that his bride had large feet when he expected small ones would be exonerated if he instantly sent her back to her parents. The kin lien, or ‘golden lilies,’ are desired as the mark of gentility ; the hope of rising to be one of the upper ten, and escaping the roughness and hard work attached to the lower class, goes far to strengthen even children to endure the pain and loss of free d(tin consequent on the practice. The secret of the prevalence of the cruel custom is the love of ease and praise; and not till the principles of Christianity extend will it cease. In Peking, where the Manchus have shown the advantages nature has over fashion, the example of their women for two hundred and fifty years, aided by the earnest efforts of the great Emperor Kanghi, has not had the least effect in inducing Chinese ladies to give it up. The shoes are made of red silk and prettily embroidered; hut no one acquainted with Chinese society would say that “if a lady ever breaks through the prohibition against displaying her person’, she presents her feet as the surest darts with which a lovers heart can be assailed ! ” ‘

        Cosmetics are used by females to the serious injury of the

        skin. On grand occasions the face is entirely bedaubed Nvitli

        white paint, aiul rouge is added to the lips and clieeks, giving a

        singular starched appearance to the physiognomy. A girl thus

        l)eautified has no need of a fan to hide her blushes, for they

        cannot be seen through the paint, her eye being the only index

        of emotion. The eyebrows are blackened with charred sticks,

        and arched or narrowed to resemble a nascent willow leaf, or the moon when first seen—as in the ballad translated by Mr. Stent, which pictures the beauty as possessing

        Eyebrows shaped likt^ loaves of willows
        Drooping over “autumn billows;”
        Almond shaped, oi’ liciiiid brightness,
        Were the eyes of Yang-gui-fei.

        ‘ Murray’s OJiiiirt, Vol. II., p. 266. Compare the Chinese Repository, Vol. III., p. r)37; Hee. dc Mem. tic Meleriiic iinlil. (Paris), 1802-63 -04 passim; Clihirse Il/ror(f<r, Vols. I., II., and III. passim (mostly a series of articles on this subject by Dr. I)udg<M)n) ; T/ir Far Eaxl, February, 1877, p 27.

        ‘ The Jade Chiipht, p. 121.

        TOILET PRAOTICES. 771

        A belle is described as having cheeks like the almond llower, lips like a peach’s bloom, waist as the willow leaf, eyes bright as dancing ripples in the sun, and footsteps like the lotus flower. Much time and care is bestowed, or said to be, by females upon their toilet, but if those; in the upper classes have anything like the variety of domestic duties which their sisters in common life perform, they have little leisure left for superfluous adorning. If dramas give an index of Chinese manners and occupations, they do not convey the idea that most of the time of well-bred ladies is spent in idleness or dressing.

        At his toilet a Chinese uses a basin of tepid water and a cloth,

        and it has been aptly remarked that he never appears so dirty

        as when trying to clean himself. Shaving is done by the barber,

        for no man can shave the top of his head. Whiskers are never

        worn, even by the very few who have them, and mustaches are

        not considered proper for a man under forty. Snuff bottles and

        tobacco pipes ai”e carried and nsed by both sexes, but the practice

        of chewing betel-nut is confined to the men, M-ho, however,

        take nmch pains to keep their teeth white. Among ornamental

        articles of dress, in none do they go to so nmch expense and

        style as in the snuff bottle, which is often carved fi-om stone,

        amber, agate, and other rare miuerals with most exquisite taste.

        Snuff is put on the thumb-nail with a spoon fastened to the

        stopper—a more cleanly way than the European mode of ” pinching.”‘

        The articles of food which the Chinese eat, and the mode and

        ceremonies attending their feasts, have aided much in giving

        them the odd character they bear abroad, though uncouth or

        unsavory viands form an infinitesimal portion of tlieir food,

        and ceremonious feasts not one in a thousand of their repasts.

        Travellers have so often spoken of birdsnest soup, canine hams,

        and grimalkin fricassees, rats, snakes, worms, and other culinary

        novelties, served up in equally strange ways, that their readers

        get the idea that these articles form as large a proportion of

        the food as their description does of the narrative. In general,

        the diet of the Chinese is sufficient in variety, wholesome, and

        ‘ On Chinese costume, see Wm. Alexander, Tim Costume of China, illustrated, London, 1805; Mnnirs et Containes des CMnois et leurs costumes en couleur, j)’ii’ J. G. Grohmann, Leipzig; Breton, China: Its Costume, Arts, etr.,4 vols., translated from the French, London, 1813; another translation is from Auguste Borget, Sketches of China and ths Chinese, London, 1843 ; Illvstrations of China and, its People. A series of two hundred photorjrajths, with letterpress descriptive of the places and people represented, by J. Thompson, London, 1874, 4 vols. q.uarto.

        well cooked, tliongli many of the dishes arc unpalatable to a

        European from the vegetahlc oils used in their preparation, and

        the alliaceous plants introduced to savor them. In the assortment

        of dishes, Barrow has truly said that ” there is a wider

        diiference, perhaps, between the rich and the poor of China than

        in any other country. That wealth, which if permitted would

        be expended in flattering the vanity of its possessors, is now

        applied to the purchase of dainties to pamper the appetite.”

        The proportion of animal food is probably smaller among the

        Chinese than other nations on the same latitude, one platter of

        fish or flesh, and sometimes both, being the usual allowance on

        the tables of the poor, llice, maize, Italian millet, and wheat

        furnish most of the cereal food ; the first is emphatically the

        staff of life, and considered indispensable all over the land. Its

        louf use is indicated in the number of terms emr)loved to describe it and the variety of allusions to it in common expressions.

        To tale a meal is chifan, ‘eat rice;’ and the salutation equivalent to hoio cVije ? is cJuh l-wofan ? ‘ have you eaten rice?’ The grain is deprived of its skin by wooden pestles M’orked in a mortar by levers, either by a water-wheel or more conunonly by oxen or men. It is cleaned by rubbing it in an earthen dish scored on the inside, and steamed in a shallow iron bc>iler partly filled with water, over which a basket or sieve containing the rice is supported on a framework ; a M’ooden dish fits over the whole and confines the steam. By this process the kernels are thoroughly cooked without forming a pasty mass, as is too often the result when boiled by cooks in Christian countries.

        Bread, vegetables, and other articles are cooked in a

        similar manner; four or five sieves, each of them full and

        nicely fitting into each other, are placed upon the boiler and

        covered with a cowl ; in the water beneath, which supplies the

        steam, meats or other things are boiled at the same time. Wheat

        flour is boiled into cakes, dumplings, and other articles, but not

        baked into bread. Maize, buckwheatj oats, and barley are not

        ground, but the grain is cooked in various ways, alone or mixed

        with other dishes. Italian millet, or canary-seed {Setaria), furnishes

        a large amoimt of nutritious cereal food in tlic north ; the

        flour is yellow and sweet, and boiled or baked for eating, often

        VEGETABLES EATEN BY THE CHINESE. 773

        seasoned witli jujube plums in tlie cakes. Its cultivation is easy,

        and its proliiic crop makes up in a measure for the small seeds; ten thousand kernels have been counted on one spike in a good season.

        The Chinese have a long list of culinary vegetables, and much

        of their agriculture consists in rearing them. Leguminous and

        cruciferous plants occupy the largest part of the kitchen garden ;

        more than twenty sorts of peas and beans are cultivated, some

        for camels and horses, but mostly for men. Soij is njade by boiling

        the beans and mixing \vater, salt, and wheat, and producing

        fermentation by yeast ; its quality is inferior to the foreign.

        Another more common condiment, called bean curd or bean jam,

        is prepared by boiling and grinding black beans and mixing the

        flour with water, gypsum, and turmeric. The consumption of

        cabbage, broccoli, kale, cauliflower, cress, colewort, and other

        cruciferous plants is enormous ; a great variety of modes are

        adopted for cooking, preserving, and improving them. The

        leaves and stems of many plants besides these ai-e included in

        the variety of greens, and a complete enumeration of them

        would form a curious list. Lettuce, sow thistle [Sonchus),

        spinach, celery, dandelion, succory, sweet basil, ginger, mustard,

        radishes, artemisia, amaranthus, tacca, pig weed {Chenopod’tum),

        burslane, shepherd’s purse, clover, ailantus, and others having

        no English names, all furnish green leaves for Chinese tables.

        Garlics, leeks, scallions, onions, and chives are eaten by all

        classes, detected upon all persons, and smelt in all rooms where

        they are eating or cooking. CVirrots, gourds, squashes, cucumbers,

        watermelons, tomatoes, turnips, radishes, brinjals, pumpkins,

        okers, etc., are among the list of garden vegetables; the

        variety of cucurbitaceous plants extends to nearly twenty. Most

        of these vegetables are inferior to the same articles in the markets

        of western cities, where science has improved their size or

        flavor. Several aquatic plants increase the list, among which

        the nelumbium covers extensive mai*shes in the eastern and

        northern provinces, otherwise unsightly and ban-en. The root

        is two or three feet lonp-, and piei-ced longitudinally with several

        holes ; when boiled it is of a yellowish color and sweetish taste,

        not unlike a turnip. Taro is used less than the nelumbium, and SO arc the water-caltrops {Trajxi) and water-cliestnuts. The taste of water-caltrops when boiled resembles that of new cheese; water-c’hostniits are the round roots of a kind of sedge, and resemble that fruit in color more than in taste, which is mealy and crisp. The sweet potato is the most common tuber ; although the Irish potato has been cultivated for scores of years it has not become a common vegetable among the people, except on the borders of Mongolia.

        The catalogue of fruits comprises most of those occurring elsewhere in the tropic and temperate zones, and China is probably the earliest home of the peach, plum, and pear. The pears arc large and juicy, sometimes weighing eight or ten pounds; the white and strawberry }>ear are equal to any western variety. The apples are rather dry and insipid. The peaches, plums, quinces, and apricots are better, and offer many good varieties. Cherries are almost unknown. The orange is the common fruit at the south, and the baskets, stalls, and piles of this golden fruit, mixed with and heightened by contrast with other sorts and with vegetables, which line the streets of Canton and Amoy in winter, present a beautiful sight. Many distinct species of Citrus, as the lemon, kumquot, pumelo, citron, and orange, are extensively cultivated.

        The most delicious is the vhu-sha I’ih, or ‘mandarin orange;’ the skin, when ripe, ,is of a cinnabar red color, and adheres to the pulp by a few loose fibres. The citron is more prized for its fragrance than taste, and the thick rind is now and then made more abundant by cutting it into strips when growing, each of which becomes a roundish end like a finger, whence the name of Fushou, or ‘Buddha’s hand,’ given it. It will remain uncorrupt for two or three mouths, diffusing an agreeable perfume.

        COMMON TABLE FRUITS. 775

        Chapter YI. contains brief notices of other fruits. The banana and persimmon are common, and several varieties are enumerated of each; the plantain is eaten raw and cooked, and forms a large item in the subsistence of the poor. The pomegranate, carambola or tree gooseberry, mango, custard-apple, pine-apple, rose-apple, bread-fruit, fig, guava, and olive, some of them as good and others inferior to what are found in other countries, increase the list. The ir/i,n/ij>e, lic/i’t, l/nuja/i, or ‘dragon’s eyes,’ and loquat, are the native names of four indigenous fruits at Canton. The whampe(Cookla) resembles a grape in size and a gooseberry in taste; the loquat or 2)cho (Eriobotryct) is a kind of medlar. The liclii looks like a strawberry in size and shape; the tough, rough red skin encloses a sweet watery pulp of a whitish color surrounding a hard seed. Grapes are plenty and cheap ; in the northern cities they are preserved during the winter, and even till May, by constant care in regulating the temperature.

        Chestnuts, walnuts, ground-nuts, filberts {Torreya), almonds,

        and the seeds of the salisburia and nelumbium, are the most

        common nuts. The Chinese date {Itkanmus) has a sweetish,

        acidulous flesh ; the olive is salted or pickled ; the names of

        both these fruits are given them because of a resemblance to the

        western sorts, for neither the proper date nor olive growls in

        China. A pleasant sweetmeat, like cranberry, is made from

        the seeds of the arbutus (M(//’lea), and another still more acid

        from a sort of haw, both of them put up for exportation.

        Preserved fruits are common, and the list of sweetmeats and

        delicacies is increased by the addition of many roots, some of

        which are preserved in syrup and others as comfits. Ginger,

        nelumbium roots, bamboo shoots, the common potato, and

        other vegetables are thus prepared for export as well as domestic

        consumption. The natives consume enormous quantities of

        pickles of an inferior quality, especially cabbages and onions,

        but foreigners consider them detestable. The Chinese eat but

        few spices ; black pepper is used medicinally as a tea, and

        cayenne pepper when the pod is green.

        Oils and fats are in universal use for cooking ; crude lard or

        pork fat, castor oil, sesamum oil, and that expressed from two

        species of Camellia and the ground-nut, are all employed for

        domestic and culinary purposes. The Chinese use little or no

        milk, butter, or cheese ; the comparatively small number of

        cattle raised and the consequent dearness of these articles may

        liave caused them to fall into disuse, for they are all common

        among the Manchus and Mongols. A Chinese table seems ill

        furnished to a foreigner when he sees neither bread, butter, nof

        milk upon it, and if he express his disrelish of the oily dishes or alliaceous stews before liliii, the Chinese thinks that he delivers a

        sufficient retort to his want of taste when he answers, ” You eat

        cheese, and sometimes when it can almost walk.” Milk is used

        a little, and no one who has lived in Canton can forget the prolonged

        mournful cry of n<jao nal ! of the men hawking it about

        the streets late at night. “Women’s milk is sold for the sustenance

        of infants and superannuated people, the idea being prevalent

        that it is peculiarly nourishing to aged persons.’

        Sugar is grown only in Formosa and the three southern provinces,

        which supply the others; neither molasses nor rum are

        manufactured from it. No sugar is expressed from sorghum

        stalks, nor do the Chinese know that it contains syrup. The

        tobacco is milder than the American plant; it is smoked and

        not chewed or made into cigars, though these are being imported

        from Manila in steadily increasing quantities, and find favor

        among many of the wealthier Chinese ; snuff is largely usoil.

        The betel-nut is a common masticatory, made up of a slice of

        the nut and the fresh leaf of the betel-pepper with a little lime

        rubbed on it. The common beverages are tea and arrack, both

        of which arc taken warm ; cold water is not often drunk, cold

        liquids of any kind being considered unwholesome. The constant

        practice of boiling Avater before drinking, in preparing tea,

        doubtless tends to make it less noxious, when the people are not

        particular as to its sources. Coffee, chocolate, and cocoa are unknown, as are also beer, cider, porter, Avine, and brandy.

        ‘ Dr. Hobson mentions a case at Shanghai where he was called upon to examine a child well-iiigli dead with spurious hydrocephalus. Upon investigation he found that the nurse, “a young healthy-looking woman, with breasts full of milk to overflowing,” had “been in the habit of selling her milk in small cupfuls to old persons, under the idea of its highly nutritive properties, and was actually poisoning the child dependent on it.” The nurse being promptly changed, the infant recovered almost immediately.

        —Journal N. C. Br. R. A. Soc. ?sew Series, Vol. I., p. 51.

        KINDS OF ANIMAL FOOD USED. 777

        The meats consumed by the Chinese comprise, perhaps, a greater variety than are used in other countries; while, at the same time, very little land is appropriated to rearing animals for food. Beef is not a common meat, chiefly from a Buddhistic prejudice against killing so useful an animal. Mutton in the southern provinces is poor and dear compared with its excellence and cheapness north of the Yangzi River, where the greater numbers of Mohanunedans cause a larger demand for it. The beef of the buffalo and the mutton of the jjroat are still less used; pork is consumed more -than all other kinds, and no meat can be raised so economically. Hardly a family so poor

        that it cannot possess a pig ; the animals are kept even on the

        boats and rafts, to consume and fatten upon what others leave.

        Fresh pork probably constitutes more than half of the meat

        eaten by the Chinese ; hauis are tolerably plenty, and a dish

        called “golden hams,” from the amber appearance of the joint,

        makes a conspicuous object in feasts. Ilgrseilesh, venison, wild

        boar, and antelope are now and then seen, but in passing through

        the markets mutton, pork, fowls, and fish are the viands which

        everywhere meet the eye.

        A few kittens and puppies are sold alive in cages, mewing and yelping as if in anticipation of their fate, or from pain caused by the pinching and handling they receive at the hands of dissatisfied customers. Those intended for the table are usually fed upon rice, so that if the nature of their food be considered, their flesh is far more cleanly than that of the omnivorous hog ; few articles of food have, however, been so identified abroad with the tastes of the people as kittens, puppies, and rats have M’ith the Chinese. American school geograpliies often contain pictures of a nuxrket-man cariying baskets holding these unfortunate victims of a perverse taste (as we think), or

        else a string of rats and mice hanging by their tails to a stick

        across his shoulders, which almost necessarily convey the idea

        that such things form the usual food of the people. Travellers

        hear beforehand that the Chinese devour everything, and when

        they arrive in the country straightway inquire if these animals

        are eaten, and hearing that such is the case, perpetuate the idea

        that they form the common articles of food. However commonly

        live kittens and puppies or dressed dogs may be exposed

        for sale, one may live in a city like Canton or Fuhchau for

        many years and never see rats offered for food, unless he hunts

        up the people who sell them for medicine or aphrodisiacs ; in

        fact, they are not so easily caught as to be either common or

        cheap. A peculiar prejudice in favor of black dogs and cats exists among natives of the south ; these animals invariably command a higher price than others, and are eaten at midsmnmer in the belief that the meat ensures health and strength during the ensuing year.

        Rats and mice are, no doubt, eaten now and then, and so are many other undesirable things, by those whom want compels to take what they can get; but to put these and other strange eatables in the front of the list gives a distorted idea of the everyday food of the people. There are perhaps half a dozen restaurants in Canton city where dog’s-meat appears upon the menu ‘, it is, however, by no means an inexpensive delicacy.’ The flesh of rats is eaten by old women as a hair restorative. The blood of ducks, pigs, and sheep is used as food, or prepared for medicine and as a paste; it forms an ingredient in priming and some kind of varnish. It is coagulated into cakes for sale, and in cooking is mixed with the meats and sauces. The blood of all animals is eaten without repugnance so far as concerns religious scruples, except in the case of Buddhist priests.

        Frogs are caught in a curious manner by tying a young jumper lately emerged from tadpole life to a line and bobbing him up and down in the grass and grain of a rice field, where the old croakers are wont to harbor. As soon as one of them sees the young frog sprawling and squirming he makes a ])hmge at him and swallows him whole, whereupon he is immediately conveyed to the frog-fisher’s basket, losing his life, liberty, and lunch together, for the bait is rescued from his maw and used again as long as life lasts.

        Poultry, including chickens, geese, and ducks, are everywhere

        raised ; of the three the geese are the best flavored, but all of

        them are reared cheaply and supply a large portion of the poor

        with the principal meat they eat. The eggs of fowls and ducks

        are hatched artificially, and every visitor to Canton remembers

        the duck-boats in which those birds are hatched and reared

        and carried up and down the river seeking for pasture along

        its muddy banks. Sheds are erected for hatching, in which are

        ‘ Archdeacou Gray, China, Vol. II., p. 7G.

        HATCHING ducks’ EGGS. 779

        a number of higli baskets well lined to retain the heat. Each

        one is placed over a fireplace, so that the heat shall be conveyed

        to the eggs through the tile in its bottom and retained

        in the basket by a close cover. When the eggs are brought a

        layer is put into the bottom of each basket, and a tire kept in

        the room at a uniform heat of about SU° F. After four or five

        days they are examined in a strong light, to separate the addled

        ones ; the others are put back in the baskets and the heat kept

        up for ten days longer, when they are all placed upon shelves in

        the centre of the shed and covered with cotton and felt for

        fourteen days. At the end of the twenty-eighth day the shells

        are broken to release the inmates, which are sold to those who

        rear them. Pigeons are raised to a great extent ; their eggs

        form an ingredient in soups. Wild and water fowl are caught in

        nets or shot ; the wild duck, teal, grebe, wild goose, plover, snipe,

        heron, egret, partridge, pheasant, and ortolan or rice bird are all

        procurable at Canton, and the list could be increased elsewhere.

        If the Chinese eat many things which are rejected by other peoples, they are perfectly omnivorous with respect to aquatic productions ; here nothing comes amiss ; all waters are vexed with their fisheries. Their nets and other contrivances for capturing fish display great ingenuity, and most of them are admirably adapted to the purpose. Elvers, creeks, and stagnant pools, the great ocean and the little tank, mountain lakes and garden ponds, tubs and rice fields, all furnish their quota to the sustenance of man, and tend to explain, in a great degree, the dense population. The right to fish in running streams and natural waters is open to all, while artificial reservoirs, as ponds, pools, tanks, tubs, etc., are brought hito available use; near tidewater the rice grounds are turned into fish-ponds in winter if they will thereby afford a more profitable return. The inhabitants of the water are killed with the spear, caught with the hook, scraped up by the dredge, ensnai-ed by traps, and captured by nets ; they are decoyed to jump into boats by painted boards, and frightened into nets by noisy ones, taken out of the water by lifting nets and dived for by birds—for the cormorant seizes what his owner could not easily reach. In short, every possible way of catching or rearing fish is practiced in one part of the country or another. Tanks are placed in the streets, with water running through them, where carp or perch are reared until they become so large they can hardly turn lound in their pens ; eels and water-snakes of every color and size are fed in tubs and jars until customers carry them off.

        King-crabs, cuttle-fish, sharks, sting-rays, gobies, tortoises, tuitles, crabs, prawns, crawlish, and shrimps add to the variety. The best lish in the Canton market are the garoupa or rock cod, pomfret, sole, mackerel, bynni carp or mango fish, and the polynemns, erroneously called salmon. Carp and tench of many kinds, herring, shad, perch, mullet, and bream, with others less connnon at the west, are found in great abundance. They are usually eaten fresh, or merely opened and dried in the sun, as stock-fish. Both salt and fresh-water shell-fish are abundant.

        The oysters are not so well flavored as those on the Atlantic coast of America ; the crabs and prawns are excellent, but the clams, mussels, and other fresh-water species are less palatable. Insect food is confined to locusts and grasshoppers, grubs and silk-worms; the latter are fried to a crisp when cooked. These and water-snakes are decidedly the most repulsive things the Chinese eat. Many articles of food are sought after by this sensual people for their supposed aphrodisiac qualities, and most of the singular productions brought from abroad for food are of this nature.

        COOKING AMOTS’G THE CHINESE. 781

        The famous birds nest soup is prepared from the nest of a swallow (Collocah’a esrulenfa) found in caves and damp places in some islands of the Indian Archipelago ; the bird macerates the material of the nest from seaweed (Gelidiwn chiefly) in the crop, and constructs it by drawing the food out in fibres, which are attached to the damp stone with the bill. The nest has the same shape as those which chimney swallows Ituild, and holds the young against the cliffs; they rarely exceed three or four inches in the longest diameter. The operation of cleaning is performed by picking away each morsel of dirt or feathers from the nest, and involves considerable labor. After they come forth perfectly free from impui’ities they are stewed with pigeons’ eggs, spicery, and other ingredients into a soup ; when cooked they resemble isinglass, and the dish depends upon sauces and seasoning for most of its taste. The biche-de-mer, tripang, oi

        sea-slug, is a marine substance procui-ed from the Polynesian

        Islands ; it is souglit aftei- under the same idea of its invigorating

        qualities, and being cheaper than the birdsnest is a more common

        dish ; when cooked it resembles pork-rind in appearance and

        taste. Sharks’ fins and fish-maws are imported and boiled into

        gelatinous soups that are nourishing and palatable ; and the

        sinews, tongues, palates, udders, and other parts of different

        animals are sought after as delicacies. A large proportion of

        the numerous made dishes seen at great feasts consists of such

        odd articles, most of which are supposed to possess some peculiar

        strengthening quality.

        The art of cooking has not reached any high degree of perfection. Like the French, it is very economical, and consists of stews and fried dishes more than of baked or roasted. Salt is proportionately dear from its preparation being a government monopoly, and this has led to a large use of onions for seasoning.

        The articles of kitchen furniture are few and simple ; an iron

        boiler, shaped like the segment of a sphere, for stewing or frying,

        a portable earthen furnace, and two or three dift’erent shaped

        earthenware pots for boiling water or vegetables constitute the

        whole establishment of thousands of families. A few other

        utensils, as tongs, ladles, forks, sieves, mills, etc., are used to a

        greater or less extent, though the variety is quite commensurate

        witli the simple cookery. Both meats and vegetables, previously

        hashed into mouthfuls, are stewed or fried in oil or fat ; they

        are not cooked in large joints or steaks for the table of a household.

        Hoy;s are baked whole for sacrifices and for sale in cookshops,

        but before being eaten are hashed and fI’ied again. Chitting

        the food into small pieces secures its thorough cooking with less

        fuel than it would otherwise re(|uire, and is moreover indispensable

        for eating with chopsticks. Two or three vegetables are boiled together, but meat soups are seldom seen ; and the immense variety of puddings, pastry, cakes, pies, custards, ragouts, creams, etc., made in western lands is almost unknown in China.’
        ‘ Memoires cone. les Ohinols, Tome XL, pp. 78 ff. C. C. Coffin in the Atlantic Monthly, 18G9, p. 747. Doolittle’s Vocnhul(try, Part III., No. XVIIl. M.Henri Cordier in the Journal des Debats, Nov. 19, 1879. Notes and Queries on C. and J., Vol. II., pp. 11 and 2(5.

        CHAPTER XIV. SOCIAL LIFE AMONG THE CHINESE

        The preceding chapter, in a measure, exhibits the attainnienta the Chinese have reached in the comforts and elegances of li\”-ing. These terms, as tests of civilization, however, are so comparative that it is rather difficult to define them ; for the notions which an Englishman, an Egyptian, and a Chinese severally might have of comfort and elegance in the furniture and arrangement of their houses are almost as unlike as their languages.

        If Fisher’s Views of China he taken as a guide, one can easily believe that the Chinese need little from abroad to better their condition in these particulars; while if one listen to the descriptions of some persons who have resided among them, it will be concluded that they possess neither comfort in their houses, civility in their manners, nor cleanliness in their persons. In passing to an account of their social life, this variety of tastes should not be overlooked; and if some points appear objectionable when taken alone, a little further examination will, perhaps, show that they form part of a system which requires complete reconstruction before it could be happily and safely altered.

        FACTORS IN CHINESE SOCIAL LIFE. 783

        The observations of a foreigner upon Chinese society are likely to be modified by his own feelings, and the way in which he has been treated by natives there ; but their behavior to him might be very unlike what would be deemed good breeding among themselves. If a Chinese feared or expected something from a foreigner, he would act toward him more politely than if the contrary were the case ; on the one hand better, on the other worse, than he would toward one of his own countrymen in like circumstances. In doing so, it may be remarked with

        regret that lie would only imitate the conduct of a host of

        foreigners who visit China, and whose coarse remarks, rude

        actions, and general supercilious conduct toward the natives ill

        comport with their superior civilization and assumed advantages.

        One who looked at the matter reasonably would not expect

        much true politeness among a people whose conceit and ignorance,

        selfishness and hauteur, were nearly equal ; nor be surprised to find the intercourse between the extremes of society present a strange mixture of brutality and commiseration, formality and disdain. The separation of the sexes modifies and debases the amusements, even of the most moral, leads the men to spend their time in gambling, devote it to the pleasures of the table, or dawdle it away when the demands of business, study, or labor do not arouse them. Political parties, which

        exert so powerful an influence upon the conduct of men in

        Christian countries, leading them to unite and connnunicate

        with each other for the purpose of watching or resisting the

        acts of government, do not exist ; and where there is a general

        want of confidence, such institutions as insurance companies,

        savings or deposit banks, corporate bodies to Iniild a railroad

        or factory, and associations of any kind in which persons unite

        their funds and efforts to accomplish an object, are not to be

        expected ; they do not exist in China, nor did they in Home or

        ancient Europe. Xor will any one expect to hear that literary

        societies or voluntary philanthropic associations are common.

        These, as they are now found in the west, are the products of Christianity alone, and we must wait for the planting of the tree before looking for its fruit. The legal profession, as distinct from the possession of office, is not an occupation in which learned men can obtain an honorable livelihood; the priesthood is confined to monasteries and temples, and its members do not enter into society ; while the practice of medicine is so entirely empirical and strange that the few experienced practitioners are not enough to redeem the class. These three professions, which elsewhere do so much to elevate society and guide public opinion, being wanting, educated men have no stimulus to draw them out into independent action. The competition for literary degrees and official rank, the eager pursuit of trade, or the duU routine of mechanical and agricultural lal)*»i-, form the leading avocations of the Chinese people. Unacquainted with the intellectual enjoyments found in books and the conversation of learned men, and having no educated taste, as we understand that term (while, too, he cannot iind such a thing as virtuous female society), the Chinese resorts to the dice-box, the opium pipe, or the brothel for his pleasures, though even there with a loss of character among his peers.

        The separation of the sexes has many bad results, only partially compensated by some conservative ones. Woman owes her present elevation at the west to Christianity, not only in the degree of respect, support, freedom from servile labor, and education which she receives, but also in the retlex influences she exerts of a purifying, harmonizing, and elevating character.

        Where the requirements of the Gospel exert no force, her rights are more or less disregarded, and if she become as debased as the men, she can exert little good influence even upon her own family, still less upon the community. General mixed society can never be maintained with pleasure unless the better parts of human nature have the acknowledged preeminence, and where she, who impaits to it all its gracefulness and purity, is herself uneducated, nnpolished, and immodest, the common sense of mankind sees its impropriety. By advocating the partition of the sexes, legislators and moralists in China have acted as they best could in the circumstances of the case, and by preventing the evils beyond their remedy, provided the best

        safeguards they could against general coiruption. In her own

        domestic circle a Chinese female, in the character and duties of

        daughter, wife, or mother, flnds as nnich em])loyment, and probably

        as many enjoyments, as the nature of her training has litted

        her for. She does not hold her proper place in society simply

        because she has nev’cr been taught its duties or exercised its

        privileges.

        RESULTS UPON SOOIKTY OF SEPAIIATINO THK SKXKS. 785

        In ordinary cases the male and female branches of a household are strictly kept apart; not only the servants, but even brothers and sisters do not freely associate after the boys commence their studies. At this period of life, or even earlier, an anxious task devolves upon parents, which is to And suitable partners for their children. Uetrothmeiit is entirely in their hands, and is conducted through the medium of a class of persons called inel-jin, or go-betweens, who are expected to be well acquainted with the character and circumstances of the parties. Mothers sometimes contract their unborn progeny on the sole contingency of a difference of sex, but the usual age of forming these engagements is ten, twelve, or older, experience having shown that the casualties attending it render an earlier period undesirable.

        There are six ceremonies which constitute a regular marriage, though their details vary much in different parts of the Empire: 1. The father and elder brother of the young man send a go-between to the father and brother of the girl, to inquire her name and the moment of her birth, that the lioroscope of the two may be examined, in order to ascertain whether the proposed alliance will be a happy one. 2. If the eight characters’ seem to augur aright, the boy’s friends send the mei-jin back to make an offer of marriage. 3. If that be accepted, the second party is again requested to return an assent in writing. 4. Presents are then sent to the girl’s parents according to the means of the parties. 5. The go-between requests them to choose a lucky day for the wedding. 6. The preliminaries are concluded by the bridegroom going or sending a party of friends with music to bring his bride to his own house. The match-makers contrive to multiply their visits and prolong the negotiations, when the parties are rich, to serve their own ends.

        In Fuhkien parents often send pledges to each other when their children are mere infants, and registers containing their names and particulars of nativity are exchanged in testimony of the contract. After this has been done it is impossible to retract the engagement, unless one of the parties becomes a leper or is disabled. When the children are espoused older, the boy sometimes accompanies the go-between and the party carrying the presents to the house of his future mother-in-law, and receives from her some trifling articles, as melon-seeds, fruits, etc., which he distributes to those around. Among the presents sent to the fijirl are fruits, money, vermicelli, and a ham, of which she gives a morsel to each one of the party, and sends its foot back. These articles are neatly arranged, and the party bringing them is received with a salute of fire-crackers.

        ‘ Compare p. 628.

        From the time of engagement until marriage a young lady is required to maintain the strictest seclusion. Whenever friends call upon her parents she is expected to retire to the inner apartments, and in all her actions and words guard her conduct with careful solicitude. She must use a close sedan whenever she visits her relations, and in her intercourse with her brothers and the domestics in the household nniintain great reserve. Instead of having any opportunity to form those friendships and acquaintances with her own sex which among ourselves become a source of so much pleasure at the time and advantage in after life, the Chinese maiden is confined to the circle of her relations and her immediate neighbors. She has few of the pleasing remembrances and associations that are usually connected with school day life, nor has she often the ability or opportunity to correspond by letter with girls of her own age. Seclusion at this time of life, and the custom of crippling the feet, combine to confine women in the house almost as much as the strictest laws against their appearing abroad ; for in girlhood, as they know only a few persons except relatives, and can make very few acquaintances

        after marriage, their circle of friends contracts rather

        than enlarges as life goes on. This privacy impels girls to learn

        as much of the world as they can, and among the rich their

        curiosity is gratified through maid-servants, match-makers, pedlers,

        visitors, and others. Curiosity also stimulates young ladies

        to learn something of the character and appearance of their intended

        husbands, but the rules of society arc too strict for young

        persons to endeavor to form a personal attachment, though it is

        not impossible for them to see each other if they wish, and there

        are, no doubt, many contracts suggested to parents by their

        children.

        BETROTHMENT AND PRELI^MINARIES OF MARRIAGE. 787

        The office of match-maker is considered honorable, and both men and women are employed to conduct nuptial negotiations. Great confidence is reposed in their judgment and veracity, and as their employment depends somewhat upon their tact and character, they have every inducement to act with strict propriety in their intercourse with families. The father of the girl employs their services in collecting the sum agreed upon in the contract, which, in ordinary circumstances, varies from twenty-five to forty dollars, increasing to a hundred and over according to the condition of the bridegroom ; until that is paid the marriage does not take place. The presents sent at betrothment are sometimes costly, consisting of silks, rice, cloths, fruits, etc. ; the bride brings no dower, but both parents frequently go to expenses they can ill afford when celebrating the nuptials of their children, as the pride of family stimulates each party to make undue display.

        The principal formalities of a marriage are everywhere the same, but local customs are observed in some regions which are quite unknown and appear singular elsewhere. In Fuhkien, when the lucky day for the wedding comes, the guests assemble in the bridegroom’s house to celebrate it, where also sedans, a band of music, and porters are in readiness. The courier, who acts as guide to the chair-bearers, takes the lead, and in order to prevent the onset of malicious demons lurking by the road, a baked hog or large piece of pork is carried in front, that the procession may safely pass while these hungry souls are devouring the meat. Meanwhile the bride arrays herself in her best dress and richest jewels. Her girlish tresses have already been bound up, and her hair arranged by a matron, with due formality; an ornamental and complicated head-dress made of rich materials, not unlike a helmet or corona, often forms part of her coiffure. Her person is nearly covered by a large mantle, over

        which is an enormous hat like an umbrella, that descends to the

        shoulders and shades the whole figure. Thus attired she takes

        her seat in the red gilt marriage sedan, called hwa Jdao, borne

        by four men, in which she is completely concealed. This is

        locked by her mother or some other relative, and the key given

        to one of the bridemen, who hands it to the bridegroom or his

        representative on reaching his house.

        The procession is now rearranged, with the addition of as many red boxes and trays to contain the wardrobe, kitchen utensils, luul the feast, as the means (.»f the family or the extent of her parapliei’ualia require. As the procession approaches the bridegroom’s house the courier iiastens forward to announce its coming, whereupon the music strikes up, and fire-crackers salute her until she enters the gate. As she approaches the door the bridegroom conceals himself, but the go-between brings forward a young child to salute her, while going to seek the closeted bridegroom, lie approaches with becoming gravity and opens the sedan to hand out his bride, she still retaining the hat and mantle ; they approach the ancestral tablet, which they reverence with three bows, and then seat themselves at a table upon which are two cups of spirits. The go-between serves them, though the bride can only make the motions of drinking, as the large hat completely covers her face. They soon retire into a

        chamber, where the husband takes the hat and mantle from his

        wife, and sees her, perhaps, for the first time in his life. After he

        has considered her for some time, the guests and friends enter

        the room to sui-vey her, when each one is allowed to express an

        opinion ; the criticisms of the M’omen are severest, perhaps because

        thej remember the time they stood in her unpleasant

        position. This cruel examination being over, she is introduced

        to her husband’s parents, and then salutes her own. Such are

        some of the customs among the Fuhkienese. Other usages followed

        in marriages and betrothals have been carefully described

        by Doolittle, with parti(;nlar reference to the same people, and

        by Archdeacon John II. Gray, alluding to other parts of the

        Empire.’

        The bridegroom, previous to the wedding, receives a new

        name or ” style,” and is formally capped by his father in presence

        of his friends, as an introduction to manhood. He invites

        the guests, sending two red cakes with each invitation, and to

        liim each guest, a few days before the marriage, returns a

        present or a sum of money worth about ten or fifteen cents,

        nominally equal to the expenses he will be considered as occasioning.

        ‘ Social Life of the CldneM, Chapters II. and III.; China, Chap. VII.; also

        Fourteen Months in Canton, by Mrs Gray.

        MARRIAGE CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS. 789

        Another invitation is sent the day after to a feast, and the bride also calls on the ladies who attended her wedding,

        from whom slie receiv^es a ring or some other article of small

        value. The gentlemen also make the bridegroom a present of

        a pair of lanterns to hang at his gateway. On the night of the

        wedding they sometimes endeavor to get into the house when

        the pair is supposed to be asleep, in order to carry off some article, which the bridegroom must ransom at their price.

        Among the poor the expenses of a wedding are much lessened by purchasing a young girl, whom the parents bring up as a daughter until she is marriageable, and in this way secure her services in. the household. A girl already affianced is for a like reason sometimes sent to the boy’s parents, that they may support her. In small villages the people call upon a newly married couple near the next full moon, when they are received standing near the bedside. The men enter first and pay their respects to the bride, while her husband calls the attention of his visitors to her charms, praises her little feet, her beautiful hands, and other features, and then accompanies them into the hall, where they are regaled with refreshments. After the men have retired the women enter and make their remarks upon the lady, whose future character depends a good deal upon the manner in which she conducts herself. If she shows good temper, her reputation is made. Many a prudent woman on this occasion says not a word, but suffers herself to be examined in silence in order that she may I’un no risk of offending.’ Far different is this introduction to married life from the bridal tour and cordial greetings of friends which ladies receive in western lands during the honeymoon !

        ‘ Chinese Repository^ Vols. IV., p. 568, and X., pp. 65-70; Annalea de la Foi, No. XL., 1885.

        The bridal procession is a peculiar feature of Chinese social life. It varies in its style, nature of the ornaments, and the wdiole get-up in all parts of the land, but is always as showy as the means of the parties will allow. It is composed of bearers of lanterns and official tablets, musicians, relatives of the bride and groom and their personal friends, framed stands with roofs carried on thills to hold the bride’s effects, all centering around her sedan. In Peking such a procession will sometimes be stretched out half a mile, and the sedan borne by a dozen or more bearers. The coolies are dressed hi red. and tlicy and their burdens are nsiially provided by special sli()|>iiieii, who purvey on such occasions. The tablets of literary rank held by members of the family, wooden dragons’ heads, titular lanterns, and other official insignia are l)orne in state, an evidence of its high standing. In some places an old man, elegantly dressed,

        heads the procession, bearing a large umbrella to hold over the

        bride when she enters and leaves her sedan ; behind him come

        bearers with lanterns, one of which carries the inscription, “The

        phoenixes sing harmoniously.” To these succeed the music and

        the honorary tablets, titular flags, state umbrella, etc., and two

        stout men as executioners dressed in a fantastic manner, wearing

        long feathers in their caps, and lictors, chain-bearers, and other

        emblems of office. Parties of young lads, prettily dressed

        and playing on drums, gongs, and flutes, or carrying lanterns

        and banners, occasionally form a pleasing variety in the train,

        which is continued by the trays and covered tables containing

        the bride’s trousseau, and ended with the sedan containing

        herself.

        The ceremonies attending her reception at her husband’s

        house are not uniform. In some parts she is lifted out of the

        sedan, over a pan of charcojd placed in the court, and carried

        into the bed-chandjer ; in other places she enters and leaves her

        sedan on rugs spread for her use, and walks into the chamber.

        After a brief interval she returns into the hall, bearing a tray

        of betel-nut for the guests, and then worships a pair of geese brought in the train with her husband, this bird being an emblem of conjugal afl^ection. On returning to her chamber the bridegroom follows her and takes off the I’ed veil, after which they pledge each other in wine, the cups being joined by a thread. While there a matron who has borne several children to one husband comes in to pronounce a blessing upon them and make up the nn])tial l)ed. The assembled guests then sit down to the feast and ])ly the sni l(ing^ ‘new man’ or bridegroom, pretty well with liquor; the Chinese on such occasions do not, however, often overpass the rules of sobriet\-. The sin fitjiii, ‘new lady’ or bride, and her mother-in-law also attend to those of her own sex who are present in other apartments, but among the poor a pleasanter sight is now and then seen in all the o-nests sittino; at one table.

        NUPTIAL PROCESSION AND FESTIVITIES. 791

        In the morning the pair worship the ancestral tablets and salute all the members of the family ; among the poor this important ceremony occurs very soon after the pair have exchanged their wine-cups. The pledging of the bride and groom in a cup of wine, and their worship of the ancestral tablets and of heaven

        and earth, are the important ceremonies of a wedding after the

        procession has reached the house. Marriages are celebrated at

        all liom-s, though twilight and evening are preferred ; the spring

        season, or the last month in the year, are regarded as the most

        felicitous nuptial periods. From the way in which the whole

        matter is conducted there is some room for deception by sending

        another person in the sedan than the one betrothed, or the

        man may mistake the name of the girl he wishes to marry.

        Mr. Smith mentions one of his acquaintances, who, having been

        captivated with a girl he saw in the street, sent a go-between

        with proposals to her parents, which were accepted ; but he was

        deeply mortified on receiving his bride to find that he had mistaken

        the number of his charmer, and had received the fifth

        daughter instead of the fourth.

        The Chinese do not marry another woman wdth these observances

        while the first one is living, but they may bring home

        concubines with no other formality than a contract with her

        parents, though it is considered somewhat discreditable for a

        man to take another bedfellow if his wife have borne him sons,

        unless he can afford each of them a separate establishment. It is

        not unfrequent for a man to secure a maid-servant in the family

        with the consent of his wife by purchasing her for a concubine,

        especially if his occupation frequently call him away from home,

        in which case he takes her as his travelling companion and leaves

        his wife in charge of the household. The fact that the sons of a

        concubine are considered as legally belonging to the wife induces

        parents to betroth their daughters early, and thus prevent their

        entering a man’s family in this inferior capacity. The Chinese

        are sensible of the evils of a divided household, and the laws

        place its control in the hands of the wife. If she have no sons

        of her own, she looks out for a likely boy among her clansmen to adopt, knowing that otherwise her husband will probably bring a concubine into the family. It is difficult even to guess at the extent of polygamy, for no statistics have been or can be easily taken. Among the laboring classes it is rare to find more than one woman to one man, but tradesmen, official persons, landholders, and those in easy circumstances frequently take one or more concubines : perhaps two-fifths of such families have them. Show and fashion lead some to increase the number of their women, though aware of the discord likely to arise, for they fully believe their own proverb, that ” nine women out of ten are jealous.” Yet it is probably true that polygamy finds its greatest support from the women themselves. The wife seeks to increase her own position by getting more women into the

        house to relieve her own work and humor her fancies. The

        Chinese illustrate the relation by comparing the wife to the

        moon and the concubines to the stars, both of which in their

        appropriate spheres wait upon and I’cvolve around the sun.

        If regard be had to the civilization of the Chinese and their

        opportunities for moral training, the legal provisions of the code

        to protect females in their acknowledged rights and pnnish

        crimes against the peace and purity of the family relation reflect

        credit upon their legislators. In these laws the obligation of

        children to fulfil the contract made by their parents is enforced,

        even to the annulling of an agreement made by a son himself

        in ignorance of the arrangements of his parents. The position

        of the tsi, or wife taken by the prescribed formalities, and that

        of the tneh, or women purchased as concubines, are accurately

        defined, and the degradation of the former or elevation of

        the latter so as to interchange their places, or the taking of a

        second ts’i, are all illegal and void. The relation between the

        two is more like that which existed between Sarah and 1 1 agar in

        Abraham’s household, or Zilpah and Bilhah and their mistresses

        in Jacob’s, than that indicated by our terms first and second

        wife, of which idea the Chinese words contain no trace. The

        degrees of unlawful marriages are comprehensive, extending even

        to the prohibition of persons having the same fthuj^ or family

        name, and to two brothers marrying sisters. The hnvs forbid

        the marriage of a brother’s widow, of a father’s or grandfather’s

        LAWS KEGULATING MARRIAGES. 793

        wife, or a father’s sister, under the penalty of death ; and the

        like punishment is inflicted upon whoever seizes the wife or

        daughter of a freeman and carries them away to marry them.

        These regulations not only put honor upon marriage, but render it more common among the Chinese than almost any other people, thereby preventing a vast train of evils. The tendency of unrestrained desire to throw down the barriers to the gratiiication of lust must not be lost sight of ; and as no laws on this subject can be effectual unless the common sense of a people approve of them, the Chinese, by separating the sexes in general society, have removed a principal provocation to sin, and by compelling young men to fulfil the marriage contracts of their parents have also provided a safeguard against debauchery at the age when youth is most tempted to indulge, and when indulgence would most strongly disincline them to marry at all. They have, moreover, provided for the undoubted succession of the inheritance by disallowing more than one loife^ and yet have granted men the liberty they would otherwise take, and which immemorial usage in Asiatic countries has sanctioned. They have done as well as they could in regulating a difficult matter, and better, on the whole, perhaps, than in most other unchristianized countries. If any one supposes, however, that because these laws exist sins against the seventh commandment are uncommon in China, he will be as mistaken as those who infer that because the Chinese are pagans nothing like modesty, purity, or affection exists between the sexes.

        When a girl ” spills the tea”—that is, loses her betrothed by death—public opinion honors her if she refuse a second engagement; and instances are cited of young ladies committing suicide rather than contract a second marriage. They sometimes leave their father’s house and live with the parents of their affianced husband as if they had been really widows. It is considered derogatory for widows to marry ; though it may be that the instances quoted in books with so much praise only indicate how rare the practice is in reality. The widow is occasionally sold for a concubine by her father-in-law, and the grief and contumely of her degradation is enhanced by separation from her children, whom she can no longer retain. Such cases are, however, not common, for the impulses of maternal affection are too strong to be thus trifled with, and widows usually look to their friends for support, or to their own exertions if their children he still young; they are assisted, too, by their relatives in this laudable industry and care. It is a lasting stigma to a son to neglect the comfort and support of his widowed mother. A widower is not restrained by any laws, and weds one of his concubines or whomsoever he chooses ; nor is he expected to defer the nuptials for any period of mourning for his first wife.

        The seven legal reasons for divorce, viz., barrenness, lasciviousness,

        jealousy, talkativeness, thievery, disobedience to her

        husband’s parents, or leprosy, are almost nullified by the single

        provision that a woman cannot be put away whose parents are

        not living to receive her back again. Parties can separate on

        nmtual disagreement, but the code does not regulate the alimony

        ; and a husband is liable to punishment if he retain a

        wife convicted of adultery. If a wife merely elopes she can

        be sold by her husband, but if she marry while absent she is

        to be sti’angled ; if the husband be absent three years a woman

        must state her case to the magistrates before presuming to remarry.

        In regard to the o-eneral condition of females in China the

        remark of De Guignes is applicable, that ” though their lot is

        less happy than that of their sisters in Europe, their ignorance

        of a better state renders their present or jji-ospective one more

        supportable ; happiness does not always consist in absolute

        enjoyment, but in the idea which we have formed of it.” ‘ She

        does not feel that any injustice is done her by depriving her of

        the right of assent as to whom her partner sliall be ; her wishes

        and her knowledge go no farther than her domestic circle, and

        where she has been trained in her mother’s apartments to the

        various duties and accomplishments of her sex, her removal to

        a husband’s house brings to her no great change.

        ‘ Yoyages a Peking^ Tome II. , jj. 383.

        PRIVILEGES AND I USlTlOK OF WIVES AND WIDOWS. 795

        This, however, is not always the case, and the power accorded to the husband over his wife and family is often used with great tyranny. The young wife finds in her new home little of the sympathy and love her sisters in Christian lands receive. Her mother-in-law is not unfrequently the source of her greatest trials, and demands from her both the submission of a child and the labor of a slave, which is not seldom returned by disobedience and bitter revilings. If the husband interfere she has less likelihood of escaping his exactions; though in the lower walks of life his cruelty is restrained by fear of losing her and her services, and in the upper diverted by indifference as to what

        she does, in the pursuit of other objects. If the wife behave

        well till she lierself becomes a mother and a mother-in-law, then

        the tables are turned ; from being a menial she becomes almost

        a goddess. Luhchau, a writer on female culture, jnentions the

        following indirect mode of reproving a mother-in-law : ” Loh

        Yang travelled seven years to improve himself, during which

        time his wife diligently served her mother-in-law and supported

        her son at schooL The poultry from a neighbor’s house once

        wandered into her garden, and her mother-in-law stole and killed

        them for eating. When she sat down to table and saw the

        fowls she would not dine, but burst into tears, at which the old

        lady was much surprised and asked the reason. ‘ I am much

        distressed that I am so poor and cannot aftord lo su|)|)]y you

        with all I wish I could, and that I should have caused you to

        eat flesh belonging to another.’ Her parent was affected by

        this, and threw away the dish.”

        The evils attending early betrothment induce many parents

        to defer engaging their daughters until they are grown, and a

        Imsband of similar tastes can be found ; for even if the condition

        of the families in the interval of betrothment and marriage

        unsuitably change, or the lad grows up to be a dissipated, worthless,

        or cruel man, totally unworthy of the gii’l, still the contract

        must be fulfilled, and the worst party genei-ally is most anxious

        for it. The unhappy bride in such cases often escapes from her

        present sufferings and dismal prospects by suicide. A case occured

        in Canton in 1833 where a young wife, visiting her parents

        shortly after marriage, so feelingly desciibed her sufferings at

        the hands of a cruel husband to her sisters and friends that she

        and three of her auditors joined their hands together and drowned

        themselves in a pond, she to escape present misery and they to avoid its future possibility. Another young lady, having heard of the worthless character of her intended, carried a bag of money with her in the sedan, and when they retired after the ceremonies were over thus addressed him : ” Touch me not ; I am resolved to abandon the world and become a nun. I shall this night cut off my hair. I have saved 8200, which I give you ; with the half you can purchase a concubine, and with the rest enter on some trade. Be not lazy and thriftless. Hereafter, remember me.” Saying this, she cut off her hair, and her husband and his kindred, fearing suicide if they opposed her, acquiesced, and she returned to her father’s house.’

        Such cases are common enough to show the dark side of family life, and young ladies implore their parents to rescue them in this or some other way from the sad fate which awaits them. Sometimes girls become skilled in female accomplishments to recommend themselves to their husbands, and their disappointment is the greater when they find him to be a brutal, depraved tyrant. A melancholy instance of this occurred in Canton in 1840, which ended in the wife committing suicide. Her brother had been a scholar of one of the American missionaries, and took a commendable pride in showing specimens of his sister’s exquisite embroidery, and not a few of her attainments in writing, which indicated their reciprocal attachment. The contrary happens too, sometimes, where the husband finds himself compelled to wed a woman totally unable to appreciate or share his pursuits, but he has means of alleviatinor or avoidino; such misalliances which the weaker vessel has not. On the whole, as we have said, one must admit that woman holds a fairly high position in China. If she suffers from the brutality of her husband, the tyraimy of her mother-in-law, or the overwork of household, field, or loom, she is as often herself blameworthy for indolence, shiftlessness, gadding, and bad temper. The instances which are given by Gray” in his account of marital atrocities prove the length to which a man will wreak his rage on the helpless ; but they are the exception to the general testimony of the people themselves. So far as general purity of society goes, one may well doubt whether such aboininahle conduct as is legalized among IVIornions in Utah is any improvement on the hardships of woman among the Chinese.

        ‘ Chinese JRepository, Vol. I., p. 293. * China, Chap. VII.

        UNHAPPY BKTKOTHMENTS. 797

        Pursuing this brief account of the social life of the Chinese, the right of parents in managing their children comes into notice. It is great, though not unlimited, and in allowing them very extensive power, legislators have supposed that natural affection of the parents, a desire to continue the honorable succession of the family, together with the influence of proper education, were as good securities against paternal cruelty and neglect as any laws which could be made. Fathers give their sons the ru ming, or ‘milk name,’ about a month after birth.

        The mother, on the day appointed for this ceremony, worships

        and thanks the goddess of Mercy, and the boy, dressed and

        having his head shaved, is brought into the circle of assembled

        friends, where the father confers the name and celebrates the

        occasion by a feast. The milk name is kept until the lad enters

        school, at which time the sJiit ming, or ‘school name,’ is conferred

        upon him, as already mentioned. The fiJiu ruing generally

        consists of two characters, selected with reference to the

        boy’s condition, prospects, studies, or some other event connected

        with him ; sometimes the milk name is continued, as the

        family have become accustomed to it. Such names as InJi–

        gi’lnder. Promising-study, Opening-oli’ve, Entering-virtue, Rising-

        advancement, etc., are given to young students at this time.

        Though endearing or fanciful names are often conferred, it is

        quite as common to vilify very young children by calling them

        dog, hog, pujypy, fiea, etc., under the idea that such epithets

        will w^ard off the evil eye. Girls have only their milk and

        marriage names ; the former may be a flower, a sister, a gem,

        or such like ; the latter are terms like Emulating the Moon,

        Orchis 1^ lower, the Jasmine, Delicate Perfume, etc. A mere

        number at Canton, as A-yat, A-sam, A-luk (No. 1, No. 3, No. G),

        often designates the boys till they get their book names.’

        ‘ Doolittle’s Handbook, Vol. III., p. 660, gives a list of names collected at Fulicliau, which are applicable to other provinces.

        The personal names of the Chinese are written contrariwise to our own, the xing or surname, coming first, then the ming, or given name, and then the complimentary title ; as Liang Wantai siensang, where Liang, or ‘ Millet,’ is the family name, Wantai, or ‘ Tei’race of Letters,’ the given name, and siensdng, Mr. {i.e., Master), or ‘ Teacher.’ A few of the surnames are double, as Si’ma Qian, where Si’ma is the family name and Qian the official title. A curious idea prevails among the people of Canton, that foreigners have no surname, which, as Pliny thought of the inhabitants of Mt. Atlas, they regard as one of the proofs of their barbarism ; perhaps tin’s notion came by inference from the fact that the Manchus write only their given name, as Kishen, Kiying, Ilipu, etc. When writing Chinese names in

        translations and elsewhere, some attention should be paid to

        these particulars ; the names of Chinese persons and places are

        constantly appearing in print nnder forms as singular as would

        be Williamhcnryhdrrison, Rich-Ard- Ox-Ford, or Phila Delphia-

        city in English. The name being in a different language,

        and its true nature unknown to most of those who write it, accounts

        for the misarrangement.

        NUMBER AND CHANGES OF PERSONAL NAMES. 799

        Li Canton and its vicinity the names of people are abbreviated in conversation to one character, and an A prefixed to it; —as TslnteJi, called A-teh or A-tsin. In Amoy the A is placed after, as China in the northern provinces no such usage is known. Some families, perhaps in imitation of the imperial precedent, distinguish their members from others in the clan by adopting a constant character for the first one in the niing,OY given name ; thus a family of brothers will be named Lin Tung-pei, Lin Tung-fung, Lin Tung-peh, where the word Tung distinguishes this sept of the clan Lin from all others. There are no characters exclusively appropriated to proper names or different sexes, as George, Agnes, etc., all being chosen out of the language with reference to their meanings. Consequently, a name is sometimes felt to be incongruous, as Xaomi, when saluted on her return to Bethlehem, felt its inappropriateness to her altered condition, and suggested a change to Mara. Puns on names and sobriquets are common, from the constant contrast of the sounds of the characters with circumstances suggesting a comparison or a play upon their meanings ; sly jokes are also played when writing the names of foreigners, by choosing such characters as will make a ridiculous meaning when read according to their sense and not their sound.

        “When a man marries he adopts a third name, called zi, or ‘style’, by which he is usually known through life ; this is either entirely new or combined from previous names. When a girl is married her family name becomes her given name, and the given name is disused, her husband’s name becoming her family name. Thus Wa Salah married to ^Vei San-wei drops the Salah, and is called ^Vei Wa shl, i.e., Mrs. Wei [born of the clan] Wa, though her husband or near relatives sometimes retain it as a trivial address. A man is frequently known by another compellation, called jrieh tsz\ or ‘second style,’ which the public do not presume to employ. When a young man is successful in attaining a degree, or enters an office, he takes a title called I’lixm ming, or ‘ official name,’ by which he is known to government. The members or heads of licensed mercantile companies each have an official name, which is entered in their permit, from whence it is called among foreigners their choj) name. Each of the heads of the co-hong formerly licensed to trade with foreigners at Canton had such an official name. Besides these various names, old men of fifty, shopkeepers, and others take a ?mo, or ‘ designation; ‘ tradesmen use it on their signboards as the name of their shop, and not unfrequently receive it as their personal appellation. Of this nature are the appellations of the tradesmen who deal with foreigners, as Catshing, Chanlung, Linchong, etc., which are none of them the names of the shopmen, but the designation of the shop. It is the usual M’ay in Canton for foreigners to go into a shop and ask ” Is Mr. Wanglik in ? ” which would be almost like one in New York inquiring if Mr. Alhambra or Mr, Atlantic-House was at home, though it does not sound quite so ridiculous to a Chinese. The names taken by shopkeepers allude to trade or its prospects, such as Mutual Advantage, Obedient Profit, EHcns’ive Ilarniony, liising Goodness, Great Completeness, etc. ; the names of the partners as such are not employed to form the firm. Besides this use of the hao, it is also employed as a brand upon goods; the terms Hoyuen^ K’mghing, YiienVi, meaning ‘ Harmonious Springs,’ ‘ Cheering Prospects,’ ‘ Fountain’s Memorial,’ etc., are applied to particular parcels of tea, silk, or other goods, just as brands are placed on lots of wine, flour, or pork. This is called zi-hao, or ‘ marked signation,’ but foreigners call both it and the goods it denotes a choj).

        When a man dies he receives another and last, though not

        necessarily a new name in the hall of ancestors ; upon emperors

        and empresses are bestowed new ones, as Benevolent, Pious,

        Discreet, etc., by which they are worshipped and referred to in

        history, as that designation which is most likely to be permanent.

        In their common intercourse the Chinese are not more formal

        than is considered to be well-bred in Europe ; it is on extraordinary

        or official occasions that they observe the precise etiquette

        for which they are famous. The proper mode of behavior toward

        all classes is pei’haps more carefully inculcated upon youth

        than it is in the west, and habit renders easy what custom demands.

        The ceremonial obeisance of a court or a levee, or the salutations proper for a festival, are not carried into the everyday intercourse of life; for as one chief end of the formalities prescribed for such times is to teach due subordination among persons of different rank, they are in a measure laid aside with the robes which suggested them. True politeness, exhibited in an unaffected regard for the feelings of others, cannot, we know, be taught by rules ; but a great degree of urbanity and kindness is everywhere shown, whether owing to the naturally placable disposition of the people or to the effects of their early instruction in the forms of politeness. Whether in the crowded and narrow thoroughfares, the village green, the market, the jostling ferry, or the thronged procession—wherever the people are assembled promiscuously, good humor and courtesy are observable; and when altercations do arise wounds or serious injuries seldom ensue, although from the furious clamor one would imagine that half the crowd were in danger of their lives.

        CEREMONIAL OBEISANCE AT COURT. 801

        Chinese ceremonial requires superiors to be honored according to their station and age, anci equals to depreciate themselves while lauding those they address. The Emperor, considering himself as the representative of divine power, exacts the same prostration which is paid the gods; and the ceremonies which are performed in his presence partake, therefore, of a religious character, and are not merely particular forms of etiquette, which may be altered according to circumstances. There are eight gradations of obeisance, commencing with “the lowest form of respect, called hung shao, which is merely joining the hands and raising them before the breast. The next is tso yih, bowing low with the hands thus joined. The third is ta tsieoi^ bending the knee as if about to kneel ; and hinei^ an actual kneeling, is the fourth. The fifth is Jco tao (ketou), kneeling and striking the head on the ground, which when thrice repeated makes the sixth, called m/i hao, or ‘thrice knocking’.

        The seventh is the In/i hfo, or kneeling and knocking the head thrice upon the ground, then standing upright and again kneeling and knocking the head three times more. The climax is closed by the san. kwcl liu I’ao, or thrice kneeling and nine times knocking the head. Some of the gods of China are entitled to the san hio, others to the Ink Ji’ao, while the Emperor and Heaven are worshipped by the last. The family now on the throne consider this last form as expressing in the strongest manner the submission and homage of one state to another.”‘

        The extreme submission which the Emperor demands is partaken by and tratisferred to his officers of every grade in a greater or less degree ; the observance of these forms is deemed, therefore, of great importance, and a refusal to render them is considered to be nearly equivalent to a rejection of their authority.

        Minute regulations for the times and modes of official intercourse

        are made and promulgated by the Board of Rites, and to

        learn and practise them is one indispensable part of official duty.

        In court the master of ceremonies stands in a conspicuous place,

        and with a loud voice commands the courtiers to rise and kneel,

        stand or march, just as an orderly sergeant directs the drill of

        ‘ Memoir of Dr. Morrison, “Vol. II. , p. 143.

        recruits. The same attention to the ritual is observed in their mutual intercourse, for however much an inferior may desire to dispense with the ceremony, his superior will not fail to exact it. In the salutations of entree and exit among officers these forms are particularly conspicuous, but when well acquainted with each other, and in moments of conviviality, they are in a great measure laid aside; but the juxtaposition of art and nature among them, at one moment laughing and joking, and the next bowing and kneeling to each other as if they had never met, sometimes produces amusing scenes to a foreigner. The entire ignorance and disregard of these forms by foreigners unacquainted with the code leaves a worse impression upon the natives at times, who ascribe such rudeness to hauteur and contempt.

        Without particularizing the tedious forms of official etiquette,

        it will be sufficient to describe what is generally required in

        good society. Military men pay visits on horseback ; civilians

        and others go in sedans or carts ; to walk is not common. Visiting

        cards are made of vermilioned paper cut into slips about

        eight inches long and three wide, and are single or folded four,

        six, eight, or more times, according to the position of the visitor.

        If he is in recent mourning, the paper is white and the

        name written in blue ink, but after a stated time this is indicated

        by an additional character. The simple name is stamped

        on the upper right corner, or if written on the lower corner, with an addition thus, ‘* Your humble servant {lit., ‘stupid younger brother ‘) Pi Chi-wan bows his head in salutation.” On approaching the house his attendant hands a card to the doorkeeper, and if he cannot be received, instead of saying ” not a^ home,” the host sends out to ” stay the gentleman’s approach,” and the card is left. If contrariwise the sedan is carried through the doorway into the court, wdiere he comes forth to receive his guest ; as the latter steps out each one advances just so far, bowing just so many times, and going through the ceremonies which they mutually understand and expect, until both have taken their seats at the head of the hall, the guest sitting on the left of the host, and his companions, if he have any, in the chairs on each side.

        ETIQUETTj: OF FORMAL VIRITINCt. 803

        The inquiries made after ihe mutual welfare of friends and each other are eonched in a form of studied laudation and depreciation, which when literally translated seem somewhat affected, but to them convey no more than similar civilities do among ourselves—in truth, perhaps not so much of sincere good-will.

        For instance, to the remark, ” It is a long time since we have met, sir,” the host replies (literally), ” IIow presume to receive the trouble of your honorable footsteps ; is the person in the chariot well ? “—which is simply equivalent to, ” I am much obliged for your visit, and hope you enjoy good health.”

        Tea and pipes are always presented, together with betel-nut or sweetmeats on some occasions, but it is not, as among the Turks, considered disrespectful to refuse them, though it would be looked upon as singular. If the guest inquire after the health of relatives he should commence with the oldest living, and then ask how many sons the host has; but it is not considered good bi’eeding for a formal acquaintance to make any remarks respecting the mistress of the house. If the sons of the host are at home they are generally sent for, and make their obeisance to their father’s friend by coming up l)eft>re him and performing the kototn as rapidly as possible, each one making haste, as if he did not wish to delay him. The guest raises them with a slight bow, and the lads stand facing him at a respectful distance. He will then remark, perhaps, if one of them happen to be at his studies, that ” the boy will perpetuate the literary reputation of his family ” {lit., ‘ he will fully carry on the fragrance of the books’); to which his father rejoins, “The reputation of our family is not great {lit., ‘ hills and fields’ happiness is thin ‘) ; high expectations are not to be entertained of him ; if he can only gain a livelihood it will be enough.” After a few such compliments the boys say shao j)ei, ‘slightly waiting on you,’ i.e., pray excuse us, and retire. Girls are seldom brought in, and young ladies never.

        The periphrases employed to denote persons and thus avoid speaking their names in a measure indicate the estimation in which they are held. For instance, ” Does the honorable great man enjoy happiness?” means “Is your father well?” “Distinguished and aged one what honorable age ? ” is the mode of asking how old he is; for among the Chinese, as it seems to have been among the Egyptians, it is polite to ask the names and ages of all ranks and sexes. ” The old man of the house,” “excellent honorable one,” and ” venerable great prince,” are terms used by a visitor to designate the father of his host. A child terms his father ” family’s majesty,” ” old man of the family,” ” prince of the family,” or ” venerable father.” When dead a father is called ” former prince,” and a mother ” venerable

        great one in repose ; ” and there are particular characters to

        distinguish deceased parents from living. The request, ” Make

        my respects to your mother”—for no Chinese gentleman ever

        asks to see the ladies—is literally, ” Excellent-longevity hall place

        in my behalf wish repose,” the first two words denoting she who

        remains there. Care should be taken not to use the same expressions

        when speaking of the relatives of the guest and one’s

        own; thus, in asking, ” IIow many worthy young gentlemen

        [sons] have you ? ” the host replies, ” I am unfortunate in having

        had but one l)oy,” literally, ” My fate is niggardly ; I have only

        one little bug.” This runs through their whole Chesterlieldian

        code. A man calls his wife Uleii mti, i.e., ‘ the mean one of the

        inner apartments,’ or ‘ the foolish one of the family ; ‘ while another speaking of her calls her ” the honorable lady,” ” worthy lady,” ” your favored one,” etc.

        ‘ This is repeated by both at the\

        FORMALITIE:^ OF ADDRESS AND GREETING. 80.”)

        Something of this is found in all oriental languages ; to become familiar with the right application of these terms in Chinese, as elsewhere in the east, is no easy lesson for a foreigner. In their salutations of ceremony they do not, however, quite equal the Arabs, with their kissing, bowing, touching foreheads, stroking beards, and repeated motions of obeisance. The Chinese seldom embrace or touch each other, except on unusual occasions of joy or among family friends; in fact, they have hardly a common word for a kiss. When the visitor rises to depart he remarks, ” Another day I will come to receive your instructions; ” to which his friend replies, ” You do me too much honor; I rather ought to wait on you tomorrow.” The common form of salutation among equals is for each to clasp his own hands before his breast and make a slight bow, saying, Tsing ! Tsimj ! i.e., ^l\\x\\\ ITail !

        .same time, on meeting as well as separating.’ The formalities of leave-taking correspond to those of receiving, but if the parties are equal, or nearly so, the host sees his friend quite to the door and into his sedan.

        Officers avoid meeting each other, especially in public, except when etiquette requires them. An officer of low rank is obliged to stop his chair or horse, and on his feet to salute his superior, who receives and returns the civility without moving. Those of equal grades leave their places and go through a mock struo-gle of deference to sret each first to return to it. The common people never presume to salute an officer in the streets, nor even to look at him very carefully. In his presence, they speak to him on their knees, but an old man, or one of consideration, is usually requested to rise when speaking, and even criminals with gray hairs are treated with respect. Officers do not allow their inferiors to sit in their presence, and have always been unwilling to concede this to foreigners ; those of the lowest rank consider themselves far above the best of such visitors, but this affectation of rank is already passing away. The converse, of not paying them proper respect, is more common among a certain class of foreigners.

        Children are early taught the forms of politeness toward all

        ranks. The duties owed by younger to elder brothers are peculiar,

        the firstborn havino; a sort of birthrio-ht in the ancestral

        Avorship, in the division of property, and in the direction of the

        family after the father’s decease. The degree of formality in

        the domestic circle inculcated in the ancient Book of Rites is

        never observed to its full extent, and would perhaps chill the

        affection which should exist among its members, did not habit

        render it easy and proper ; and the extent to which it is actually

        carried depends a good deal upon the education (jf the family.

        In forwarding presents it is customary to send a list with the

        note, and if the person deems it proper to decline some of them,

        he marks on the list those he takes and returns the i-est ; a douceur

        is always expected by the bearer, and needy fellows sometimes pretend to have been sent with some insignificant present

        ‘ Chinese Chrestomathy, Chap. V., Sec. 12, p. 182. This phrase is the origin of the word chinchin, so often heard among the Chinese.

        from a grandee in hopes of receiving more than its equivalent as a cumshavv from the person thus honored. De Guignes mentioned one donor who waited until the list came back, and then sent out and purchased the articles which had been marked and sent them to his friend.

        Travellers have so often described the Chinese formal dinners,

        that theJ have almost become one of their national traits in the

        view of foreigners ; so many of these banquets, however, were

        given by or in the name of the sovereign, that they are hardly

        a fair criterion of usual private feasts. The Chinese are both a

        social and a sensual people, and the pleasures of the table form

        a principal item in the list of their enjoyments ; nor are the

        higher delights of mental recreation altogether wanting, though

        this part of the entertainment is according to their taste and not

        ours. Private meals and public feasts among the higher classes

        are both dull and long to us, because ladies do not participate; but perhaps we judge more what our own tables would be without their cheerful presence, Avhile in China each sex is of the opinion that the meal is more enjoyable without interference from the other.

        An invitation to dinner is written on a slip of red paper like a visiting-card, and sent some days before. It reads, ” On the —day a trifling entertainment will await the light of your countenance. Tsau San-wei’s compliments.” Another card is sent on the day itself, stating the hour of dinner, or a servant comes to call the guests. The host, dressed in his cap and robes, awaits their arrival, and after they are all assembled, requests them to follow his example and lay aside their dresses of ceremony.

        CUSTOMS AT DINNER. 807

        The usual way of arranging guests is by twos on each side of small uncovered tables, placed in lines; an arrangement as convenient for serving the numerous courses which compose the feast, and removing the dishes, as Avas the Roman fashion of reclining around a hollow table; it also allows a fair view of the musical or theatrical performances. On some occasions, in the sunny south, however, a single long or round table is laid out in a tasteful manner, having pyramids of cakes alternating with piles of fruits and dishes of preserves, all covered more or less with flowers, while the table itself is partly hidden from view by nosegaj’s and leaves. If the party be large, ten minutes or more are consumed by the host and guests going through a tedious repetition of requests and refusals to take the highest seats, for not a man will sit down until he sees the host occupying his chair.

        On commencing, the host, standing up, salutes his guests, in

        a cup, apologizing for the frugal board before them, his only

        desire being to show his respects to them. At a certain period

        in the entertainment, they reply by simultaneously rising and

        drinking his health. The Western custom of giving a sentiment

        is not known ; and politeness requires a person when drinking

        healths to turn the bottom of the tiny wine-cup upward to

        show that it is drained. Glass dishes are gradually becoming

        cheap and common among the middle class, but the table furniture

        still mainly consists of porcelain cups, bowls, and saucers

        of various sizes and quality, porcelain spoons shaped like a

        child’s pap-boat, and two smooth sticks made of bamboo, ivory,

        or wood, of the size of quills, well known as the chojp-sticks^

        from the native name hwai tsz\ i.e., ‘ nimble lads.’ Grasping

        these implements on each side of the forefinger, the eater

        pinches up from the dishes meat, fish, oi- vegetables, already

        cut into mouthfuls, and conveys one to his mouth. The bowl

        of rice or millet is brought to the lips, and the contents shovelled

        into the mouth in an expeditious manner, quite suitable to the

        name of the tools employed. Less convenient than forks, chopsticks

        are a great improvement on fingers, as every one will

        acknowledge who has seen the Hindus throw the balls of curried

        rice into their mouths.

        The succession of dishes is not uniform ; soups, meats, stews, fruits, and preserves are introduced somewhat at the discretion of the major-domo, but the end is announced by a bowl of plain rice and a cup of tea. The fruit is often brought in after a recess, during which the guests rise and refresh themselves by walking and chatting, for three or four hours are not unfrequently required even to taste all the dishes. It is not deemed impolite for a guest to express his satisfaction with the good fare before him, and exhibit evidences of having stuffed himself to repletion ; nor is it a breach of manners to retire before the dinner is ended. The guests relieve its tedium by playing the game of ehal mel, or morra (the niicare digitls of the old Romans), which consists in showing the fingers to each other across the table, and mentioning a number at the same moment; as, if one opens out two fingers and mentions the number four, the other instantly shows six fingers, and repeats that number.

        If he mistake in giving the complement of ten, he pays a forfeit

        by drinking a cup. This convivial game is common among

        all ranks, and the boisterous merriment of workmen or friends

        at their meals is frecjuently heard as one passes through the

        streets in the afternoon.’ The Chinese generally have but two

        meals a day, breakfast at nine and dinner at four, or thereabouts.

        The Chinese are comparatively a temperate people. This is owing principally to the universal use of tea, but also to taking their arrack very warm and at their meals, rather than to any notions of sobriety or dislike of spirits. A little of it fiushes their faces, mounts into their heads, and induces them when flustered to remain in the house to conceal the suffusion, although they may not be really drunk. This liquor is known as toddy, arrack, saki, tsiu, and other names in Eastern Asia, and is distilled from the yeasty liquor in which boiled rice has fermented under pressure many days. Only one distillation is made for common liquor, but when more strength is wanted, it is distilled two or three times, and it is this strong spirit alone which is rightly called samshu, a word meaning ‘ thrice fired.’ Chinese moralists have always inveighed against the use of spirits, and the name of I-tih, the reputed inventor of the deleterious drink, more than two thousand years before Christ, has been handed down with opprobrium, as he was himself banished by the great Yu for his discovery.

        ‘ Compare the- China Review, Vol. IV., p. 400.

        TEMPERANCE OF THE CHINESE. 809

        The Shu King contains a discourse by the Duke of Chan on the abuse of spirits. His speech to his brother Fung, b.c. 1120, is the oldest temperance address on record, even earlier than the words of Solomon in the Proverbs. ” When your reverend father, King AVaii, founded our kingdom in the western region, ho delivered announcements and cautions to the princes of the

        various states, their officers, assistants, and managers of affairs,

        morning and evening, saying, ‘ For sacrifices spirits should be

        employed. When Heaven was sending down its [favoring]

        commands and laying the foundations of our people’s sway,

        spirits were used only in the great sacrifices. [But] when

        Heaven has sent down its terrors, and our people have therel)y

        been greatly disorganized, and lost their [sense of] virtue, this

        too can be ascribed to nothing else than their unlimited use of

        spirits; yea, further, the ruin of the feudal states, small and

        great, may be traced to this one sin, the free use of spirits.’

        King Wan admonished and instructed the young and those in

        office managing public affairs, that they should not habitually

        drink spirits. In all the states he enjoined that their use be

        confined to times of sacrifices ; and even then with such limitations

        that virtue should prevent drunkenness.” ‘

        The general and local festivals of the Chinese are numerous, among which the first three days of the year, one or two about the middle of April to worship at the tombs, the two solstices, and the festival of dragon-boats, are common days of relaxation and merry-making, only on the first, however, are the shops shut and business suspended. Some persons have expressed their surprise that the unceasing round of toil which the Chinese laborer pursues has not rendered him more degraded. It is usually said that a weekly rest is necessary for the continuance of the powers of body and mind in man in their full activity,

        and that decrepitude and insanity would oftener result

        were it not for this relaxation. The arguments in favor of this

        observation seem to be deduced from undoubted facts in countries

        where the obligations of the Sabbath are acknowledged,

        though where the vast majority cease from business and labor,

        it is not easy for a few to work all the time even if they wish,

        owing to the various ways in which their occupations are involved

        ‘ C/dnese Repository, Vol. XV., p. 433. Book of Records, Part V., Book X., Legge’s translation ; also Medliurst’s and Caubil’s translations.

        with those of others ; yet, in China, people who apparently tax themselves uninterruptedly to the utmost stretch of

        body and mind, live in health to old age. A few facts of this

        sort incline one to suppose that the Sabbath was designed by

        its Lord as a day of rest for man from a constant routine of relaxation

        and mental and physical labor, in order that he might

        have leisure for attending to the paramount duties of religion,

        and not alone as a day of relaxation and rest, without which

        they could not live out all their days. Nothing like a seventh

        day of rest, or religious respect to that interval of time, is

        known among the Chinese, but they do not, as a people, exercise

        their minds to the intensity, or upon the high subjects

        common among Western nations, and this perhaps is one reason

        why their yearly toil produces no disastrous effects. The countless blessings which flow from an observance of the fourth commandment can be better appreciated by witnessing the wearied

        condition of the society where it is not acknowledged, and whoever

        sees such a society can hardly fail to wish for its introduction.

        Converts to Christianity in China, who are instructed in its

        strict observance, soon learn to prize it as a high privilege ; and

        its general neglect among the native Roman Catholics has removed

        the only apparent difference between them and the pagans. The former prime minister of China once remarked that among the few really valuable things which foreigners had brought to China, the rest of the Sabbath day was one of the most desirable; he often longed for a quiet day.”

        Nevius, China and the Chinese, pp. 399-408.

        NEW year’s customs AND CEREMONIES. 811

        The return of the year is an occasion of unbounded festivity and hilarity, as if the whole population threw oft” the old year with a shout, and clothed themselves in the new with their change of garments. The evidences of the approach of this chief festival appear some weeks previous. The principal streets are lined with tables, upon which articles of dress, furniture, and fancy are disposed for sale in the most attractive manner. Necessity compels many to dispose of certain of their treasures or superfluous things at this season, and sometimes exceedingly curious bits of bric-a-brac, long laid up in families, can be procured at a cheap rate. It is customary for superiors to give their dependents and employees a present, and for shopmen to send an’ acknowledgment of favors to their customers; one of the most common gifts among the lower classes is a pair of new shoes. Among the tables spread in the streets are many provided with pencils and red paper of various sizes, on which persons write sentences appropriate to the season in various styles,

        to be pasted upon the doorposts and lintels of dwellings and

        shops,’ or suspended from their walls. The shops also put on a

        most brilliant appearance, arrayed in these papers interspei’sed

        among the I’hi hwa^ or ‘golden flowers,’ which are sprigs of artificial

        leaves and flowers made in the southern cities of brass tinsel

        and fastened upon wires ; the latter are designed for an annual offering in temples, or to place before the household tablet. Small strips of red and gilt paper, some bearing the word fah, or ‘happiness,’ large and small vermilion candles, gaily painted, and other things used in idolatry, are likewise sold in great quantities, and with the increased throng impart an unusually lively appearance to the streets. Another evident sign of the approaching change is the use of water upon the doors, shutters, and other woodwork of houses and shops, washing chairs, utensils, clothes, etc., as if cleanliness had not a little to do wath joy, and a well-washed person and tenement were indispensable to the proper celebration of the festival. Throughout the southern rivers all small craft, tankia-boats, and lighters are beached and turned inside out for a scrubbing.

        ‘ A like custom existed among the Hebrews, now continued in the modern mezuzmc. Deut. vi. 9. Jahu’s Arduvoloyy, p. 88.

        A still more praiseworthy custom attending this season is that of settling accounts and paying debts; shopkeepers are kept busy waiting upon their customers, and creditors urge their debtors to arrange these important matters. No debt is allowed to overpass new year without a settlement or satisfactory arrangement, if it can be avoided ; and those whose liabilities altogether exceed their means are generally at this season obliged to wind up their concerns and give all their available property into the hands of their creditors. The consequences of this general pay-day are a high rate of money, great resort to the pawnbrokers, and a general fall in the price of most kinds of produce and commodities. Manj- good results flow from the practice, and the conscious sense of the difficulty and expense of resorting to legal proceedings to recover debts induces all to observe and maintain it, so that the dishonest, the unsuccessful, and the wild speculator may be sifted out from amongst the honest traders.

        De Guignes mentions one expedient to oblige a man to pay

        his debts at this season, which is to carry off the door of his

        shop or house, for then his premises and person will be exposed

        to the entrance and anger of all hungry and malicious demons

        prowling around the streets, and happiness no more revisit his

        abode ; to avoid this he is fain to arrange his accounts. It

        is a common practice among devout persons to settle with the

        gods, and during a few days before the new yeai”, the temples

        are nnusually thronged by devotees, both male and female, rich

        and poor. Some persons fast and engage the priests to intercede

        for them that their sins may be pardoned, while they prostrate

        themselves before the images amidst the din of gongs, drums,

        and bells, and thus clear off the old score. On new year’s eve

        the streets are full of people hun-ying to and fro to conclude the

        many matters which press upon them. At Canton, some are

        busy pasting the five slips upon their lintels, signifying their

        desire tliat the five blessings which constitute the sum of all

        human felicity (namely, longevity, riches, health, love of virtue,

        and a natural death) may be their favored portion. Such sentences

        as ” May the five blessings visit this door,” ” May heaven

        send down happiness,” ” May rich customers ever enter this

        door,” are placed above them ; and the dooi-posts are adorned

        with others on plain or gold sprinkled red paper, making tlie

        entrance quite picturesque. In the hall are suspended scrolls

        more or less costly, containing antithetical sentences carefully

        chosen. A literary man would have, for instance, a distich like

        the following:

        May I be so learned as to secrete in my raind three myriads of volumes:

        May I know the affairs of the world for six tiiousand years.

        SETTLING ACCOUNTS AND DECORATING HOUSES. 813

        A. shopkeeper adorns his door with those relating to trade:
        May prolits ho lik(> tlio morning sun lising on tho clouds.
        May wealth increase like the morning tidt; which brings the rain.
        Manage your occupation according to truth and loyalty.
        Hold ou to benevolence and rectitude in all your trading.

        The influence of these mottoes, and countless others like them which are constantly seen in the streets, shops, and dwellings throughout the land, is inestimable. Generally it is for good, and as a large proportion are in the form of petition or wish, they show the moral feeling of the people.

        Boat-people in Kwaiigtmig and Fuhkien provinces are peculiarly

        liberal of their paper prayers, pasting them on every board

        and oar in the boat, and suspending them from the stern in scores,

        making the vessel flutter with gaiety. Farmers stick theirs

        upon barns, trees, wattles, baskets, and implements, as if nothing

        was too insignificant to receive a blessing. The house is arranged

        in the most oi’derly and cleanly manner, and purified

        with religious ceremonies and lustrations, firing of ei-ackers, etc.,

        and as the necessary preparations occupy a considerable portion

        of the night, the streets are not quiet till dawn. In addition

        to the bustle arising from business and religious observances,

        which marks this passage of time, the constant explosion of firecrackers,

        and the clamor of gongs, make it still more noisy.

        Strings of these crackling fireworks are burned at the doorposts,

        before the outgoing and incoming of the year, designed to expel

        and deter evil spirits from the house. The consumption is

        so great as to cover the sti-eets with the fragments, and farmers

        come the week after into Canton city and sweep up hundreds of

        bushels for manure.

        The first day of the year is also regarded as the birthday of the entire population, for the practice among the Hebrews of dating the age from the beginning of the year, prevails also in China; so that a child born only a week before new year, is considered as entering its second year on the first day of the first month. This does not, however, entirely supersede the observance of the real anniversary, and parents frequently make asolenmity of their son’s birthday. A missionary thus describes the celebration of a son’s sixth birthday at Ningpo. ” The little fellow was dressed in his best clothes, and his father had brought gilt paper, printed praj^ers, and a large number of bowls of meats,

        rice, vegetables, spirits, nuts, etc., as an offering to be spread

        out before the idols. The ceremonies were performed in the

        apartment of the Tao 2£u, or ‘ Bushel Mother,’ who has special

        charge of infants before and after birth. The old abbot

        was dressed in a scarlet robe, with a gilt image of a serpent

        fastened in his hair ; one of the monks wore a purple, another

        a gray robe. A multitude of prayers, seemingly a round of

        repetitions, were read by the abbot, occasionally chanting a little,

        when the attendants joined in the chorus, and a deafening

        clamor of bells, cymbals, and wooden blocks, added force to

        their cry ; genuflexions and prostrations were repeatedlj’ made.

        One pai’t of the ceremony was to pass a live cock through a barrel,

        which the assistants performed many times, shouting some

        strange words at each repetition ; this act symbolized the dangers

        through which the child was to pass in his future life, and

        the priests had prayed that he might as safely come out of them

        all, as the cock had passed through the barrel. In conclusion,

        some of the prayers were burned and a libation poured out, and

        a grand symphony of bell, gong, drum, and block, closed the

        scene.”‘

        ‘ Presbyterian Missionary Chronide, 1846.

        CALLS AND COMPLLMKNTS AT NEW YEAR’S. 815

        A great diversity of local usages are observed at this period in different parts of the country. In iVmoy, the custom of ‘•’ surrounding the furnace” is generally practised. The members of the family sit down to a substantial supper on new year’s eve, with a pan of charcoal under the table, as a supposed preservative against fires. After the supper is ended, the wooden lamp-stands are brought out and spread upon the pavement with a heap of gold and silver paper, and set on fire after all demons have been warned off by a volley of fire-crackers. The embers are then divided into twelve heaps, and their manner of going out carefully watched as a prognostic of the kind of weather to be expected the ensuing year. Many persons wash their bodies in warm water, made aromatic by the infusion of leaves, as a security against disease; this ceremony, and ornamenting the ancestral shrine, and garnishing the whole house with inscriptions, pictures, flowers, and fruit, in the gayest manner the means of the family will allow, occupy most of the night.

        The stillness of the streets and the gay inscriptions on the

        closed shops on new year’s morning present a wonderful contrast

        to the usual bustle and crowd, resembling the Christian

        Sabbath. The red papers of the doors are here and there interspersed with the blue ones, announcing that during the past

        year death has come among the inmates of the house ; a silent

        but expressive intimation to passers that some who saw the last

        new year have passed away. In certain places, white, yellow,

        and carnation colored papers are employed, as well as blue, to

        distinguish the degree of the deceased kindred. Etiquette requires that those who mourn remain at home at this period.

        By noontide the streets begin to be filled with well-dressed persons, hastening in sedans or afoot to make their calls; those who cannot afford to buy a new suit hire one for this purpose, so that a man hardly knows his own domestics in their finery and robes. The meeting of friends in the streets, both bound on the same errand, is attended with particular demonstrations of respect, each politely struggling who shall be most affectedly humble. On this day parents receive the prostrations of their children, teachers expect the salutations of their pupils, magistrates

        look for the calls of their inferiors, and ancestors of every

        generation, and gods of various powers are presented with the

        offerings of devotees in the family hall or public temple. Much

        of the visiting is done by cards, on which is stamped an emblematic

        device representing the three happy wishes—of children,

        rank, and longevity ; a common card suffices for distant

        acquaintances and customers. It might be a subject of speculation

        whether the custom of visiting and renewing one’s acquaintances

        on new year’s day, so generally practised among

        the Dutch and in America, was not originally imitated from

        the Chinese ; but as in many other things, so in this, the

        westerns have improved upon the easterns, in calling upon

        the ladies. Persons, as they meet, salute each other with Kung-hi I Kung-ld ! ‘ I respectfully wish yon joy ! ‘—or Sviihi! 8in-hi ! ‘ May the new joy be yours,’ either of which, from its use at this season, is quite like the Ilayj^ij JVew Year ! of Englishmen.

        Toward evening, the merry sounds proceeding from the closed

        doors announce that the sacrifice provided for presentation before

        the shrines of departed parents is cheering the M’orshippers ;

        while the great numbers who resort to gambling-shops show full

        M’ell that the routine of ceremony soon becomes tiresome, and a

        more exciting stimulus is needed. The extent to which play is

        now carried is almost indescribable. Jugglers, mountebanks,

        and actors also endeavor to collect a few coppers by amusing

        the crowds. Generally speaking, however, the three days devoted

        to this festival pass by without turmoil, and business and

        work then gradually resume their usual course for another

        twelvemonth.

        The festival of the dragon-boats, on the fifth day of the fifth month, presents a very different scene wherever there is a serviceable stream for its celebration. At Canton, long, narrow boats, holding sixty or more rowers, race up and down the river in pairs with huge clamor, as if searching for some one wdio had been drowned. This festival was instituted in memory of the statesman Kiih Yuen, about 450 b.c, who drowned himself in the river Miii-lo, an affluent of Tungting Lake, after having been falsely accused by one of the petty princes of the state. The people, who loved the unfortunate courtier for his

        fidelity and virtues, sent out boats in search of the body, but to

        no purpose. They then made a peculiar sort of rice-cake called

        tsung, and setting out across the river in boats with flags and

        gongs, each strove to be fii’st on the spot of the tragedy and sacrifice

        to the spirit of Kiih Yuen. This mode of commemoi-ating

        the event has been since continued as an annual holiday.

        The bow of the boat is ornamented or cai’ved into the head of

        a dragon, and men beating gongs and drums, and waving flags,

        inspirit the rowers to renewed exertions. The exhilarating exercise

        of racing leads the people to prolong the festival two or

        three days, and geiuM’ally with commendable good humor, but

        their eagerness to beat t»ften breaks the boats, or leads them

        DKAGON-BOAT FESTIVAL XnD FEAST OF JvANTEKNS. 817

        into 80 iiiudi danger that the magistrates souietiiues forbid the

        races in order to save tlie people from drowning.’

        •The first full moon of the year is the feast of lanterns, a

        childish and dull festival compared with the two preceding. Its

        origin is not certainly known, but it was obse^. ^d as early as

        A.D. 700. Its celebration consists in suspending lantei-ns of different

        forms and materials before each door, and illuminating

        those in the hall, but their united brilliancy is dimness itself

        compared with the light of the moon. At Peking, an exhibition

        of transparencies and pictures in the Loard of War on this

        evening attracts great crowds of both sexes if the weather be

        good. Magaillans describes a firework he saw, which was an

        arbor covered with a vine, the woodwork of which seemed to

        burn, while the trunk, leaves, and clusters of the plant gradually

        consumed, yet so that the redness of the grapes, the greenness

        of the leaves, and natural brown of the stem were all

        maintained until the whole was burned. The feast of lanterns

        coming so soon after new year, and being somewhat expensive,

        is not so enthusiastically observed in the southern cities. At

        the capital this leisure time, when public offices are closed, is

        availed of by the jewellers, bric-a-brac dealers, and others to

        hold a fair in the courts of a temple in the Wai Ching, where

        they exhibit as beautiful a collection of carvings in stone and

        gems, bronzes, toys, etc., as is to be seen anywhere in Asia.

        ‘ Compare Morrison’s Dictionary under Tsunrj ; Doolittle, &>ntil Life, Vol II., pp. 55-60; JVot^s and Qaeries on China ami Japan, Vol. II., p. 157.Vol. J. —53

        The respect with which the crowds of women and children are treated on these occasions reflects much credit on the people. In the manufacture of lanterns the Chinese surely excel all other people ; the variety of their forms, their elegant carving, gilding, and coloring, and the laborious ingenuity and taste displayed in their construction, render them among the prettiest ornaments of their dwellings. They are made of paper, silk, cloth, glass, horn, basket-work, and bamboo, exhibiting an infinite variety of shapes and decorations, vary ingin size from a small hand-light, costing two or three cents, up to a magnificent chandelier, or a complicated lantern fifteen feet in diameter, containing several lamps within it, and worth three or four hundred dollars. The uses to which they are applied are not less various than the pains and skill bestowed upon their construction are remarkable. One curious kind is called the tsao-ma-tdng^ or ‘ horse-racing lantern,’ which consists of one, two, or more wire

        frames, one within the other, and arranged on the same principle

        as the smoke-jack, by w^iich the current of air caused by

        the flame sets them revolving. The wire framework is covered

        with paper figures of men and animals placed in the midst of

        appropriate scenery, and represented in various attitudes ; or,

        as Magaillans describes them, ” You shall see horses run, draw

        chariots and till the earth ; vessels sailing, kings and princes go

        in and out with large trains, and great numbers of people, both

        afoot and a horseback, armies marching, comedies, dances, and

        a thousand other divertissements and motions represented.”

        One of the prettiest shows of lanterns is seen in a festival observed

        in the spring or autumn by fisherman on the southern

        coasts to propitiate the gods of the waters. An indispensable

        part of the procession is a dragon fifty feet or more long, made

        of light bamboo frames of the size and shape of a barrel, connected

        and covered with strips of colored cotton or silk ; the extremities

        represent the gaping head and frisking talk This

        monster symbolizes the ruler of the watery deep, and is carried

        through the streets by men holding the head and each joint

        upon poles, to which are suspended lanterns ; as they follow each

        other their steps give the body a wriggling, waving motion.

        Huge models of fish, similarly lighted, precede the dragon, while

        music and fireworks—the never-failing warning to lurking

        demons to keep out of the way—accompany the procession,

        which presents a very brilliant sight as it winds in its course

        through the dark streets. These sports and processions give

        idolatry its hold upon a people ; and although none of them are

        required or patronized by government in China as in other

        heathen countries, most of the scenes and games which please

        the people are recommended by connecting with them the observances

        or hopes of religion and the merrymaking of the

        festive board.

        ARRANGElvrENT AND STYLE OF PROCESSIONS. 819

        In the middle of the sixth moon lanterns are hung from the top of a pole placed on the highest part of the house. A single small lantern is deemed sufficient, but if the night be calm, a greater display is made by some householders, and especially in boats, by exhibiting colored glass lamps arranged in various ways. The illumination of a city like Canton when seen from a high spot is made still more brilliant by the moving boats on the river. On one of these festivals at Canton, an almost total eclipse of the moon called out the entire .population, each one carrying something with which to make a noise, kettles, pans, sticks, drums, gongs, guns, crackers, and what not to frighten away the dragon of the sky from his liideous feast. The advancing shadow gradually caused the mj-riads of lanterns to show more and more distinctly and started a still increasing clamor,

        till the darkness and the noise were both at their climax ; silence

        gradually resumed its sway as the moon recovered her fulness.

        The Chinese are fond of processions, and if marriages and

        funerals be included, have them more frequently than any other

        people. Livery establishments are opened in every city and town

        where processions are arranged and supplied with everything

        necessary for bi’idal and funeral occasions as well as religious

        festivals. Not only are sedans, bands of music, biers, framed

        and gilded stands for carrjdng idols, shrines, and sacrificial

        feasts, red boxes for holding the bride’s trousseau, etc., supplied,

        but also banners, tables, stands, curiosities, and uniforms in

        great variety. The men and boys required to carry them and

        perform the various parts of the ceremony are hired, a uniform

        hiding their ragged garments and dirty limbs. Guilds often go

        to a heavy expense in getting up a procession in honor of their

        patron saint, whose image is carried through the streets attended

        by the members of the corporation dressed in holiday robes and

        boots. The variety and participators of these shows are exceedingly

        curious and characteristic of the people’s taste. Here are

        seen splendid silken banners worked with rich embroidery,

        alternating with young girls bedizened with paint and flowers,

        and perched on high seats under an artificial tree or apparently

        almost in the air, resting upon frames on men’s shoulders ; bands

        of music ; sacrificial meats and fruits adorned with flowers ; shrines, images, and curious rarities laid out upon red pavilions; boys gaily dressed in official robes and riding upon ponies, oi harnessed up in a covered framework to represent horses, all so contri\’ed and painted that the spectator can hardly believe they are not riding Lilliputian ponies no bigger than dogs. A child standing in a car and carrying a branch on its shoulder, on one twi”; of which stands another child on one foot or a girl

        holding a plate of cakes in her hand, on the top of which stands

        another miss on tiptoe, the whole borne by coolies, sometimes

        add to the diversion of the spectacle and illustrate the mechanical

        skill of the exhibitors. Small companies dressed in a great

        variety of military uniforms, carrying spears, shields, halberds,

        etc., iio\v and then volunteer for the occasion, and give it a more

        martial appearance. The carpenters at Canton are famous for

        their splendid processions in honor of their hero, Lu Pan, in

        which also other craftsmen join ; for this demi-god corresponds

        to the Tubal-cain of Chinese legends, and is now regarded as

        the patron of all workmen, thougli he flourished no longer ago

        than the time of Confucius. Besides these festivities and processions,

        there are several more strictly religious, such as the

        annual mass of the Buddhists, the supplicatory sacrifice of

        farmers for a good crop, and others of more or less importance,

        which add to the number of days of recreation.

        Theatrical representations constitute a common amusement,

        and are generally connected with the religious celebration of

        the festival of the god before whose temple they are exhibited.

        They are got up by the priests, who send their neophytes around

        with a subscription paper, and then engage as large and skilful

        a band of performers as the funds will allow. There are few

        permanent buildings erected for theatres, for the Thespian band

        still retains its original strolling character, and stands ready to

        pack up its trappings at the first call. The erection of sheds

        for playing constitutes a separate l)ranch of the carpenter’s

        trade ; one large enough to accommodate two thousand persons

        can be put up in the southern cities in a day, and almost the

        only part of the materials which is wasted is the rattan which

        binds the posts and mats together. One large shed contahis

        the stage, and three smaller ones before it enclose an area, and

        are furnished with rude seats for the paying spectators. The

        THEATRICAL RKPKESEXTATIOXS AND PLAV-ACTOIIS. 821

        subscribers’ bounty is acknowledged by pasting^rcd siieets containing

        their names and amounts upon the walls of tlie temple.

        The purlieus are let as stands for the sale of refreshments, for

        gambling fables, or for worse purposes, and by all these means

        the ]>riests generally contrive to make gain of their devotion.’

        Parties of actoi-s and acrobats can be hired cheaply, and their

        performances form part of the festivities of rich families in

        their houses to entertain the women and relativ^es who cannot

        go abroad to see them. They are constituted into separate corporations or’ guilds, and each takes a distinguishing name, as the ‘ Happy and Blessed company,’ the ‘ Glorious Appearing company,’ etc.

        The performances usually extend through three entire days,

        with brief recesses for sleeping and eating, and in villages

        where they are comparatively rare, the people act as if they

        were bewitched, neglecting everything to attend them. The

        female parts are performed by lads, who not only paint and

        dress like women, but even squeeze their toes into the “golden

        lilies,” and imitate, upon the stage, a mincing, wriggling gait.

        These fellows personate the voice, tones, and motions of the

        sex with wonderful exactness, taking every opportunity, indeed,

        that the play will allow to relieve their feet by sitting when on

        the boards, or retiring into the green-room when out of the acts.

        The acting is chiefly pantomine, and its fidelity shows the excellent

        ti-aining of the players. This development of their imitative

        faculties is probably still more encouraged by the difficulty

        the audience find to understand what is said ; for owing to

        the differences in the dialects, the open construction of the

        theatre, the high falsetto or recitative key in which many of the

        parts are spoken, and the din of the orchestra intervening between

        every few sentences, not one cpiarter of the people hear

        or understand a word.

        ‘ Gray’s China (Vol. II., p. 273) contains a cut of a mat theatre from a native drawing. See also Doolittle, Social Life, Vol. II., pp. 292-299,

        The scenery is very simple, consisting merely of rudely painted mats arranged on the back and sides of the stage, a few tables, chairs, or beds, which successively serve for many uses, and are bfonglit in and out from the robing-room. The orchestra sits on the side of the stage, and not only fill up the intervals with their interludes, but strike a crashing noise by way of emphasis, or to add energy to the rush of opi30sing warriors.

        ]S’o falling curtain divides the acts or scenes, and the play is carried to its conclusion without intermission. The dresses are made of gorgeous silks, and present the best specimens of ancient Chinese costume of former dynasties now to be seen. The imperfections of the scenery require much to be suggested by the spectator’s imagination, though the actors themselves supply the defect in a measure by each man stating what part he performs, and what the person he represents has been doing: while absent. If a courier is to be sent to a distant city, away he strides across the boards, or perhaps gets a whip and cocks up his leg as if mounting a horse, and on reaching the end of the stao;e cries out that he has arrived, and there delivers his message. Passing a bridge or crossing a river are indicated by stepping up and then down, or by the rolling motion of a boat. If a city is to be impersonated, two or three men lie down upon each other, when warriors rush on them furiously, overthrow the wall which they formed, and take the place by assault. Ghosts or supernatural beings are introduced through a wide trap-door in the stage, and, if he thinks it necessary, the impersonator cries out from underneath that he is ready, or for assistance to help him up through the hole.

        Mr. Lay describes a play he saw, in which a medley of celestial

        and terrestrial personages were introduced. “The first

        scene was intended to represent the happiness and splendor of

        beings who inhabit the upper regions, with the sun and moon

        and the elements curiously personified playing around them.

        The man who personated the sun held a round image of the

        sun’s disk, while the female who acted the part of the moon

        liad a crescent in her hand. The actors took care to move so’

        as to mimic the conjunction and opposition of these heavenly

        bodies as they revolve round in their apparent orbs. The

        Thunderer wielded an axe, and lea})ed and dashed about in a

        variety of extraordinary somersaults. After a few turns the

        monarch, who had been so highly honored as to find a place.

        DESCRIPTION OF A PLAY. 823

        throngh the partiality of a mountain nynipli, in the ahocles of

        the happy, begins to feel that no height of good fortune can

        secure a mortal against the common calamities of this frail life.

        A wicked courtier disguises himself in a tiger’s skin, and in this

        garb imitates the animal itself. He rushes into the retired

        apartments of the ladies, frightens them out of their wits, and

        throws the heir-apparent into a moat. The sisters hurry into

        the royal presence, and casting themselves on the ground divulge

        the sad intelligence that a tiger has borne off the young

        prince, who it appears was the son of the mountain nymph

        aforesaid. The loss the bereaved monarch takes so much to

        heart, that he renounces the world and deliberates about the

        nomination of a successor. By the influence of a crafty woman

        he selects a young man who has just sense enough to know that

        he is a fool. The settlement of the crown is scarcely finished

        when the unhappy king dies, and the Ijlockhead is presently invested

        with the crown, but instead of excelling in his new preferment

        the lout bemoans his lot in the most awkward strains

        of lamentation, and cries, ‘ O dear ! what shall I do ? ‘ with such

        piteous action, and yet withal so truly ludicrous, that the spectator

        is at a loss to know whether to laugh or to weep. The courtier who had taken off the heir and broken the father’s heart finds the new king an easy tool fur prosecuting his traitorous purposes, and the state is plunged into the depths of civil discord at home and dangerous wars abroad.

        ” In the sequel a scene occurred in which the reconciliation of this court and some foreign prince depends upon the surrender of a certain obnoxious person. The son-in-law of the victim is charged with the letter containing this proposal, and returns to his house and disguises himself for the sake of concealment. When he reaches the court of the foreign prince he discovers that he has dropped the letter in changing his clothes, and narrowly escapes being taken for a spy without his credentials.

        He hurries back, calls for his garments, and shakes them one by one in an agony of self-reproach, but no letter appears. He sits down, throwing himself with great violence upon the chair, Avith a countenance inexpressibly full of torture and despair:

        reality could have added nothing to the imitation. But while every eye was riveted upon him, he called the servant maid and inquired if she knew anything about the letter ; she replied she overheard her mistress reading a letter whose contents

        were so and so. The mistress had taken her seat at a

        distance from him and was nursing her baby ; and the instant

        he ascertained the letter was in her possession, he looked toward

        her with such a smile upon his cheek, and with a flood of

        light in his eye, that the whole assembly heaved a loud sigh

        of admiration ; for the Chinese do not applaud by clapping and

        stamping, but express their feelings by an ejaculation that is

        between a sigh and a groan. The aim of the husband was to

        wheedle his wife out of the letter, and this smile and look of

        aifection were merely the prelude ; for he takes his chair, places

        it beside her, lays one hand softly on her shoulder, and fondles

        the child with the other in a style so exquisitely natural and so

        completely English, that in this dramatic picture it was seen

        that nature fashioneth men’s hearts alike. His addresses were,

        however, ineffectual, and her father’s life was not sacrificed.” ‘

        The morals of tlie Chinese stage, so far as the sentiments of

        the pieces are concerned, are better than the acting, which

        sometimes panders to depraved tastes, but no indecent exposure,

        as of the persons of dancers, is ever seen in China. The audience

        stand in the area fronting the stage, or sit in the sheds

        around it ; the women present are usually seated in the galleries.

        The police are at hand to maintain order, but the crowd, although in an irksome position, and sometimes exposed to a fierce sun, is remarkably peaceable. Accidents seldom occur on these occasions, but whenever the people are alarmed by a crash, or the stage takes fire, loss of life or limb generally ensues. A dreadful destruction took place at Canton in May, 1845, by the conflagration of a stage during the performances, by which more than two thousand lives were sacrificed ; the survivors had occasion to remember that fifty persons had been killed many years before in the same place, and while a play was going on, by the falling of a wall.^

        ‘ Chinese as They Are, p. 114. ^ Chinese Repository, Vol. XIV., p. 335,

        POPULAR AMUSEMENTS. 825

        j^ctive, manly plays are not popular in the south, and instead

        of engaging in a ball-game or i-egatta, going to a bowling alley

        or fives’ court, to exhibit their strength and skill, jouug men

        lift beams iieaded with heavy stones, like huge dumb-bells,

        to prove their muscle, or kick up their lieels in a game of

        shuttlecock. The out-door amusements of gentlemen consist in

        flying kites, carrying birds on perches and throwing seeds high

        in the air for them to catch, sauntering through the fields, or

        lazily boating on the water. Pitching coppers, fighting crickets

        ()!• quails, tossing up several balls at once, kicking large leaden

        balls against each other, snapping sticks, chncking stones, or

        guessing the number of seeds in an orange, are plays for

        lads.

        Gambling is universal. Hucksters at the roadside are provided

        with a cup and saucer, and the clicking of their dice is

        heard at every corner. A boy with but two cash prefers to risk

        their loss on the throw of a die to simply buying a cake without

        trying the chance of getting it for nothing. Gaminghouses

        are opened by scores, their keepers paying a bribe to the

        local officers, who can hardly be expected to be very severe

        against what they were brought up in and daily practise ; and

        women, in the privacy of their apartments, while away their

        time at cards and dominoes. Porters play by the wayside

        when waiting for employment, and hardly have the retinue of

        an officer seen their superiors enter the house, than they pull

        out their cards or dice and squat down to a game. The most

        common game of luck played at Canton is called fan tan^ or

        ‘ quadrating cash.’ The keeper of the table is provided with

        a pile of bright large cash, of which he takes a double handful,

        and lays them on the table, covering the pile with a bowl. The

        persons standing outside the rail guess the remainder there will

        be left after the pile has been divided by four, whether one, two,

        three, or nothing, the guess and stake of each person being first

        recorded by a clerk ; the keeper then carefully picks out the coins

        four by four, all narrowly watching his movements. Cheating

        is almost impossible in this game, and twenty people can play

        at it as easily as two. Chinese ciirds are smaller and more

        numerous than our own ; but the dominoes are the same.

        Combats between crickets are oftenest seen in the south, where the small field sort is common. Two well-chosen combatants are put into a basin and irritated with a straw until they rush upon each other with the utmost fury, chirruping as they make the onset, and the battle seldom ends without a tragical result in loss of life or limb. Quails are also trained to mortal combat ; two are placed on a railed table, on which a handful of millet has been strewn, and as soon as one picks up a kernel the other flies at him with beak, claws, and wings, and the struggle is kept up till one retreats by hopping into the Boys Gambling with Crickets.

        hand of his disappointed owner. Hundreds of dollars are occasionally betted upon these cricket or quail fights, which, if not as sublime or exciting, are certainly less inhuman than the pugilistic fights and bull-baits of Christian countries, while both show the same brutal love of sport at the expense of life.

        METHODS AXD POPULARITY OB’ GAMBLING. 827

        A favorite amusement is the flying of kites. They are made of paper and silk, in imitation of birds, butterflies, lizards, spectacles, fish, men, and other objects ; but the skill shown in flying them is more remarkable than the ingenuity displayed in their construction. The ninth day of the ninth moon is a festival devoted to this amusement all over the land. Doolittle describes them as sometimes resembling a great bird, or a serpent thirty feet long ; at other times the spectator sees a group of hawks hovering around a centre, all being suspended by one strong cord, and each hawk-kite controlled and moved by a separate line. On this day he estimates that as many as thirty thousand people assemble on the hills around Fuhchau to join in this amusement if the weather be propitious. Many of the kites are cut adrift under the belief that, as they float off, they carry away with them all impending disasters.

        Chinese Chess-board.

        The Chinese game of chess is very ancient, for Wu Wang (b.c. 1120) is the reputed inventor, and its rules of playing are so unlike the Indian game as to suggest an independent origin, which is confirmed by the peculiar feature of the kiai ho, or river, running across the board. There are seventy-two squares of which eight are run together to form the river, leaving thirty-two on each side ; but as the men stand on the intersection of the lines, there are ninety positions for the sixteen pieces used by each player, or twenty-six more than in the European game. The pieces are arranged for playing as in the diagram above.

        The pieces are like chequer-men in shape, each of the seven kinds on each side having its name cut on the top, and distinguished by its red or black colors. The four squares near each edge form the headquarters of the tsimig, or ‘ general,’ out of which he and his two «.*’, or ‘ secretaries,’ cannot move. On each side of the headquarters are two elephants, two horses, and two chariots, whose powers are less than our bishop, knight, and castle, though similar ; the chariot is the most powerful piece. In front of the horses stand two cannoniers, which capture like our knight but move like our castle. Five pao, soldiers or pawns, guard the river banks, but cannot return when

        once across it in pursuit of the enemy, and get no higher value

        when they reach the last row. Each piece is put down in the

        point where it captured its man, except the cannoniers ; as the

        general cannot be taken, the object of each player is to checkniate

        him in his headquarters, therefore, by preventing his

        moving except into check. The want of a queen and the limited

        moves of the men restrict the combinations in the Chinese

        game more than in western chess, but it has its own elements

        of skill. Literary men and women play it much, and usually

        for small stakes. There is another game played less frequently but one of the most ancient in the Empire. It is called loei-ki, which may be rendered ‘blockade chess,’ and was common in the days of the sages, perhaps even earlier than chess. The board contains three hundred and twenty four squares, eighteen each way, and the number of pieces is three hundred, though both the number of points and of pieces may be less than this size of the full game. The pieces are black and white and stand on the crossings of the lines, three hundred and sixty-one in number. The object of the opponents is to surround each other’s men and take up the crossings they occupy, or neutralize their power over those near them. Each player puts down a piece anywhere on the board, and continues to do so alternately, capturing his adversary’s positions until all the crossings are occupied and the game is ended.’

        CHINESE CHESS. 829

        If this sketch of the customs and annisemcnts of the Chinese

        in their social intercourse and public entertainments is necessarily

        brief, it is perhaps enough to exhibit their character.

        Dr. Johnson has well remarked that no man is a hypocrite in

        his amusements. The absence of some of the violent and gladiatorial

        sports of other countries, and of the adjudication of

        doubtful questions by ordeals or duels ; the general dislike of a

        resort to force, their inability to cope with enemies of vastly

        less resources and numbers, and the comparative disesteem of

        warlike achievements, all indicate the peaceful traits of Chinese character. Duels are unknown, assassinations are infrequent, betting on horse-races is still to begin, and running amuck a la Malay is unheard of. When two persons fall out upon a matter, after a vast variety of gesture and huge vociferation of opprobrium, they will blow oft their wrath and separate almost without touching each other. Some contrarieties in their ideas and customs from those practised among ourselves have frequently been noticed by travellers, a few of which are grouped in the following sketch :

        On asking the boatman in which direction the harbor hxy, I was answered west-north, and the wind, he said, was west-south ; lie still further perplexed my ideas as to our course by getting out his compass and showing me that the needle pointed south. It was really a needle as to size, weight, and length, about an inch and a half long, the south end of it painted red, and all the time quivering on the pivot. His boat differed from our vessels, too, in many ways: the cooking was done in the stern and the passengers were all accommodated in the bow, while the sailors slept on deck and had their kits stowed in lockers amidships.

        ‘ Temple Bur, Vol. XLIX., p. 45.

        On lauding, the first object that attracted my attention was a military officer wearing an embroidered petticoat, who had a string of beads around his neck and a fan in his hand. His insignia of rank was a peacock’s feather pointing downward instead of a plume turning upward ; he had a round knob or button on the apex of his sugar-loaf cap, instead of a star on his breast or epaulettes on his shoulders; and it was with some dismay that I saw him mount his horse on the right side. Several scabbards hung from his belt, which I naturally supposed must be dress swords or dirks; but on venturing near through the crowd 1 was undeceived by seeing a pair of chopsticks and a knife-handle sticking out of one, and soon his fan was folded up and put in the other. I therefore concluded that he was going to a dinner instead of a review. The natives around me shaved the hair from the front half of their heads and let it grow long behind: many of them did not shave their faces, and others employed their leisure in diligently pulling the straggling hairs down over their mouths. We arrange our toilets differently, thought I ; but could easily see the happy device of chopsticks, which enabled these gentlemen to put their food into the mouth endwise under this natural fringe. A group of hungry fellows, around the stall of a travelling cook, further exhibited the utility of these ktrai-fsz\ or ‘ nimble lads ‘ (as I afterward learned chopsticks were called), for each had put his bowl of rice to his lips, and was shovelling in the contents till the mouth would hold no more. “We keep our bowls on the table, ” said I, “do our cooking in the house, and wait for customers to come there instead of travelling around after them;” but these chopsticks serve for knife, fork, and spoon in one.

        On my way to the hotel I saw a group of old people and graybeards. A few were chirruping and chuckling to larks or thrushes, which they carried perched on a stick or in cages; others were catching flies or hunting for crickets to feed them, while the remainder of the party seemed to be delightfully employed in flying fantastic paper kites. A group of boys were gravely looking on and regarding these innocent occupations of their seniors with the most serious and gratified attention. A few of the most sprightly were kicking a shuttlecock back and forth with great energy, instead of playing rounders with bat and ball as boys would do.

        As I had come to the country to reside for some time, I made inquiries respecting a teacher, and happily found one who understood English. On entering he stood at the door, and instead of coming forward and shaking my hands, he politely bowed and shook his own, clasping them before his breast.

        I looked upon this mode as an improvement on our custom, especially when the condition of the hands might be doubtful, and requested him to be seated.

        I knew that I was to study a language without an alphabet, but was not prepared to see him begin at what I had always considered to be the end of the book. He read the date of its publication, ” the fifth year, tenth month, and first day.” ” We arrange our dates differently,” I observed, and begged him to read—which he did, from top to bottom, and proceeding from right to left.

        CONTRARIETIES IN CHINESE AND WESTERN USAGE. 831

        “You have an odd book here,” remarked I, taking it up; “what is the price?” “A dollar and eight-thirds,” said he, upon which I counted out three dollars and two-thirds and went on looking at it. The paper was printed only on one side; the running title was on the edge of the leaves instead of the top of the page, the paging was near the bottom, the number and contents of the chapters were at their ends, the marginal notes on the top, where the blank was double the size at the foot, and a broad black line across the middle of each page, like that seen in some French newspapers, separated the two works composing the volume, instead of one being printed after the other. The back was open and the sewing outside, and the name neatly written on the bottom edge. ” You have given me loo much,” said he, as h« handed me back two dollars and one-third, and then explained that eight thirds meant eight divided by three, or only three-eighths. A small native vocabulary which lu? carried with him had the characters arranged according to the termination of their sounds, iidny, dint/, kiiifj, being all in a row, and the first word in it being necii. “Ah! my friend,” said I, “English won’t help me to find a word in that book ; please give me your address.” He accordingly took out a red card, big as a sheet of paper, on which was written Ying San-yuen in large characters, and pointed out the place of his residence, written on the other side. “I thought your name was Mr. Ying; why do you write your name wrong end first ‘? ” ” It is you who are in the wrong,” replied he ; “look in your yearly directory, where alone you write names as they should be written, putting the honored family name first.”

        I could only say, ” Customs differ; ” and begged him to speak of ceremony, as I gave him back the book. He commenced, ” When you receive a distinguished guest, do not fail to place him on your left, for that is the seat of honor ; and be careful not to uncover the head, as that would be an unbecoming act of familiarity.” This was a little opposed to my established notions ; but when lie reopened the volume and read, ” The most learned men are decidedly of the opinion that the seat of the human understanding is in the belly,” I cried out, ” Better say it is in the feet ! ” and straightway shut up the book, dismissing him for another day ; for this shocked all my principles of correct philosophy, even if King Solomon was against me.

        On going abroad I met so many things contrary to my early notions of propriety that I readily assented to a friend’s observation, that the Chinese were our antipodes in many things besides geographical position. ” Indeed,” said T, ‘ ‘ they are so ; I shall expect shortly to see a man walking on his head. Look ! there’s a woman in trousers and a party of gentlemen in petticoats ; she is smoking and they are fanning themselves.” However, on passing them I saw that the latter had on tight leggings. We soon met the steward of the house dressed in white, and I asked him what merry-making he was invited to ; with a look of concern lie told me he was returning from his father’s funeral.

        Instead of having crape on his head he wore white shoes, and his dress was slovenly and neglected. My companion informed me that in the north of China it was common for rich people at funerals to put a white harness on the mules and .shroud the carts in coarse cotton ; while the chief mourners walked next to the bier, making loud cryings and showing their grief by leaning on the attendants. The friends rode behind and the musicians preceded the coffin—all being unlike our sable plumes and black crapes.

        We next went through a retired street, where we heard sobbing and crying inside a court, and I inquired who was dead or ill. The man, suppressing a smile, said, ” It is a girl about to be married, who is lamenting with her relatives and fellows as she bids adieu to the family penates and lares and her paternal home. She has enough to cry about, though, in the prospect of going to her mother-in-law’s house”

        I thought, after these unlucky essays, I would ask no more questions, but use my eyes instead. Looking into a shop, I saw a stout fellow sewing lace on a bonnet for a foreign lady; and going on to the landing-place, behold, all the ferry-boats were rowed by women, and from a passage-boat at the wharf I saw all the women get out ol! the bow to go ashore. “What are we coming to next ? ” said I ; and just then saw a carpenter take his foot-rule oiit of his stocking to measure some timber which an apprentice was cutting with a saw whose blade was set nearly at right angles with the frame. Before the door sat a man busily engaged in whitening the thick soles of a pair of cloth shoes.

        ” That’s a shoewhite, I suppose,” said I ; ” and he answers to the shoeblacks in New York, who cry ‘Shine ! shine !’ ” “Just so,” said my friend ; ” and beyond him see the poor wretch in chokey, with a board or cangue around his neck for a shirt-collar ; an article of his toilet which answers to the cuffs with which the lads in the Tombs there are garnished instead of bracelets. In the prisons in this land, instead of cropping the hair of a criminal, as with us, no man is allowed to have his head shaved.”

        In the alleys called streets, few of them ten feet wide, the signs stood on their ends or hung from the eaves ; the counters of the shops were next the street, the fronts were all open, and I saw the holes for the upright bars which secured the shop at night. Everything was done or sold in the streets or markets, which presented a strange medley. The hogs were transported in hampers on the shoulders of coolies, to the evident satisfaction of the inmates, and small pigs were put into baskets carried in slings, while the fish were frisking and jumping in shallow tubs as they were hawked from door to door.

        A loud din led us to look in at an open door to see what was going on, and there a dozen boys were learning their tasks, all crying like auctioneers ; one lad reciting his lesson out of Confucius turned his back to the master instead of looking him in the face, and another who was learning to write put the copyslip under the paper to imitate it, instead of looking at it as our boys would do.

        We next passed a fashionable lady stepping out of her sedan chair. Her head was adorned with flowers instead of a bonnet, her hands gloveless, and her neck quite bare. Her feet were encased in red silk pictured shoes not quite four inches long ; her plaited, embroidered petticoat was a foot longer than her gown, and her waist was not to be seen. As she entered the courtyard, leaning on the shoulder of her maid to help her walk on those cramped feet, my friend observed, “There you see a good example of a live walking stick.”

        A little after we met one of his acquaintances accompanying a prettily carved coffin, and he asked who was dead.

        ” No man hab catchee die,” replied the Celestial ; “this one piecy coffin I just now gib my olo fader. He likee too much counta my numba one ploper; s’pose he someteem catchee die, can usee he.”

        ” So fashion, eh?” rejoined n\v friend ; “how muchee plice can catchee one alia same same for that ?”

        ” I tinky can get one alia same so fashion one tousaia dollar, so ; this hab first chop hansom, lo.”

        ” Do you call that gibberish English or Chinese ? ” I asked ; for the language sounded no less strange than the custom of presenting a coffin to a living father differed from my preconceived notions of filial duty.

        “That’s the purest pigeon-English,” replied he; “and you must be the Jack Downing of Canton to immortalize it.”

        COMMENDABLE TIIAITS OF CHINESE CHAIIACTER. 833

        “Comi’, rather let lis go home, for soon I shall hardly be able to tell where or who I am in this strange land.” ‘

        In suinining up the moral traits of Chinese character—a far more difficult task than the enumeration of its oddities—we must necessarily compare them with that perfect standard given us from above. While their contrarieties indicate a different external civilization, a slight acquaintance with their morals proves tneir similarity to their fellow-men in the lineaments of a fallen and depraved nature. Some of the better traits of their character have been marvellously developed. They have attained, by the observance of peace and good order, to a high degree of security for life and property ; the various classes of society are linked together in a remarkably homogeneous manner by the diffusion of education in the most moral bookb in their language and a general regard for the legal rights of property. Equality of competition for office removes the main incentive to violence in order to obtain posts of power and dignity, and industry receives its just reward of food, raiment, and shelter with a uniformity which encourages its constant exertion. If any one asks how they have reached this point, we would primarily ascribe it to the blessing of the Governor of the nations, who has for

        His own purposes continued one people down to the present time from remote antiquity. The roots of society among them have never been broken up by emigration or the overflowing conquest of a superior race, but have been fully settled in a great regard for the family compact and deep reverence for parents and superiors. Education has strengthened and disseminated the morality they had, and God has blessed their filial piety by fulfilling the first commandment with promise and making their days long in the land which He has given them. Davis lays rather too much stress upon geographical and climatic causes in accounting for their advancement in these particulars, though their isolation has no doubt had much to do with their security and progress.

        Chinese Repository, Vol. X., p. 106 ; New York Christian Weekly, 1878. Vol. I. -53

        When, however, these traits have been mentioned, the Chinese are still more left without excuse for their wickedness, since being without law, they are a law unto themselves; they have always known better than they have done. With a general regard for outward decency, they are vile and polluted in a shocking degree; their conversation is full of filthy expressions and their lives of impure acts. They are somewhat restrained in the latter by the fences put around the family circle, so that seduction and adultery are comparatively infrequent, the former may even be said to be rare; but brothels and their inmates occur everywhere on land and on water. One danger attending young girls going abroad alone is that they will be stolen for incarceration in these gates of hell. By pictures, songs, and aphrodisiacs they excite their sensuality, and, as the Apostle says, “receive in themselves that recompense of their error which is meet.”

        MENDACITY OF THE CHINESE. 835

        More uneradicable than the sins of the flesh is the falsity of the Chinese, and its attendant sin of base ingratitude; their disregard of truth has perhaps done more to lower their character than any other fault. They feel no shame at being detected in a He (though they have not gone quite so far as not to know when they do lie), nor do they fear any punishment from their gods for it. On the other hand, the necessity of the case compels them, in their daily intercourse with each other, to pay some regard to truth, and each man, from his own consciousness, knows just about how much to expect. Ambassadors and merchants have not been in the best position to ascertain their real character in this respect; for on the one side the courtiers of Peking thought themselves called upon by the mere presence of an embassy to put on some fictitious appearances, and on the other, the integrity and fair dealing of the Hang merchants and great traders at Canton is in advance of the usual mercantile honesty of their countrymen. A Chinese requires but little motive to falsify, and he is constantly sharpening his wits to cozen his customer—wheedle him by promises and cheat him in goods or work. There is nothing which tries one so much when living among them as their disregard of truth, and renders him m indifferent as to what calamities may befall so mendacious a race ; an abiding impression of suspicion toward everybody rests upon the mind, which chills the warmest wishes for their welfare and thwarts many a plan to benefit them. Their better traits diminish in the distance, and patience is exhausted in its daily proximity and friction with this ancestor of all sins. Mr. Abeel mentions a case of deceit which may serve as a specimen.

        Soon after we arrived at Kulang sii, a man came to us who professed to be the near relation and guardian of the owners of the house in which we live, and presented a little boy as the joint proprietor with his widowed mother.

        From the appearance of the house and the testimony of others we could easily credit his story that the family were now in reduced circumstances, having not only lost the house when the English attacked the place, but a thousand dollars besides by native robbers; we therefore allowed him a small rent, and gave the dollars to the man, who put them into the hands of the child. The next month he made his appearance, but our servant, whom we had taken to be peculiarly honest for a heathen, suggested the propriety of inquiring whether the money was ever given to those for whom it was professedly received ; and soon returned with the information that the mother had heard nothing of the money, the man who received it not living in the family, but had now sent a lad to us who would receive it for her, and who our servants assured us would give it to the proper person. A day or two afterward our cook whispered to me that our honest servant, who had taken so much pains to prevent all fraud in the matter, had made the lad give him one-half of the money for his disinterestedness in preventing it from falling into improper hands; and further examination showed us that this very cook had himself received a good share to keep silent.

        Thieving is exceedingly common, and the illegal exactions of the rulers, as has already been sufficiently pointed out, are most burdensome. This vice, too, is somewhat restrained by the punishments inflicted on criminals, though the root of the evil is not touched. While the licentiousness of the Chinese may be in part ascribed to their ignorance of pure intellectual pleasures and the want of virtuous female society, so may their lying be attributed partly to their truckling fear of officers, and their thievery to the want of sufficient food or work. Hospitality is not a trait of their character; on the contrary, the number and wretched condition of the beggars show that public and private charity is ahuOi^t extinct ; yet here too the sweeping charge must be mouifled when we remember the efforts they make to sustain their relatives and families in so densely peopled a country.

        Their avarice is not so distinguishing a feature as their love of money, but the industry which this desire induces or presupposes is th source of most of their superiority to their neighbors.

        The politeness which they exhibit seldom has its motive in goodwill, and consequently, when the varnish is off, the rudeness, brutality, and coarseness of the material is seen; still, among themselves this exterior polish is not without some good results in preventing quarrels, where both parties, fully understanding each other, are careful not to overpass the bounds of etiquette.

        On the whole, the Chinese present a singular mixture: if there is something to commend, there is more to blame; if they have some glaring vices, they have more virtues than most pagan nations. Ostentatious kindness and inbred suspicion, ceremonious civility and real rudeness, partial invention and servile imitation, industry and waste, sycojjhancy and self-dependence, are, with other dark and bright qualities, strangely blended. In trying to remedy the faults of their character by the restraints of law and the diffusion of education, they have no doubt hit upon the right mode; and their shortcomings show how ineffectual both must be until the Gospel comes to the aid of ruler and subject in elevating the moral sense of the whole nation. Female infanticide in some parts openly confessed, and divested of all disgrace and penalties everywhere ; the dreadful prevalence of all the vices charged by the Apostle Paul upon the ancient heathen world ; the alarming extent of the use of opium(furnished, too, under the patronage, and supplied in purity by the power and skill of Great Britain from India), destroying the productions and natural resources of the people ; the universal practice of lying and dishonest dealings; the unblushing lewdness of old and young ; harsh cruelty toward prisoners by officers, and tyranny over slaves by masters—all form a full unchecked torrent of human depravity, and prove the existence of a kind and degree of moral degradation of which an excessive statement can scarcely be made, or an adequate conception hardly be formed.

      9. WELLS WILLIAMS《The Middle Kingdom》6-9

        CHAPTER VI.  NATURAL HISTORY OF CHINA

        The succinct account of the natural history of China given by Sir John Davis in lS^i^, contained nearly all the popular notices of much value then known, and need not be repeated, while summarizing the items derived from other and later sources. Malte-Brun observed long ago, ” That of even the more general, and, according to the usual estimate, the more important features of that vast sovereignty, we owe whatever knowledge we have obtained to some ambassadors who have seen the courts and the great roads—to certain merchants who have inhabited a suburb of a frontier town—and to several missionaries who, generally more credulous than discriminating, have contrived to penetrate in various directions into the interior.”

        The volumes upon China in the Edinburgh Cabinet Library contain the best digest of what was known forty years since on this subject. The botanical collections of Robert Fortune in 18-14-1849, and those of Col. Champion at Hongkong, have been studied by Bentham, while the later researches of Hance, Bunge and Maximowitch have brought many new forms tc notice. In geology, Pumpelly, Ivingsinill, Bickmore, and Bai-on Richthofen have greatly enlarged and certiiied our knowledge by their travels and memoirs ; while Pere David, Col. Prejevalsky, Swinhoe, Stimpson, and Sir John Richardson have added hundreds of new species to the scientific fauna of the Empire.

        GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS. 297

        Personal investigation is particularly necessary in all that relates to the geology and fossils of a country, and the knowledge possessed on these heads is, it must be conceded, still meagre, though now sufficient to convey a general idea of the formations, deposits, and contents of the mountains and mines, as well as the agencies at work in modifying the surface of this land. The descriptions and observed facts recorded in native books may furnish valuable hints when they can be compared with the places and productions, for at present the difficulty of explaining terms used, and understanding the processes described, render these treatises hard to translate. The empirical character of Chinese science compels a careful sifting of all its facts and speculations by comparisons with nature, while the amount of real information contained in medical, topographical, and itinerant works render them always worth examining. Large regions still await careful examination in every part of the Empire ; and it will be m’ell for the Chinese Government if no tempting metallic deposits are found to test its strength to protect and work them for its own benefit. But in mere science it cannot be doubted that so peculiar a part of the world as the plateau of Central Asia will, when thoroughly examined, solve many problems relating to geology, and disclose many important facts to illustrate the obscure phenomena of other parts of the world.

        A few notices of geolooical formations furnished in the waitings of travelers, have already been given in the geographical account of the provinces. The summaiy published by Davis is a well digested survey of the observations collected by the gentlemen attached to the embassies.’

        The loess-beds, covering a great portion of Northern China, are among the most peculiar natural phenomena and interesting fields for o;eoloo;ical investigation on the world’s surface. Since attention was first directed to this deposit by Pumpelly, in 18G4, its formation and extent have been more carefully examined by other geologists, whose hypotheses are now pretty generally discarded for that of Baron von Eichthofen. The loess territory begins, at its eastern limit, with the foot hills of the great alluvial plane. From this rises a terrace of from 90 to 250 feet in height, consisting entirely of hjess, and westward of it, in 1 The Chinese, Vol. II., pp. 333-343.

        a nearly north and south line, stretches the TaihangShan or dividing range between the alluvial land and the hill (tountrj of Shansi. An almost uninterrupted loess-covered country extends west of this line to the Koko-nor and head-waters of the Yellow River. On the north the formation can he ti’aced from the vicinity of Ivalgan, along the water-shed of the Mongolian steppes, and into the desert beyond the Ala shan. Toward the south its limits are less sharply defined ; though covering all the country of the Wei basin (in Shensi), none is found in Sz’chuen, due south of this valley, but it appears in parts of Ilonan and Eastern Shantung. Excepting occasional spurs and isolated spots—as at Xanking and the Lakes Poyang and Tungting—

        loess may be considered as ending everywhere on the north side of the Yangzi valley, and, roughly speaking, to cover the parallelogram between longs. 99° and 115°, and lats.

        33° and 41°. The district within China Proper represents a territory half as large again as that of the German Empire, while outside of the Provinces there is reason to believe that loess spreads far toward the east and north. In the WuTaiShan (Shanxi), Richthofen observed this deposit to a height of 7200 feet above the sea, and supposes that it may occur at higher levels.

        LOESS-BEDS OF ISTORTIIERX CHINA. 299

        The term loess, now generally accepted, has been used to designate a tertiary deposit appearing in the Illiine valley and several isolated sections of Eurt)pe ; its formation has heretofore been ascribed to glaciers, but its enormous extent and thickness in China demand suine other origin. The substance is a brownish colored earth, extremely porous, and when dry easily powdered between the fingers, when it becomes an impalpable (lust that may be rubbed into the pores of the skin. Its particles are somewhat angular in shape, the lumps varying from the size of a peamit to a foot in length, whose appearance warrants the peculiarly appropriate Chinese name meaning ‘ ginger stones.’(‘ Journal of the Oeolog. Soc, Loudon, for 1871, p. 379.) After washing, the stuff is readily disintegrated, and spread far and wide by rivers during their freshets ; Ivingsmill’ states that a nimiber of specimens which crumbled in the moist air of a Shanghai summer, rearranged themselves afterward in the bottom of a drawer in which they had been phiced. Every atom of loess is perforated by small tubes, usually very minute, circulating after the manner of root-fibres, and lined with a thin coating of carbonate of lime. The direction of these little canals being always from above downward, cleavage in the loess mass, in-espective of its size, is invariably vertical, while from the same cause surface water never collects in the form of rain puddles or lakes, but sinks at once to the local water level.

        One of the most striking, as well as important phenomena of this formation is the perpendicular splitting of its mass into sudden and multitudinous clefts that cut up the country in every direction, and render observation, as well as travel, often exceedingly difficult. The clifPs, caused by erosion, vary from cracks measured by inches to canons half a mile wide and hundreds of feet deep ; they branch out in every direction, ramifying through the country after the manner of tree-roots in the

        soil—from each root a rootlet, and from these other small

        fibres—until the system of passages develops into a labyrinth of

        far-reaching and intermingling lanes. Were the loess throughout

        of the uniform structure seen in single clefts, such a region

        would itideed be absolutely imj^assable, the vertical banks

        becoming precipices of often more tlian a thousand feet. The

        fact, however, that loess exhibits all over a terrace formation,

        renders its surface not only habitable, but highly convenient

        for agricultural purposes; it has given rise, moreover, to the

        theory advanced by Kingsmill and some otliers, of its stratification,

        and from this a proof of its origin as a marine deposit.

        Richthofen argues that these apparent layers of loess are due

        to external conditions, as of rocks and debris sliding from surrounding hillsides upon the loess as it sifted into the basin or

        valley, thus interrupting the homogeneity of the gradually rising

        deposit. In the sides of gorges near the mountains are seen

        layers of coarse debris which, in going toward the valley, become

        finer, while the layei’s themselves are thinner and separated

        by an increasing vertical distance ; along these rubble

        beds are numerous calcareous concretions which stand upright.

        These are then the terrace-forming layers which, by their

        resistance to tlie action of water, cause the broken chasms and

        step-like contour of the loess regions. Each bank does indeed

        cleave vertically, sometimes—since the erosion works from below—

        leaving an overhanging bank ; but meeting with this

        horizontal layer of marl stones, the abrasion is interrupted, and

        a ledge is made. Falling clods upon such spaces are gradually

        spread over their surfaces by natural action, converting them

        into rich fields. AVhen seen from a height in good seasons,

        tliese systems of terraces present an endless succession of green

        fields and growing crops ; viewed from the deep cut of a road

        below, the traveller sees nothing but yellow walls of loam and

        dusty tiers of loess ridges. As may be readily imagined, a

        country of this nature exhibits many landscapes of unrivalled

        picturesqueness, especially when lofty crags, which some variation

        in the water- course has left as giant guardsmen in fertile

        river valleys, stand out in bold relief against the green background

        of neighboring hills and a fruitful alluvial bottom, or

        when an opening of some ascending pass allows the eye to range

        over leagues of sharp-cut ridges and teaming crops, the work of

        the careful cultivator.

        UTILITY AND FRUITFULNESS OF THE LOESS. 301

        The extreme ease with which loess is cut away tends at times to seriously embarrass traffic. Dnst made by the cart-wheels on a highway is taken up by strong winds during the dry season and blown over the surrounding lands, much after the maimer in which it was originally deposited here. This action continued over centuries, and assisted by occasional deluges of rain, Which find a ready channel in the road-l)od, has hollowed the country routes into depressions of often 50 or 100 feet, where the passenger may ride for miles without obtaining a glimpse of the surrounding scenery. Lieutenant Kreitner, of the Szechenyi exploring expedition, illustrates,’(‘ Imfirnen Oxtin, j>. 4()2.) in a personal experience in Shansf, the difficulty and danger of leaving these deep cuts; after scrambling for miles along the broken loess above the road, he only regained it when a further passage was cut off by a precipice on the one side, while a jump of some 30 feet into the beaten track below awaited him on the other. Difficult as may be such a territory for roads and the purposes of trade, the advantages to a fanner are manifold. Wherever this deposit extends, there the liusbandman has an assured harvest, two and even three times in a year. It is easily worked, exceedingly

        fertile, and submits to constant tillage, with no other manure

        than a sprinkling of its own loam dug from the nearest bank.

        Facade of Dwelling in Loess Cliffs, Ling-shf hien. (Fronn Richthofen.)

        But loess performs still another service to its inhabitants. Caves

        made at the base of its straight clefts afford homes to millions

        of people in the northern provinces. Choosing an escai”pment

        where the consistency of the earth is greatest, the natives cut

        for themselves rooms and houses, whose partition walls, cement,

        bed and furniture are made from the same loess. Whole villages

        cluster together in a series of adjoining or superimposed chambers, some of which pierce the soil to a depth of often more than 200 feet. Tii more costly dwellings the terrace or succession of terraces tlms perforated are faced with brick, as well as the arching of rooms within. The advantages of such habitations consist as well in imperviousness to changes of temperature without, as in their durability when constructed in properly selected places, many loess dwellings outlasting six or seven generations. The capabilities of defence in a country such as this, where an invading army must inevitably become lost in the tangle of interlacing ways, and where the defenders may always remain concealed, is very suggestive.

        There remains, lastly, a peculiar property of loess which is perhaps more important than all other features M’hen measured by its man-serving efficiency. This is the manner in which it brings forth crops without the aid of manure. From a period more than 2,000 years before Christ, to the present day, the province of Shansi has borne the name of Grainery of the Empire, while its fertile soil, HuangDi, or ‘yellow earth’, is the origin of the imperial color. Spite of this productiveness, which, in the fourteenth century, caused the Friar Odoric to class it as the second country in the world, its present capacity for raising crops seems to be as great as ever. In the nature of this substance lies the reason for this apparently inexhaustible

        fecundity. Its renuirkably porous sti-uctui-e must indeed cause

        it to absorb the gases necessary to plant life to a much greater

        degree than other soils, but the stable productit>n of those mineral

        substances needful to the yearly succession of crops is in

        the ground itself. The salts contained more or loss in solution

        at the water level of the region are freed by the capillary action

        of the loess when rain-water sinks thi’ough tlie spongy mass

        from above. Surface moisture following the downward direction

        of the tiny loess tubes establishes a connection M’ith the

        waters compressed below, when, owing to the law of diffusion,

        the ingredients, being released, mix with the moisture of the

        little canals, and are taken from the lowest to the topmost

        levels, permeating the ground and fni-nishing nourishment to

        the plant roots at the surface. It is on account of this curious

        action of loess that a co])ious i-ain fall is nioi-e necessary in North

        richtiiofen’s theory of its origin. 303

        China than elseM’lieie, for with a dearth of rain the capillary communication from above, below, and vice versa, is interrupted, and vegetation loses both its niainire and moisture. Drought and famine are consequently synonymous terms here. As to the formation and origin of loess, Richthofen’s theory is substantially as follows :
        ‘The uniform composition of this material over extended areas, coupled with the absence of stratification and of marine or fresh-water organic remains, renders impossible the hypothesis that it is a water deposit. On the other hand, it contains vast quantities of land-shells and the vestiges of animals (mammalia) at every level, both in remarkably perfect condition. Concluding, also, that from the

        conformation of the neighboring mountain chains and their

        peculiar weathering, the glacial theory is inadmissible, he advances

        the supposition that loess is a sub-aerial deposit, and that

        its fields are the drained analogues of the steppe-basins of Central

        ‘ China : Ergebnisse eigener Reiaen. Baud I. , S. 74. Berlin, 1877.

        Asia. They date from a geological era of great dryness, before the existence of the Yellow and other rivers of the northern provinces. As the rocks and hills of the highlands disintegrated, the sand was removed, not by water-courses seaward, but by the high winds ranging over a treeless desert landward, until the dust settled in the grass- covered districts of what is at present China Proper. New vegetation was at once nourished, while its roots were raised by the constantly arriving deposit; the decay of old roots produced the lime-lined canals which impart to this material its peculiar characteristics. Any one who has observed the terrible dust-storms of North China, when the air is filled with an impalpable yellow powder, which leaves its coating upon everything, and often extends, in a foglike cloud, hundreds of miles to sea, will understand the power of this action during many thousand years. This deposition received the shells and bones of innumerable animals, while the dissolved solutions contained in its bulk stayed therein, or saturated the water of small lakes. By the sinking of mountain chains in the south, rain-clouds emptied themselves over this region with much greater frequency, and gradually the system became drained, the erosion working backward from the coast, slowly cutting into one basin after another. AVith the sinking of its salts to lower levels, unexampled richness was added to the wonderful topography of this peculiar formation.’

        Pumpelly, while accepting this ingenious theory in place of his own (that of a fresh- water lake deposit), adds that the supply of loess might have been materially increased by the vast mersde-(jlam of High Asia and the Tien Shan, whose streams have for ages transported the products of glacial attrition into Central Asia and Northwest China. Again, he insists that llichthofen has not given importance enough to the parting planes, wrongly considered by his predecessors as planes of stratification.

        ” These,” he says, ” account for the marginal layers of debris brought down from the mountains. And the continuous and more abundant growth of grasses at one ])lanG would produce a modification of the soil structurally and chemically, which superincumbent accumulations could never efface. It should seem probable that we have herein, also, the explanation of the calcareous concretions which abound along these planes ; for the greater amount of carbonic acid generated by the slow decay of this vegetation would, by forming a bicarbonate, give to the lime the mobility necessary to produce the concretions.”

        ‘Compare Kingsmill, in the Quar. Journal of the Oeol. Soe. of London, 1868, pp. 119 ff., and in the North China Herald, Vol. IX., 85, 80.

        METHODS OF WORKING COAL. 305

        The metallic and mineral productions used in the arts comprise nearly everything found in other countries, and the common ones are furnished in such abundance, and at such rates, as conclusively prove them to be plenty and easily worked. The careful digest of observations published by Pumpelly through the Smithsonian Institution, carries out this remark, and indicates the vast field still to be explored. Coal exists in every province in China, and Pumpelly enumerates seventy-four h)calities which have been ascertained. Marco Polo’s well-known notice of its use shows that the people had long employed it: ” It is a fact that all over the country of Cathay there is a kind of black stone existing in beds in the mountains, which they dig out and burn like firewood. It is true that they have plenty of wood also, but they do not burn it, because those stones burn better and cost less.’ This mineral seems to have been unknown in Europe till after the return of the Venetian to his native land, while it was employed before the Christian era in China, and probably in very ancient times, if the accessible deposits in Shensi then cropped out in its eroded gorges, as represented by Richthofen. The few fossil plants hitherto examined indicate that the mass of these deposits are of the Mesozoic age. The mode of working the coal mines is described by Pumpelly,” and was probably no worse two thousand five hundred years ago.

        Want of machinery for draining them prevents the miners from going much below the water-level, and a rain-storm will sometimes flood and ruin a shaft. An inclined plane seldom takes the workmen more than a hundred feet below the level of the mouth, and then a horizontal gallery conducts him to the end of the mine. Some water is bailed out by buckets handed from one level up to another at the top, and the coal

        is carried out in baskets on the miners’ backs, or dragged in

        sleds over smooth, round sticks along passages too low for the

        coolies to do better than crawl as they work. Mr. Pumpelly

        found the gallery of one mine near Peking so low that he

        had to crawl the whole distance (six thousand feet) to see its

        construction, and when he emerged into daylight, with his

        knees nearly skinned, ascertained that the workmen padded

        theirs. The timbering is very expensive, yet, with all drawbacks,

        the coal sells, at the pit’s mouth, for $2.00 down to 50 cents a ton. The mines, lying on the slopes of the plateau reaching from near Corea to the Yellow River, supply the plain with cheap and excellent fuel.

        » Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. I., p. 395.^ Across Aineric i and Asia, pp. 291 ff.Vol. I.—20

        Blakiston gives an account of the manner in which coal is worked on the Uj^per Yangzi near the town of Siichau: “Having to be got out at a great height up in the cliff, very thick hawsers, made of plaited bamboo, are tightly stretched from the mouth, or near the mouth, of the working gallery, to a space near the water where the coal can be deposited. These ropes are in pairs, and large pannier-shaped baskets are made to traverse on them, a rope passing from one over a large wheel

        at the upper landing, and down again to the other, so that the

        full basket going down pulls the empty one up, the velocity

        being regulated by a kind of brake on the wheel at the top.

        At some places the height at which the coal is worked is so

        great that two or more of these contrivances are used, one takine:

        to a landins; half wav down, and another from thence to the

        river. The hawsers are kept taut by a windlass for that purpose

        at the bottom.” * This useful mineral appears to be abundant

        throughout Sz’chuen Province, and is used here much less

        sparingly than in the east. With such inexpensive methods of

        getting coal to the water-courses, foreign machinery can hardly

        be expected to reduce its price very materially.

        The economical use of coal in the household and the arts has

        been carried to great perfection. Anthracite is powdered and

        mixed with wet clay, earth, sawdust or dung, according to the

        exigencies of the case, in the proportion of about seven to one ;

        the balls thus made are dried in the sun. The brick-beds

        (Jcang) are effective means of warming the house, and the hand

        furnaces enable the poor to cook with these balls—aided by a

        little charcoal or kindlings—at a trifling expense. This form

        of consumption is common north of the Yellow River, and brings

        coal within reach of multitudes who otherwise would suffer and

        starve. Bituminous, brown, and other varieties of coal occur

        in the same abundance and extent as in other great areas, giving

        promise of adequate supplies for future ages. The coal

        worked on the Peh kiang, in Ivwangtung, contains sulphur,

        ftud is employed in the manufacture of copperas.*

        Crystallized gypsum is brought fi-om the northwest of the

        province to Canton, and is ground to powder in mills ;

        plaster

        ‘ Five Months on the Ynng-Uze, p. 265. Annates de la Foi, Tome IX., p.

        457.

        2 N. C. Br. R. A. Soc. Journal, New Series, No. III., pp. 94-106, and No.

        IV., pp. 243 ff. Notes by Mr. Hollingworth of a Visit to the Coal Mines in the

        Neighborhood of Loh-Ping. Blue Book, China, No. 2, 1870, p. 11. Notes

        and Queries on China and Japan, Vol. IT., pp. 74-76. North China Herald,

        passim. Richthofen’s Letters, and in Ocean Highways, Nov., 1S78. Chinese Repository, Vol. XIX., pp. 385 fE. l4j’Cr /’ 111/

        BUILDING STONES AND MINP:RALS. 307

        of Paris and other forms of this sulphate are common all over China. It is not used as a manure, but the flour is mixed with wood-oil to form a cement for paying the seam’s of boats after they have been caulked. The powder is employed as a dentifrice, a cosmetic, and a medicine, and sometimes, also, is boiled to make a gruel in fevers, under the idea that it is cooling. The bakers who supplied the English troops at Amoy, in 1843, occasionally put it into the bread to make it heavier, but not, as was erroneously charged upon them, with any design of poisoning their customers, fur they do not think it noxious ; its employment in coloring green tea, and adulterating powdered sugar, is also explainable by other motives than a wish to injure the consumers.

        Limestone is abundant at Canton, both common clouded marble and blue limestone ; the last is extensively used in the artificial rockwork of gardens. Even if the Cantonese knew of the existence of lime in limestone, which they generally do not, the expense of fuel for calcining it would prevent their burning it while oyster-shells are so abundant in that region. In other provinces stone-lime is burned, by the aid of coal, in small kilns.

        The fine marble quarried near Peking is regarded as fit alone

        for imperial uses, and is seen only in such places as the Altar

        of Heaven and palace grounds. The marble used for floors is a

        fissile crystallized limestone, unsusceptible of polish ; no statues

        or ornaments are sculptured from this mineral, but slabs are

        sometimes wrought out, and the surfaces curiously stained and

        corroded with acids, forming rude representations of animals or

        other figures, so as to convey the appearance of natural markings.

        Some of these simulated petrifactions are exceedingly

        well done. Slabs of aro-illaceous slate are also chosen with

        reference to their layers, and treated in the same manner. An

        excellent granite is used about Canton and Amoy for building,

        and no people exceed the Chinese in cutting it. Large slabs are

        split out by wooden wedges, cut for basements and foundations,

        and laid in a beautiful manner ; pillars are also hewn from single stones of different shapes, though of no extraordinary dimensions, and their shafts embellished with inscriptions.

        Ornamental walls are frequently formed of large slabs set in posts, like panels, the outer faces of which are beautifully carved with figures representing a landscape or procession. lied and gray sandstone, gneiss, mica slate, and other species of rock, are also worked for pavements and walls.

        Nitre is cheap and common enough in the northern provinces

        to obviate any fear of its being smuggled into the country from

        abroad ; it is obtained in Chihli by lixiviating the soil, and

        furnishes material for the manufacture of gunpowder. A lye

        is obtained from ashes, which partially serves the purposes of

        soap ; but the people are still ignorant of the processes necessaiy

        for manufacturing it. Fourteen localities of alum are

        given in Pumpelly’s list, but the gi-eatest supply for the eastern

        provinces comes from deposits of shale, in Ping-yang hien, in

        Chehkiang, Avhich produces about six thousand tons annually.

        It is used mostly by the dyers, also to |)urify tnrbid water, and

        whiten paper. Other earthy salts are known and used, as borax,

        sal-ammoniac (which is collected in Mongolia and 111 from

        lakes and the vicinity of extinct volcanoes), and blue and white

        vitriol, obtained by roasting pyrites. Common salt is procured

        along the eastern and southern coasts by evaporating seawater,

        rock-salt not having been noticed ; in the western provinces

        and Shansf, it is obtained from artesian wells and lakes

        as cheaply as from the ocean ; in Tsing-3’en hien, in Central

        Sz’chuen, two hundred and thirty-seven wells are worked. At

        Chusan the sea-water is so turbid that the inhabitants filter it

        through clay, afterward evaporating the Avater.

        The minerals heretofore found in China have, for the most part, been such as have attracted the attention of the natives, and collected by them for curiosity or sale. The skillful manner in which their lapidaries cut crystal, agate, and other qnartzose minerals, is well known.’ The corundum used for polishing and finishing these carvings occurs in China, but a good deal of emery in powder is obtained from Borneo. A composition of gramdar corundum and gum-lac is usually employed by workmiMi in order to produce the highest luster of

        ‘ Compare Remusat, Uistmre de Khotan, pp. 163 ff., where there is an qxtended list of Chinese precious stones drawn from native sources.

        JADE STONE, Oil YUH. 300

        which the stones arc capable. The three varieties of the silicate of alumina, called jade, nephrite, and jadeite by mineralogists, are all named yuh by the Chinese, a word which is applied to a vast variety of stones—white marble, ruby, and cornelian all coming under it—and therefore not easy to define.

        Jade has long been known in Europe as a variety of jasper, its separation from that stone into a species by itself being of comparatively recent origin. Since the third edition of Boetius, in 1647, the two minerals have been regarded as entirely distinct. Its value in the eyes of the Chinese depends chiefly upon its sonorousness and color. The costliest specimens

        are brought from Yunnan and Klioten ; a greenish-white

        color is the most highly prized, a plain color of any shade

        being of less value. A cargo of this mineral was once imported

        into Canton from New Holland, but the Chinese would

        not purchase it, owing to a fancy taken against its origin and

        color. The patient toil of the workers in this hard mineral is

        only equalled by the prodigious admiration with which it is

        regarded ; both fairly exhibit the singular taste and skill of the

        Chinese. Its color is usually a greenish-white, or grayish-green

        and dark grass-green ; internally it is scarcely glimmering. Its

        fracture is splintery; splinters white; mass semi-transparent

        and cloudy ; it scratches glass strongly, and can itself generally

        be scratched by flint or quartz, but while not excessively hard

        it is remarkable for toughness. The stone when freshly broken

        is less hard than after a short exposure. Specific gravity from

        2.9 to 3.1.’ Fischer (pp. 31-1-318) gives some one hundred and

        fifty names as occurring in various authors—ancient and modern

        —for jade or nephrite.” An interesting testimony to the esteem

        ‘ Murray’s China^ Edinburgh, 1843, Vol. III., p. 276 ; compare also an

        article on this stone by M. Blondel, of Paris, published in the Smithsoninn

        Report for 1876. Memoires concernant Us Chinois, Tome XIII., p. 889. Remusat

        in the Journal des Savcuis, Dec, 1818, pp. 748 fF. J^i’otes and Queries

        oil a and J., Vol. II., pp. 173, 174, and 187 ; Vol. III., p. 63 ; Vol. IV., pp.

        13 and 33. MacmilUui’H Magazine, October, 1871. Yule, Cathay and the

        Way Thither, Vol. II., p. 564.

        ‘^ Nephrit undjadeit, nach ihren miiieralogischen Eigenschaften soioie nach ihrer

        urgeschichtiichea und ethnographischen Bedeutiing. Heinrioh Fischer, Stuttgart,

        1880. An exhaustive treatise on every phrase and variety of the mineral in wliicli tills stone was held in China during tlie middle agea

        conies from Benedict Goes (1002), who says : “There is no article

        of traffic more valuable than lumps of a certain transparent

        kind of marble, which we, from poverty of language, usually

        call jasper. . . , Out of this marble they fashion a variety of

        articles, such as vases, brooches for mantles and girdles, which,

        when artistically sculptured in flowers and foliage, certainly

        have an effect of no small magniflcence. These marbles (with

        which the Empire is now overflowing) are called by the Chinese

        lusce. There are two kinds of it ; the first and more valuable

        is got out of the river at Cotan, almost in the same way

        in which divers fish for gems, and this is usually extracted in

        pieces about as big as large flints. The other and inferior

        kind is excavated from the mountains.” The ruby, diamond,

        amethyst, sapphire, topaz, pink tourmaline, lapis-lazuli,’ turquoises,

        beryl, garnet, opal, agate, and other stones, are known

        and most of them used in jewelry. A ruby Ijrought from

        Peking is noticed by Bell as having been valued in Europe at

        $50,000. The seals of the Boards are in man}’ instances cut on

        valuable stones, and private persons take great pride in quartz

        or jade seals, with their names carved on them ; lignite and

        jet are likewise employed for cheaper ornaments, of which all

        classes are fond.

        All the common metals, except platina, are found in China, and the supply would be sufficient for all the purposes of the inhabitants, if they could avail themselves of the improvements adopted in other countries in blasting, mining, etc. The importations of iron, lead, tin, and quicksilver, are gradually increasing, but they form only a small proportion of the amount used throughout the Empire, especially of the two first named ; iron finds its way in because of its convenient forms more than its cheapness. The careful examination of Chinese topographical works by Pumpelly,” records the leading localities of iron in every province, and where copper, tin, lead, silver, and quick, silver have been observed ; he also mentions fifty-two places pro-

        ‘ Obtained from Badakslian. Wood, Journey to tlie Oxus, p. 263.

        ‘ Geological licucarches in China, Chap. X.

        METALS AND THEIR PRODUCTION. 31J

        diicing gold in various forms, most of them in Sz’cliuen. The rumor of gold-washings occurring not far from Chifn, in Shantung, caused much excitement in 1808, but thej were soon found to he not worth the labor. Gold has never been used as coin in China, but is wrought into jewelry ; most of it is consumed in gilding and exported to India as bullion, in the shape of small bars or coarse leaves.

        Silver is mentioned in sixty-three localities by the same author; large amounts are brought from Yunnan, and the mines in that region must be both extensive and easily worked to afford such large quantities as have been exported. The working of both gold and silver mines has been said to be prohibited, but this interdiction is rather a government monopoly of the mines than an injunction upon working those which are known. The importation of gold into China during the two centuries the trade has been opened, does not probably equal the exportation which has taken place since the commencement of the opium trade.

        It is altogether improbable that the Chinese are acquainted

        with the properties of quicksilver in separating these two

        metals from their ores, though its consumption in making vermilion

        and looking-glasses calls for over two thousand flasks

        yearly at Canton. Cinnabar occurs in Kweichau and Shensi

        and furnishes most of the ” water silver,” as the Chinese call

        it, by a rude process of burning brushwood in the wells, and

        collecting the metal after condensation.

        Copper is used for manufacturing coin, bells, bronze articles,

        domestic and cooking utensils, cannon, gongs, and brass-foil.

        It is found pure in some instances, and the sulphuret, the blue

        and green carbonates, pyrities, and other ores are w’orked ; malachite

        is ground for a paint. It occurs in every province, and

        is specially rich in Shansi and Kweichau. The ores of zinc

        and copper in Yunnan and Sz’chuen fnrnish spelter, and the

        peculiar alloy known as white copper or argentan, containing in

        addition tin, iron, nickel, and lead. So much use indicates

        large deposits of the ores. Tin is rather abundant, but lead is

        more common ; thirty-nine localities of the first are mentioned,

        some of which are probably zinc ores, as the Chinese confound

        tin and zinc under one generic name. Lead occurs with silver in many places ; twenty-four mines are mentioned in Pumpelly’s list, and those in Fuhkien are rich ; but the extensive importations prove that its reduction is too expensive to compete with the foreign.

        Realgar is quite common, this and orpiment being used as paints; statuettes and other articles are carved from the former, while arsenic is used in agriculture to quicken grain and preserve it from insects. Amber and fossilized copal are collected in several localities ; the first is much employed in the making of court necklaces and hair ornaments. Thefel-tsui or jadeite is the most prized of the semi-precious stones; it is cut into ear-rings, finger-rings, necklaces, etc. Pumpelly mentions pieces of this mineral set in relics obtained from tombs in Mexico, though no locality where it abounds has yet been found in America. Lapis-lazuli is employed in painting upon copper

        and porcelain ware ; this mineral is obtained in Chehkiang and

        Kansuli ; jadeite, topaz, and other fine stones are most plenty

        in Yunnan. A few minerals and fossils have been noticed in

        the vicinity and shops at Canton, but China thus far has furnished

        very few petrifactions in any strata. Coarse epidote

        occurs at Macao, and tungstate of iron has been noticed in the

        quartz rocks at Hongkong. Petrified crabs {inacrojpJithalinus)

        have been brought to Canton from Hainan, which are prized

        by the natives for their supposed medicinal qualities. Scientists have hitherto described a score or more species of Devonian shells, and recognized fragments of the hyena, tapir, rhinoceros, and stegedon, among some other doubtful vertebrate in the ” dragon’s bones ” sold in medicine shops ; but further examinations will doubtless increase the list. Orthoceratites and bivalve shells of various kinds are noticed in Chinese books as being found in rocks, and fossil bones of huge size in caves and river banks.

        There are many hot springs and other indications of volcanic

        action along the southern acclivities of the table land in the

        ])rovinces of Shensi and Sz’chuen ; and at Jeh-ho, in Chihli,

        there are thermal springs to which invalids resort. The Ilo

        tsing, or Fire wells, in Sz’chuen are apertures resembling artesian

        springs, sunk in the rock to a depth of one thousand

        QUADRUMANOUS ANIMALS OF CHINA. 313

        five hundred or one thousand eight hundred feet, whilst theii

        breadth does not exceed five or six inches. This is a work

        of great difiicultj, and requires in some cases the labor of

        two or three jears. The water procured from them contains

        a fifth part of salt, which is very acrid, and mixed with nmch

        nitre. When a lighted torch is applied to the mouth of

        some of those which have no Avator, fire is produced with

        great violence and a noise like thunder, bursting out into a

        flame twenty or thirty feet high, and which cannot be extinguished

        M’ithout great danger and expense. The gas has a

        bituminous smell, and burns with a bluish flame and a quantity

        of thick, black smoke. It is conducted under boilers in bamboos,

        and employed in evaporating the salt-water from the

        other springs.’ Besides the gaseous and aqueous springs in

        these provinces, there are others possessing different qualities,

        some sulphurous and others chalybeate, found in Shansi and

        along the banks of the Yellow River. Sulphur occurs, as has

        been noted, in great abundance in Formosa, and is purified for

        powder manufacturers.

        The animal and vegetable productions of the extensive regions

        under the sway of the Emperor of China include a great

        variety of types of different families. On the south the

        islands of Hainan and Formosa, and parts of the adjacent

        coasts, slightly partake of a tropical character, exhibiting in the

        cocoanuts, plantains, and peppers, the parrots, lenmrs, and

        monkeys, decided indications of an equatorial climate. From

        the eastern coast across through the country to the northwest

        provinces occur mountain ranges of gradually increasing elevation,

        interspersed with intervales and alluvial plateaus and bottoms,

        lakes and rivers, plains and hills, each presenting its

        peculiar productions, both wild and cultivated, in great variety

        and abundance. The southern ascent of the high land of Mongolia,

        the uncultivated wilds of Manchuria, the barren wastes

        of the desert of Gobi, with its salt lakes, glaciers, extinct volcanoes,

        and isolated mountain ranges ; and lastly the stupendous

        ‘ Humboldt, Fragmens Asiatiques, Tome I., p. 196. Annates de la Foi,

        Janvr., 182’J, pp. 41G ff.

        chains and v^alleys of Tibet, Koko-nor, and Kwanlun all differ

        from eacli other in the character of their prodnctions. In one

        or the other division, every variety of soil, position, and temperature

        occur which are known on tlie globe ; and what has

        been ascertained within the past fifteen years by enterprising

        naturalists is an earnest of future greater discoveries.

        Of the quadrumanous order of animals, there are several

        species. The Chinese are skilful in teaching the smaller kinds

        of monkeys various tricks, but M. Breton’s picture of their

        adroitness and usefulness in picking tea in Shantung from

        plants growing on otherwise inaccessible acclivities, is a fair instance

        of one of the odd stories furnished by travellers about

        China, inasmuch as no tea grows in Shantung, and monkeys

        are taught more profitable tricks.’ One of the most remarkable

        animals of this tribe is the douc^ or Cochinchinese monkey

        {Seinnojnthecus 7iemmus). It is a large species of great rarity,

        and remarkable for the variety of colors with which it is

        adorned. Its Ijody is about two feet long, and when standing

        in an upright position its height is considerably greater. The

        face is of an orange color, and flattened in its foi-m. A dark

        band runs across the front of the forehead, and the sides of the

        countenance are bounded by long spreading yellowish tufts of

        liair. The body and upper parts of the forearms are brownish

        gray, the lower portions of the arms, from the elbows to the

        wrists, being white ; its hands and thighs are black, and the

        legs of a bright red color, while the tail and a large triangular

        spot above it are pure white. Such a creature matches well,

        for its grotesque and variegated appearance, with the mandarin

        duck and gold fish, also peculiar to China.

        ‘ Breton, China, its Costumes, Arts, etc., Vol. II.

        THE FI-FI AND IIAI-TUH. 315

        Chinese books speak of several species of this family, and small kinds occur in all the provinces. M. David has recently added two novelties to the list from his acquisitions in Eastern Koko-nor, well fitted for that cold region by their abundant hair. The Rhinoplthccus I’oxellancB inhabits the alpine forests, nearly two miles high, where it subsists on the buds of plants and bamboo shoots laid up for winter supply; its face is greenish, the nose remarkably /’cfrousse, and its strong, brawny limbs well fitted for the arboreal life it leads ; the hair is thick and like a mane on the back, shaded with yellow and white tints.

        In this respect it is like the Gelada monkey of Abyssinia, and a few others protected in this part of the body from cold. This is no doubt the kind called f’t-fi in native books, and once found in flocks along many portions of western China, as these authors declare. Their notices are rather tantalizing, but, now that we have found the animal, are worth quoting: “The f’l-fi resembles a man ; it is clothed with its hair, runs quick and eats men ; it has a human face, long lips, black, hairy body, and turns its heels. It laughs on seeing a man and covers its eyes with its lips ; it can talk and its voice resembles a bird. It occurs in Sz’chuen, where it is called jhi hiung, or ‘human bear ; ‘ its palms are good eating, and its skin is used; its habit is to turn over stones, seeking for crabs as its food. Its form is like that of the men who live in the Kwaiilun Mountains.”

        Another large simia {2Iacactis thlhetanus) comes from the

        same region; it lives in bands like the preceding, but lower

        down the mountains. A third species of gi-eat size was reported

        to occur in the southwestern part of Sz’chuen, and described

        as greenish like the Macacus tcheliensis from the hills

        northwest of Peking—the most northern species of monkey

        known. The former of these two may possibly be the sinysing

        of the Chinese books, though its characteristics involve

        some confusion of the Macacus and baboon on the part of those

        writers. Two other species of ]\Iacacus, and as many of the

        gibbons, have been noticed in Hainan, Formosa, and elsewhere

        in the south.

        The singular proboscis monkey {J^^asalis laivalus\ called hhi-doc in Cochinchina and hai-tuh by the Chinese, exhibits a strange profile, part man and part beast, reminding one of the combinations in Da Yinci’s caricatui-es. It is a large animal, covered with soft yellowish hair tinted with red ; the long nose projects in the form of a sloping spatula. The Chinese account says : ” Its nose is turned upward, and the tail very long and forked at the end, and that whenever it rains, the animal thrusts the forks into its nose. It goes in herds, and lives in friendship ; when one dies, the rest accompany it to buriaL Its activity is so great that it runs its head against the trees; its fur is soft and gray, and the face black.’”‘

        ‘The Chinese llerhal., from which the preceding extract is taken, describes the bat under various names, such as ‘ heavenly rat,’ ‘faiiy rat,’ ‘flying rat,’ ‘night swallow,’ and ‘belly wings;’Ff-fr and Hai-tuh. (From a Chinese cut.)

        it also details the various uses made of the animal in medicine,

        and the extraordinary longevity attained by some of the wdiite

        species. The bat is in form like a mouse ; its body is of an

        ashy black color ; and it has thin fleshy wings, which join the

        four legs and tail into one. It appears in the summer, but becomes

        torpid in the winter ; on which account, as it eats nothing

        during that season, and because it has a habit of swallowing its

        breath, it attains a great age. It has the character of a night

        ‘ Bridgmiui’s Chinese Chrestomathy, p. 4G9.

        WILD ANIMALS. 317

        rover, not on account of any inability to fly in the day, hnt it dares not o;o abroad at that time because it fears a kind of hawk. It subsists on mosquitoes and gnats. It flies with its head downward, because the brain is heavy,’ This quotation is among the best Chinese descriptions of animals, and shows how little there is to depend upon in them, though not without interest in their notices of habits. Bats are common everywhere, and seem to be regarded with less aversion than in certain other countries. Twenty species belonging to nine genera are given in one list, most of them found in southern China ; the wings of some of these measure two feet across ; a large sort in Sz’chuen is eaten.

        The brown bear is known, and its paws are regarded as a

        delicacy ; trained animals are frequently brought into cities by

        showmen, wdio have taught them tricks. The discovery by

        David of a large species {Ailunypus riielanoleurus) allied to the

        Himalayan panda {Ailurasfulgens), also found on the Sz’chuen

        Mountains, adds another instance of the strange markings common

        in Tibetan fauna. This beast feeds on flesh and vegetables

        ; its body is white, but the ears, eyes, legs, and tip of the

        tail are quite black ; the fur is thick and coarse. It is called

        peh hlaixj, or white bear, by the hunters, but is no doubt the

        animal called j;i in the classics, connnon in early times over

        western China, and now rare even in Koko-nor. The Tibetan

        black bear occurs in Formosa, Shantung, and Hainan, showing

        a wide range. The badger is quite as widespread, and the two

        species have the same general appearance as their European

        congeners.

        Carnivorous animals still exist, even in thickly settled districts.

        The lion may once have roamed over the southwestern

        Manji kingdom, but the name and drawings both indicate a

        foreign origin. It has much connection with Buddhism, and

        grotesque sculptures of ranq3ant lions stand in pairs in front of

        temples, palaces, and graves, as a mark of honor and symbol

        of protection. The last instance of a live lion brought as tribute

        was to Hientsung in a.d. 1470, from India or Ceylon.

        ‘ Chinese Repository^ Vol. VII., p. 90.

        Many other species of yeZ/5 are known, some of tliein peculiar

        to particular regions. The royal tiger has been killed near

        Amoy, and in Manchuria the panther, leopard, and tiger-cat

        all occur in the northern and southern provinces, making

        altogether a list of twelve species ranging from Formosa to

        Sagalien. Mr. Swinhoe’s ‘ account of his rencounter with a

        tiger near Amoy in 1S58 explains how^ such large animals still

        remain in thickly settled regions where food is abundant and

        the people are timid and unarmed. In thinly peopled parts

        they become a terror to the peasants. M. David enumerates

        six kinds, including a lynx, in Monpin alone, one of which

        {Felis sc/’fj)ta) is among the most prettily marked of the whole

        family. Ilunting-leopards and tigers were used in the days of

        Marco Polo by Kublai, but the manly pastime of the chase, on

        the magnificent scale then pi-actised, has fallen into disuse with

        the present princes. A small and fierce species of wild- cat

        {Felis chinensls), two feet long, of a brownish-gray coloi’, and

        liandsomely marked with chestnut spots and black streaks, is

        still common in the southwestern portions of Fuhkien. (Uvet

        cats of two or thi-ee kinds, tree-civets (Ildwtes), and a fine

        species of marten {Martes), with yellow neck and purplishbrown

        bod}’, from Formosa, are among the smaller cai-nivora in

        the southern provinces.

        The domestic animals offer few peculiarities. The cat, lia U,

        or ‘household fox,’ is a favorite inmate of families, and the

        ladies of Peking are fond of a variety of the Angora cat,

        having long silky hair and hanging ears. The common species

        is variously marked, and in the south often destitute of a tail; when reared for food it is fed on i-ice and vegetables, but is not much eaten. Popular superstition has clustered many omens of good and bad luck about cats ; it is considered, for example, the prognostic of certain misfortune when a cat is stolen from a house—much as, in some countries of the western world, it is unlucky when a black cat crosses one’s pathway.

        The dog differs but little from that reared among the Esquimaux,

        and is perhaps the original of the species. There is

        • Zodl. &c. Proc, 1870, p. G3G.

        CATS AND DOGS. 319

        little variation in tlieir size, wliicli is about a foot liigli and

        two feet in length ; the color is a pale yellow or black, and

        always uniform, with coarse bristling hair, and tails curling up

        high over the back, and rising so abruptly from the insei-tion

        that it has been humoi-ously remarked they almost assist in

        lifting the legs from the ground. The hind legs are unusually

        straight, which gives them an awkward look, and perhaps pre*

        vents them running very rapidly. The black eyes are small

        and piercing, and the insides of the lips and months, and the

        tongue, are of the same color, or a blue black. The bitch has a

        dew-claw on each hind leg, but the dog has none. The ears are

        sharp and upright, the head peaked, and the bark a short, thick

        snap, very unlike the deep, sonorous baying of our mastiffs. In

        Xganhwui a peculiar variety has pendant ears of great length,

        and thin, wii-ey tails. One item in the Chinese description of

        the dog is that it ‘ can go on three legs ‘—a gait that is often

        exhibited b}’ them. They are used to watch houses and flocks; the Mongolian breed is fierce and powerful. The dogs of Peking are very clannish, and each set jealously guards its own street or yard ; they ai-e fed by the butchers in the streets, and serve as scavengers there and in all large towns. They are often mangey, presenting hideous spectacles, and instances of j>//(‘«2)oloni<‘a are not uncommon, l)nt, as among the celebrated street dogs of Ooiistantinople, hydrophobia is almost unheard of among them. Dog markets are seen in every city where this meat is sold ; the animals are reared expressly for the table, but their flesh is expensive.

        One writer remarks on their habits, when describing the

        worship offered at the tombs : ” Hardly had the hillock been

        abandoned by the M’orshippers, when packs of hungry dogs

        came running up to devour the part of the offerings left for the

        dead, or to lick up the grease on the ground. Those who came

        first held up their heads, bristled their hair, and showed a

        proud and satisfied demeanor, curling and wagging their tails

        with selfish delight ; while the late-comers, tails between their

        legs, held their heads and ears down. There was one of them,

        however, which, grudging the fare, held his nose to the wind as

        if sniffing for better luck ; but one lean, old, and ugly beast. with a flayed back and liaii-less tail, was seen gradually separating himself from the band, though without seeming to hurry himself, making a thousand doublings and windings, all the while looking back to see if he was noticed. But the old sharper knew what he was about, and as soon as he thought himself at a safe distance, away he went like an arrow, the whole pack after him, to some other feast and some other tomb.”

        ‘Wolves, raccoon-dogs, and foxes are everywhere common, in some places proving to be real pests in the sheepfold and farmyard. In the vicinity of Peking, it is customary to draw large white rings on the plastered walls, in order to terrify the wolves, as these beasts, it is thought, will flee on observing such traps.

        The Chinese regard the fox as the animal into which human spirits enter in preference to any other, and are therefore afraid to destroy or displease it. The elevated steppes are the abodes of three or four kinds, which find food without difficulty. The Tibetan wolf (Cams chanco) has a warm, yellowish-white covering, and ranges the wilds of Tsaidam and Koko-nor in packs. The fox {Ganis cossac) spreads over a wide range, and is famed for its sagacity in avoiding enemies.

        The breed of cattle and horses is dwarfish, and nothing is done to improve them. The oxen are sometimes not larger than an ass ; some of them have a small hump, showing their affinity to the zebu ; the dewlap is large, and the contour neat and symmetrical. The forehead is round, the horns small and irregularly curved, and the general color dun red. The buffalo(shui niu), or ‘water ox’, is the largest beast used in agriculture. It is very docile and unwieldy, larger than an English ox, and its hairless hide is a light black color; it seeks coolness and refuge from the gnat in muddy pools dug for its convenience, where it wallows with its nose just above the surface. Each horn is nearly semi-circular, and bends downward, while the head is turned back so as almost to bring the nose horizontal.

        ‘ Borget, La Chine Ouverte, p. 147.

        CATTLE, SHEEP, AND DEER. 321

        The herd-boys usually ride it, and the metaphor of a lad astride a buffalo’s back, blowing the flute, frequently enters into Chinese descriptions of rural life. The yak of Tibet is employed us a beast of burden, and to furnish food and raiment. It is covered with a mantle of hair reaching nearly to the ground, and the soft pelage is used for making standards among the Persians, and its tail as fly-Haps or chowries in India ; the hair is woven into carpets. The wild yak {PoepluKjas (jrunnienH) has already been described. Great herds of these huge bovines roam over the wastes of Koko-nor, where their dried droppings furnish the only fuel for the nomads crossing those barren wilds.

        The domestic sheep is the broad-tailed species, and furnishes excellent mutton. The tail is sometimes ten inches long and three or four thick ; and the size of this fatty member is not affected by the temperature. The sheep are reared in the north by Mohammedans, who prepare the fleeces for garments by careful tanning ; the animal is white, with a black head. Goats are raised in all parts, but not in large numbers. The argali and wild sheep of the Ala shau Mountains {Ovis Burrhel) furnish exciting sport in chasing them over their native cliffs, which they clamber with wonderful agility. Another denizen of those dreary wilds is the Antilope jpicticauda, a small and tiny species, weighing about forty pounds, of a dusky gray color, with a narrow yellow stripe on the flanks. Its range is about the head-waters of the YangZiJiang River ; its swiftness is amazing; it seems absolutely to fly. It scrapes for itself trenches in which to lie secure from the cold.

        Many genera of ruminants are represented in China and

        the outlying regions ; twenty-seven rare species are enumerated

        in Swinhoe’s and David’s lists, of which eleven are antelopes

        and deer. The range of some of them is limited to a

        narrow region, and most of them are peculiar to the country.

        The wealthy often keep deer in their grounds, especially the

        spotted deer {Cermis j)seicdaxis), from Formosa, whose coat is

        found to vary greatly according to sex and age ; its name, Mntsien

        lu/i, or ‘money deer,’ indicates its markings. Mouse-deer

        are also reared as pets in the southern provinces.

        One common species is the dscren or hwang yan<j {AntiUpe(jiitturosa), which roams over the Mongolian wilds in large herds, and furnishes excellent venison. It is heavy in comparison to the gazelle ; liorns thick, about nine inches long, anmilated to the tips, lyrated, and their points turned inward. The goitre, which gives it its name, is a movable protuberance occasioned by the dilatation of the larnyx ; in the old males it is much enlarged. The animal takes surprising bounds when running.

        Great numbers are killed in the autunm, and their flesh,

        skins, and liorns ai’e all of service for food, leather, and medicine.

        Several kinds of hornless (or nearly hornless) deer, allied to

        the musk-deer, exist. One is the river-deer {Ihjdrojyotes)^ common

        near the Yangtsz’ Eiver, which resembles the pudu of

        Chili ; it is very prolific on the bottoms and in the islands. Another

        sort in the northwest {Elaj>hod>iK) is intermediary between

        the muntjacs and deer, having long, trenchant, canine

        upper teeth, and a deep chocolate-colored fur. Three varieties

        of the musk-deer {MoscJiun) have been observed, differing a

        little in their colors, all called shie or hkouj cliaiuj by the Chinese,

        and all eagerly hunted for their musk. This perfume

        was once deemed to be nseful in medicine, and is cited in a

        Greek presci-iption of the sixth century ; the abundance of the

        animal in the Himalayan regions may be inferred from Tavernier’s

        statement that he bought 7GT3 bags or pods at Patna in

        one of his journeys over two hundred years ago. This animal

        roams over a vast extent of alpine territory, from Tibet and

        Shensi to Lake Baikal, and inhabits the loftiest cliffs and defiles,

        and makes its way over nigged mountains with great rapidity.

        It is not unlike the roe in general appearance, though the projecting

        teeth makes the npper lip to look broad. Its color is

        grayish-brown and its limbs slight; the hair is coarse and brittle,

        almost like spines. The musk is contained in a pouch beneath

        the tail on the male, and is most abundant during the

        i-utting season. He is taken in nets or shot, and the hunters

        are said to allure him to destruction by secreting themselves

        and playing the flute, though some would say the animal

        showed very little taste in listening to such sounds as Chinese

        flutes usually produce. The musk is often adulterated with

        clay or mixed with other sul)stanees to moderate its powerful

        odor. A singular and interesting member of this familv is

        reared in the great park south of Peking—a kind of elk with

        HORSES, ARSES, AND ELEPHANTS. 8,’?:}

        short horns. This large animal {Elwphwus Damdianus)^ of a

        gentle disposition, equals in size tlie largest deer; its native

        name, sz’-2>uh slang, indicates that it is neither a horse, a deer,

        a camel, nor an ox, but partakes in some respects of the characteristics

        of each of them. Its gentle croaking voice seems to be

        nnworthj of so huge a body ; the color is a uniform fawn or

        light gray.

        The horse is not much larger than the Shetland pony ; it is

        bony and strong, but kept with little cai-e, and presents the

        worst possible appearance in its usual condition of untrinmied

        coat and mane, bedraggled fetlocks, and twisted tail. The Chinese

        language possesses a great variety of terms to designate

        the horse ; the difference of age, sex, color, and disposition, all

        being denoted by particular characters. Piebald and mottled,

        white and bay horses are common ; but the improvement of

        this noble animal is neglected, and he looks sorry enough compared.

        with the coursers of India. lie is principally used for

        carrying the post, or for military services ; asses and mules

        being more employed for draught. lie is hardy, feeds on

        coarse food, and admirably serves his owners. The mule is

        well-shaped, and those raised for the gentry are among the very

        best in the M’orld for endurance and strength; dignitaries are

        usually drawn by sumpter mules. Donkeys are also carefully

        raised. Chinese books speak of a mule of a cow and horse, as

        M’ell as from the ass and horse, though, of course, no such hybrid

        as the former ever existed.

        The wild ass, or onager (under the several names by which

        it is known in different lands, Ji-yaiuj^ djan/j, I’ulan, djiggeta),

        ghor-hhar, and ye-la), still roams free and untameable. It is

        abundant in Koko-nor, gathering in troops of ten to fifty, each

        under the lead of a stallion to defend the mares. The flesh is

        highly prized, and the difficult}^ of procuring it adds to the

        delicacy of the dish ; the color is light chestnut, with white

        belly.

        Elephants are kept at Peking for show, and are used to

        draw the state chariot when the Emperor goes to worship at

        the Altars of Heaven and Earth, but the sixty animals seen in

        the days of Kienlung, by Bell, have since dwindled to one or two. Van Braam met six going into Peking, sent thither from Yunnan. The deep forests of that province also harbor the rhinoceros and tapir. The horn of the former is sought after as medicine, and theTjest pieces are carved most beautifully into

        ornaments or into drinking cups, which are supposed to sweat

        whenever any poisonous liquid is put into them. The tapir is

        the white and brown animal found in the IMalacca peninsula,

        and strange stories are recorded of its eating stones and copper.

        The wild boar grows to weigh over four hundred pounds and

        nearly six feet long. In cold weather its frozen carcass is

        brought to I’eking, and sold at a high price. A new species of

        The Chinese Pig.

        hoff has been found in Formosa, about three feet long, twentyone

        inches high, and showing a dorsal row of large bristles ; a

        tliird variety occurs among the novelties discovered in Sz’chuen

        ij^m moujnnensiH)^ having short ears. Wild boars are met M’ith

        even in the hills of C’hehkiang, and seriously’ annoy the husbandmen

        in the lowlands by their depredations. Deep pits are

        dug near the l)ase of the hills, and covered M’ith a bait of fresh

        grass, and many are annually captured or droM’iied in them.

        They are fond of the bamboo shoots, and persons are stationed

        near the groves to fi-igliten them away by striking pieces of

        wood together.

        The Chinese hollow-backed pig is known for its short legs,

        tup: wild boar and domestic hog. 325

        round body, crooked back, and almndance of fat; the flesh is

        the connnoii meat of tlie people soutli of tlie Yaii<>’ts// liiver.

        The black C-hinese breed, as it is called in England, is considered

        the best pork raised in that country. The boo-” in the

        northern provinces is a gaunt animal, unifoiiuly black, and not

        so well cared for as its southern rival. Pieljald pigs are common

        in Formosa, resulting from crossing; sometimes animals

        of this kind are quite woolly. The Chinese in the south, well

        aware of the perverse disposition of the hog, find it much more

        expeditious to can-y instead of drive him through their narrow

        Mode of Carrying Pigs.

        Streets. For this purpose cylindrical baskets, open at both ends,

        are made ; and in order to capture the obstinate brute, it is

        secured just outside the half-opened gate of the pen. The men

        seize him by the tail and pull it lustily ; his rage is roused by

        the pain, and he struggles ; they let go their hold, whereupon

        he darts out of the gate to escape, and finds himself snugly

        caught. He is lifted up and unresistingly carried off.

        The camel is employed in the trade carried on across the

        desert, and throughout Mongolia, Manchuria, and northern

        China near the plateau; without his aid those regions would be ii))pa?sil)le ; the passes across the ranges near Tvoho-nor, sixteen thonsand feet high, ai-e traversed by his help, though amid suffej’ing and danger. In the summer season it sheds all its hair, which is gathered for weaving into ropes and rugs ; at this period, large herds pasture on the plateau to recuperate. The humps at this season hang down the back like empty bags, and the poor animal presents a distressed appearance during the hot weather. In its prime condition it carries about six hundred

        pounds weight, but is not used to ride upon as is the Arabian

        species. The two kinds serve man in one continuous l-ajilah

        from the Sea of Tartary across two continents to Tinibuctoo.

        The Chinese have employed the camel in wai’, and trained it to

        carry small gingalls so that the riders could fire them while

        resting on its head, but this antique kind of cavalry has disappeared

        with the introduction of better weapons.

        Among the various tribes of smaller animals, the Chinese

        Em])ire furnishes many interesting peculiarities, and few families

        are unrepresented. Xo marsupials have yet been met, and

        the order of edeutata is still restricted to one instance. Several

        families in other orders are rare or wanting, as baboons,

        spider-monkeys, skunks, and ichneumons. In the weasel tribe,

        some new species have been added to the already long list of

        valuable fur-bearing animals found in the mountains—the sable

        ermine, marten, pole-cat, stoat, etc., whose skins still repay the

        hunters. The weasel is common, but not troublesome. The

        otter is trained in Sz’chuen to catch fish in the mountain

        streams \vith the docility of a spaniel ; another species {Lutia

        siolnhosl) occurs along the islands on the southern coast, while

        in Hainan Island appears a kind of clawless otter of a rich

        brown color above and white beneath ; each of these is about

        twenty inches long. The furs of all these, and also the seaotter,

        are prepared for garments, especially collars and neckwraps.

        A kind of mole exists in Sz’chuen, having a muzzle of extreme

        length, while the scent of another variety near Peking is so

        nuisky as to suggest its name {Scapfot’hirKi^ moschatus). Muskrats

        and shrew-mice are found both north and south ; and one

        western species has only a rudimentary tail ; w^hile another, the

        SMALLER ANIMALS AISTD RODET^TS, 327

        Scaptony.i’, forms an intermediate species l>ctween a mole and a

        shrew, having a bhmt muzzle, strong fore feet and a long tail;

        and lastly, a sort fitted for aquatic lial)its, with l)road hind feet

        and flattened tail. Tiny hedgehogs are common even in the

        streets and by-lanes of Peking, where they find food and

        refuge in the allnvial earth. Two or three kinds of marmots

        and mole-rats are fonnd in the north and west {Sqyhucus Arctami/

        s), all specifically unlike their congeners elsewhere. The

        Chinese have a curious fancy in respect to one beast, one bird,

        and one fish, each of which, they say, requires that two come

        together to make one complete animal, viz., the jerboa, the

        spoonbill and sole-fish ; the first {D’qius annnlatus) occurs in

        the sands of northern China, the second in Formosa, and the

        third along the coasts.

        Many kinds of rodents have been described. The alpine

        hare {Lagomijs ogotona) resembles a marmot in its habits and is

        met with throughout the grassy parts of the steppes ; its burrows

        riddle the earth wherever the little thing gathers, and endangers

        the hunters riding over it. It is about the size of a rat,

        and by its w^onderful fecundity furnishes food to a great number

        of its enemies—man, beasts, and birds ; it is not dormant, but

        gathers dry grass for food and warmth during cold weather

        ;

        this winter store is, however, often consumed by cattle before

        it is stored away. Hares and rabbits are well known. Two

        species of the former are plenty on the Mongolian grass-lands,

        one of which has very long feet ; in winter their frozen bodies

        are brought to market. One species is restricted to Hainan

        Island, Ten or twelve kinds of squirrels have been described,

        red, gray, striped, and buff ; one with fringed ears. Their skins

        are prepared for the furriers, and women wear winter robes

        lined with them. Two genera of flying-squirrel {Pteromys and

        Sciurapterus) have been noticed, the latter in Formosa and the

        former mostly in the western provinces, Chinese writers have

        been puzzled to class the flying-squirrel ; they place it among

        birds, and assure their readers that it is the only kind which

        suckles its young when it flies, and that ” the skin held in the

        hand during parturition renders delivery easier, because the

        animal has a remarkably lively disposition,” The long, dense

        328 THE MIDDLK KINGDOM.

        fur of the P. alhonifow’i makes beautiful dressep, the white

        tips of the hair contrasting prettily with the red ground.

        Of the proper rats and mice, more than twenty-five species

        have been already described. Some of them are partially

        arboreal, others have remarkably long tails, and all but three

        are peculiar to the country. A Formosan species, called by

        Swinhoe the spinous county rat, had been dedicated to Koxinga,

        the conqueror of that island ; while another common

        in Sz’chuen bears the name of Mufi Confucianus. The extent

        to which tlie Chinese eat rats has been greatly exaggerated

        by travellers, for the flesh is too expensive for general

        use.

        One species of porcupine {TTijsfrir suhcrlxtata) inhabits the

        southern provinces, wearing on its head a purplish-black crest

        of stout spines one to five inches long ; the bristles are short,

        but increase in size and length to eight oi- nine inches toward

        the rump ; the entire length is thiity-three inches. The popular

        notion that the porcupine darts its quills at its enemies as

        an efPectual weapon is common among the Chinese.

        Xo animal has puzzled the Chinese more than the scaly anteater

        or pangolin {JIa?iis dahnanni), which is logically considered

        as a certain and useful remedy bv them, simply because of

        its oddity. It is regarded as a fish out of water, and therefore

        named Ihuj-l’i., or ‘ hill carp,’ also dragon carp, but the most

        common designation is ehuen. s/ian liah, or the ‘ scaly hill borer.’

        One author says: ” Its shape resembles a crocodile ; it can go in

        dry paths as well as in the water ; it has four legs. In the

        daytime it ascends the banks of streams, and lying down opens

        its scales wide, putting on the appearance of death, which induces

        the ants to enter between them. As soon as they are in,

        the animal closes its scales and returns to the water to open

        them ; the ants float out dead, and he devours them at leisure.”

        A more accurate observer says: “It contimially protrudes its

        tongue to entice the ants on which it feeds ; ” and true to

        Chinese physiological deductions, similia similihis curantur,

        he recommends the scales as a cure for all antish swellings.

        lie also I’emarks that the scales are not bony, and consist of

        the agglutinated hairs of the body. The adult specimens

        PORPOISES AND WHALES. 329

        measure tliirty-threo inches. It walks on the sides of the

        hind feet and tips of the claws of the fore feet, and can stand

        upright for a minute or two. The large scales are held tt

        the skin by a liesliy iiipple-like pimple, which adheres to the

        base.

        Among the cetaceous inhabitants of the Chinese waters, one

        of the most noticeable is the great white poi-poise {Delj>/ihi>;s

        chinensis), whose uncouth tumbles attract the traveller’s notice

        as he sails into the estuary of the Pearl River on his way to

        Hongkong, and again as he steams up the Yangtsz’ to Hankow.

        The Chinese fishermen are shy of even holding it in their nets,

        setting it free at once, and never pui-suing it ; they call it^>M-^i

        and deem its presence favorable to their success. A species of

        fin-whale {Balmnoptera) has been described by Swinhoe, which

        ranges the southern coast from the shores of Formosa to Hainan.

        Its pi-esence between Hongkong and Amoy induced some

        foreigners to attempt a fishery in those waters, but the yield of

        oil and bone was too small for their outlay. The native fishermen

        join their efforts in the wintei*, when it resorts to the seas

        near Hainan, going out in fleets of small boats from three to

        twenty-five tons burden each, fifty l)oats going together. The

        line is about three hundred and fifty feet long, made of native

        hemp, and fastened to the mast, the end leading over the bow.

        The harpoon has one barb, and is attached to a wooden handle

        ;

        through an eye near the socket, the line is so fastened along the

        handle, that when the whale begins to strain upon it, the handle

        draws out upon the line, leaving only the barlj buried iji the

        skin. The boat is sailed directly upon the fish, and the harpooner

        strikes from the bow just behind the blow-hole. As

        soon as the fish is struck the sail is lowered, the rudder unshipped,

        and the boat allowed to drag stern foremost until the

        prey is exhausted. Other boats come up to assist, and half a

        dozen harpoons soon dispatch it. The species most common

        there yield about fifty bai-rels each ; the oil, fiesh, and bone are

        all used f(jr food or in manufactures. Tiie fish resort to the

        shallow waters in those seas for food, and to roll and rub on the

        banks and reefs, thus ridding themselves of the barnacles and

        insects which torment them ; they are often seen leaping en330

        THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        tire)y out of water, and falling back perpend icnlarly against the

        hard bottom.’

        The Yellow Sea affords a species of cow-lish, or round headed

        cachalot {Globicejjhalus Itissii), wdiich the Japanese capture.*

        Seals have been observed on the coast of Liautung, but nothing

        is known of their species or habits ; the skins are common and

        cheap in the Peking market. Xative books speak of a marine

        animal in Koko-nor, from wliich a rare medicine is obtained,

        that probably belongs to this famOy.

        This imperfect account of the mammalia known to exist

        in China has been drawn from the lists and descriptions inserted

        in the zoological periodicals of Europe, and may serve to

        indicate the extent and richness of the field yet to be investigated.

        The lists of Swinhoe and David alone contain nearly

        two hundred species, and within the past ten years scores more

        have been added, but have not exhausted the new and unexplored

        zoological regions. The emperors of the Mongol dynasty

        were very fond of the chase, and famous for their love of the

        noble amusement of falconry ; Marco Polo says that Kublai employed

        no less than seventy thousand attendants in his hawking

        excursions. Falcons, kites, and other birds were taught to

        pursue their quarry, and the Venetian speaks of eagles trained

        to stoop at wolves, and of such size and strength that none

        could escape their talons.’ Hanking has collected * a number

        of notices of the mode and sumptuousness of the field sports of

        the Mongols in China and India, but they convey little more

        information to the naturalist, than that the game Avas abundant

        and comprised a vast variety. ]\rany s])ecies of accipitrine

        birds are described in Chinese books, but they are spoken of so

        vaguely that nothing definite can be learned from the notices.

        Few of them are now trained for sport by the Chinese, except

        a kind of sparrow-hawk to amuse dilettanti hunters in

        showing their skill in catching small birds. The fondness for

        sport in the wilds of Manchuria which the old emperoi-s

        ‘ CMnese Repository, Vol. XII., p. 608.

        Mbid., Vol. VI., p. 411.

        •Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. I., p. ‘m^.

        * Wars and Sports of the Mongols and Romans.

        BIRDS OF PREY. 331

        encouraged two centuries ago has all died out among their

        descendants.

        Within the last fifteen years a greater advance has been

        made in the knowledge of the birds of China than in any other

        branch of its natural history, perhaps owing somewhat to their

        presenting themselves for capture to the careful observer. The

        list of described species already munljers over seven hundred, of

        which the careful paper of the lamented Swinhoe, in the ProceedingH

        of the Zoological SocJeti/ for May, 1871, gives the

        names of six hundred and seventy-five species, and M. David’s

        list, in i\\(i Nouvelles Archives for 1871, gives four hundred and

        seventy as the number observed north of the Itiver Yangtsz’.

        The present sketcli must confine itself to selecting a few of the

        characteristic birds of the country, for this part of its fauna is

        as interesting and peculiar as the mammalia.

        Among birds of prey are vultures, eagles, and ernes, all of

        them M’idespread and well known. One of the fishing-eagles

        (Ilalicctus macei) lives along the banks of the bend of the Yellow

        River in the Ortous country. The golden eagle is still

        trained for the chase by Mongols ; Atkinson accompanied a

        party on a hunt. ” We had not gone far,” he says, ” when

        several large deer rushed past, bounding over the plain about

        three hundred yards from ns. In an instant the barkut wai

        unhooded and his shackles removed, when he sprung from hi^

        perch and soared on high. lie rose to a considerable height,

        and seemed to poise fof^ minute, gave two or three flaps with his

        wings, and swooped off in a straight line for the pi’ey. I could

        not see his wings move, but he went at a fearful rate, and all of

        us after the deer ; when we were about two hundred yards off,

        the bii-d struck the deer, and it gave one bound and fell. The

        barkut had struck one talon in his neck, the other into his back,

        and was tearing out his liver. The Kirghis sprung from his

        horse, slipped the hood over the eagle’s head and the shackles

        on his legs, and easily took him off, remounting and getting

        ready for another flight.” ‘ Other smaller species are trained

        to capture or worry hares, foxes, and lesser game.

        ‘ Oriental and Western Siberia, p. 41 G.

        332 TIIK MIDDLK KINGDOM.

        The falcons which inhabit the gate-towers and trees in Pe

        kinw form a peculiar feature of the place, from their impudence

        in foraging in tlie streets and markets, snatching things out of

        the liands of people, and startling one by their responsive

        screams. Much quarrelling goes on between them and the

        crows and magpies for the possession of old nests as the spring

        comes on. Their services as scavengers insures them a quiet

        residence in their eyries on the gate-towers. Six sorts of harriers

        (Circles), with various species of falcons, bustards, gledes,

        and spaiTOw^-hawks, are enumerated. The family of owls is

        well represented, and live ones are often exposed for sale in

        the markets ; its native name of ‘ cat-headed hawk ‘ {inao-rhtao

        ying) suggests the likeness of the two. Out of the fifty-six

        species of accipitrine birds, the hawks are much the most

        numerous.

        The great order of Passerinae has its full share of beautiful

        and peculiar representatives, and over four hundred species

        have been catalogued. The night-hawks have only three

        members, but the swallows count up to fifteen species. Around

        Peking they gather in vast numbers, year after year, in the

        gate-towers, and that whole region was early known by the

        name of Yen Kwoli, or ‘ Land of Swallows.’ The innnunity

        granted by the natives to this twittering, bustling inmate of

        their houses has made it a synonym for domestic life ; the

        phrase yin yen. {lit. to ‘ drink swallows ‘) means to give a feast.

        The famil}’ of king-fishers contains several most exquisitely

        colored birds, and multitudes of the handsome ones, like the

        turquoise king-fisher {Halcyon fi/nyrnensis), are killed by the

        (Chinese for the sake of the plumage. Beautiful feather-work

        ornaments are made from this at Canton. The hoopoe, beeeater,

        and cuckoo are not uncommon ; the first goes by the

        name of the s/ia/i. ho-.shan’j, or ‘ country priest,* f i-om its color.

        Six species of the last have been recognized, and its peculiar

        habits of driving other birds from their nests has made it well

        kuuwn to the people, who call it ha-l’a for the same reason as

        do the English. On the upper Yangtsz’ the short-tailed species

        makes its noisy agitated Hight in order to draw off attention from

        its nest. The C’hinesc say it wcepi blood as it bewails its mate

        SWALLOWS, THRUSHES, LARKS, El’C. 333

        all night long. The Cacutas strlatus varies so greatly in different

        provinces that it has much perplexed naturalists ; all of

        them are only summer visitants.

        The habit of the shi-ike of impaling its prey on thorns and

        elsewhere before devouring it has been noticed by native

        writers ; no less than eleven species have been observed to cross

        the country in their migrations from Siberia to the Archipelago.

        Of the nuthatches, tree and wall creepers, wrens, and chats,

        there is a large variety, fJid one species of willow-wren {Sylvia

        horealls) has been detected over the entire eastei’u hemisphere ;

        six sorts of redstarts {Rat’tGilla) are spread over the provinces.

        Among the common song birds reared for the liousehold, the

        thrush and lark take precedence ; their fondness for birds and

        flowers is one of the pleasant features of Chinese national character.

        A kind of grayish-yellow thrush {Garrula,c j)<”i’-y)i<-il’^-

        tus)j called hwa-mi, or ‘painted ej’ebrows,’ is common about

        Canton, where a well-trained bird is worth several dollars.

        This genus furnishes six species, but they are not all equally

        nnisical ; another kind {Suthorla wehhiana) is kept for its fighting

        qualities, as it will die before it yields. These and other

        allied birds furnish the people with much amusement, by teaching

        them to catch seeds thrown into the air, jump from perches

        held in the hand, and })erform tricks of various kinds. A party

        of gentlemen will often be seen on the outskii-ts of a town in

        mild weather, each one holding his pet bird, and all busily engaged

        in catching grasshoppei’s to feed them. The spectacle

        thrush {Leuc()d’wj.>trn,tii) has its eyes surrounded by a black

        circle bearing a fancied resemblance to a pair of spectacles ; it

        is not a very sweet songster, but a graceful, lively fellow. The

        species of wagtail and lark known amount to about a score altogether,

        but not all of them are equally good singers. The

        southern (^hinese prefer the lark which comes from Chihli, and

        large numbei-s ai-e annually carried south. The shrill notes of

        the field lark {Alauda adkiox and arvensis) are heard in the

        shops and streets in enmlous concert with other kinds—these

        larks becoming at times well-nigh frantic with excitement in

        their struggles for victory. The Chinese name of peh-ling, or

        ‘hundred spirits,’ given to the Mongolian lark, indicates the

        334 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        reputation it has earned as an active songster ; and twenty-five

        dollars is not an unconnnon pi-ice for a good one.’

        The tits [Parus) and recdlings {Emhe/’ha), together with kindred

        genera, are among the most common .small birds, fifteen or

        twenty species of each having been noticed. In the proper season

        the latter are killed for market in such numbei-s as to excite

        surprise that they do not become extinct. In taking many of

        the warblers, orioles, and jays, for rearing or sale as fancy birds,

        the Chinese are veiy^ expert in the use of birdlime. In all parts

        of the land, the pie family are deemed so useful as scavengers

        that they are never molested, and in consequence become very

        connnon. The magpie is a favorite bird, as its name, /il tsloh,

        or ‘ joyous bird,’ indicates, and occurs all over the land. Ravens,

        choughs, crows, and blackbirds keep doM-n the insects and vermin

        and consume offal. The palace grounds and inclosures of

        the nobility in Peking are common I’esorts for these crows,

        where they are safe from harm in the great trees. Every

        morning myriads of them leave town with the dawn, returning

        at evenino; with increased ca\\ino; and clamor, at times actuallv

        darkening the sky with their flocks. A pretty sight is occasionally

        seen M’hen two or three thousand young ci’ows assemble

        just at sunset in mid-air to chase and play with each other.

        The crow is i-egarded as somewhat of a sacred bird, either from

        a service said to have been rendered by one of his race to an

        ancestor of the present dynasty, or because he is an emblem of

        filial duty, from a notion that the young assist their parents

        when disabled. The owl, on the other hand, has an odious

        name because it is stiy-matized as the bii’d which eats its dam.

        One member of the pie family deserving mention is the longtailed

        l)lue jay of Formosa (^.TO^’^Vm), remarkable for its brilliant

        plumage. Another, akin to the sun birds {^Ethoj^njija

        (lahryi)^ comes from Sz’chuen, a recent discovery. The body is

        red, the head, throat, and each side of the neck a brilliant

        violet, belly yellow, wings black with the primaries tinted green

        along the edge, and the feathers long, tapering, of a black or

        steel blue.

        ‘ Journal of the North China Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, May, 1S59.

        p. 289.

        MAGPIES AND PIGEONS. 335

        Tlie Mahiah, or Indian niino [Acndotheus)^ known by its

        yellow carbuncles, which extend like ears from behind the eye,

        is reared, as are also three species of Mu7iia, at Canton. Sparrows

        abound in every province around houses, driving away

        otiier birds, and entertaining the observer by their quarrels and

        activity, llobins, ouzels, and tailor-birds are not abundant.

        Xone of the humming-birds or birds of paradise occur, and

        only one species has hitherto been seen of the parrot group.

        Woodpeckers {Picus) are of a dozen species, and the wryneck

        occasionally attracts the eye of a sportsman. Tlie canary is

        reared in great numbers, being known under the names of

        ‘white swallow’ and ‘time spari-ow ;

        ‘ the chattering Java

        sparrow and tiny avedavat are also taught little tricks by their

        fanciers, in compensation for their lack of song. The two or

        three proper parrots are natives of Formosa.

        The family of pigeons {Coluvibidie) is abundantly represented

        in fourteen species, and doves form a common household

        bird ; their eggs are regarded as proper food to prevent smallpox,

        and sold in the markets, being also cooked in birdnest and

        other kinds of soups. The Chinese regard the dove as eminently

        stupid and lascivious, but gi^ant it the qualities of faithfulness,

        impartiality, and filial duty. The cock is said to send

        away its mate on the approach of rain, and let her return to the

        nest with fine weather. They have an idea that it undergoes

        periodic metamoi-phoses, but disagree as to the form it takes,

        though the sparrow-hawk has the preference.’ The bird is

        most famed, howevei-, for its filial duty, arising very probably

        from impei’fect observations of the custom of feeding its young

        with the macerated contents of its crop ; the wood pigeon is

        said to feed her seven young ones in one order in the morning,

        and reversing it in the evening. Its note tells the husbandman

        when to begin his labors, and the decorum observed in the nests

        and cotes of all the species teach men how to govern a family

        and a state. The visitor to Peking is soon attracted by the

        aeolian notes proceeding from doves which circle around their

        homes for a short time (forty or fifty or less in a flock), and

        ‘ Journal N. O. Br. R A. Soc, Vol. IV., 1867, Art. XI., by T. Walters.

        336 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        then settle. These birds are cdWed j)aN -tie n l-ido-j’in^ or ‘ mid

        cky houris,’ and their weird music is caused by ingenious wooden

        whistles tied on the rumps of two or three of the Hock, which

        lead the others and delight themselves. Carrier pigeons are

        used to some extent, and training them is a special mystery.

        One of the prettiest sort is the rose pigeon, and half a dozen

        kinds of turtles enliven the village groves with their gentle

        notes and peculiar plumage.

        No tribe of birds in China, however, equals the Gallinaceous

        for its beauty, size, and novelty, furnishing some t)f the most

        elegant and graceful birds in the world, and yet none of them

        have become domesticated for food. As a connecting link between

        this tribe and the last is the sand-grouse of the desert

        {Syrrhaptis paradoxus), whose singular combination attracted

        Marco Polo’s eye. “This bird, the harg^erlae, on which the

        falcons feed,” says lie, ” is as big as a partridge, has feet like

        a parrot’s, tail like a swallow’s, and is strong in tUght.” ‘ Abbo

        Hue speaks of the immense flocks which scour the plateau.

        The gold and silver pheasants are reared without ti-ouble in

        all the provinces, and have so long been identified witli tlic

        ornithology of China as to bo regarded as typical of its grotesque

        and brilliant fauna. Among other pheasants may be

        mentioned the Impeyan, Heeves, Argus, JVIedallion, Andierst,

        riluys, and Pallas, each one vicing with the other for some

        peculiarly graceful featui’e of color and sha])e, so that it is liaid

        to decide which is the lincst. The Amherst pheasant has tlic

        bearin<r, the ele«i;ance, and the details of form like the goM

        pheasant, but the neck, shoulders, back and M’ing covers are of

        a sparkling metallic green, and each feather ends in a belt of velvet

        black. A little red crest allies it to the gold ])heasant, and a

        pretty silvery ruff M’ith a black band, a white breast and belly, and

        a tail barred with bi-own, green, Avhite, and red bands, complete

        the picturesque dress. Jlidden away in these Tibetan wilds are

        other pheasants that dispute the })alm for beauty, among which

        four species of the eared pheasant {( ‘fossoptUon) attract notice.

        One is of a pure white, with a black tail curled up and spread

        ‘ Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. T., p. 2:57.

        vai:ii:tiks of piika.sants. 337

        out like a plume, uud is mcII called the suow pheasant. Another

        is the better knctwn Pallas pheasant, nearly as large as a

        turkey, distinguished hy eai’-like appendages or Avattles hehind

        the head, and a red neck above a white body, whence its native

        name of /lo-li, or ‘ fire hen.’ Another genus {^Lojp1ioj)horus) contains

        some elegant kinds, of Avhich the I’lluys pheasant is new,

        and noted for a coppery-green tail bespangled with white. The

        longer known Reeves pheasant is sought for by the natives for

        the sake of its white and yellow-l)arred tail feathers, which are

        used l)y play actoi’S to complete a wan-ior’s dress ; Col. Yule

        proves a reference to it in Marco Polo from this part of its

        plumage, Mhicli the Venetian states to be ten palms in length

        not far beyond the truth, as they have been seen seven feet

        long.’ It is a long time for a bird of so iiiuch beauty to have

        been unknown, from 1350 to ISOS, Avhen Mr. Thomas Beale

        procured a specimen in Canton, and sent others to England in

        1832 ; Mr. Reeves took it thither, and science has recorded it

        in her annals. As Xew Guinea is the home of the birds of

        paradise, so do the Himalayas contain most of these superb

        pheasants and francolins, each tribe serving as a foil and comparison

        with the Creator’s handiwork in the other.

        The island of Formosa has furnished a second species, Swinhoe’s

        pheasant, of the same genus as the silver pheasant {Eujploeamus),

        and another smaller kind {Phasianusfcmnosanus) ; the

        list is also increased by fresh acquisitions from Yimnan and

        Cochinchina through Dr. Anderson. This is not, liowever, the

        place where Me may indulge in details respecting all of these

        gorgeous birds ; we conclude, then, with the Medallion, or

        horned pheasant. It has a ” l)eautiful membrane of resplendent

        colors on the neck, which is displayed or conti’acted according

        as the cock is more or less roused. The hues are chiefly

        purple, with bright red and green spots, which vary in intensity

        according to the degree of excitement.’”

        The peacock, though not a native, is reared in all parts ; it

        bears the name of I’ung Utah, sometimes rendei-ed ‘ Confucius’

        ‘ Yiile’s Marco Polo, Vol. I., p. 246—where there is an admirable wood-cut of one from Wood.

        Lird,” though it is more probable that the name means the great

        or magniticeiit bird. The use of the tail feathers to designate

        official rank, which probably causes a large consumption of

        them, does not date previous to the present dynasty. Poultry

        is reared in immense quantities, but the assortment in China

        does not equal in beauty, excellence, and variety the products

        of Japanese culture. The silken cock, the vane of whose plume

        is so minutely divided as to resemble curly hair, is probably the

        same sort with that described by some w^riters as having wool

        like sheep. The Mongols succeed very well in rearing the tall,

        Shanghai breed, and their unifoi-m cold winter enables them to

        preserve frozen flesh without much difficulty. The smaller

        gallinaceous birds already described, grouse, quails, francolins,

        partridges, sand-snipe, etc., amount to a score or more species,

        ranging all over the Empire. The red partridge is sometimes

        tamed to keep as a house bird with the fowls. The Chinese

        quail {Cotarnic) has a brown back, sprinkled with black spots

        and white lines, blackish throat and chestnut breast. It is reared

        for lighting in south China, and, like its bigger Gallic rival, is

        soon eaten if it allows itself to be beaten.

        The widespread family of waders sends a few of its representatives

        from Europe to China, but most of the members are

        Oriental. The marshes and salt lakes of Mongolia attract

        enormous numbers of migratory birds in summer to rear their

        young in safety, in the midst of abundant food. Col. Prejevaleky

        watched the arrival of vast flocks early in February, and

        thus describes their appearance : ” For days together they

        sped onward, always fi-oni the W.S.AV., going further east in

        search of open water, and at last settling down among the open

        pools ; their favorite haunts were the flat nnid banks overgrown

        with low saline bushes. Here every day vast flocks would congregate

        toward evening, crowding among the ice ; the noise they

        made on rising was like a hurricane, and at a distance they resembled a thick cloud. Flocks of one, two, three, and even five thousand, followed one another in quick succession, hardly a minute apart. Tens and hundreds of thousands, even millions

        of birds appeared at Lob-nor during the fortnight ending the

        2l6t of February, when the flight was at its height. What

        FAMILY OF WADERS I]?f CHINA. 339

        prodigious quantities of food must be necessary for such numbers

        ! ” ‘ Wading and web-footed birds all harmlessly mix in

        these countless hosts, but hawks, eagles, and animals gather too,

        to prey on them.

        Among the noticeable wadei-s of China, the white Manchurian

        or Montigny crane is one of the finest and largest ; it is

        the official insigna of the highest rank of civilians. Five

        species of crane {Grus) arc recognized, and seven of plovers,

        together with as many more allied genera, including an avocet,

        bustard, and ov8ter-catclier. Curlews abound along the flat

        shores of the Gulf of Pechele, and are so tame that they race

        up and down with the naked children at low tide, hunting for

        shell-fish ; as the boy runs his arm into the ooze the curlew

        pokes his long bill up to the eyes in the same hole, each of

        them grasping a crab. Godwits and sandpipers enliven the

        coasts with their cries, and seven species of gambets {Totanus)

        give them them the largest variety of their family group, next

        to the snipes {Tr’tnga)^ of wdiich nine are recorded. Herons,

        egrets, ibis, and night-herons occur, and none of them are discarded

        for food. At Canton, a pure Nvliite egret is often exposed

        for sale in the market, standing on a shelf the livelong

        day, with its eyelids sewed together—a pitiable sight. Its

        slender, elegant shape is imitated by artists in making bronze

        candlesticks. The singular spoonbill {Platalea) is found in

        Formosa, and the jacana in southwestern China. The latter

        is described by Gould as ” distinguished not less by the grace

        of its form than its adaptation to the localities which nature

        has allotted it. Formed for traversing the morass and lotuscovered

        surface of the water, it supports itself upon the floating

        weeds and leaves by the extraordinary span of the toes,

        aided by the unusual lightness of the body.” ‘ Gallinules,

        crakes, and rails add to this list, but the flamingo has not been

        recorded.

        In the last order, sixty-five species of web-footed birds are

        enumerated by naturalists as occui-ring in China. The fenny

        ‘ From Kulja to Lob-nor, p. 116.

        ‘John Gould, Century of Birda, London, 1831-32.

        margins of lakes and rivera, and tlie seacoast niaislies, afford

        food and shelter to Hocks of water-fowl. Ten sepaiate species

        of duck are known, of which four or live ai”e peculiar. The

        whole coast fi’oin Hainan to jVIanchuiia swarms with gulls,

        terns, and grebes, while geese, swans, and mallards resort to the

        inland waters and pools to rear their young. Ducks are sometimes

        caught by persons who first cover their heads with a

        gourd pierced with holes, and then wade into the water where

        the birds are feeding ; these, previously accustomed to emptycalabashes

        floating about on the water, allow the fowler to approach,

        and ai”e pulled under without difficulty. The wild

        goose is a favorite bird with native poets. The reputation for

        conjugal fidelity has made its name and that of the mandarin

        duck emblems of that virtue, and a pair of one or the other

        usually forms part of wedding processions. The epithet mandarin

        is applied to this beautiful fowl, and also to a species of

        orange, simply because of their excellence over other varieties

        of the same genus, and not, as some writers have inferred, l)ecause

        they are appropriated to officers of government.

        The yuen-ydng, as the Chinese call this duck, is a native of

        the central provinces. It is one of the most variegated birds

        known, vieing with the humming-birds and parrots in the

        diversified tints of its plumage, if it does not equal them for

        brilliancy. The drake is the object of admiration, his partner

        being remarkably plain, but during the sunnner season he also

        loses much of his gay vesture. INFr. P>ennet tells a pleasant

        story in proof of the conjugal fidelity of these birds, the incidents

        of which occurred in Mr. Beale’s aviary at Macao. A

        drake was stolen one night, and the duck displayed the strongest

        marks of despair at her loss, retiring into a corner and refusing

        all nourishment, as if determined to starve lierself to death

        from grief. Another drake undertook to comfort the disconsolate

        widow, but she declined his attentions, and was fast becoming

        a martyr to her attachment, when her mate was recovered

        and restored to her. Their nnmioii was celebrated by

        the noisiest demonstrations of joy, and the duck soon infoi-med

        her lord of the gallant ])i-o]iosals made to her during his absence

        ; in high dudgeon, he instantly attacked the luckless bird

        BEale’s aviary. 341

        which would have snp})hintc(l him, and so maltreated liim as to

        cause his death.

        The aviary here mentioned was for many j’ears, up to 1838,

        one of the principal attractions of Macao. Its owner, Mr

        Thomas Beale, had erected a wire cage on one side of his house,

        having two apartments, each of them about fifty feet high, and

        containing several large trees ; small cages and roosts were

        placed on the side of the liouso under shelter, and in one corner

        a pool afforded bathing conveniences to the water-fowl. The

        genial climate obviated the necessity of any covering, and only

        those species which would agree to live quietly together were

        allowed the free range of the two apartments. The great attraction

        of the collection was a living bird of paradise, which, at

        the period of the owner’s death, in 1840, had been in his possession

        eighteen years, and enjoyed good health at that time.

        The collection during one season contained nearly thirty specimens

        of pheasants, and besides these splendid birds, there were

        upward of one hundred and fifty others, of different sorts, some

        in cages, some on perches, and others going loose in the aviary.

        In one corner a large cat had a hole, where she reared her

        young ; her business was to guard the whole from the depredations

        of rats. A magnificent peacock from Damaun, a large

        assortment of macaw^s and cockatoos, a pair of magpies, another

        of the superb crowned pigeons {Goura coronata), one of Mdioni

        moaned itself to death on the decease of its mate, and several

        Nicobar ground pigeons, were also among the attractions of this

        curious and valuable collection.

        Four or five kinds of grebe and loon frequent the coast, of

        which the Podlcejys cristatus, called shui nu, or ^ water

        slave,’ is connnon around Macao. The same region affords

        sustenance to the pelican, which is seen standing motionless for

        hours on the rocks, or sailing on easy wing over the shallows

        in search of food. Its plumage is nearly a pure wliite, except

        the black tips of the wings ; its height is about four feet, and

        the expanse of the wings more than eight feet. The bill is

        flexible like whalel)one, and the pouch susceptible of great

        dilatation. Gulls abound on the northeast coasts, and no one

        who has seen it can forget the beautiful sight on the marshes at the entrance of the Pei ho, where myriads of white gulls assemble to feed, to ‘preen, and to quarrel or scream—the bright sun rendering their plumage like snow. The albatross, black tern, petrel, and noddy increase the list of denizens in Chinese waters, but offer nothing of particular interest.’

        There are foui* fabulous animals which are so often referred

        .y to by the Chinese as

        to demand a notice.

        The ki-lin is one of

        these, and is placed

        ‘^’i at the head of all

        hairy animals; as

        the funfj-Jiwang is

        pre-eminent among

        feathered races ; the

        dragon and tortoise

        among the scaly and

        shelly tribes ; and

        man among naked

        animals! The naked,

        hairy, feathered,

        shelly, a n d scaly

        tribes constitute the

        quinary system of

        ancient Chinese naturalists.

        The Tci-lin

        is pictured as resembling

        a stag in its

        \)^’>k\\ and a horse in its hoofs, but possessing the tail of an ox

        and a parti-colored or scaly skin. A single horn having a

        Heshy tip proceeds out of the forehead. Besides these external

        marks to identify it, the ¥i-lin exhibits great benevolence of

        The Kf-lin, or Unicorn,

        ‘ On the birds of China, see in general T^es Oiteaux de la Chine, par M.

        I’Abbo Armand David, avec un Atlas de 124 Planches dessin.’es et lith. par M.

        Arnonl. Taris, 1877. R. Rwinhoe, in the Procredmfjs of th<‘. ScknUfic Meetinf/

        s of the Zoological Sac. of London, and in 77ie Ihis, a Max/azine of General

        Ornitholodn, passim. Journ. N. C. Br. R. A. Soc, Nos. II., p. 225, and

        III., p. 287.

        THE KI-LIN AND FUNU-IIWANO. 343

        disposition toward other living animals, and appears only when

        w’ise and just kings, like Yau and Shun, or sages like Confucius,

        are born, to govern and teach mankind. The Chinese description

        presents many resemblances to the popular notices of the

        unicorn, and the independent origin of their account adds something

        to the probability that a single-horned equine or cervine

        animal has once existed.’

        Cuvier expresses the opinion that Pliny’s description of the

        The Fung-hwang, or Phcenix.

        Arabian phcenix was derived from the golden pheasant, though

        othei-s think the Egyptian plover is the original type. From his

        likening it to an eagle for size, having a yellow neck with purple,

        a blue tail varied with red feathers, and a richly feathered tufted

        head, it is more probable that the Impeyan pheasant was Pliny’s

        ‘ Chine.se Rejiository, Vol. VII., p. 213. Compare Yule’s note, Marco Polo,

        Vol. I., p. 233. Hue, Travels in Tartary, etc.. Vol. II., p. 246. Bell,

        Journey from St. Petersburgh in Russia to Ispahan in Persia., Vol. I., p. 216.

        Also Heeren, Asiatic Nations, Vol. I., p. 98, where there is a resume of

        Ctesias’ acco\int of the unicorn.

        tvpe. The Chinesefung-kivang, or phoenix, is probably based

        on the Argns pheasant. It is described as adorned with every

        color, and combines in its form and motions whatever is elegant

        and graceful, while it possesses such a benevolent disposition

        that it will not peck or injure living insects, nor tread on

        o-rowino- herbs. Like the ki-lin, it has not been seen since the

        halcyon days of Confucius, and, from the accomit given of it,

        seems to have been entii-ely fabulous. The etymology of the

        characters implies that it is the emperor of all birds. One Chinese author describes it ” as resembling a wild swan before and a unicorn behind ; it has the throat of a swallow, the bill of a cock, the neck of a snake, the tail of a fish, the forehead of a crane, the crown of a mandarin drake, the stripes of a dragon, and the vanlted back of a tortoise. The feathers have five colors, which are named after the five cardinal virtues, and it i;^ five cubits in height ; the tail is graduated like Pandean pipes, and its song resembles the music of that instrument, having five modulations.” A beautiful ornament for a lady’s headdress is sometimes made in the shape of i\\e fung-Jnrang, and somewhat resembles a similar ornament, imitating the vulture, worn by the ladies of ancient Egypt.

        The lung, or dragon, is a familiar object on articles from

        China. It furnishes a comparison among them for e\ierything

        terrible, imposing, and powerful ; and being taken as the imperial

        coat of arms, consequently imparts these ideas to his

        person and state. The type of the dragon is probably the boaconstrictor

        or sea-serpent, or otiier similar monster, though the

        researches of geology have brought to light such a near counterpart

        of the lung in the iguanadon as to tempt one to

        believe that this has been the prototype. There are three

        dragons, the lung in the sky, the U in the sea, and the hlao in

        the marshes. The first is the only authentic species, according

        to the Chinese ; it has the head of a camel, the horns of a deer,

        eyes of a rabbit, ears of a cow, neck of a snake, belly of a frog,

        scales of a carp, claws of a hawk, and palm of a tigei-. On

        each side of the mouth are whiskers, and its beard contains a

        bi’ight pearl ; the breath is sometimes changed into water and

        sometunes into fire, and its voice is like the jingling of copper

        THE LUNG, OR DRAGON. 345

        pans. The dragon of the sea occasionally ascends to heaven in

        Avater-sponts, and is the rnler of all oceanic phenomena.’ The

        dragon is worshipped and feared by Chinese fishermen, and

        their liing-wang, or ‘ drag(jn king,’ answei-s to Keptnne in western

        mythology ; perhaps the ideas of all classes toward it is a

        modified relic of the widespread serpent worship of ancient

        times. The Chinese suppose that elfs, demons, and other

        supernatural beings often transform themselves into snakes ;

        and M. Julien has translated a fairy story of this sort, called

        Blanche et Bleue. The J,-wet, or tortoise, has so few fabulous

        qualities attributed to it that it hardly comes into the list ; it

        was, according to the story, an attendant on Pwanku when he

        chiselled out the world. A semi-classical work^ the SJian-hal

        Kmg, or ‘ Memoirs upon the Mountains and Seas,’ contains

        pictures and descriptions of these and kindred monsters, from

        which the people now derive strange notions respecting them,

        the l)Ook having served to embody and fix for the whole nation

        what the writer anciently found floating about in the popular

        legends of particular localities.

        A species of alligator {A. sinensis) has been described by

        Dr. A. Fauvel in the iT. O. Br. B.A. So,-. Journal, Xo. XIII.,

        1879, in which he gives man}’ historical and other notices of its

        existence. Crocodiles are recorded as having been seen in the

        rivers of Ivwangtnng and Ivwangsi, but none of this family

        attain a large size.

        Marco Polo’s account of the huge serpent of Yunnan,” having

        two forelegs near the head, and one claw like that of a lion or

        hawk on each, and a mouth big enough to swallow a man whole,

        referring no doubt to the crocodile, is a good instance of the

        way in which truth and fable were mingled in the accounts of

        those times. The flesh is still eaten by the Anamese, as he

        says it was in his day. A gigantic salamander, analogous to

        the one found in Japan (the Sieholdia), has suggested it as the

        ‘ CJdnese Refiository, Vol. VII., p. 250. For a careful analysis of this relic

        of ancient lore, see the Nowoeau Journal Asiatiq^ie, Tome XII., pp. 232-243,

        1833 ; also Tome VIII., 3d Series, pp. 337-382, 1839, for M. Bazin’s estimata of its value.

        •^ Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p. 46.

        type of the dragon which ligures on the Chinese national flag.

        Small lizards abound in the southern parts, and the variety

        and numbers of serpents, both land and water, found in the

        maritime provinces, are hardly exceeded in any country in the

        world ; they are seldom poisonous. A species of naja is the

        only venomous sruike yet observed at Chusan, and the hooded

        cobra is one of the few yet found around Canton. Another

        species frequents the banks, and is driven out of the di’ains and

        creeks l)v high water into the houses. A case is mentioned by

        Bennet of a Chinese who was bitten, and to whose wound the

        mashed head of the reptile had been applied as a poultice, a

        mode of treatment which probably accelerated his death by

        mixing more of the poison diluted in the animars blood with

        the man’s own blood. It is, however, rare to hear of casualties

        from this source. This snake is called ‘black and M’hite,’

        from beino; marked in alternate bands of those two colors. A

        species of acrochordon, remarkable for its abrupt, short tail,

        has been noticed near Macao.

        It is considered felicitous by the Buddhist priests to harbor

        snakes around their temples ; and though the natives do not

        play with poisonous serpents like the Hindoos, they often

        handle or teach them simple tricks. The common frog is taken

        in great numbers for food. Tortoises and tui-tles from fresh

        and salt water are plenty along the coast, while both the emys

        and trionyx are kept in tubs in the streets, where they grow

        to a large size. An enormous carnivorous tortoise inhabits the

        M’aters of Chehkiansr near the ocean. The natives have strange

        ideas concerning the hairy turtle of Sz’chuen, and regard it as

        excellent medicine ; it is now known that the supposed hair

        consists of confervre, whose spores, lodged on the shell, have

        grown far beyond the animal’s body.

        The ichthyology of China is one of the richest in the world,

        though it may be so more from the greater proportion of food

        fui-nished by the waters than from any real supei’abundance of

        the finny tribes. The offal thi-own from boats near cities attracts

        some kinds to those jdaces, and gives food and employment

        to multitudes. Several large collections of fishes have

        CHTHYOLOGY OF CHINA. 347

        been made in Canton, and IMr. Reeves deposited one of the richest in the British Museum, together with a series of drawings made Ijy native artists from living specimens ; they have been described by Sir John liicliardson in the Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, for 1845. In this paper he enumerates one hundred and ninety genera and six hundred and seventy-one species, nearly all of which are marine

        or come out to sea at certain times. Since it was prepared

        great accessions to this branch have been made from the inland

        waters, so that probably a thousand sorts in all have been observed.

        The salmon and cod families are comparatively scarce,

        but the mackerel, goby, and herring families are very abundant.

        The variety of fish is so great in Macao, that if one is

        willino; to eat all that are brought to market, as the Chinese do

        (including the sharks, torpedoes, gudgeons, etc.), one can have

        a different species every day in the year. It may with truth

        be said that the Chinese eat nearly every living thing found in

        the water, some of the hideous fishing frogs or gurnards alone

        excepted.

        The cartilaginous fishes, sharks, rays, and saw-fish, are abundant

        on the sea-coast. The sturgeon is not common at the south,

        but in the winter it is brouo;ht fi-om the Sonsfari and other

        rivers to Peking for the imperial table, being highly prized by

        Chinese epicures. There is found in the Yangtsz”‘ a singular

        species of sturgeon, the i/iuyil, which lies under the banks in still

        water and sucks its prey into a sac-like mouth projecting like

        a cusp under the long snout ; it has no scales, and is four feet

        long. Common sturgeon, weighing a thousand pounds, are

        caught in this river. The hammer-headed and zebra shark

        {Cestracion zehra) are seen in the markets at Macao; also huge

        skates, some of them measuring five feet across ; the young of

        all these species are regarded as particularly good eating. A

        kind of torpedo {J^arcine lingula) is not uncommon on the

        southern coast, but the natives do not seem to l)e aware of any

        electrical properties. It is said that the fishermen sometimes

        destroy the shark by boiling a melon and throwing it out as a

        bait ; when swallowed, the heat kills the fish. The true cod

        has not been observed on the Chinese coast, but several species

        of serrani (as Plectrojiotna susuki, Serranus shihjjan, Megachh\etc.), generally called s/n’/i-jxtn by the natives, and garoupa bj foreigners, are common oft” C^anton, and considered to be most

        delicate fare. Anothei” fine fish is the Poh/nennis fetradactylus^

        or bjnni-carp, often called salmon by foreigners ; isinglass is

        prepared from its skin. The pomfret, or tsang yii {Stromateus

        argenteus), is a good pan-fish, bnt hardly so delicate as the sole,

        many fine species of which aboimd along the whole coast. Besides

        these, two or three species of mackerel, the Soiodna lucicla^

        an ophicephalns, the mullet, and the ‘ white rice fish ‘ occur.

        The shad is abundant oft’ the Yangtsz’, and is superior to the

        American species; Chinese epicures will sometimes pay fifty

        dollars for the first one of the season.

        The cai’p family {C’i/2>i’hiidie) is very abundant in the rivers

        and lalces of China, and some species are reared in fish-pools and

        tubs to a monstrous size ; fifty-two species are mentioned in

        Ricliardson’s list. The gold-fish is the most celebrated, and

        has been introduced into Europe, M’here it M-as first seen towai’d

        tlie end of the seventeenth century. The Chinese say that its

        Jiative place is Lake Tsau, in the province of l^ganhwui. The

        effects of domestication in changing the natm-al form of this

        fish are great ; specimens are often seen without any doi-sal fin,

        and the tail and other fins tufted and lol)ed to such a degree as

        to resemble artificial appendages or wings rather than natui-al

        organs. The eyes are developed till the globe projects beyond

        the socket like goggles, presenting an extraordinary appearance.

        Some of them are so fantastic, indeed, that tlioy would be regarded

        as Insns nature M^ere they not so connnon. The usual

        color is a I’uddy golden hue, but both sexes exhibit a silvery or

        blackish tint at certain stages of their growth ; and one variety,

        called the silver-fish, retains this shade all its life. The Chinese

        keep it in their garden ponds, or in earthern jai-s, in which

        are placed rocks covered with moss, and overgi-own w\x\\ tufts

        of ferns, to afford them a retreat fi-om the light. Vriien the

        females spawn, the eggs must be removed to a shallow vessel,

        lest the males devour them, where the heat of the sun hatches

        them ; the young are nearly black, but gradually become whitish

        or i-eddish, and at last assume a golden or silvery hue.

        Specimens upward of two feet long have been uoticed, and

        METHODS OF REARIN^G FISH. 349

        those wlio rear tlieni emulate each other in producing new

        varieties.

        The rearing of lisli is an important pursuit, the spawn being

        collected with the greatest care and placed in favorable positions

        for hatching. The Bulletin Universel for 1829 asserts

        that in some part of China the spawn so taken is carefullv

        placed in an empty egg-shell and the hole closed ; the cirg is

        then replaced in the nest, and, after the hen has sat a few davs

        upon it, reopened, and the spawn placed in vessels of water

        warmed bj the sun, wdiei-e it soon hatclies.

        The innnense fleets of fishing boats on the Yangtsz’ and its

        tributaries indicate the finny supplies its waters afford. A species

        of pipe-fish [Fistula/’ia iminaculata\ of a red color, and

        the gar-pike, with green bones, are found about Canton ; as are

        also numerous beautiful parrot-fish and sun-fish {Chwtodon).

        An ingenious mode of taking its prey is practised by a sort of

        chsetodon, or chelmon ; it darts a drop of water at the flies or

        other insects lighting on the bank near the edge, in such a

        manner as to knock them off, when they are devoured. All

        the species of ophieephalus, or mruj yi’i., so I’emarkable for their

        tenacity of life, are reared in tanks and pools, and are hawked

        alive through the streets.

        Eels, mullets, alewives or file-fish, breams, gudgeons, and

        many other kinds, are seen in the nuirkets. Few things eateix

        by the Chinese look more repulsive than the gobies as they lie

        wriggliTig in the slime which keeps them alive; one species

        {Try])auchen vcujina)^ called chu 2>’Ji yu, or ‘vermilion pencilfish,’

        is a cylindrical fish, six or eight inches long, of a dark red

        color ; its eyes protrude so that it can see behind, like a girafle.

        Some kinds of gobies construct little liillocks in the ooze, with

        a depression on the top, in which their spawn is hatched by tlu;

        sun ; at low tide they skip about on the banks like young frogs,

        and are easily captured with the hand. A delicious species oi

        Saurus {Leiicosoma Chinensis), called pihfan yil, or ‘ white rice

        fish,’ and yin yil, or silver-fish, ranges from Hakodate to Canton.

        It is six or eight inches long, the body scaleless and transparent,

        so that the muscles, intestines, and spinal column can

        be seen without dissection ; the bones of the head are thin, flexible, and diaphanoiis. Many species of file-fish, sole-fish, an^ cliovy, and eels, are captured on the coast. Vast quantities of

        dried fish, like the stock fish in Sweden, are sent inland to sell

        in resrions where fish are rare. The most common sorts are the

        perch, sun fish, gurnard, and hair-tail {Trlchlnrus).

        Shell-fish and mollusks, both fresh and salt, are abundant in

        the market. Oysters of a good quality are common along the

        coast, and a species of mactra, or sand-clam, is fished up near

        Macao. The Pearl River affords two or three kinds of freshwater

        shell-fish {Mytilus), and snails ( Voluta) are plenty in all

        pools. The crangons, prawns, shrimps, crabs, and other kinds

        of Crustacea met with, are not less abundant than palatable;

        one species of craw-fish, as large as (but not taking the place of)

        the lobster, called Ian// hat, or ‘ dragon crab,’ together with

        cuttle-fish of three or four kinds, and the king-crab {Poly])]ietnus),

        are all eaten. The inland w^aters produce many species

        of shells, and the new genus theliderma, allied to the unio,

        was formed by Mr. Benson, of Calcutta, from specimens obtained

        of a shopkeeper at Canton. The land shells are abundant,

        especiall}’ various kinds of snails {IIcll,i; Liftiiiwa, etc.) ;

        twenty two species of helix alone were contained in a small

        collection sent from Peking, in which region all this kind of

        food is well known. A catalogue of nearly sixty shells obtained

        in Canton is given in Murray’s China,’ but it. is doubtful

        whether even half of them are found in the country, as the

        shops there are supplied in a great degree from the Archipelago.

        Dr. Cantor”” mentions eighty-eight genera of shells occurring

        between Canton and Chusan. Pearls are found in China, and

        Marco Polo speaks of a salt lake, supposed now to be in Yunnan,

        which produced them in such quantity that the fishery in

        his day was farmed out and restricted lest they should become

        too cheap and common. In Chehkiang the natives take a largo

        kind of clam {Alasmodonta) and gently attach leaden images

        ‘ Vol. TIL, p. 445.

        ” Conspectus of collections made by Dr. Cantor, CMnefte Ttepository, Vol. X.,

        p. 434. General features of Cliusan, with remarks on the Fh)ra and Fauna of that Island, by T. E. Cantor, Aimal. Nai. Hist., Vol. IX. (1H42), pp. 205, 3()1

        and 481. Juuriial Ah. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XXIV., 1855.

        SHELL-FISII AND INSECTS OF CHINA. 351

        of Buddha under tlie flsli, after wliieli it is thrown back into

        the water. Xacre is deposited over the lead, and after a few

        months the shells are retaken, cleaned, and then sent abroad to

        sell as proofs of the power and presence of Buddha. The

        Quarterly lieview speaks of a mode })ractised by the Chinese

        of making pearls by dropping a string of small mother-of-pearl

        beads into the shell, which in a year ai’e covered wdth the

        pearly crust. Leeches are much used by native physicians;

        the hammer-headed leech has been noticed at Chusan.

        The insects of China are almost unknown to the naturalist.

        In Dr. Cantor’s collection, from Chusan, there are fifty-nine

        genera mentioned, among which tropical forms prevail ; there

        are also six genera of arachnida^, and the list of spiders could

        easily be nudtipliod to hundreds ; among them are many showing

        most splendid coloring. One large and strong species is

        affirmed to capture small birds on the trees. Locusts sometimes

        commit extensive ravages, and no part of the land is free

        from their presence, though their depredations do not usually

        reach over a great extent of country, or often for two successive

        years. They are, however, sufficiently troiildesome to attract

        the notice of the government, as the edict against them, inserted

        in another chapter, proves. Centipedes, scorpions, and some other species in the same order are known, the former being most abundant in the central and western regions, where scorpions are rare.

        The most valuable insect is the silkworm, which i.; reared in

        nearly every province, and the silk from otlier wild M’orms

        found on the oak and ailantus in Shantung, Sz’chuen, and elsewhere

        also gathered ; the proper silkworm itself has been met

        with to some extent in northern Shansi and Mongolia. Many

        other insects of the same order {Lepidoj)ter(e) exist, but those

        sent abroad have been mostly from the province of Kwangtung.

        Eastward of the city of Canton, on a range of hills

        called Lofau shan, large butterflies and night moths of immense

        size and brilliant coloring are captured. One of these

        mQGcis, {Bornhyx atlas) \\\e2i&\\ve& about nine inches across ; the

        ground color is a rich and varied orange brown, and in the centre

        of each wing there is a triangular transparent spot, resembling a piece of mica. Sphinxes of great beauty and size are common, and in their splendid coloring, rapid noiseless flight from flower to flower, at the close of the day, remind one of the lunnming-bird. Sonje families are more abundant than others ; the coleopterous exceed the lepidopterous, and the range of particular tribes in each of these is often very limited. The humid regions of Sz’chuen furnished a great harvest of beautiful butterflies to M, David, while the lamellicorn beetles and cerambycidae are the most common in the north and central parts.

        Many tribes of coleopterous insects are abundant, but the

        number of species yet identified is trifling. Several water

        beetles, and others included under the same general designation,

        have been found in collections sold at Canton, but owing to the

        careless manner in wliich those boxes are filled, very few specimens

        are perfect, the antenna3 or tarsi being broken. The molecricket

        occurs everywhere. The common cricket is caught and

        sold in the markets for gambling ; persons of all ranks amuse

        themselves by irritating two of these insects in a bowl, and betting

        upon the prowess of their favorites. The cicada, or broad

        locust, is abundant, and its stridulous sound is heard from trees

        and groves with deafening loudness. Boys tie a straw around

        the abdomen of the male, so as to irritate the sounding apparatus,

        and carry it through the streets in this predicament, to

        the great annoyance of every one. This insect was well known

        to the Greeks ; the ancient distich

        ” Happy the cicadas’ lives,

        For they all have voiceless wives,”

        hints at their knowledge of this sexual difference, as well as intimates

        their opinion of domestic quiet. Again it forms the

        subject of Meleager’s invocation :

        •’ shrill-voiced insect ! that with dew-drops meet,

        Inehriate, dost in desert woodlands sing ;

        Perch’d on the spray top with indented feet,

        Thy dusky body’s echoings harp-like ring.”

        COLEOPTEM^ AND THE WAX \VOK>t. 358

        The lantern-fly {Fulgm’o) is less common than the cicada. It is easily recognized by its long cylindrical snout, arched in an upward direction, its greenish reticulated elytra, and orange-yellow wings with black extremities ; but its appearance in the evening is far from being as luminous as are the fire-Hy and glow-worm of South America. The Peh lah ahu, or ‘ white wax tree’ {Fraxinus chinensis), affords nourishment to an insect of this order

        called Coccus pela. The larvae alone furnish the wax, the secretion

        being the result of disease. Sir Geo. L. Staunton first

        described the tly from specimens seen in Annam in 1795, where

        the natives collected a white powder from the bark of the

        tree on which it occurs. Daniel Ilanbury figured the insect

        and tree with the deposit of crude wax on the limbs, all obtained

        in Chekhiang province.’ Baron Richthofen speaks of

        this industry in Sz’chuen as one furnishing employment to

        great multitudes. The department of Kia-ting furnishes the

        best wax, as its climate is warmer than Chingtu. The eggs of

        the insect are gathered in Kien-chang and King-yuen, where

        the tree flourishes on which it deposits them, and its culture is

        carefully attended to. The insect lives and breeds on this evergreen,

        and in April the eggs are collected and carried up to

        Kia-ting by porters. This journey is mostly performed by

        night so as to avoid the risk of hatching their loads ; 300 eggs

        weigh one tael. They are instantly placed on the same kind of

        tree, six or seven balls of eggs done up in palm-leaf bags and

        hung on the twigs. In a few days the larvae begin to spread

        over the branches, but do not touch the leaves ; the bark soon

        becomes incrusted with a white powder, and is not disturbed

        till August. The loaded branches are then cut off and boiled,

        when the wax collects on the surface of the water, is skimmed

        off, and melted again to be poured into pans for sale. A tael’s

        weight of eggs will produce two or three catties of the translucent,

        highly crystalline wax ; it sells thei-e for five mace a tael and

        upward. The annual income is reckoned at Tls. 2,000,000.’

        The purposes to which this singular product are applied include

        all those of beeswax. Pills are ingeniously enclosed in small

        ‘ Hanbury’s notes on Chinese Materia Medica, 1862 ; Pharmaceutical

        Journal, Feb., 1802.

        ^ Baron Ricbthofen’s Letters, No. VII. , to Shanghai Chamber of Commerce, May, 187e, p. r)2.

        globes of it, and onndles of every size made. “Wax is also gatli

        ered from wild and domestic bees, but honey is not miicli used ;

        a casing of wax, colored with vermilion, is nsed to inclose the

        tallow of great painted candles set before the idols and tablets.

        The Chinese Ilerhal contains a singular notion, prevalent

        also in India, concerning the generation of the sphex, or solitary

        wasp. When the female lays her eggs in the clayey nidus

        she makes in houses, she encloses the dead body of a caterpillar

        in it for the subsistence of the worms when they hatch. Those

        who observed her entombing the caterpillar did not look for

        the eggs, and immediately concluded that the sphex took the

        wo)-m for her progeny, and say that as she plastered up the

        liole of the nest, she hinnmed a constant song over it, saying,

        ^^ Class ‘ii’ith nnc ! (Jhixs tiufji, me ! ‘”—and the transformation

        gradually took place, and was perfected in its silent grave by

        the next spring, when a winged wasp emerged to continue its

        posterity in the same mystei’ious way.’

        White ants are troublesome in the warmer parts, and annoy

        the people there by eating up tlie coffins in the graves. They

        form passages under ground, and penetrate upward into the

        woodwork of houses, and the w’hole building may become infested

        M’ith them almost before their existence is suspected.

        They will even eat their way into fruit trees, cabbages, and

        other plants, destroying them while in full vigor. Many of the

        internal arrangements of the nests of bees and ants, and their

        peculiar instincts, have been described by Chinese writers with

        considerable accuracy. The composition of the characters for

        the bee, ant, and mosquito, respectively, denote the atcl insect,

        the 7’l(jhteous insect, and the lettered insect ; referring thereby

        to the sting of the first, the orderly working and subordination

        of the second, and the letter-like markings on the wings of

        the latter. Mosquitoes are plenty, and gauze curtains are considered

        to be a more necessary part of bed furniture than a

        mattress.

        The botany of China is rather better known than its zoology,

        ‘ Darwin, NaturalisVs Voyage, p. 35, notices a similar habit of the spliex in

        tlie vicinity of Rio Janeiro. The insect partially kills the spider or caterpillar

        by stinging, when they are stored in a rotting state with her eggs.

        RESEARCHES IN THE BOTANY OF CHINA. 355

        though vast and unexplored fields, like that reaching from Canton

        to Silhet and Assam, still invite the diligent collector to

        gather, examine, and make known their treasures. One of the

        earliest authors in this branch was Pere Loureiro, a Portuguese

        for thirty-six years missionary in Cochinchina, and professor of

        mathematics and physic in the royal palace. He gathered a

        large herbarium there and in southern Kwangtung, and published

        his Flora Coehinehinensis in 1790, in which he described

        one hundred and eighty-four genera and more than three hundred

        new species. The only other work specially devoted to

        Chinese botany is Bentham’s Flora JTongJcongensis, published

        in 18G1. The materials for it were collected by Drs. Hinds,

        Ilance and Ilarland, Col. Champion, and others, during the

        previous twenty years, and amounted in all to upward of five

        thousand specimens, gathered exclusively on the island. Since

        its publication, Dr. Hance has added to our accurate knowledge

        of the Chinese flora many new specimens growing in other

        parts of the Empire, whose descriptions are scattered through

        various publications. Pere David, during his extensive travels

        in northern China, gathered thousands of specimens which have

        yet to be carefully described. The Pussian naturalists Maximowitch,

        Bunge, Tatarinov, Bretschneider, Prejevalsky, and

        others liave largely increased our knowledge of the plants of

        Mongolia, the Amur basin, and the region about Pekhig. The

        first named has issued a separate work on the Amur flora, but

        most of the papers of these scientists are to be found in periodicals.

        In very early days, China was celebrated for the camphor,

        varnish, tallow, oil, tea, cassia, dyes, etc., obtained from

        its plants ; and the later monographs of professed botanists,

        issued since Linneus looked over the two hundred and sixtyfour

        species brought by his pupil Osbeck in 1750, down to the

        present day, have altogether given immense assistance to a

        thorough understanding of their nature and value.

        Mr. Bentham’s observations on the range of the plants collected

        in the island of Hongkong represent its flora, in general

        character, as most like that of tropical Asia, of which it offers,

        in numerous instances, the northern limit. The damp, M’ooded

        ravines on the north and west furnish plants closely allied to those of Assam and Sikkiiii ; while other species, in considerable numbers, have a much more tropical character, extending with little variation over the x\rchipelago, Malaysia, Ceylon, and even to tropical Africa, but not into India. Within two degrees north of the island these tropical features (so far as is

        known) almost entireW cease, and out of the one thousand and

        fifty-six species described in the Flora Ifongl’ongensis, only

        about eighty have been found in Japan ; thus indicating that

        very few of the plants known to range across from the Himalaya

        to Japan grow south of Amoy. On the twenty-nine

        square miles foi-ming the area of Hongkong there exists, Mr.

        ]3entham says, a greater number of monotypic genera than in

        any other flora from an equal area in the world ; he gives a

        comparative table of the floras of Hongkong, Aden and Ischia

        islands, about equal in extent, showing one thousand and three

        species growing on the first, ninety-five on the second, and

        seven hundred and ninety-two on the third. Tlie proportion

        of woody to herbaceous species in Hongkong is nearly one-half,

        while in Ischia it is one to eleven ; yet Hongkong has actually

        fewer trees than Ischia. Out of tlie one thousand and three

        species of wild plants there, three hundred and ninety-eight

        also occur in the tropical Asiatic flora, while one hundred and

        eighty-seven others have been found as well on the mainland; one hundred and fifty-nine are peculiar to the island.

        Many species of coniferae are floated down to Canton, taken

        from the Mei ling, or brought from Kwangsi ; the timber is

        used for fuel, but more for rafters and pillars in buildings.

        The wood of the pride of India is employed for cabinet work ;

        there are also many kinds of fancy wood, some of which are

        imported, and more are indigenous. The nan muh, or southern

        wood, a magnificent species of laurus common in Sz’chuen,

        which resists time and insects, is peculiarly valuable, and reserved

        for imperial use. The cc«salpinia, rose wood, aigle

        wood, and the camphor, elm, willow, and aspen, are also

        serviceable in carpentry.

        The people collect seaweed to a great extent, using it in the

        arts and also for food ; among these the Gi<jartina tenax affords

        an excellent material for glues and varnishes. It is boiled, and

        CONIFERyE AND GRASSES. 357

        the transparent glne obtained is brushed upon very coarse silk or

        mulberry paper, filling up their substance, and making a transparent

        covering for lanterns ; it is also used as a size for stiffening

        silks and gauze. This and other kinds of fuel are boiled to a

        jelly and used for food ; it is known in commerce under the name

        of agar-agar. The thick fronds of the laminaria are gathered on

        the northern coasts and imported from Japan. Among other

        cryptogams, the Tartarian lamb {Aspldiian haromefz), so

        graphically described by Darwin in his Botania Garden, has

        long been celebrated ; it is partly an artificial production of the

        ingenuity of Chinese gardeners taking advantage of the natural

        habits of the plant to form it into a shape resembling a sheep or

        other object.

        Among i-emarkable grasses the zak or saxaul {Ilaloxylon) and

        the sulhJr {Agr’tojdnjllu.m), which grow in the sandy parts of

        the desert of Gobi, should he mentioned. The first is found

        across the whole length of this arid region, growing on the bare

        sand, furnishing to the traveller a dry and ready fuel in its brittle

        twigs, while his camels greedily browse on its leafless but

        juicy and prickly branches. The Mongols pitch their tents bebeath

        its shelter, seeking for some covert from the wintry

        winds, and encouraged to dig at its roots for water which has

        been detained by their succulent nature, a wonderful provision

        furnished by God in the bleakest desert. The sulh’ir is even

        more important, and is the ” gift of the desert.” It grows on

        bare sand, is about two feet high, a prickly saline plant, producing

        many seeds in September, of a nutritious, agreeable

        nature, food for man and beast.

        The list of gramineous plants cultivated for food is large; the common sorts include rice, wheat, barley, oats, maize, sugarcane,

        panic, sorghum, spiked and panicled millet, of each kind

        several varieties. The grass {Phragmites) raised along the

        river banks is carefully cut and dried, to be woven into floormatting

        ; a coarser sort, called ataj), is made of bamboo splints

        for roofs of huts, awnings, and sheds. In the milder climes of

        the southern coasts, cheap houses are constructed of these

        materials. The coarse grass and shrubbery on the hills is cut

        in the autumn for fuel by the poor ; and when the hills are well slieared of their grassy covering, the stubble is set on lire, in order to supply ashes for manuring the next crop—an operation which tends to keep the hills ])are of all shrubbery and trees.

        Few persons mIio have not seen the bainlxio growing in its

        native climes get a full idea from pictures of its grace and

        beauty. A clump of this magnificent grass will gradually develop

        by new shoots into a grove, if care be taken to cut down

        the older stems as they reach full maturity, and not let them

        flower and go to seed ; for as soon as they have perfected the

        seed, they die down to the root, like other grasses. The stalks

        usually attain the height of fifty feet, and in the Indian islands

        often reach seventy feet and upward, with a diameter of ten or

        twelve inches at the bottom. A road lined with them, with

        their feathery sprays meeting overhead, presents one of the most

        beautiful avenues possible to a warm climate.

        In China the industry and skill of the people have multiplied

        and pei-petuated a number of varieties (one author contents

        himself with describing sixty of them), among M’liich are the

        yellow, the black, the green, the slender sort for pipes, and a

        slenderer one for writing-pencils, the big-leaved, etc. Its uses

        are so various that it is not easy to enumerate them all. The

        shoots come out of the ground nearly full-sized, four to six

        inches in diameter, and are cut like asparagus to eat as a pickle

        or a comfit, or by boiling or stewing. Sedentary Buddhist

        priests raise this lenten fare for themselves or to sell, and extract

        the tabasheer from the joints of the old culms, to sell as a

        precious medicine for almost anything which ails you. The

        roots are carved into fantastic and ingenious images and stands,

        or divided into egg-shaped divining-blocks to ascertain the will

        of the gods, or trinnned into lantern handles, canes, and umbrella-

        sticks.

        The tapering culms are used for all pui’poses that poles can

        be applied to in carrying, propelling, suj)])orting, and measuring,

        for which thcii- light, elastic, tubular sti-uctni-e, guarded by

        a coating of silicious skin, and strengthened by a thick septum

        at each joint, most admii-ably fits them. The pillars and props

        of houses, the framework of awnings, the ribs of mat-sails, and

        THE BAMBOO—ITS BEAUTY AND USEFULNESS. 359

        tlie shafts of rakes are each fnrnislied bj these cuhns. So,

        also, are fences and all kinds of frames, coops, and cages, the

        wattles of abatis, and the ribs of uuibi-eHas and fans. The

        leaves are sewed into rain-cloaks for farmers and sailors, and

        thatches for covering their huts and boats, pinned into linings

        for tea-boxes, plaited into immense um])rellas to screen the

        huckster and his stall from the sun and rain, or into coverings

        for theatres and sheds. Even the whole lot where a two-storj

        house is building is usually covered in by a framework of bamboo-

        poles and (?/%;—as this leaf covering is called, from its

        Malay name—all tied together by rattan, and protecting the

        workmen and theii” work from sun and rain.

        The wood, cut into splints of proper sizes and forms, is woven

        into baskets of every shape and fancy, sewed into window-curtains

        and door-screens, plaited into awnings and coverings for

        tea-chests or sugar-cones, and twisted into cables. The shavings

        and curled threads aid softer things in. stuffing pillows ; while

        other parts supply the bed for sleeping, the chopsticks for eating,

        the pipe for smoking, and the broom for sweeping. The

        mattress to lie upon, the chair to sit upon, the table to eat on,

        the food to eat, and the fuel, to cook it with, are also derivable

        from bamboo. The master makes his ferule from it, the carpenter

        his foot-measure, the farmer his water-pipes, irrigating

        wheels, and straw-rakes, the grocer his gill and phit cups, and

        the mandarin his dreaded instrument of punishment. This last

        use is so common that the name of the plant itself has come in

        our language to denote this application, and the poor wretch

        who is hamhooed for his crimes is thus taught that laws cannot

        be violated with impunity.

        The paper to write on, the book to study fi’om, the pencil to

        write with, the cup to hold the pencils, and the covering of the

        lattice-window instead of glass are all indebted to this grass in

        their manufacture. The shaft of the soldier’s spear, and oftentimes

        the spear altogether, the plectrum for playing the lute,

        the reed in the native organ, the skewer to fasten the hair, the

        undershirt to protect the body, the hat to screen the head, the

        bucket to draw the water, and the easy-chair to lounge on,

        besides cages for birds, fish, bees, grasshoppers, shrimps, and

        360 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        cockroaches, crab-nets, fishing-poles, sumpitans oi* sliooting

        tubes, fintes, fifes, fire-holders, etc., etc., are among the thingti

        furnished from this plant, whose beauty when growing is commensurate

        to its usefulness when cut down. A score or two of

        bamboo- poles for joists and rafters, fifty fathoms of rattan ropes,

        with plenty of palm-leaves and bamboo-matting for roof and

        sides, supply material for a common dwelling in the south of

        China. Its cost is about five dollars. Those houses built over

        creeks, or along the low banks of rivers and sea-beaches, are

        elevated a few feet, and their floors are neatly made of split

        bamboos, which allow the water to be seen through. The

        decks, masts, yards, and framework of the mat-sails of the small

        boats of the islanders in the Archipelago are all more or les.’i

        made of this useful plant. Throughout the south of Asia it

        enters into the daily life of the people in their domestic economy

        more than anything else, or than any other one thing does in

        any part of the world. The Japanese supply us with fans

        neatly formed, ribs and liandle, from a single branch of bamboo,

        and covered with paper made from mulberry bark, while their

        skill is shown also in the exquisite covering of fine bamboo

        threads woven around cups and saijcers.’

        In ancient times the date palm was cultivated in China, but

        is now unknown. The cocoanut flourishes in Hainan and the

        adjacent coasts, where its fruit, leaves, and timber are much

        used. A great variety of utensils are carved from the nut-case,

        and ropes spun from the coir, while the cultivators drink the

        toddy made from the juice. The fan palm {Ch(Hiucroj)s) is the

        comlnon palm of the country, two species being cultivated for

        the wiry fibres in the leaf-sheaths, and fur their broad leaves.

        This fibre is far more useful than that from cocoanut husks, as

        it is longer and smoother, and is woven into ropes, mats, cloaks,

        and brushes. The tree is spread over the greater part of the

        provinces, one of their most ornamental and useful trees. Another

        sort {Canjotd) also furnishes a fibre employed in the same

        way, but its timber is more valuable ; sedan thills are made of

        its wood. Still another is the tali}>ot \rA\\\\ (ItoraxKits), from.

        ‘ Compare Yule’s Marm Polo, Vol. I., p. 271 •, A. 11. Wallace. 2’he Malay

        Archipelago, pp. 87-91, American Ed.

        PALMS, YAMS, PLANTAINS, ETC. 861

        whose leaves a material fur writing books upon was once produced,

        as is the case now in Siam.’

        Several species of Aroideae are cultivated, among which the

        Caladluiii cuculaturn, Arum esculentuvi, and Indicurii are

        common. The tuberous farinaceous roots of the Sagittaria

        srueihslfi are esteemed ; the roots of these plants, and of the

        water-chestnut, are manufactured into a powdoi- resemblingarrow-

        root. The sweet Hag {Calanitm) is used in medicine for

        its spic\’ warmth. The stems of a species of Juncus are collected

        and the pith carefully taken out and dried for the wicks

        of water lamps, and the inner layers of the pith hats so generally

        worn in southern China.

        The extensive group of lillies contains many splendid ornaments

        of the conservatory and garden, natives of China ; some

        are articles of food. The Agcqxinthus, or blue African lily, four

        species of IlemerocaUis, or day lily, and the fragrant tuberose,

        are all common about Canton ; the latter is widely cultivated

        for its blossoms to scent fancy teas. Eight or ten species of

        Lilium (among which the speckled tiger lily and the unsullied

        white are conspicuous) also add their gay beauties to the gardens

        ; while the modest Commelina, with its delicate blue blossoms,

        ornaments the hedges and walks. Many alliaceous plants,

        the onion, cives, garlic, etc., belong to this group ; and the Chinese

        relish them for the table as nmcli as they admire the

        flowers of their beauteous and fi-agrant congeners for bouquets.

        The singular red-leaved iron-wood {Draccena) forms a common

        ornament of gardens.

        The yam, or t((-s/tu (i.e., ‘great tuber’), is not much raised,

        though its wholesome qualities as an article of food are well

        understood. The same group {3Iusalei^) to which tlie yam

        belongs furnishes the custard-apple, one of the few fruits which

        have been introduced from abroad. The Amaryllidse are represented

        by many pretty species of Crinum, Xerine, and Amaryllis.

        Their unprotitable beauty is compensated by the plain but

        useful plantain, said to stand before the potato and sago pahn

        as producing the greatest amount of wholesome food, in propor-

        ‘See also in Nates and Queries on 0. and J., Vol. IIL, pp. 115, 139, 13^

        147, 150, 170.

        362 tup: middle kixgdom.

        tion to its size, of any cultivated plant.’ There are many varieties

        of this fruit, some of them so acid as to require cooking

        hefore eating.

        That pleasant stomachic, ginger, is cultivated through all the

        country, and exposed for sale as a ereen vegetable, to spice

        dishes, and largely made into a preserve. The Alpinia and

        Canna, or Indian shot, are common garden flowers. The large

        group of OrchideiB has nineteen genera known to be natives of

        China, among which the air plants ( Vanda and jErides) are great

        favorites. They are suspended in baskets under the trees, and

        continue to unfold their blossoms in gradual succession for manv

        weeks, all the care necessary being to sprinkle them daily. The

        true species of brides are among the most beautiful productions

        of the vegetable world, their flowers being arrayed in long racemes

        of delicate colors and delicious fragrance. The beautiful Bletia,

        Arundina, Spathoglottis, and Cymbidium are common in damp

        and elevated places about the islands near Macao and Hongkong.

        Many species of the pine, cypress, and yew, forming the

        three subdivisions of cone-bearing plant?, furnish a 1 a I’ge proportion

        of the timber and fuel. The larch is not rare, and the

        Pinus tndssoniana and Cunninghamia furnish most of the

        common pine timber. The finest member of this order in

        China is the white pine {Pinus htDujtami), peculiar to Chihli

        ;

        its trunk is a clear white, and as it annually sheds the bark it

        always looks as if whitewashed. Some specimens near Peking

        are said to be a thousand years old. Two members of the

        genus Sequoia, of a moderate size, occur near Tibet. The juniper

        and thuja are often selected by gardeners to try their skill

        in forcing them to grow into rude representations of birds and

        animals, the price of these curiosities being proportioned to

        their grotesqueness and difiiculty. The nuts of the maiden-hair

        tree {Saliffhu/’ia adiatdifolia) are eaten, and the leaves are

        sometimes put into books as a preservative against insects.

        The willow is a favorite plant and grows to a great size,

        Staunton mentioning some which were fifteen feet in girth ;

        ‘ From calculations of Humboldt It was estimated that the productiveness

        of this plant as compared with wheat is as 133 to 1, and as against potatoes, 44

        to 1.

        FOKEST TREES, HEMP, ETC. 363

        they shade the roads near the capital, and one of them is the

        true Babylonian ^\ illow ; the trees are grown for timber and for

        burning into charcoal. Their leaves, shape, and habits afford

        many metaphors to poets and Avriters, much more use being

        made of the tree in tliis way. it miglit almost be said, than any

        other. The oak is less patronized by fine writers, but the value

        of its wood and bark is well understood ; the country affords

        several species, one of which, the chestnut oak, is cultivated for

        tlie cupules, to be used in dyeing. The galls are used for dyeing

        and in medicine, and the acorns of some kinds are ground in

        mills, and the iiour soaked in water and made into a farinaceous

        paste. Some of the missionaries speak of oaks a hundred feet

        high, but such giants in this family are rare. ” One of the

        lai’gest and most interesting of these trees, which,’”‘ writes Abel,

        ” I have called Quercus derhsifolia, resembled a laurel in its

        sliming green foliage. It bore branches and leaves in a thick

        head, crowning a naked and straight stem ; its fi-uit grew along upright

        spikes terminating the branches. Another species, growing

        to the height of fifty feet, bore them in long, pendulous spikes.”

        The chestnut, walnut, and hazelnut together furnish a large

        supply of food. The queer-shaped ovens fashioned in imitation

        of a raging lion, in which chestnuts are roasted in tlie streets of

        Peking, attract the eye of the visitoi”. The Jack-fruit {Artocarj>

        us) is not uidvnown in Canton, but it is not much used. Thei’e

        are many species of the banian, but none of them produce fruit

        worth plucking ; the Portuguese have introduced the connnon

        fig, but it does not flourish. The bastard banian is a magnificent

        shade tree, its branches sometimes overspreading an area a

        hundred or more feet across. The walls of cities and dwellings

        are soon covered with the Ficus rej>en.s, and if left unmolested

        its roots gradually demolish them. The paper mulberry

        {Broussonetia) is largely cultivated in the northern provinces,

        and serves the poor with their chief material for windows.

        The leaf of the common nmlberry is the pi-incipal object of its

        culture, but the fruit is eaten and the wood burned for lampblack

        to make India-ink.

        Hemp {Cannahis) is cultivated for its fibres, and the seeds

        furnish an oil used for household purposes and medicinal prep364

        THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        arations ; the intoxicating substance called hang, made in India,

        is unknown in China. The family Proteaceae’ contains the

        Eleococca cvrdata, or wu-ttnuj, a favorite tree of the Chinese for

        its beauty, the hard wood it furnishes, and the oil extracted

        from its seeds. The Stillingia belongs to the same family ; this

        symmetrical tree is a native of all the eastern provinces, where

        it is raised for its tallow ; it resembles the aspen in the form

        and color of the leaf and in its general contour. The castor-oil

        is cultivated as a hedge plant, and the seeds are used both in

        the kitchen and apothecai’ies’ ^\\o\>.

        The order Ilippuriuie furnishes the water caltrops {Trwpa),

        the seeds of which are vended in the streets as a fruit after

        boiling; one native name is ‘buffalo-head fruit,’ Mhicli the unopened

        nuts strikingly resemble. Black pepper is imported,

        not so much as a spice as for its infusion, to be administered in

        fevers. The betel pepper is cultivated for its leaves, which are

        chewed with the betel-nut. The pitcher plant (N’ejpenthes),

        called pig-basket plant, is not unfrequent near Canton ; the

        leaves, or ascidia, bear no small resemblance to the open baskets

        employed for carrying hogs.

        Many species of the tribe JRumicince are cultivated as esculent

        vegetables, among which maybe enumerated spinach, green

        basil, beet, amaranthus, cockscomb, broom-weed {Kochia), buckwheat,

        etc. Two species of Polygonum are laised for the blue

        dye furnished by the leaves, which is extracted, like indigo, by

        maceration. Buckwheat is prepared for food by boiling it like

        millet; one native name means ‘triangular wheat.’ The tlour

        is also employed in pastry. The cockscomb is much adniire<l

        by the Chinese, whose gardens furnish several splendid varieties.

        The rhubarb is a member of this useful tribe, and large quantities

        are l)rought from Kansuh and Koko-nor, where its habits

        have lately been observed by Prejevalsky. The root is dug by

        Chinese and Tanguts during September and October, dried in

        the shade, and ti-ansported by the Yellow River to the coast

        towns, where Europeans pay from six to ten times its rate

        among the mountain markets.’ The Chinese consider the rest

        ‘ Compare Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. T., p. 197.

        RHUBARB, LEGUMINOS^, ETC. 365

        of tiie world dependent on them for tea and rhubarb, whose

        inhabitants are therefore forced to resort thither to procure

        means to relieve themselves of an otherwise irremediable costiveness.

        This argument was made use of by Commissioner

        Lin in 1840, when recommending certain restrictive regulations

        to be imposed upon foreign trade, because he supposed merchants

        from abroad would be compelled to purchase them at

        any price.

        The order lliclna^ or holly, furnishes several genera of

        lihamneai, whose fruits are often seen on tables. The Zizyphus

        furnishes the so called Chinese dates’ in immense quantities

        throughout the northern provinces. The fleshy peduncles

        of the llovenia are eaten ; they are connnon in the southeastern

        provinces. The leaves of the Rltaninus tlieezans are among

        the many plants collected by the poor as a make-shift for the

        true tea. The fruit called the Chinese olive, obtained from the

        Pimela, is totally diiferent from and is a poor substitute for the

        rich olive of the Mediterranean countries.”

        The Leguminos^e hold an important place in Chinese botany,

        affording many esculent vegetables and valuable products.

        Peas and beans are probably eaten more in China than any

        other country, and soy is prepared chiefly from the ISoja or

        Dolichos. One of the modes of making this condiment is to

        skin the beans and gi’ind them to flour, which is mixed with

        water and powdered gypsum, or turmeric. It is eaten as a

        jelly or curd, or in cakes, and a meal is seldom spread without

        it in some form. One genus of this tribe affords indigo, and

        from the buds and leaves of a species of Coluteaakind of green

        dye is said to be obtained. Liquorice is esteemed in medicine ;

        and the red seeds of the Ahna j^recrt/o^’/^^.s” are gathered for

        ornaments. The Poinciana and Bauhinia are cultivated for

        their flowers, and the Erythrina and Cassia are among the

        most magnificent flowering trees in the south.

        ‘ Tlie application of this name to the jujube plum by foreigners, because

        the kind cured in honey resembled Arabian dates in color, size, and taste

        when brought on the table, is a good instance of the nuinner in which errors

        arise and are perpetuated from mere carelessness.

        ‘^ Compare Dr. H. F. Hance, in Journal of Bot<iny, Vol. IX., p. 38.

        366 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        The fruits are, on the whole, inferior in flavor and size to

        those of the same names at the west. Several varieties of

        pears, plums, peaches, and apricots are known ; it is probable

        that China is the native country of each of these fruits, and

        some of the varieties equal those found anywhere. Erman

        mentions an apple or haw which grows in ” long bunches and

        is round, about the size of a cherry, of a red color, and very

        sweet taste,” found in abundance near Kiahhta. There are

        numerous species of Amygdalus cultivated for their flowers

        ;

        and at new year the budding stems of the flowering almond,

        narcissus, plum, peach, and bell-flower (Enlianthus retlculatuH)

        are forced into blossom for exhibition, as indicating good luck

        the coming year. The apples and cpiinces are generally destitute

        of that flavor looked for in them elsewhere, but the lu-l’uh,

        or loquat^ is a pleasant acid spring fruit. The pomegranate is

        chiefly cultivated for its beauty as a flowering plant ; but the

        guava and Eugenia, or rose-apple, are sold in the market or

        made into jellies. The rose is a favorite among the Chinese and

        extensively cultivated ; twenty species are mentioned, together

        with many varieties, as natives of the country ; the Banks rose

        is developed and trained with great skill. The Spira?a or privet,

        myrtle, Quisqualis, Lawsonia or henna, white, purple, and red

        varieties of crape-myrtle or Lagerstrcemia, Hydrangea, the passion-

        flower, and the house-leek are also among the ornamental

        plants found in gardens. Few trees in any countiy present a

        more elegant appearance, when in full flowei”, than the Lagerstra’inias.

        The Pride of India and Chinese tamarix are also

        beautiful flowering trees. Specimens of the Cactus and Cereus,

        containing fifty or more splendid flowers in full bloom, are not

        unusual at Macao in August.

        The watermelon, cucumber, squash, tomato, brinjal or eggplant,

        and other garden vegetables are abundant ; the tallowgourd

        (Bcnincctsacerifcm) is remarkable for having its surface

        covered with a waxy exudation which sniells like rosin. The

        dried bottle-gourd {Cucnirbita lagenaria) is tied to the backs of

        children on the boats to assist them in floating if they should

        ^Travels in Siberia, Vol. II., p. 151.

        FRUIT TREES AND FLOWERING PLANTS. 367

        Tinluckily fall overboard. Tlie fniit and leaves of the papaw,

        or inuh k^va, ‘ tree melon,’ are eaten after being cooked ; tlie

        Chinese are aware of the inteneratino; property of the exhalations

        from the leaves of this tree, and make use of them sometimes

        to soften the flesh of ancient hens and cocks, by hanging

        the newly killed birds in the tree or by feeding them upon the

        fruit beforehand. The carambola {Averr/ioa) or tree gooseberry

        is nnich eaten by the Chinese, but is not relished by

        foreigners ; the tree itself is also an ornament to any pleasure

        grounds.

        Ginseng is found wild in the forests of Manchuria, where it

        is collected by detachments of soldiers detailed for this purpose ;

        these regions are regarded as imperial preserves, and the medicine

        is held as a governmental monopoly. The importation of

        the American root does not interfere to a very serious degree

        with the imperial sales, as the Chinese are fully convinced that

        their o’svn plant is far superior. Among numerous plants of

        the malvaceous and pink tribes (Dianthacece) remarkable for

        their beauty or use, the Lychnis cownata, five sorts of pink,

        the Althcea Chinensis, eight species of Hibiscus, and other

        malvaceous flowers may be mentioned ; the cotton tree {Salmalia)

        is common at Canton ; the fleshy petals are sometimes

        j^repared as food, and the silky stamens dried to stuff cushions.

        The (Tossyjnmn hevljaceniti and Pachyrrhizus affoi-d the matCv

        rials for cotton and gra«scloth ; both of them are cultivated in

        most parts of China. The latter is a twining, leguminous

        plant, cultivated fi-om remote antiquity, and still grown for its

        fibres, which are woven into linen. The petals of the Ilihiscvs

        rosa-sinensis furnish a black liquid to dye the eyebrows, and at

        Batavia they are employed to polish shoes. The fruits of the

        Hibiscus ocJira^ or okers, are prepared for the table in a vai’iety

        of ways.

        The Camellia Ja^wnica is allied to the same great tribe as

        the Hibiscus, and its elegant flowers are as much admired by

        the people of its native country as by florists abroad ; thirty or

        forty varieties are enumerated, many of them unknown out of

        China, while Chinese gardeners are likewise ignorant of a large

        proportion of those found in our conservatories. This flower is

        368 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        cultivated solely for its beauty, but other species of Camellia

        are raised for their seeds, the oil expressed from them being

        serviceable for many household and mechanical purposes. From

        the fibres of a species of Waltheria, a j)lant of the same tribe, a

        fine cloth is made ; and the Pentapctes Pluxnicia^ or ‘ noon

        fiower,’ is a common ornament of gardens.

        The widely diffused tribe Ranunculiacese has many representatives,

        some of them profitable for their timber, others sought

        after for their fruit or admired for their beauty, and a few

        prized for their healing properties. There are eight species of

        Magnolia, all of them splendid flowering plants ; the bark of

        the Magnol’ui yulan is employed as a febrifuge. The seed vessels

        of the IllclunL anisatum, or star-aniseed, are gathered on

        account of their spicy warmth and fragrance. The Artabotrys

        odoratixslinuH and Unona odorata are cultivated for tlieir perfume.

        Another favorite is the iiiowtan^ or tree paiony, reared

        for its large and variegated flowers ; its name of hwa uiang, or

        ‘ king of flowers,’ indicates the estimation in which it is held.

        The skill of nativ-e gardeners has made many varieties, and

        their patience is rewarded b}’ the high prices which fine specimens

        command. Good imitations of full-grown plants in flower

        are sometimes made of pith paper. Tlie Clematis, the foxglove,

        the Berheris Chinensh^ and the magnificent lotus, all

        belong to this tribe ; the latter, one of the most celebrated

        plants in Asia, is more esteemed by the CMiinese for its edible

        roots than reverenced for its religious associations. The Adtm

        aKpci’d is sometimes collected, as is the scouring i-ush, for cleaning

        pewter vessels, for which its hispid leaves are well fitted.

        The groups which include the poppy, nnistai-d, cabbage, cress,

        and many ornamental species, form an important ])ortion of

        native agriculture. The poppy has become a connuon crop in

        all the province^, driving out the useful cereals by its greater

        value and profit. The leaves of many crucifei-ous plants are

        eaten, whether cultivated or wild ; and one kind {Lsates^ yields

        a fine blue dye in the eastern provinces ; the variety and amount

        of such food consumed by the Chinese proi)ably exceeds that

        of any other people. Another tribe, Tlutaceie, contains the

        oranges and shaddocks, and some very fragrant shrubs, as the

        ORTSTAMKNTAL PLANTS, ETC. 369

        Mnvraya ci’otk’a and jHiniculata, and tlie Aglaia odoratd ;

        while the bhiddei’-tree {Koelt’euteria) is a great attraction when

        its whole surface is brilliant with golden tlowers. The whamj^e,

        ^.^?,, yellow skin {Cvo/iJ((, j}a/uiat(f), is a common and superior

        fruit. The seeds of the Gleditschia, besides their value in cleansing,

        are worn as beads, ” because,” say the Buddhists, ” all

        demons are afraid of the wood ;” one name means ‘ preventive

        of evil.’ Two native fruits, the lic/u and liinrjan, are allied to

        the Sapindus in their affinities ; while the f’f’/i/j sku, or Liquidambar,

        and many sorts of maple, with the P’tttosj[)orum tohira^

        an ornamental shrub, may be mentioned among plants used for

        food or sought after for timber.

        Tiiese brief notices of Chinese plants may be concluded by

        mentioning some of the most ornamental not before spoken of

        ;

        but all the beautiful soi-ts are soon introduced into western

        conservatories by enterprising florists. In the extensiv^e tribe

        of Rubiacinae are several species of honeysuckle, and a fragrant

        Yiburnum resembling the snowball. The Serissa is cultivated

        around beds like the box ; the Ixora eocGinea, and other species

        of that genus, are among common garden shrubs. The seeds of

        two or three species of Artemisia are collected, dried, and reduced

        to a down, to be bui-ned as an actual cautery. The dried

        twigs are frequently woven into a rope to slowly consume ^s

        a means of driving away mosquitoes. From the Carthamxis

        tlnctoirus a fine red dye is prepared. The succory, lettuce, dandelion,

        and other cichoraceous plants, either wild or cultivated,

        furnish food ; while innumerable varieties of Chrysanthemums

        and Asters are reared for their beauty.

        The Labiatae afford many genera, some of them cultivated ;

        and the Solanaceae, or nightshades, contain the tomato, potato,

        tobacco, stramony, and several spetnes of Capsicum, or red pepper.

        It has been disputed whether tobacco is native or foreign,

        but the philological argument and historical notices prove that

        both this plant and maize were introduced -within half a century

        after the discovery of America, or about the year 1530. The

        Chinese dry the leaves and cut them into shreds for smoking ;

        the snuff is coarser and less pungent than the Scotch ; it is said

        that powdered cinnabar is sometimes mixed with it.

        Vol. I.— -4

        Among the Convolvnlaceai are many beautiful species of Ipomea,

        especially the cypress vine, or quaniodU, ti-ained about the

        houses even of the poorest. The Ijxnnea marithiia occurs, trail

        ing over the sandy beaches along the coast from Hainan to

        Chusan and Lewchew. The Convolvulus rej)tans is planted

        around the edges of pools on the confines of villages and fields,

        for the sake of its succulent leaves. The narcotic family of

        Apocynese contains the oleander and Plumeria, prized for their

        fragrance ; while the yellow milkweed {Asdejykis curamamca)

        and the Vlnea rosea, or red periwinkle, are less conspicuous,

        but not unattractive, members of the same group. The jasmine

        is a deserved favorite, its clusters of flowers being often wound

        by women in their hair, and planted in pots in their houses.

        The Ol<iafragrans, or hwei hum, is cultivated for scenting tea.

        In the eastern provinces the hills are adorned with yellow and

        red azaleas of gorgeous hue, especially around Ningbo and in

        Chusan. ” Few,” says Mr. Fortune, ” can form any idea of the

        gorgeous beauty of these azalea-clad hills, where, on every side,

        the eye rests on masses of flowers of dazzling brightness and

        surpassing beauty. IS^or is it the azalea alone which claims our

        admiration ; clematises, wild roses, honeysuckles, and a hundred

        others, mingle their flowers with them, and make us confess

        that China is indeed the ‘ central flowery land.’ “

        A few notices of the advance made by the Chinese themselves

        in the study of natural history, taken from their great work on

        materia medica, the Pun tsao, or ‘ Herbal,’ will form an appropriate

        conclusion to this chapter. This work is usually bound

        in forty octavo volumes, divided into fifty-two chapters, and

        contains many observations of value mixed up with a deal of

        incorrect and useless matter ; and as those who read the book

        have not sufiicient knowledge to discriminate between what is

        true and what is partly or wholly wrong, its reputation tends

        .greatly to perpetuate the errors. The compiler of the Pun fsao,

        Li Shi-chin, spent thirty years in collecting all the information

        on these subjects extant in his time, arranged it in a methodical

        manner for popular use, adding his own observations, and pub-

        ‘ Wanderings in China.

        THE PUN TSAO, OR CHINESE HERBAL. 371

        lished it about 1590. lie consulted some eight hundred preceding

        autliors, from whom he selected one thousand five hundred

        and eighteen prescriptions, and added three hundred and

        seventy-four new ones, arranging his materials in fifty-two books

        in a methodical and (for his day) scientific manner. But how

        far behind the writings of Pliny and Dioscorides ! The nucleus

        of Li’s production is a small work which tradition ascribes to

        Shinnung, the God of Agriculture, and is doubtless anterior to

        the Ilan dynasty. His composition was well received, and attracted

        the notice of the Emperor, who ordered several succeeding

        editions to be published at the expense of the state. It

        was, in fact, so great an advance on all previous books, that it

        checked future writers in that branch, and Li is likely now to

        be the first and last purely native critical writer on natural science

        in his mother tongue.

        The first two volumes contain a collection of prefaces and

        indices, together with many notices of the theory of anatomy

        and medicine, and three books of pictorial illustrations of the

        rudest sort. Chapters I. and II. consist of introductory observations

        upon the practice of medicine, and an index of the

        recipes contained in the work, called the Sure Guide to a

        Myriad of Recipes ^ the whole filling the first seven volumes.

        Chapters III. and IV. contain lists of medicines for the cui-e of

        all diseases, occupying three volumes and a half, and comprising

        the therapeutical portion of the work, except a treatise on the

        pulse in the last volume.

        In the subsequent chapters the author carefully goes over

        the entire range of nature, first giving the correct name and

        its explanation ; then comes descriptive remarks, solutions of

        doubts and corrections of errors being interspersed, closing with

        notes on the savor, taste, and application of the recipes in

        which it is used. Chapters V. and YI. treat of inorganic

        substances under water and fire, and mine)-als under Chapters

        VII. to XL, as earth, metals, gems, and stones. Water is

        divided into aerial and terrestrial, /.c, from the clouds, and

        from springs, the ocean, etc. Fire is considered under eleven

        species, among which ai-e the flames of coal, bamboo, moxa,

        etc. The chapter on earth comprises the secretions from various animals, as well as soot, ink, etc. ; that on metals includes

        metallic substances and their common oxides ; and gems

        are spoken of in the next division. The eleventh chapter, in

        true Chinese stvle, groups together what could not be placed

        in the preceding sections, including salts, minerals, etc. In

        looking at this arrangement one detects the similarity between

        it and the classification of characters in the language itself,

        showing the influence this has had upon it ; thus /«>, shui, tu,

        Hn, yuh, shih, and la^ or fire, water, earth, metals, gems,

        stones, and salts, are the seven radicals under which the names

        of inorganic substances are classified in the iuiperial dictionary.

        A like similarity runs through other parts of the Ilcrhal.

        Chapters XII. to XXXATLL, inclusive, treat of the vegetable

        kingdom, under fivej*??^, or ‘divisions,’ viz. : herbs, gi-ains, vegetables,

        fruits, and trees; which are again subdivided into lui^ or

        ‘families,’ though the members of these families have no more

        relationship to each other than the heterogeneous family of an

        Egyptian slave dealer. The lowest term in the Chinese scientific

        scale is chung, which sometimes in<;ludes a gemis, but

        quite as often corresponds to a species or even a variety, as

        Linneus understood those terms.

        The first division of hei’bs contains nine families, viz. : hill

        plants, odoriferous, marshy, noxious, scandent or climbing,

        aquatic, ston}^, and mossy plants, and a ninth of one hundred

        and sixty-two miscellaneous plants not used in medicine, making

        six hundred and seventy-eight species in all. In this classification

        the habitat is the most influential principle of arrangement

        for the families, while the term tsao, or ‘herb,’ denotes

        M-hatcver is not eaten or used in the arts, or which does not attain

        to the magnitude of a tree.

        The second division of grains contains four families, viz. : 1,

        that of hemp, sesamuiii, buckwheat, wheat, rice, etc.; 2, the

        family of millet, maize, opium, etc. ; 3, leguminous plants,

        pulse, peas, vetches, etc. ; and 4, fermentable things, as bean

        curd, boiled rice, wine, yeast, congee, bread, etc., which, as they

        are used in medicine, and pi’oduced from vegetables, seem most

        naturally to come in this place. The first three families em

        bi-ace thirty-nine species, and the last tweny-nine articles.

        BOTANY OF THE HERBAL. 373

        The tliird division of kitclicn herbs contains five families: 1,

        offensive pungent plants, as leeks, nnistard, ginger ; 2, soft and

        mucilaginous plants, as dandelions, lilies, bamboo sprouts; 3,

        vegetables producing fruit on the ground, as tomatoes, eggplants,

        melons ; 4, aquatic vegetables ; and 5, mushrooms and

        fungi. The number of species is one hundred and thirty-three,

        and some part of each of them is eaten.

        The fourth division of fruits contains seven families : 1, the

        five fruits, the plum, peach, apricot, chestnut, and date (Rhamnus)

        ; 2, liill fruits, as the orange, pear, citron, persinniion ; 3,

        foreign fruits, as the cocoanut, lichi, cararnbola ; 4, aromatic

        fruits, as pepper, cubebs, tea ; 5, trailing fruits, as melons,

        grape, sugar-cane ; G, aquatic fruits, as water caltrops, water

        lily, water chestnuts, etc. ; and 7, fruits not used in medicine,

        as whampe. In all, one hundred and forty-seven species.

        The fifth division of trees has six families: 1, odoriferous

        trees, as pine, cassia, aloes, camphor ; 2, stately trees, as the

        willow, tamarix, elm, soapl)erry, palm, j^oplar, julibrissin or silk

        tree ; 3, luxuriant growing trees, as mulberry, cotton, Cercis,

        Gardenia, Bonibax, Hibiscus ; 4, parasites or things attached to

        trees, as the mistletoe, pachyma, and amber ; 5, flexible plants,

        as bamboo ; this family has only four species ; 6, includes what

        the other five exclude, though it might have been thought that

        the second and tliird families were sufficiently comprehensive

        to contain almost all miscellaneous plants. The mnnber of

        species is one hundred and ninety-eight. All botanical subjects

        are classified in this manner under five divisions, thirtyone

        families, and one thousand one hundred and ninety-five

        species, excluding all fermentable things.

        The arrangement of the botanical characters in the language

        does not correspond so well to this as does that of inorganic

        substances. The largest group in the language system is tsao^

        which comprises in general such herbaceous plants as are not

        used for food The second, muh, includes all trees or shrubs ;

        and the bamboo, on account of its great usefulness, stands by itself,

        though the characters mostly denote names of articles made

        of bamboo IS’o less than four radicals, viz., rice, wdieat, millet,

        and grain, serve as the heads under which the esculent grasses

        374 tup: middle kingdom.

        are arranged ; tliere are consequently many synonymes and

        superfluous distinctions. One family includes beans, and another

        legumes ; one comprises cucurbitaceous plants, another

        the alliaceous, and a fourth the hempen ; the importance of

        these plants as articles of food or manufacture no doubt suggested

        their adoption. Thus all vegetable substances are distributed

        in the language under eleven different heads.

        The zoological grouping in the Pun tsao is as rude and unscientific

        as that of plants. There are five jpu^ or divisions,

        namely : insect, scaly, shelly, feathered, and hairy animals. The

        first division contains four families : 1 and 2, insects born

        from eggs, as bees and silkworms, butterflies and spiders; 3,

        insects produced by metamorphosis, as glow-worms, molecrickets,

        bugs ; and 4, water insects, as toads, centipedes, etc.

        The second division has four families: 1, the dragons, including

        the manis, ” the only fish that has legs ; ” 2, snakes ; 3,

        fishes having scales ; and 4, scaleless fishes, as the eel, cuttlefish,

        prawn. The third division is classified under the two

        heads of toi”toises or turtles and mollusks, including the starfish,

        echinus, hermit-crab, etc. The fourth division contains

        birds arranged under four families : 1, water-fowl, as herons,

        king-fishers, etc. ; 2, heath-fowl, sparrows, and pheasants ; 3,

        forest birds, as magpies, crows; and 4, wild birds, as eagles

        and hawks. Beasts form the fifth division, which likewise

        contains four families : 1, the nine domesticated animals and

        their products ; 2, wild animals, as lions, deers, otters ; 3,

        rodentia, as the squirrel, hedgehog, rat ; and 4, monkeys and

        fairies. The number of species in these five divisions is three

        hundred and ninety-one, but there are only three hundred and

        twenty different objects described, as the roe, fat, hair, e.xuvite,

        etc., of animals are separately noticed.

        The sixteen zoological characters in the language are not

        quite so far astray fi-om being types of classes as the eleven

        botanical ones. Nine of thorn are mannniferous, viz. : the tiger,

        dog, and leopard, which stand for the carnivora ; the rat for

        lodentia ; the ox, sheep, and deer for ruminants ; and the

        horse and hog for pachydermatous. Birds are chiefly comprised

        under one radical niao, but there is a sub-family of

        ITS ZOOLOGY AND OI?SKKV ATFOXS OX TTTE IIOKSP:. 37.7

        short-tailed gallinaceous fowls, though much confusion exists in

        the division. Fishes form one group, and improperly inchide

        crabs, lizards, whales, and snakes, though most of the latter are

        placed along with insects, or else under the dragons. The tortoise,

        toad, and dragon are the types of three small collections,

        and insects are comprised in the sixteenth and last. These

        groups, although they contain many anomalies, as might be

        expected, are still sufficiently natural to teach those who write

        the language something of the world around them. Thus,

        when one sees that a new character contains the radical dorj in

        composition, he will be sure that it is neither fowl, fish, nor bug,

        nor any animal of the pachydermatous, cervine, or ruminant

        tribes, although he may have never seen the animal nor heard

        its name. This peculiarity runs through the whole language, indeed,

        but in other groups, as for instance those under the radicals

        man, woman, and child, or heart, hand, leg, etc., the characters

        include mental and passionate emotions, as well as actions and

        names, so that the type is not sufficiently indicative to convey a

        definite idea of the words included under it ; the names of

        natural objects being most easily arranged in this manner.

        Between the account of plants and animals the Jlerhal has

        one chapter on garments and domestic utensils, for such things

        ” are used in medicine and are made out of plants.” The remaining

        chapters, XXXIX.-LII., treat of animals, as noticed

        above. The properties of the objects spoken of are discussed

        in a very methodical manner, so that a student can immediately

        turn to a plant or mineral and ascertain its virtue. For instance,

        the information relative to the history and uses of the

        horse is contained in twenty-four sections. The first explains

        the character, ma, which was oi-iginally intended to represent

        the outline of the animal. The second describes the varieties

        of horses, the best kinds for medical use, and gives brief descriptions

        of them, for the guidance of the practitioner. ” The

        pure white are the best for medicine. Those found in the south

        and east are small and Aveak. The age is known by the teeth.

        The eye reflects the full image of a man. If he eats rice his

        feet will become heavy ; if rat’s dung, his belly will grow long; if his teeth be rubbed with dead silkworms, or black plums, he will not eat, nor if the skin of a rat or wolf be li\uii^- in his

        manger, lie should not he allowed to eat from a hog’s trough,

        lest he contract disease; and if a monkey is kept in the stable

        he M’ill not fall sick.”

        The third section goes on to speak of the flesh, which is an

        article of food ; that of a pure white stallion is the most wholesome.

        One author recommends ” eating almonds, and taking a

        rush broth, if the person feel uncomfoi-table after a meal of

        horse-flesh. It should he roasted and eaten with ginger

        and pork ; and to eat the flesh of a black horse, and not

        drink wine -with it, will surely produce deatli.” The fourth

        describes the crown of the horse, the ” fat of which is sweet,

        and good to make the hair grow and the face to shine.” The

        fifth and succeeding sections to the twenty-fourth treat of the

        sanative properties and mode of exhibiting the milk, heart,

        lungs, liver, kidneys, placenta, teeth, bones, skin, mane, tail,

        brains, blood, perspiration, and excrements.

        Some of the directions are dietetic, and others are prescriptive.

        ” When eating horse-flesh do not eat the liver,” is one of

        the former, given because of the absence of a gall-bladder in

        the liver, wdiich imports its poisonous qualities. ” The heart of

        a white horse, or that of a hog, cow, or hen, when dried and

        rasped into spirit and so taken, cures forgetfulness; if the patient

        hears one thing he knows ten.” ” Above the knees the

        horse has night-eyes (warts), M’hich enable him to go in the

        night ; they are useful in the toothache ;” tliese sections partake

        both of the descriptive and pi-escriptive. Another medical one

        is : ” If a man be restless and hysterical when he wishes to

        sleep, and it is requisite to put him to rest, let the ashes of a

        skull be mingled with water and given him, and let him have a

        skull for a pillow, and it will cure him.” The same preservative

        virtues appear to be ascribed to a horse’s hoof hung in a

        house as are supposed, by some who should know better, to

        belong to a horseshoe Avhen nailed upon the door.’ The whole

        of this extensive work is liberally sprinkled with such whimsies,

        but the practice of medicine among the Chinese is vastly

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. VII., p. 393.

        NATURAL SCIENCES IN CHINA. 377

        better than their tlieories ; for as llenmsat justly oTjserves, ” To

        see well and reason falsely are not wholly incompatible, and the

        naturalists of China, as well as the chemists and physicians of

        our ancient schools, have sometimes tried to reconcile them.”

        Another work on botany besides the Jlefbal, issued in 1848,

        deserves notice for its research and the excellence of its drawings.

        It is the Ch’th Wuh Mlng-shih Ta-kao, or Researches

        into the Names and Virtues of Plants, with plates, in sixty volumes.

        There are one thousand seven hundred and fifteen

        drawings of plants, with descriptions of each, arranged in

        eleven books, followed by medical and agricultural observations

        on the most important in four books. One of its valuable

        points to the foreigner is the terminology furnished by

        the two authors for describing the parts and uses of plants.

        Renmsat read a paper in 1828, ‘ On the State of the Natural

        Sciences among the Orientals,’ in which he indicates the position

        attained by Chinese in their researches into the nature

        and uses of objects around them. After speaking of the adaptation

        the language possesses, from its construction, to impart

        some general notions of animated and vegetable nature,

        he goes on to remark upon the theorizing propensities of their

        writers, instead of contenting themselves with examining and

        recording facts. “In place of studying the organization of

        bodies, they undertake to determine by reasoning how it should

        be, an aim which has not seldom led them far from the end

        they proposed. One of the strangest errors among them relates

        to the transformation of beings into each other, which has

        arisen from popular stories or badly conducted observations on

        the metamorphoses of insects. Learned absurdities have been

        added to puerile prejudices ; that which the vulgar have believed

        the philosophers have attempted to explain, and nothing

        can be easier, according to the oriental systems of cosmogony, in

        which a simple matter, infinitely diversified, shows itself in all

        beings. Changes affect only the apparent propei’ties of bodies, or

        rather the bodies themselves have only appearances ; according

        to these principles, they are not astonished at seeing the electric

        fiuid or even the stars converted into stones, as happens when

        aerolites fall. That animated beings become inanimate is proven by fossils and petrifactions. Ice enclosed in the earth for a millenninm becomes rock crystal ; and it is only necessary that lead, \\\e father of all metals (as Satnrn, its alchemistic type, was of gods), pass thi-oiigh four periods of two centuries each to become successively cinnabar, tin, and silver. In spring the rat changes into a quail, and quails into rats again during the eighth month.

        ” The style in which these marvels is related is now and then a little equivocal ; but if they believe part of them proved, they can see nothing really impossible in the others. One naturalist, less credulous than his fellows, rather smiles at another author who reported the metamorphosis of an oriole into a mole, and of rice into a carp ;

        ‘ it is a ridiculous story,’ says he ;

        ‘ there is proof only of the change of rats into quails, which is reported in the almanac, and which I have often seen myself, for there is an imvaried progression, as well of transformations as of generations.’

        Animals, according to the Chinese, are viviparous as quadrupeds, or oviparous as birds ; they grow by transformations, as insects, or by the effect of humidity, as snails, slugs, and centipedes The success of such systems is almost always sure, not in China alone either, because it is easier to put words in place of things, to stop at nothing, and to have formulas ready for solving all questions. It is thus that they have formed a scientific jargon, which one might almost think had been borrowed from our dark ages, and which has powerfully contributed to retain knowledge in China in the swaddling clothes we now find it. Experience teaches that when the human mind is once drawn into a false way, the lapse of ages and the help of a man of genius are necessary to draw it out.

        Ages have not been wanting in China, but the man whose superior enlightenment might dissipate these deceitful glimmerings, would find it very difficult to exercise this happy influence as long as their political institutions attract all their inquiring minds or vigorous intellects far away from scientific researches into the literary examinations, or put before them the honors and employments which the functions and details of magisterial appointments bring with them.” ‘* Melanges Orientules, Posthumes, p. 315.

        CONSKKVATISM OF NATIVE liESEARCH. 379

        This last observcation indicates the reason, to a great degree, for the fixedness of the Chinese in all departments of learned inquiry ; hard labor employs the energy and time of the ignorant mass, and emulation in the strife to reach official dignities consumes and perverts the talents of the learned. Then their language itself disheartens the most enthusiastic students in this branch of study, on account of its vagueness and want of established terms. When the vivifying and strengthening truths of revelation shall be taught to the Chinese, and its principles acted upon among them, we may expect more vigor in their minds and more profit in their investigations into the wonders of nature.

        CHAPTER VII. LAWS OP CHINA, AND PLAN OP ITS GOVERNMENT

        The consideration of the theory and practice of the Chinese government reconmiends itself to the attention of the intelligent student of man by several peculiar reasons, among which are its acknowledged antiquity, the multitudes of people it rules, and the comparative quiet enjoyed by its subjects. The government of a heathen nation is so greatly modified by the personal character of the executive, and the people are so liable to confound institutions with men, either from imperfect acquaintance with the nature of those institutions, or from being, through necessity or habit, easily guided and swayed by designing and powerful men, that the long continuance of the Chinese polity is a proof both of its adaptation to the habits and condition of the people, and of its general good management. The antiquity and excellence of such a government, and its orderly administration, might, however, be far greater than it is in China, without being invested with the interest which at present attaches to it in that Empire in consequence of the immense population, whose lives and property, food and well-being, depend to so great a degree upon it. What was at first rather a feeling of curiosity, gradually becomes one of awe, when the evil results of misgovernment, or the beneficent effects of equitable rule, are seen to be so momentous.

        THEORY OF THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT. 381

        The theory of the Chinese government is undoubtedly the patriarchal; the Emperor is the sire, his officers are the responsible elders of its provinces, departments, and districts, as every father of a household is of its inmates. This may, perhaps, be the theory of other governments, but nowhere has it been systematized so thoroughly, and acted upon so consistently and for so long a period, as in China, ^wo causes, mutually acting upon each other, have, more than anything else, combined to give efficiency to this theory. The ancient rule of Van and Shun ‘ was strictly, so far as the details are known, a patriarchal chieftainship, conferred upon them on account of their excellent character ; and their successors under Yu of the Xia dynasty were considered as deriving their power from heaven, to whom they M’ere amenable for its good use. When Chingtang, founder of the Shang dynasty, b.c. ITOG, and Wu Wang, of the Zhou, B.C. 1122, took up arms against the Emperors, the excuse given was that they had not fulfilled the decrees of heaven, and had thereby forfeited their claim to the throne.

        Confucius, in teaching his principles of political ethics, referred to the conduct of those ancient kings both for proof of the correctness of his instructions and for arguments to enforce them.

        The large number of those who followed him during his lifetime furnishes some evidence that his countrymen assented to

        the propriety of his teachings. This may account for their reception,

        illustrated as they were by the high character the sage

        boi-e ; but it was not till the lapse of tM’o or three centuries

        that the rulers of China perceived the great security the adoption

        and diffusion of these doctrines would give their sway.

        They therefore turned their attention toward the embodiment of

        these precepts into laws, and towai’d basing the institutions of

        government upon them ; through all the convulsions and wars

        which have disturl)ed the country and changed the reigning

        families, these writings have done more than any one thing

        else to uphold the institutions of the Chinese and give them

        their character and permanence. Education being founded on

        them, those who as students had been taught to receive and

        reverence tliem as the oracles of political wisdom, would, when

        they entered upon the duties of office, endeavor to carry out, in

        some degree at least, their principles. Thus the precept and

        the practice have mutually modified, supported, and enforced

        each other./

        • 2357 and 2255 before Christ.

        But this civilization i;^ Asiatic and not European, pagan and not Christian. ^The institutions of China are despotic and defective, and founded on wrong principles. They may have the element of stability, but not of improvement.^ The patriarchal theory does not make uien honorable, truthful, or kind; it does not place woman in her right position, nor teach all classes their obligations to their Maker; the wonder is, to those who know the strength of evil passions in the human breast, that this huge mass of mankind is no worse. We must, indeed, look into its structure in order to discover the causes of this stability, inasmuch as here we have neither a standing army to enforce nor the machinery of a state religion to compel obedience toward a sovereign. A short inspection will show that(the great leading principles by which the present administration preserves its power over the people, consist in a system of strict surveillance and viatual 7’esj)onsihiHtij among all classes.

        These are aided in their efficiency by the geographical isolation of the country, a remarkable spirit of loyal pride in their own history, and a general system of political education and official examinations!)

        These two principles are enforced by such a minute gradation of rank and subordination of othces as to give the government more of a military character than at first appears, and the whole system is such as to make it one of the most unmixed oligarchies now existing. (It is like a network extending over the whole face of society, each individual being isolated in his own mesh but responsibly connected with all around him’) The man who knows that it is almost impossible, except by entire seclusion, to escape from the company of secret or acknowledged emissaries of government, will be cautions of offending the laws of the country, knowing, as he must, that though he should himself escape, yet his family, his kindred, or his neighbors will suffer for his offence; that if unable to recompense the sufferers, it will probably be dangerous for him to return home ; or if he does, it will be most likely to find his property in the possession of neighbors or officials, who feel conscious of security in plundering one whose offences have forever placed him under a ban.

        RESPONSIBILITY, FEAR, AXD ISOLATION. 383

        ^The effect of these two causes upon the mass of the people is to imbue them with a i^ceat fear of the government, both of its officers and its operations; each man considers that safety is best to be found in keeping aloof from both. This mutual surveillance and responsibility, though only partially extended throughout the multitude, necessarily undermines confidence and infuses universal distrust ; while this object of complete isolation, though at the expense of justice, truth, honesty, and natural affection, is what the government strives to accomplish and actually does to a wonderful degree.) The idea of government in the minds of the uneducated people is that of some everpresent terror, like a sword of Damocles; and so far has this undetined fear of some untoward result when connected with it counteracted the real vigor of the Chinese, that to it may be referred much of their indifference to improvement, contentment with what is already known and possessed, and submission to petty injustice and spoliation.^

        Men are deterred, too, as much by distrust of each other as by fear of the police, from combining in an intelligent manner to resist governmental exactions because opposed to principles of equity, or joining with their rulers to uphold good order; no such men, and no such instances, as John Hampden going to prison for refusing to subscribe to a forced loan, or Thomas Williams and his companions throwing the tea overboard in Boston harbor, ever occurred in China or any other Asiatic country. They dread illegal societies quite as much from the cruelties this same distrust induces the leaders to exercise over recreant or suspected members, as from apprehension of arrest and punishment by the regular authorities. (Thus, with a state of society at times on the verge of insurrection, this mass of people is kept in check by the threefold cord of responsibility, fear, and isolation, each of them strengthening the other, and all depending upon the character of the people for much of their efficiency. Since all the officers of government received their intellectual training when connnoners under these influences, it is easy to understand why the supreme powers are so averse to improvement and to foreign intercourse—from both of which causes, in truth, the monarch has the greatest reason to dread lest the cliarin of his power be weakened and his sceptre pass away. I (There is, however, a further explanation for the general peace which prevails to be found back of this. It is owing partly to the diffusion of a political education among the people ^teaching them the principles on which all government is founded, and the reasons for those principles flowing from the patriarchal theory—and partly to their plodding, industrious character. A brief exposition of the construction and divisions of the central and provincial governments and their mutual relations, and the various duties devolving upon the departments and officers, will exhibit more of the operation of these principles.

        Although the Emperor is regarded as the head of this great

        organization, as the fly-wheel w^hich sets other wheels of the

        machine in motion, he is still considered as bound to rule according

        to the code of the land ; and when there is a w^ellknown

        law, though the source of law, he is expected to follow

        it in his decrees. The statutes of China form an edifice, the

        foundations of which were laid by Li Ivwei twenty centuries

        ago. Successive dynasties have been building thereon ever

        since, adding, altering, pulling down, and putting together as

        circumstances seemed to require. The people liave a high regard

        for the code, ” and all they seem to desire is its just and

        impartial execution, independent of caprice and uninfluenced

        by corruption. That the laws of China are, on the contrary,

        very frequently violated l)y those who are their administrators

        and constitutional guardians, there can, unfortunately, be no

        question ; but to what extent, comparatively with the laws of

        other countries, must at present be very much a matter of conjecture

        : at the same time it nuiy be observed, as something in

        favor of the Chinese system, that there are substantial grounds

        for believing that neither flagrant nor repeated acts of injustice

        do, in point of fact, often, in any rank or station, ultimately

        escape with impunity.” ‘ Sir George Staunton is well qualified

        to speak on this point, and his opinion has been corroborated

        ‘ Penal Code, Introduction, p. xxviii.

        THE PENAL CODE OF CHINA. 385

        by most of those who have had siinihir opportunities of judging; while his translation of the Code has given all persons interested in the (piestion the means of ascertaining the principles on which the government ostensibly acts.

        This body of laws is called Ta Tsing Liuh Li, i.e., ‘ Statutes and Eescripts of the Great Pure Dynasty,’ and contains all the laws of the Empire. They are arranged under seven leading heads, viz.: General, Civil, Fiscal, Ritual, Military, and Criminal laws, and those relating to Public Works ; and subdivided into four hundred and thirty-six sections, called Hah, or ‘ statutes,’ to which the li, or modern clauses, to limit, explain or alter them, are added ; these are now much more numerous than the original statutes. A new edition is published by authority every five years; in the reprint of 1830 the Emperor ordered that the Supreme Court should make but few alterations, lest wily litigants might take advantage of the discrepancies between the new and old law to suit their own purposes. This edition is in twenty-eight volumes, and is one of the most frequently seen books in the shops of any city. The clauses are attached to each statute, and have the same force. ]^o authorized reports of cases and decisions, either of the provincial or supreme courts, are published for general use, though their record is kept in the court where they are decided ; the publication of such adjudged cases, as a guide to officers, is not unknown. An extensive collection of notes, comments, and cases, illustrating the practice and theory of the laws, was appended to the edition of 1799.

        A short extract from the original preface of the Code, published in 101:7, only three years after the Manchu Emperors took the throne, will explain the principles on which it was drawn up. After remarking upon the inconveniences arising from the necessity of aggravating or mitigating the sentences of the magistrates, who, previous to the re-establishment of an authentic code of penal la\vs, were not in possession of any fixed rules upon which they could build a just decision, the Emperor Shunchi goes on to describe the manner of revising the code:

        ” A numerous body of magistrates was assembled at the

        capital, at our command, for the purpose of revising the penal

        code formerly in force under the late dynasty of Ming, and of dio-esting the same into a new code, by the exchision of such parts as were exceptionable and the introduction of others which were likely to contribute to the attainment of justice and the t>-eneral perfection of the work. The result of their labors having been submitted to our examination, we maturely weighed and considered the various matters it contained, and then instructed a select number of our great officers of state carefully to revise the whole, for the purpose of making such alterations and emendations as might still be found requisite. “Wherefore, it being now published, let it be your great care, officers and magistrates of the interior and exterior departments of our Empire, diligently to observe the same, and to forbear in future to give any decision, or to pass any sentence, according to your private sentiments, or upon your unsupported authority. Thus shall the magistrates and people look up with awe and submission to the justice of these institutions, as they find themselves respectively concerned in them ; the transgressor will not fail to suffer a strict expiation of his crimes, and will be the instrument of deterring others from similar misconduct ; and finally both officers and people will l)e equally secured for endless generations in the enjoyment of the happy effects of the great and noble virtues of our illustrious progenitors.”

        Under the head of Genei-al Laws are forty-seven sections,

        comprising principles and definitions applicable to the whole,

        and containing some singular notions on equity and criminality.

        The description of the five ordinary punishments, definition of

        the ten treasonable offences, regulations for the eight privileged

        classes, and general directions regarding the conduct of officers

        of government, are the matters treated of under this head.

        The title of Section XLIY. is ” On the decision of cases not provided for by law ; ” and the rule is that ” such cases may then be determined by an accurate comparison with others which are already provided for, and which approach most nearly to those under investigation, in order to ascertain afterward to what extent an asirravation or mitiij-ation of the i)nnislinment would be equitable. A provisional sentcMice confonnablc thereto shall be laid before the superior magistrates, an<l, after receiving their approbation, be submitted to the Enqieror’s final decision. Anv

        GENEIIAL, CIVIL, AXD FISCAL LAWS. 387

        *

        erroneous judgment which may be pronounced, in consequence

        of adopting a more summary mode of proceeding in cases of a

        doubtful nature, shall be punished as wilful deviation from justice.”

        This, of course, gives great latitude to the magistrate, and

        as he is thus allowed to decide and act before the new law can

        be confirmed or aimulled, the chief restraints to his injustice in

        such cases (which, however, are not nuinerous) lie in the fear

        of an appeal and its consequences, or of summary reprisals

        from the suffering parties.

        The six remaining divisions pertain to the six administrative

        boards of the government. The second contains Civil Laws,

        under twenty-eight sections, divided into two books, one of

        them referring to the system of government, and the otlier to

        the conduct of magistrates, etc. The hereditary succession of

        rank and titles is regulated, and punishments laid down for

        those who illegally assume these honors. HlMost of the nobility

        of China are Manchus, and none of the hereditary dignities existing

        previous to the conquest were recognized, except those

        attached to the family of Confucius*’ Improperly recommending

        unfit persons as deserving liigh honors, appointing and

        removing officers witliout the Emperor’s sanction, and leaving

        stations without due permission, are the principal subjects

        regulated in the first book. The second book contains rules

        regarding the interference of superior magistrates with the proceedings

        of the lower courts, and prohibitions against cabals and

        treasonable combinations among oflScers, which are of course

        capital crimes ; all persons in the employ of the state are required

        to make themselves acquainted with the laws, and even

        private individuals ” who are found capable of explaining the

        nature and comprehending the objects of the laws, shall receive

        pardon in all offences resulting purely from accident, or imputable

        to them oidy from the guilt of others, j^rovided it be the

        first offence.”

        The third division, of Fiscal Laws, under eighty-two sections,

        contains rules for enrolling the people, and of succession and

        inheritance ; also laws for regulating marriages between various

        classes of society, for guarding granaries and treasuries, for

        preventing and punishing smuggling, for restraining usury, and for overseeing shops. Section LXXYI. orders that persons and families truly represent their profession in life, and restrains them from indulging in a change of occupation ; ” generation

        after generation they must not vary or alter it.” This i-ule is,

        however, constantly violated. Section XC. exempts the huildinffs

        of literarv and relio;ious institutions from taxation. The

        general aim of the laws relating to holding real estate is to

        secure the cultivation of all the land taken up, and the regular

        payment of the tax. The proprietor, in some cases, can be deprived

        of his lands because he does not till them, and though in

        fact owner in fee simple, he is restricted in the disposition of

        them by will in many w^ays, and forfeits them if the taxes are

        not paid.

        The fourth division, of Ritual Laws, under twenty-six sections,

        contains the regulations fur state sacritices and ceremonies,

        those appertaining to the worship of ancestors, and whatever

        belongs to heterodox and magical sects or teachers. The heavy

        penalties threatened in some of these sections against all illegal

        combinations under the guise of a new form of worship presents

        an interesting likeness to the restrictions issued by the

        English, French, and German princes during and after the

        Heformation. The Chinese authorities had the same dread

        lest the people should meet and consult how to resist them.

        Even processions in honor of the gods may be forbidden for

        good reason, and are not allow^ed at all at Peking ; while, still

        more, the rites observed by the Emperor cannot be imitated by

        any unauthorized person ; women are not allowed to congregate

        in the temples, nor magicians to perform any strange incantations.

        Few of these laws ai’e really necessary, and those

        against illegal sects are in fact levelled against political associations,

        which usually take on a religious guise.

        The fifth division, of Military Laws, in seventy-one sections,

        provides for the protection of the palace and government of

        the army, for guarding frontier passes, management of the

        imperial cattle, and forwarding despatches by couriers. Some

        of these ordinances lay down rules for the protection of the

        Emperor’s person, and the disposition of his body-guard and

        troops in the palace, the capital, and over the Empire. The

        RITUAL, MILITARY, AND CRIMmAL LAWS!. 380

        sections r(‘latiii<2; to the goveniinoiit of tlie army include tlic

        rules for tli(> police of cities ; and those designed to secure the

        protection of the frontier conipi-ise all the enactments against

        foreign intei’course, some of which have already been refei-red tn

        in passing. The supply of horses and cattle for the army is a

        matter of some importance, and is minutely regulated ; one law

        orders all persons who possess vicious and dangerous animals to

        restrain them, and if through neglect any person is killed or

        wounded, the owner of the animal shall be obliged to redeem

        himself from the punishment of manslaughter by pa-ying a fine.

        This provision to compel the owners of unruly beasts to exercise

        proper restraint over them is like that laid down by Moses

        in Exodus XXT., 20, 30. There is as yet no general postoffice

        establishn’ent, hut governmental couriers often take

        private letters ; local mails are safely carried by express companies.

        The required rate of travel for the official post is one hundred miles a day, but it does not ordinarily go more than half that distance. Officers of government are allowed ninety days to make the journey from Peking to Canton, a distance of twelve hundred miles, but conriers frequently travel it in twelve days.

        The sixth division, on Criminal Laws, is arranged in eleven books, containing in all one hundred and seventy sections, ‘and is the most important of the whole. The clauses under some of the sections are numerous, and show that it is not for want of proper laws or insufficient threatenings that crimes go unpunished.

        The books of this division relate to robbery, in which is included high treason and renunciation of allegiance ; to homicide and murder; quarrelling and fighting; abusive language; indictments, disobedience to parents, and false accusations ; bribery and corruption ; forging and frauds ; incest and adultery ; arrests and escapes of criminals, their imprisonment and execution ; and, lastly, miscellaneous offences.

        Under Section CCCXXIX. it is ordered that any one who is guilty of addressing abusive language to his or her father or mother, or father’s parents, or a wife who rails at her husband’s

        parents or grandparents, shall be strangled ; provided always

        that the persons so abused themselves complain to the magistrate, and had personally heard the language addressed to them.

        This law is the same in regard to children as that contained

        in Leviticus XX. , H, and the power here given the parent does

        not seem to be productive of evil. Section CCCLXXXI. has

        reference to ” privately hushing np public crimes,” but its

        penalties are for the most part a dead letter, and a full account

        of the various modes adopted in the courts of withdrawing cases

        from the cognizance of superiors, would form a singular chapter

        in Chinese jurisprudence. Conseq\icntly those who refuse every

        offer to suppress cases are highly lauded by the people. Another

        section (CCCLXXXYI.) ordains that whoever is guilty of improper

        conduct, contrary to the spirit of the laws, but not a

        breach of any specific article, shall be punished at least with forty blows, and with eighty when of a serious nature. Some of the provisions of this part of the code are praiseworthy, but no part of Chinese legislation is so cruel and irregular as criminal jurisprudence. The permission accorded to the judge to torture the criminal opens the door for much inhumanity.

        The seventh division contains thirteen sections relating to Public Works and Ways, such as the weaving of interdicted patterns of silk, repairing dikes, and constructing edifices for government. All public residences, granaries, treasuries and manufactories, embankments and dikes of rivers and canals, forts, walls, and mausolea, must be frequently examined, and kept in repair. Poverty or peculation render numy of these laws void, and many subterfuges are often practised by the superintending officer to pocket as much of the funds riS he can.

        One officer, M’hen ordered to repair a wall, made the workmen go over it and chip off the faces of the stones etill remaining, then plastering up the holes.

        CRITICISM OF THE CODE. 301

        Besides these laws and their numerous clauses, every high provincial officer has the right to issue edicts upon such public matters as require regulation, some of thei^,; even affecting life and death, either reviving some old law or ^.v^ving it an application to the case before him, with such iuodifications as seem to be necessary. lie must report these ac-t* to the proper board at Peking. Xo such order, which for Uf*. time has the force of law, is formally repealed, but gradually f;(,lls into ohlWion, until circumstances again require its reiteration. This mode of publishing statutes gives rise to a sort of common and unwritten law in villages, to which a council of elders sometimes compels individuals to submit ; long usage is also another ground for enforcing them.

        Still, with all the tortures and punishments allowed by the law, and all the cruelties superadded upon the criminals by irritated officers or rapacious underlings and jailors, a broad survey of Chinese legislation, judged by its results and the general appearance of society, gives the impression of an administration far superior to other Asiatic countries. A favorable comparison has been made in the Jidinlmrgh Review:’ ” By far the most remarkable thing in this code is its great reasonableness, clearness, and consistency, the business-like brevity and directness of the various provisions, and the plainness and moderation in which they are expressed. There is nothing here of the monstrous verhiage of most other Asiatic productions, none of the superstitious deliration, the miserable incoherence, the tremendous non-sequiturs and eternal repetitions of those oi”acnlar performances—nothing even of the turgid adulation, accumulated epithets, and fatiguing self-praise of other Eastern despotisms—but a calm, concise, and distinct series of enactments, savoring throughout of practical judgment and European good sense, and if not always conformable to onr improved notions of expediency, in general approaching to them more nearly than the codes of most other nations. When we pass, indeed, from the ravings of the Zendavesta or the Puranas to the tone of sense and business in this Chinese collection, we seem to be passing from darkness to light, from the drivellings of dotage to the exercise of an improved understanding ; and redundant and absurdly minute as these laws are in many particulars, we scarcely know any European code that is at once so copious and so consistent, or that is so nearly free from intricacy, bigotry, and fiction. / In everything relating to political freedom or individual independence it is indeed wofuUy defective!; but for the repression of disorder and the gentle coer-cion o£ a vast population, it appears to be equally mild and efficacious. The state of society for which it was formed appears incidentally to be a low and wretched o!ie ; but how could its framers have devised a wiser means of maintaining it in peace and tranquillity ?”

        This encomium is to a certain extent just, but the practice of legislation in China has probably not been materially improved by the mere possession of a reasonable code of laws, though some melioration in jurisprudence has been effected.’ ^The infliction of barbarous punishments, such as blinding, cutting off noses, ears, or other parts of the body, still not uncommon in Persia and Turkey, is not allowed or practised in China ; and the government, in minor ci’imes, contents itself with but little more than opprobrious exposure in the pilloij, or castigation, which cari-y with them no degradation.

        uhe defects in this remarkable body of laws arise from several

        sources. The degree of liberty that can safely be awarded

        to the subject is not defined in it, and his i-ights are unknown

        in law. The government is despotic, but having no etficient

        military power in their hands, the lawgivers resort to a minuteness

        of legislation upon the pi-actice of social and relative virtues

        and duties which interferes with their observance ; though it

        must be remembered that no pulpit or Sabbath-school exists

        there to expound and enforce them from a higher code, and

        the laws must be the chief guide in most cases. The code also

        exhibits a minute attention to trifles, and an effort to legislate

        for every possible contingency, which nmst perplex the judge

        when dealing with the infinite shades of difference occuning in

        human actions. There are now many vague and obsolete statutes,

        I’eady to serve as a handle to prosecute offenders for the

        gratification of private pique ; and although usage and precedent

        both combine to prove their disuse, malice and bribery

        can easily effect their reviviscence and application to the case.

        Sheer cruelty, except in cases of treason against the Emperor,

        cannot be chai’ged against this code as a whole, though

        many of the laws seem designed to operate chiefly in terrorem^

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., pp. 24-29.

        INFLUEXCE OF THE LAWS UPON SOCIETY. 39o

        and the penalty is placed higher than the punishment really

        intended to be inflicted, to the end that the Emperor may have

        scope for mercy, or, as he says, ” for leniency beyond the bounds

        of the law.” The principle on which this is done is evident, and

        the commonness of the practice proves that such an exercise of

        mercy has its effect. The laws of China are not altogether unmeaning

        words, though the degi-ee of ethciency in their execu

        tion is subject to endless variations ; some officers are clement,

        others severe ; the people in certain provinces are industrious

        and peaceable, in others turbulent and averse to quiet occupations,

        so that one is likely to form a juster idea of their adnunistration

        by looking at the i-esults as seen in the general aspect

        of society, and judging of the tree by its fruits, than by drawing

        inferences applicable to the whole machine of state from particular

        instances of oppression and insubordination, as has been. so often the case with travellers and writers.

        The general examination of the Chinese government here proposed may be conveniently considered under the iieads of the Emperor and his court, classes of society, the different branches of the supreme administration, the provincial authorities, and the execution of the laws.

        The Emperor is at the head of the whole ; and if the possession

        of great power, and being the object of almost unbounded

        reverence, can impai-t happiness, he may safely be considered

        as the happiest mortal living; though to his power there are

        many checks, and the reverence paid him is proportioned somewhat

        to the fidelity with which he administers the decrees of

        heaven. ” The Emperor is the sole head of the Chinese constitution

        and government ; he is regarded as the vice-gerent of

        lieaven, especially chosen to govern all nations ; and is supreme

        In everything, holding at once the highest legislative and executive

        powers, without limit or control.” Both he and the Pope

        claim to be the vice-gerent of heaven and interpreter of its decrees

        to the whole world, and these two rulers have emulated

        each other in their assumption of arrogant titles. The most

        common appellation employed to denote the Emperor in state

        papers and among the people is hirangt’i, or ‘ august sovereign ;

        ‘it is defined as ” the appellation of one possessing complete virtues, and able to act on heavenly principles.” ‘ This title is further defined as meaning heaven : ” Heaven speaks not, yet the four seasons follow in regular succession, and all things spring forth. So the three august ones (Fulihi, Shinnung, and Hwangti) descended in state, and without even uttering a word the people bowed to their sway ; their virtue was inscrutal)le and boundless like august heaven, and therefore were they called august ones.”

        Among the numerous titles given the monarch may be mentioned

        hiimng shang, the ‘ august lofty one ; ‘ tien Mvang, ‘ celestial

        august one;’ shing hivang, the ‘wise and august,’-/.^.,

        infinite in knowledge and complete in virtue ; tien ti, ‘ celestial

        sovereign ;’ and shing t’l, ‘ sacred sovereign,’ because he is able

        to act on heavenly principles. He is also called tien tsz\ ‘ son

        of heaven,’ becanse heaven is his father and earth is his mother,

        and shing tien tsz\ ‘wise son of heaven,’ as being born of heaven

        and having infinite knowledge ; terms which are given him as

        the ruler of the world l)y the gift of heaven. He is even addressed,

        and sometimes refers to himself, under designations which pertain exclusively to heaven. Wan sui ye, ‘ sire of ten thousand years,’ is a term used when speaking of him or approaching him, like the words, O h’ng, live forever! addressed to the ancient kings of Persia. Pi Ida, ‘ beneath the footstool,’ is a sycophantic compellation used by his courtiers, as if they were only worthy of being at the edge of his footstool.

        ‘ Chinese Repositori/, Vol. IV., p. 12 ; Chinese Chrestomathy, p. 558.

        ATTRIBUTES OF THE CHINESE EMPEROR. 395

        The Emperor usually designates himself by the terms ehvn^ ‘ourself; ‘ hwa jin, the ‘ solitary man,’ or the one man ; and hwa Jciun, the ‘ solitary prince.’ He has been loaded with many ridiculous titles by foreign writers, as Brother of the Sun and Moon, Grandson of the Stars, King of Kings, etc., but no such epithets are known among his subjects. His palace has various appellations, such as hall of audience, golden palace, the ninth entrance, vermilion avenue, vermilion hall, rosy hall, forbidden pavilion, the crimson and forbidden palace, gemmeous steps, golden steps, meridian portal, gemmeous avenue, celestial steps,

        celestial court, great interior, the maple pavilion, royal house,

        etc. To see him is to see the dragon’s face ; the throne is called

        the ” di-agon’s throne,” and also the ” divine utensil,” i.e., the

        tliinir oiven him bv heaven to sit in Avhen executin<!; his divine

        mission ; his person is styled the dragon’s body, and a fiveclawed

        dragon is emblazoned, like a coat of arms, on his robes,

        which no one can use or imitate. Thus the Old Dragon, it

        might be almost said, has coiled himself around the Emperor

        of China, one of the greatest upholders of his power in this

        world, and contrived to get himself worshipped, through him,

        by one third of mankind.

        The Emperor is the fountain of power, rank, honor, and privilege to all within his dominions, which are termed tieti hia, meaning all under heaven, and were till recently, even by his highest officers, ignorantly supposed to comprise all mankind.

        As there can be but one sun in the heavens, so there can be

        but one hwangti on earth, the source and dispenser of benefits

        to the whole world.” /The same absolute executive power held

        by him is placed in the hands of his deputies and governorgenerals,

        to be by them exercised within the limits of their

        jui-isdiction. He is the head of religion and the only onef

        qualified to adore heaven ; he is the source of law and dispen-j

        ser of mercy ; no right can be held in opposition to his pleasure,

        no claim maintained against him, no privilege protect from his

        wrath. All the forces and revenues of the Empire are his, and

        lie has a riffht to claim the services of all males between sixteen j and sixty. In short, the whole Empire is his property, and they only cliecks upon his despotism are 2)ubli(‘ opinion, the want of j an efficient standing army, po^’erty and the venality of the agents of his power.

        When the Manchus found themselves in possession of Peking,

        they regarded this position as fully entitling them to assume all

        imperial rights. Their sovereign thus announced his elevation

        in November, 16-14 : ” I, the Son of Heaven, of the Ta-tsing

        ^ The attributes ascribed to a chakrnwartti in the Buddhist mythology have

        many points of resemblance to the hintngti, and Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism

        (p. 126) furnishes an instructive comparison between the two characters, one fanciful and the other real.

        dynasty, liuniljly as a subject dare to announce to Imperial

        Heaven and Sovereign Earth. Tliougli tlie world is vast,

        Sliangti looks on all without partiality. My Imperial Grandfather

        received the gracious decree of Heaven and founded a

        kingdom in the East, which became firmly established. My

        Imperial Father succeeding to the kingdom, extended it ; and I,

        Heaven’s servant, in my poor person became the ii heritor of

        the dominion they transmitted. AVlien the ]\Iing dynasty was

        coming to its end, traitors and men of violence appeared in

        crowds, involving the people in misery. China was without a

        ruler. It fell to me reverentially to accept the responsibility

        of continuing the meritorious work of my ancestors. I saved

        the people, destroyed their ojopressors ; and now, in accordance

        with the desires of all, I iix the urns of Empire at Yen-king.

        … I, receiving Heaven’s favor, and in accordance with their

        wishes, announce to Heaven that I have ascended the throne of

        the Empire, that the name I have chosen for it is the Great

        Pure, and that the style of my reign is Shun-chl (‘ Obedient

        Rule ‘). I beg reverentially Heaven and Earth to protect and

        assist the Empire, so that calamity and disturbance may soon

        come to an end, and the land enjoy universal peace. For this

        I humbly pray, and for the acceptance of this sacrifice.”

        The present Emperor is the ninth of the Tsing dynasty M’ho

        has reigned in China. Tk/ikj means Pure, and was taken by

        the Manchus as a distinctive tei’m for their new dynasty,

        alluding to the ])uj’ity of justice they intended to maintain in

        their sway. Some of the founders of the ancient dynasties derived

        their dynastic name from their patrimonial estates, as

        /SifUfj, ITaii, C//af/, etc., but the later ones have adopted names

        like T’uen, or ‘ Original,’ Min<j, or ‘ Illustrious,’ etc., which indicate

        their vanity.

        The present monarch is still a minor, and the affairs of government are nominally under the direction of the Empressdowager, who held the same office during the minority of his predecessor, Tungchf. -The surname of the reigning family is (j’ioi’o, or ‘ Golden,’ derived from their ancestral chief, Aisin Gioro, whom they feign to have been the son of a divine virgin.

        PERSONAL NAME AXD TITLES OF THE EMPEROR. 397

        They are the lineal descendants of the Kin, a rude race u-liieh drove out the Chinese rulers and occupied the northern provinces about 1130, making Peking their capital for many years. On the approach of the Mongols they were chased away to the east, and retained oidy a nominal independence ; changing their name from Niichih to Manjurs, they gradually increased in numbers, but did not assume any real importance until they became masters of China. The acknowledged founder of the reigning house was the chief IIien-tsu(1583-lC15), whose actual descendants are collectively designated Tsutuj-sJi’/h, or ‘Imperial Clan.’ The second Emperor further limited the Clan by giving to each of his twenty-four sons a personal name of two characters, the first of which, Ynn, was the same for all of

        them. For the succeeding generations lie ordered a series of

        characters to be nsed l)y all the membei-s of each, so that

        through all their ramifications the first name would show tlieir

        position. Ivanghi’s own name was Iliuen^ then followed Yun^

        Hung, Yung, JIt’en, Y!h, and T^v?/, tlie last and present sovereigns

        being both named T^cr/. All who bear this name are

        direct descendants of Kanghi. Since the application of these

        seven generation names, eight more have been selected for

        future nse by imperial scions.

        Tn order still further to distinguish those most nearly allied

        in blood, as sons, nephews, etc., it is required that the second

        names of each family always consist of characters under the

        same radical. Thus Kiaking and his brothers wrote their first

        names Yang, ‘Am\ under the radical ^?r>i for the second ; Taukwang

        and his brothers and cousins Mien, and under the radical

        heart. For some unexplained reason the radicals sill: and gaJ(l,

        chosen for the second names of the next two generations, were

        altered to u-ords and irater. This peculiarity is easily represented

        in the Chinese characters ; a comparison can be made

        in English with the supposed names of a family of sons, as

        Louis Edward, Louis Edwin, Louis Edwy, Louis Edgar, etc.,

        the word Louis answering to Mien, and the syllable Ed to the radical heart.

        The present Emperor’s personal name is Tsai-tien, and, like those of his predecessors, is deemed to be too sacred to be spoken, or the characters to be written in the common form.

        The same reverence is observed for the names after death, sg that twelve characters have been altered since the Manchu monarchs began to reign ; Hinen-wa, which was the personal name of Kanghi, has become permanently altered in its formation.

        The present sovereign was born August 15, 1871, and on January

        12, 1875, succeeded his cousin Tsaishun, who died without

        issue—the first instance in the Gioro family for nearly three

        centuries. At this time there was some delay as to which of

        his cousins should succeed to the dragon throne, when the united

        council of the princes was led by the mother of the deceased

        Emperor to adopt her nephew, the son of Prince Chun. The

        little fellow was sent for at night to be immediately saluted

        as hwangti, and ere long brought in before them, cross and

        sleepy as he was, to begin his reign under the style of Kwangsii,

        or ‘ Illustrious Succession.’

        This title is called a kwoh hao^ or national designation, and

        answers more nearly to the name that a new Pope takes with

        the tiara than to anything else in western lands. It is the expression

        of the idea which the monarch wishes to associate with

        his reign, and is the name by which he is known to his subjects

        during his life. It has been called a j>^^”^od by some

        writers, but while it is not strictly his name, yet period is not

        so correct as reign. Usage has made it equivalent in foreign

        books to the personal name, and it is plainer to say the Emperor

        Taukwang than the period Taukwang or the reign Taukwang,

        or still more than to write, as Wade has done, ” the Emperor

        Mien-Ning, the style of whose reign Mas Tau Kwang ;”or than Legge has done, to Bay, *’ the Emperor Pattern, of the period Yungciiing.” In such cases it is not worth the trouble to attempt strict accuracy in a matter so entirely unlike western usages.

        The use of the kwoh hao began with Wan-ti, of the Han dynasty,’ b.c. 179, and has continued ever since. Some of ‘ The remark of Heeren {Asiatic Nations, Vol. I. , p. 57), that the names by which the early Persian monarchs, Darius, Xerxes, and others, were called, were really titles or surnames, and not their own personal names, suggests the further comparison whether those renowned names were not like the kiroh hao of the Chinese emperors, whose adoption of the custom was after the ex

        THE KWOII HAO AND MIAO HAO. 399

        the early inouarclis elianged their hwoli hao many times during

        their reigns ; Kao-tsung (a.d. 650-684), for example, had thirteen

        in a regime of thirty four years, which induced historians

        to employ the laiao Jiao, or ancestral name, as more suitable

        and less liable to confusion. The reason for thus investinir the

        sovereign with a title different from his real name is not fully

        apparent, but arose probably out of the vanity of the monai-ch,

        who wished thus to glorify himself by a high-sounding title,

        and make his own name somewhat ineffable at the same time.

        The custom was adopted in Japan about a.d. 645, and is practised

        in Corea and Annam.

        When a monarch ascends the throne, or as it is expressed in Chinese, ” when he receives from Heaven and revolving nature the government of the world,” he issues an inaugural proclamation. There is not much change in the wording of these papers, and an extract from the one issued in 1821 will exhibit the practice on such occasions: “Our Da Qing dynasty has received the most substantial indication of Heaven’s kind care. Our ancestors, Taitsu and Taitsung. began to lay the vast foundation [of our Empire] : and Shitsu became the sole monarch of China. Our sacred ancestor Kanghi, the Emperor Yungching, the glory of his age, and Kienlung, the eminent in honor, all abounded in virtue, were divine in martial prowess, consolidated the glory of the Empire, and moulded the whole to peaceful harmony.

        ” His late Majesty, who has now gone the great journey, governed all under Heaven’s canopy twenty-live years, exercising the utmost caution and industry. Xor evening nor morning was he ever idle. He assiduously aimed at the best possible rule, and hence his government was excellent and illustrious; the court and the country felt the deepest reverence and the stillness of profound awe. A benevolent heart and a benevolent tinction of the Persian monarchy. Herodotus (Book VI., 98) seems to have been familiar with these names, not so much as being arbitrary and meaningless terms as epithets whose significations were associated with the kings. The new names given to the last two sons of Josiah, who became kings of Judah by their conquerors (3 Kings, 23; 34, and 24 : 17), indicate even an earlier adoption of this custom.

        administration were universally dift’used : in China Proper, as well as beyond it, order and tranquillity pi-evailed, and the tens of thousands of common people were all happy. But in the midst of a hope that this glorious reign would be long protracted, and the help of Heaven would be received many days, unexpectedly, on descending to bless, by his Majesty’s presence, Lwanyang, the dragon charioteer (the holy Emperor) became a guest on high.

        ” My sacred and indulgent Father had, in the yeai” that ho

        bejiran to rule alone, silent! v settled that the divine utensil

        should devolve on my contemptible person. I, knowing the

        feebleness of my virtue, at first felt much afraid I should not be

        competent to the office ; but on reflecting that the sages, my

        ancestors, have left to posterity their plans ; that his late

        Majesty has laid the duty on me—and Heaven’s throne should

        not be long vacant—I have done violence to my feelings and

        foi’ced myself to intermit awhile my heartfelt grief, that I may

        with reverence obey the unalterable decree ; and on the 2Tth of

        the Sth moon (October 3d) 1 purpose devoutly to announce the

        ev^ent to Heaven, to earth, to my ancestors, and to the gods of

        the land and of the grain, and shall then sit down on the imperial throne. Tx’t the next year be the first of Taukwang.

        ” I look upward and hope to be able to continue former excellences. I lay my hand on my heart with feelings of respect and cautious awe.—When a new monarch addresses himself to the Empire, he ought to c(»iifer benefits on his klndi-ed, and extensively bestow gracious favors : what is proper to be done on this occasion is stated below.”

        (Here follow twenty-two paragraphs, detailing the gifts to be

        conferred and promotions made of noblemen and officers ; ordering

        the restoration of suspended dignitaries to their full pay

        and honoi’s, and sacrifices to Confucius and the Emperors of

        former dynasties ; pardons to be extended to ciiminals, and

        banished convicts recalled ; governmental debts and arrearages

        to be forgiven, and donations to be bestowed upon the aged.)

        “Lo! now, on succeeding to the throne, T shall exei-cise myself

        to give repose to the millions of my ]>eople. iVssist me to

        sustain the burden laid on mv shoulders ! With veneration I

        COr.OXATIOX T’ROrr.AMATIOX OF TArKU’AXO. 4(‘]

        receive charge of Heaven’s great concerns.—Ye kings and statesmen, great and small, civil and military, let every one be faithful and devoted, and aid in supporting the vast afPairs, that our family dominion may be preserved hundreds and tens of thousands of years in never-ending tranquillity and glory ! Promulgate this to all under Heaven — cause every one to hear it!”

        The programme of ceremonies to be observed when the Emperor” ascends the summit,” and seats himself on the dragon’s throne, was published for the Emperor Taukwangby the Board of Kites a few days after. It details a long series of prostrations and bowings, leading out and marshalling the various officers of the court and members of the imperial family. After they are all arranged in proper precedence before the throne,” at the appointed hour the president of the Board of Bites shall go and entreat his Majesty to put on his mourning, and

        come forth by the gate of the eastern palace, and enter at the

        left door of the middle palace, where his Majesty, before the

        altar of his deceased imperial father, will respectfully announce

        that he receives the decree—kneel thrice and bow nine times.”

        lie then retires, and soon after a large deputation of palace

        officers ” go and solicit his Majesty to put on his impei-ial robes

        and proceed to the palace of his mother, the Empress-dowager,

        to pay his respects. The Empress-dowager will put on her court

        robes and ascend her throne, before which his Majesty shall

        kneel thrice and bow nine times.” After this filial ceremony

        is over the golden chariot is made ready, the officer of the

        Astronomical Board—whose business is to ohscrve times—

        h

        stationed at the palace gate, and when he announces the arrival

        of the chosen and felicitous moment, his Majesty comes forth

        and mounts the golden chariot, and the procession advances to

        the Palace of Protection and Peace. Here the great officers of

        the Empire are marshalled according to their rank, and when

        the Emperor sits down in the palace they all kneel and bow

        nine times.

        ” This ceremony over, the President of the Board of Rites, stepping forward, shall kneel down and beseech his Majesty, saying, ‘ Ascend the imperial throne.’ The Emperor shall then rise from his seat, and the procession moving on in the same order to the Palace of Peace, his Majesty shall ascend the seat of gems and sit down on the imperial throne, with his face to the south.” All present come forward and again make the nine prostrations, after which the proclamation of coronation, as it would be called in Europe, is formally sealed, and then announced to the Empire with similar ceremonies. There are many other lesser rites observed on these occasions, some of them appropriate to such an occasion, and others, according to our notions, bordering on the ludicrous ; the whole presenting a strange mixture of religion, splendor, and farce, though as a whole calculated to impress all with a sentiment of awe toward one who gives to heaven, and receives from man, such homage and worship.’

        Nothing is omitted which can add to the dignity and sacredness

        of the Emperor’s person or character. Almost everything

        used by him, or in his personal service, is tabued to the connuon

        people, and distinguished by some peculiar mark or color, so as

        to keep up the impression of awe with which he is regarded,

        and which is so powerful an auxiliary to his throne. The outer

        gate of the palace must always be passed on foot, and the paved

        entrance walk leading up to it can only be used by him. The vacant throne, or even a screen of yellow silk thrown over a chair, is worshipped equally with his actual presence, and an imperial dispatch is received in the provinces with incense and prostrations ; the A-essels on the canal bearing articles for his special use always have the rig:ht of way. His birthday is eel ebrated by his officers, and the account of the opening ceremony, as witnessed by Lord Macartney, shows how skilfully every act tends to maintain his assumed character as the son of heaven.

        ‘ Chinese Repository^ Vol. X., pp. 87-98. Indo-Chinese Gleaner, February, isai.

        HOMAGE KENDERP:D TO THE EMPEROR. 403

        ” The first day was consecrated to the purpose of rendering a solemn, sacred, and devout homage to the supreme majesty of the Emperor. The ceremony was no longer performed in a tent, nor did it partake of the nature of a banquet. The princes, tributai-ies, ambassadors, and great officers of state were assembled in a vast hall ; and upon particular notice were introduced into au inner building, bearing at least the semblance of a temple.

        It was chietiy furnished with great instruments of music,

        among which were sets of cylindrical bells suspended in a line

        from ornamental frames of wood, and gradually diminishing in

        size from one extremity to the other, and also triangular pieces

        of metal, arranged in the same order as the bells. To the

        sound of these instruments a slow and solemn hymn was sung

        by eunuchs, who had such a command over their voices as to

        resemble the effect of musical glasses at a distance. The performers

        were directed, in tlie gliding from one tone to the other,

        by the striking of a shrill and sonorous cymbal ; and the judges

        of music among the gentlemen of the embassy were much

        pleased with their execution. The whole had, indeed, a grand

        effect. During the performance, and at particular signals, nine

        times repeated, all present prostrated themselves nine times,

        except the ambassador and his suite, who made a profound

        obeisance. But he whom it was meant to honor continued, as

        if in imitation of the Deity, invisible the whole time. The

        awful impression intended to iTe made upon the minds of men

        by this apparent worship of a fellow-mortal was not to be

        effaced by any immediate scenes of sport or gaiety, which were

        postponed to the following day. ” ‘ The mass of the people are

        not aduutted to particij^ate in these ceremonies ; they are kept

        at a distance, and care, in fact, very little about them. In every

        provincial capital there is a hall, called Wan-shao l:u?ig, dedicated

        solely to the honor of the Emperor, and where, three days

        before and after his birthday, all the civil and military officers

        and the most distinguished citizens assemble to do him tlie

        same homage as if he were present. The walls and furniture

        are yellow.

        The right of succession is hereditary in the male line, but it

        is always in the power of the sovereign to nominate his successor

        from among his own children. The heir-apparent is not

        commonly known during the lifetime of the incumbent, though

        Staunton’s Embassy, 8vo edition, London, 1797, Vol. III., p. 63.

        there is a titular office of guardian of the heir-apparent. During

        tlie Tsing dynasty the succession has varied, l)ut tiie hloody

        scenes enacted in Turkey, Egypt, and India to remove competitors

        are not known at Peking, and the people have no fear that they will be enacted. Of the eight preceding sovereigns, Shunchi was the ninth son, Tvanghi the third, Vnngehing the fourth, Kienlung the fourth, Kiaking the iifteenth, Taukwang

        the second, Hienfung the fourth, and Tungchi the only son.

        When Kwangsii was chosen this regular line failed, and thus

        was terminated an nnbi-oken succession during two Inmdred

        and fifty-nine years (1616 to 1875), when ten rulers (including

        two in Manchuria) occupied the throne. It can be paralleled

        onlv in eTudah, where the line of David down to Jehoiachin

        (b.c. 1055 to 599) continued regularly in the same manner—

        twenty kings in four hundred and fifty six years.

        In the reign of Kieidung, one of the censors memorialized

        him upon the desirableness of announcing his sncsessor, in order

        to quiet men’s minds and repress intrigue, but the suggestion

        cost the man his place. The Emperor said that the name of

        his successor, in case of his own sudden death, would be found

        in a designated place, and that it was highly inexpedient to

        mention him, lest intriguing men buzzed about him, forming

        factions and trying to elevate themselves. The soundness of

        this policy cannot l)e doubted, and it is not nnlikely that Kienlung

        knew the evils of an opposite course from an acquaintance

        with the history of some of the princes of Central Asia or

        India. One good result of not indicating the heir-apparent is

        that not oidy are no intrigues formed by the crown-prince, but

        when he begins to reign he is seldom compelled, from fear of

        his own safety, to kill or imprison his brothers or uncles; for,

        as they possess no power or party to render them formidable,

        their ambition finds full scope for its exercise in peaceful ways.

        In 1861, when the heir was a child of five years, a palace intrigue

        was started to remove his custody out of the hands of his mother

        into those of a cabal wlio had held sway for some years, but the

        promoters were all executed.

        THE IMPKIilAL HOUSE AXD NOBILITY. 405

        The management of the imperial clan appertains entirely to the Emperor, and has been conducted with considerable sagacI’ty. All its members arc under the control of the Tsuny-jln fu, a sort ot” clansmen’s court, consisting of a presiding controller, two assistant directors, and two deputies of the family.

        Their duties are to regulate whatever belongs to the government of the Emperor’s kindred, which is divided into two branches, the direct and collateral, or the Uiukj-hMIi and Gioro.

        The TmurKj-sJiiJi, or ‘Imperial House,’ coni})rise only the lineal

        descendants of Tienming’s father, named llien-tsu, or ‘ Illustrious

        Sire,” who first assumed the title of Emperor a.d. 1610.

        The collateral branches, including the children of his uncles and

        brothers, are collectively c;illed Gioro. Their united number is

        unknown, l)ut a genealogical record is kept in the national archives

        at Peking and Mukden. The Tsunfj-ahlh are distinguished

        by a yellow girdle, and the Gioro by a red one; when

        degraded, the former take a red, the latter a carnation girdle.

        There are altogether twelve degrees of rank in the Tsung-shih^

        and consequently some of the distant kindred are reduced to

        straitened circumstances. They are shut out from useful careers,

        and generally exhibit the evils ensuent upon the system of education

        and surveillance adopted toward them, in their low,

        vicious pursuits, and cringing imbecility of character. Tlie sum

        of $133 is allowed when they marry, and $150 to defray funeral

        expenses, vvhich induces some of them to maltreat their wives

        to death, in order to receive the allowance and dowry as often

        as possible.

        The titular nobility of the Empire, as a whole, is a body

        whose members are without power, land, wealth, office, or influence,

        in virtue of their honors ; some of them are more or less

        hereditary, but the whole system has been so devised, and the

        designations so conferred, as to tickle the vanity of those who

        receive them, without granting them any real power. The titles

        are not derived from landed estates, but the rank is siinply

        designated in addition to the name, and it has been a question

        of some difficulty how to translate them. For instance, the

        title Kung tsin-vKing literally means the ‘ Reverent Kindred

        Prince,’ and should be translated Prince Kung, not Prince of

        Kung, which conveys the im})ression to a foreign reader that

        Kung is an appanage instead of an epithet The twelve orders of nobility are conferred solely on the members of the imperial house and clan : 1. Tsin icamj, ‘ kindred prince,’ i.e., prince of the blood, conferred usnallj on his

        Majesty’s brothers or sons. 2. K’nm. irang, or ‘ prince of a

        princedom ;

        ‘ the eldest sons of the princes of these two degrees

        take a definite rank during their father’s lifetime, but the collateral

        branches descend in precedence as the generations are

        more and more remote from the direct imperial line, until at

        last the person is simply a member of the imperial clan. These

        two ranks were termed regulus by the Jesuit writers, and each

        son of an Emperor enters one or other as he becomes of

        age. The highest princes receive a stipend of about ^13,300,

        some rations, and a retinue of three hundred and sixty servants,

        altogether making an annual tax on the state of $75,000 to

        $90,000. The second receive half that sum, and inferior grades

        in a decreasing ratio, down to the simple members, who each

        get four dollars a month and rations. 3 and -i. BeUe and

        Beitse, or princes of and in collateral branches. The Sth to

        8th are dukes, called Guard i;m and Sustaining, with two subordinate

        grades not entitled to enter the court on state occasions.

        The 9th to 12th ranks are nobles, or rather generals, in line of

        descent. The number of persons in the lower ranks is very

        great. Few of these men hold offices at the capital, and still

        more rarely are they placed in responsible situations in the

        provinces, but the government of Manchuria is chiefly in their

        hands.

        Besides these are the five ancient orders of nobility, Ining,

        liao,2_^(‘li,Uz’, and nan, usually rendered duke, count, viscount,

        baron, and baronet, which are conferred without distinction on

        Manchus, Mongols, and Chinese, both civil and military, and as

        such are highly prized by their recipients as marks of honor.

        The three first take precedence of the highest untitled civilians,

        but an appointment to most of the high offices in the country

        carries with it an honorary title. The direct descendant of

        Confucius is called Yoi-f^/ilng humj, ‘ the Ever-sacred duke,’

        and of Koxinga Ilai-ching hmg, or ‘ Sea-quelling duke ;’ these

        two arc the only perpetual titles among the Chinese, but among

        the Manchus, the chiefs of eight families which aided in settling the crown in the Gioro line were made hereditary princes,

        LIFE IN THE PALACE. 407

        who are collectively called princes of the iron crown. Besides

        the above-mentioned, there are others, which are deemed even

        more honorable, either from their rarity or peculiar privileges,

        and answer to membership of the various orders of the Garter,

        Golden Fleece, Bath, etc , in Europe.

        The internal arrangements of the court are modelled somewhat

        after those of the Boards, the general supervision being

        under the direction of the Nid-wufa, composed of a president

        and six assessors, under whom are seven subordinate departments.

        It is the duty of these officers to attend upon the Emperor

        and Empress at sacrifices, and conduct the ladies of the

        harem to and from the palace ; they oversee the households of

        the sons of the Emperor, and direct, under his Majestj’, everything

        belonging to the palace and whatever appertains to its

        supplies and the care of the imperial guard. The seven departments

        are arranged so as to bear no little resemblance to a

        miniature state : one supplies food and raiment ; a second is

        for defence, to regulate the body-guard when the Emperor

        travels; the third attends to the etiquette the members of this

        great family must observe toward each other, and brings forward

        the inmates of the harem when the Emperor, seated in

        the inner hall of audience, receives their homage, led by the

        Empress herself ; a fourth department selects ladies to fill the

        harem, and collects the revenue from crown lands ; a fifth

        superintends all repairs necessary in the palace, and sees that

        the streets of the city be cleared whenever the Emperor, Erapress,

        or any of the women or children in the palace wish to go

        out ; a sixth department has in charge the herds and fiocks of

        the Emperor ; and tlie last is a court for punishing the crimes

        of soldiers, eunuchs, and ethers attached to the palace.

        The Emperor ought to have three thousand eunuchs, but the

        actual number is rather less than two thousand, who perform

        the work of the household. His sons and grandsons are alloM^ed

        from thirty down to four, while the iron-crown princes and imperial

        sons-in-law have twenty or thirty ; all these nobles are

        constrained to employ some eunuchs in their establishments, if

        not able to maintain the full quota, for show. Most of this

        class are compelled to submit to mutilation by tlieir parents

        before the age of eight (and not always from povei-ty), as it

        usually insures a livelihood. Some take to this condition from

        motives of laziness and the high duties falling to their share if

        they behave themselves. From very ancient times certain

        criminals have been punished by castration. There is a separate

        control for the due efficiency of these servants of the court,

        who are divided into forty-eight classes ; durhig the present

        dynasty they have never caused trouble. The highest pay any

        of them receive is twelve taels a month.

        The number of females attached to the harem is not accurately

        known ; all of them are under the nominal direction

        of the Empress. Every third year his Majesty reviews the

        daughters of the IVIanchu officers over twelve years of age, and

        chooses such as he pleases for concubines ; there are oidy seven

        legal concubines, but an unlimited mnuber of illegal. The latter

        are restored to li])erty when they reach the age of twentyfive,

        unless they have borne cliildren to his Majest}-. It is generally

        considered an advantage to a family to have a daughter

        in the harem, especially by the Manchus, who endeavor to rise

        by this backstairs influence.’ To the poor Avomen themselves

        it is a monotonous, weary life of intriguing unrest. As soon as

        one enters the palace she bids final adieu to all her male relatives,

        and rarely sees her female friends ; the eunnchs \vlio

        take care of her are her chief channels of communication with

        the outer world. It may be added, however, that the comforts

        and influence of her condition are vastly superior to those of

        Hindu females.

        In the forty-eighth volume of the Hiral Tioi, from whicii

        work most of the details in this chapter are obtained, is an account

        of the snpplies furnished his Majesty and the court.

        There should daily be placed befoi-o the Emperor thirty pounds

        of meat in a basin and seven pounds boiled into soup ; hog’s

        fat and butter, of each one and one-third pound ; two sheep,

        two fowls, and two ducks, the milk of eighty cows, and seventy-

        ‘ Chinese licpositorp, Vol. XIV., !>. 521; N. C. Br. It. As. Soc. Jovriuil,

        x\o. XI.

        positio:n” of the empress and ladies. 409

        five parcels of tea. Her Majesty receives twenty-one pounds

        of meat in platters and thirteen pounds boiled with vegetables

        ;

        one fowl, one duck, twelve pitchers of watei’, the milk of

        twenty-iive cows, and ten parcels of tea. Her maids and the

        3oncubines receive their rations according to a regular fare.

        The Empress-dowager is the most important subject within

        the palace, and his Majesty does homage at frequent intervals,

        !)y making the highest ceremony of nine prostrations before

        her. When the widow of Iviaking reached the age of sixty in

        1S3<), many honors were conferred l)y the Emperor. An extract

        from the ordinance issued on this festival will exhibit the

        regard paid her by the sovereign

        :

        ” Our extensive dominions have enjoyed the utmost prosperity

        under the shelter of a glorious and enduring state of felicity.

        Our exalted race has become most illustrious under the protection

        of that honored relative to whom the whole court looks up.

        To her happiness, already unalloyed, the highest degree of

        felicity has been superadded, causing joy and gladness to every

        inmate of the Six Palaces. The grand ceremonies of the occasion

        shall exceed in splendor the utmost recpiirements of the

        ancients in regard to the human relations, calling ft)rth the gratulation

        of the whole Em})ire. It is indispensable that the observances

        of the occasion sliould be of an exceedingly unusual

        nature, in older that our reverence for our august parent and

        care of her may both be equally and gloriously displayed. . . .

        … In the first month of the present winter occurs the sixtieth

        anniversary of her Majesty’s sacred natal day. At the opening

        of the happy period, the sun and moon shed their united genial

        influences on it. When commencing anew the revolution of

        the sexagenary cycle, the honor thereof adds increase to her

        felicity. Looking upward and Ijeholding her glory, Ave repeat

        our gratulations, and announce the event to Heaven, to Earth, to

        our ancestors, and to the patron gods of the Empire. On the

        nineteenth day of the tenth moon in the fifteenth year of Taukwang,

        we will conduct the princes, the nobles, and all the high

        officers, both rivil and military, into the presence of the great

        Empress, benign and dignified, universally placid, thoi-oughly

        virtuous, tran(piil and self-collected, in favors unbounded ; and

        we will then present our congratulations on the glad occasion,

        the anniversary of her natal day. The occasion yields a happiness

        equal to what is enjoyed by goddesses in heaven ; and

        while announcing it to the gods and to our people, we will

        tender to her blessings unbounded.”

        Besides the usual tokens of favor, such as rations to soldiers, pardons, promotions, advances in official rank, etc., it was ordered in the eleventh article, ” That every perfectly filial son or obedient grandson, every upright husband or chaste wife, upon proofs being brought forward, shall have a monument erected, with an inscription in his or her honor.”” Soldiers who had reached the age of ninety or one hundred received money to erect an honorary portal, and tombs, temples, bridges, and roads were ordered to be repaired ; but how many of these ” exceedingly great and special favors ” were actually carried into effect cannot be stated.’

        For the defence and escort of the Emperor and his palaces

        there are select bodies of troops, which are stationed within the

        Hwang-ching and the capital and at the various cantonments

        near the city. The Bannermen form three separate corps, each

        containing the hereditaiy troops of Manchu, Mongol, and enrolled

        Chinese, organized at the beginning of the dynasty under

        eight standards. Their flags are ti’iangular, a plain yellow,

        white, red, and blue for troops in the left wing, and the same

        bordered with a narrow stripe of another color for troops in the

        rio-ht wino;. All the families of these soldiers remain in the

        corps into which they were born.

        Two special forces are selected, one named the Vanguard

        Division, the other the Flank Division, from the Manchu and

        Mongol Bannermen ; these guard the Forbidden City, form his

        Majesty’s escort when he goes out, and number respectively

        about one thousand five hundred and fifteen thousand men.

        For the preservation of the peace of the capital a force of upward

        of twenty thousand, called the Infantry Division, or Gendarmerie,

        is stationed in and around the walls, in addition to

        the palace forces. Besides these a cadet corps of five hundred

        Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., p. 576.

        EMPEllOR’S GUARD AND DIVISIONS OF THE PEOPLE. 411

        young men nrnied with l)Ows and spears, two battalions with firearms, and four larger battalions of eight hundred and seventy-five men each, di’iiled in rifle-practice, are relied on to aid the Gendarmerie and Vanguard in case of danger. Whenever the One Man goes out of the palace gate to cross the city, the streets through which he passes aie screened with matting, to keep off the crowds as well as diminish the risks of his person.

        The result has been that few of the citizens have ever seen their sovereign’s face during the last two hundred years. The young Emperor Tungchi obtained great favor among them on one occasion of his return from the Temple of Heaven by ordering the screen of mats to be removed so that he and his people could see each other.

        Lender the Emperor is the whole body of the people, a great

        family bound implicitly to obey his will as being that of heaven,

        and possessing no right or property jper se ; in fact, having

        nothing but what has been derived from or may at any time be

        reclaimed by him. The greatness of this family, and the absence

        of an entailed aristocracy to hold its members or their

        lands in serfdom, have been partial safeguards against excess

        of oppression. Liberty is unknown among the people ; there is

        not even a word for it in the language. No acknowledgment

        on the part of the sovereign of certain well-understood rights

        belonging to the people has ever been required, and is not

        likely to be demanded or given by either party until the Gospel

        shall teach them their respective rights and duties. Emigration abroad, and even removal from one part of the Empire to another, are prohibited or restrained by old laws, but at present no real obstacle exists to changing one’s place of residence or occupation. Notwithstanding the fact that Chinese society is so homogeneous when considered as distinct from the sovereign, inequalities of many kinds are constantly met with, some growing out of birth or property, others out of occupation or merit, but most of them derived from official rank. There is no caste as in India, though the attempt to introduce the miserable system was vainly made by Wan-ti about a.d. 590. The ancient distinctions of the Chinese into scholars, agriculturists, artisans, and traders is far superior to that of Zoroaster into priests, warriors, agriculturists, and artisans ; a significant index of the different polities of eastern and western x\siatic nations is contained in this early quaternary division, and the superiority of the Chinese in its democratic element is also noticeable. There are local prejudices against associating with some portions of the community, thougly the people thus shut out are not remnants of old castes.

        \The tan/da, or boat-people, at Canton form a class in some respects beneath the other portions of the community, and have many customs peculiar to themselves.

        At Mngpo there is a degraded set called to viin, amounting to nearly three thousand persons, with whom the people will not associate. The men are not allowed to enter the examinations or follow an honorable calling, but are play-actors, musicians, or sedan-bearers ; the women are match-makers or female barbers and are obliged to wear a peculiar dress, and usually go abroad carrying a bundle wrapped in a checkered handkerchief.

        The tanhia at Canton also wear a similar handkerchief on their head, and do not cramp their fee^ The to iidn are supposed to be descendants of the Kin, who held northern China in a.d.1100, or of native traitors who aided the Japanese, in 1555-1563, in their descent upon Chehkiang. The tanh’ui came from some of the Miaotsz’ tribes so early that their origin is unknown.’

        The modern classifications of the people, recognized, however, more by law than custom, are various and comprehensive. First, natives and aliens ; the latter include the unsubdued mountaineers and aboriginal tribes living in various parts, races of boat-people on the coasts, and all foreigners residing within the Empire, each of whom are subject to particular laws. Second, conquerors and conquered ; having reference almost entirely to a prohibition of intermarriages between Manchus arid Chinese. Third, freemen and slaves; every native is allowed to pm-chase slaves and retain their children in servitude, and free persons sometimes forfeit their freedom on account of their crimes, or mortgage themselves into bondage. Fourth, the

        ‘ Missionary Chronicle, Vol. XIV., p. 324; Hardy, Manual of BttddJdsm, pC9 ; Heereii, Asiatic Nations, Vol. I., p. 240.

        SLAVES AXD PRIVILEGED CLASSES. 413

        iioiioi’able and the mean, m’Iio cannot intermarry without the former forfeiting their privileges; the latter comprise, besides aliens and slaves, criminals, executioners, police-runners, actors, jugglers, beggars, and all other vagrant or vile persons, who are in general required to pursue for three generations some honorable and useful employment before they are eligible to enter the literary examinations. These four divisions extend over the whole body of the people, but really affect only a small minority.

        It is worthy of note how few have been the slaves in China, and how easy has been their condition in comparison with what it was in Greece and Rome. / Owing chiefly to the prevalence of education in the liberal principles of the Four Books, China has been saved from this disintegrating element. The proportion of slaves to freemen cannot be stated, but the former have never attracted notice by their numbers nor excited dread by their restiveness^ Girls are more readily sold than boys ; at Peking a healthy girl under twelve years brings from thirty to fifty taels, rising to two hundred and fifty or three hundred for one of seventeen to eighteen years old. In times of famine orphans or needy children are exposed for sale at the price of a few cash.’

        There are also eight privileged classes, of which the privileges of imperial blood and connections and that of nobility are the only ones really available ; this privilege affects merely’ the punishment of offenders belonging to either of the eight classes. The privilege of imperial blood is extended to all the blood relations of the Emperor, all those of the Empress-mother and grandmother within four degrees, of the Empress within three, and of the consort of the crown prince within two. Privileged noblemen comprise all officers of the first rank, all of the second holding office, and all of the third whose office confers a command.

        These ranks are distinct from titles of nobility, and are much thought of by officers as honorary distinctions. There are nine, each distinguished by a different colored ball placed on the apex of the cap, by a peculiar emblazonry of a bird for civilians and a beast for military officers on the breast, and a different clasp to the girdle.

        ‘ M. Ed. Biot furnished a good account to the Journal Asiatique (3d series, Vol. III.) of the legal condition of slaves in China ; see also Chinese RepoHVtory^ Vol. XVIII., pp. 347-003, and passim; Archdeacon Gray’s China.

        Civilians of the first rank wear a precious ruby or transparent red stone; a Manchurian crane is embroidered on the back and breast of the robe, while the girdle clasp is jade set in rubies; military men have a unicorn, their buttons and clasps being the same as civilians.

        Civilians of the second rank wear a red coral button, a robe

        embroidered with a golden pheasant, and a girdle clasp of gold

        set in rubies ; the lion of India is emblazoned on the military.

        Civilians of the third rank carry a sapphire and one-eyed

        peacock’s feather, a robe with a peacock worked on the breast,

        and a clasp of worked gold ; military officers have a leopard.

        Different Styles of Official Caps.

        Civilians of the fourth rank are distinguished by a blue opaque stone, a wild goose on the breast, and a clasp of worked gold with a silver button ; military officers carry a tiger in place of the embroidered wild goose.

        Civilians of the fifth rank are denoted by a crystal button, a silver pheasant on the breast, and a clasp of plain gold with a silver button ; the bear is the escutcheon of military men.

        Civilians of the sixth rank wear an opaque white shell button, a blue plume, an egret worked on the breast, and a mother of pearl clasp; military men wear a tiger-cat.

        Civilians of the seventh rank have a plain gold button, a mandarin duck on the breast, and a clasp of silver; a mottled bear designates the military, as it also does in the last rank.

        EIGHT HONOUAUY RANKS. 415

        The eighth rank wear a worked gokl button, a quail on the breast, and a clasp of clear horn : military men have a seal. The ninth rank are distinguished by a worked silver button, a long-tailed jay on the breast, and a clasp of buffalo’s horn ; military men are marked by a rhinoceros embroidered on the robe. All under the ninth can embroider the oriole on their breasts, and unofficial Ilanlin take the egret.

        The mass of people show their democratic tendencies in many ways, some of them conservative and others disorganizing. They form themselves into clans, guilds, societies, professions, and communities, all of which assist them in maintaining their rights, and give a power to public opinion it would not otherwise possess. Legally, every subject is allowed access to the magistrates, secured protection from oppression, and can appeal to the higher courts, but these privileges are of little avail if he is poor or unknown. ( He is too deeply imbued with fear and too ignorant of his rights to think of organized resistance ; his mental independence has been destroyed, his search after truth paralyzed, his enterprise checked, and his whole efforts directed into two channels, viz., labor for bread and study for office.

        The people of a village, for instance, will not be quietly robbed of the fruits of their industry ; but every individual in it niay suffer multiplied insults, oppressions, and cruelties, without thinking of combining with his fellows to resist. Property is held by a tolerably secure tenure, but almost every other right and privilege is shamefully trampled oiA

        Although there is nominally no deliberative or advisatory body in the Chinese government, and nothing really analogous to a congress, parliament, or tiersetat, still necessity and law compel the Emperor to consult and advise with the heads of tribunals. There are two imperial councils, which are the organs of communication between the head and the body politic ; these are the Cabinet, or Imperial Chancery, and the Council of State ; both of them partake of a deliberative character, but the first has the least power. Subordinate to these two councils are the administrative parts of the supreme government, consisting of the six Boards, the Colonial Office, Censorate, Courts of Representation and Appeal, and the Imperial Academy; making in all thirteen principal departments, each of which will require a short description. It need hardly be added that there is nothing like an elective body in any part of the system ; such a feature would be almost as incongruous to a Chinese as the election of a father by his family.

        1. The Nui Kon, or Cabinet, sometimes called the Grand Secretariat,

        consists of iowv ta]ik)Ji-sz\ or principal, and two hiehpa/i

        ta Jdoh-sz\ or ‘joint assistant chancellors,’ half of them Manchus

        and half Chinese. Their duties, according to the Imperial

        Statutes, are to ” deliberate on the government of the Empire,

        proclaim abroad the imperial pleasure, regulate the canons

        of state, together with the whole administration of the great

        balance of power, thus aiding the Emperor in directing the

        affairs of state.” Subordinate to these six chancellors are six

        grades of officers, amounting in all to upward of two hundred

        persons, of whom more than half are Manchus. Under the six

        chancellors are ten assistants, called hloh-sz\ ‘ learned scholars ;’

        some of the sixteen are constantly absent in the provinces or

        colonies, when their places are supplied by substitutes. What in other countries is performed by one person as prime minister, is in China performed by the four chancellors, of whom the first in the list is usually considered to be the premier, though perhaps the must influential man and the real leader of government holds another station.

        The most prominent daily business of the Cabinet is to receive imperial edicts and rescripts, present memorials, lay before his Majesty the affairs of the Empire, procure his instructions thereon, and forward them to the appropriate office to be copied and promulgated. In order to expedite business in court, it is the custom, after the ministers have read and formed an opinion upon each document, to fasten a slip of paper at the foot—or more than one if elective answers are to be given—and thus present the document to his Majesty, in the presence chamber, who, with a stroke of his pencil on the answer he chooses, decides its fate. The papers, having been examined and arranged, are submitted to the sovereign at daylight on the following morning ; one of the six Manchu ///o/z-.s*.?’ first reads each document and hands it over to one of the four Chinese ]uoh-sz\ who inscribes the answer dictated by the sovereign, or hands it to him to perform that duty with the vermilion pencil.

        THE NTTI KOII, OR CABIXET. 417

        By this arrangement a large amount of business can be summarily despatched; but it is also evident that much depends upon the manner in which the answer written upon the slip is drawn up, as to the reception or rejection of the paper, though care has been taken in this particular by requiring that codicils be prepared showing the reasons for each answer. The appointment, removal, and degradation of all officers throughout his vast aominions, orders respecting the apportionment or remittal of the revenue and taxes, disposition of the army, regulation of the nomadic tribes—in short, all concerns, from the highest appointments and changes down to petty police cases of crime, are in this way brought to the notice and action of the Emperor.

        Besides these daily duties there are additional functions devolving

        upon the members of the Cabinet, who are likewise all

        attached to other bureaus, such as presiding on all state occasions

        and sacrifices, coronations, reception of embassies, etc. ;

        these duties are fulfilled by the ten assistant hk>h-sz\ who are

        all vice-presidents of the Board of Rites. They are the keepers

        of the twenty-five seals of government, each of which is of a

        different form and used for different and special purposes,

        according to the custom of orientals, who place so much de-

        Tj)endence upon the seal for vouching for* the authenticity of a

        document.’ Attached to the Cabinet are ten subordinate offices,

        one of which is for translating documents into the various

        Vmguages found in the Empire. The higher members of the

        Cabinet are familiarly called h>h lao, i.e., elders of the councilroom,

        from which the word colao, often met with in old books

        upon China, is derived.”

        ‘ Chinese Chrestmnnthy. Chap. XVII., Sec. 4, p. 570.

        ^ A still more common designation for officers of every rank in the employ of the Chinese government has not so good a parentage ; this is the word iiKtiidarin, derived from the Portuguese maiidar, to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every grade, from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English as a general term for officers, and ought to be disiised, moreover, from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some way unlike similar officials in other lands. Compare Notes and Queries on Chihd (uid Jdjmn, Vol. III., p. 12.

        2. The KiCN-Ki Chu, Council of State or General _Coimci], was organized about 1730, butjias now become the most influential body in the governmentj and^ though quite unlike in its construction, corresponds to the 7mnidry of western nations more than does any other branch of the Chinese system. It can be composed of any grandees, as princes of the blood, chancellors, presidents and vice-presidents of the Six Boards, and chief officers of all the other metropolitan courts. They are ^selected at the Emperor’s pleasure^ and unitedly called J^great ministers directing the machinery of the army “—the army being here taken to signify the nation. Its duties are ” to write imperial edicts and decisions, and determine such things as are of importance to the army and nation, in order to aid the sovereign in regulating the machinery of affairs.” The number of members of the General Council probably varies according to his Majesty’s pleasure, for no list of them is given in the Bed Bool’ • but latterly their munber has been four, two of each nationality, and Prince Kung as the president. This body is one of the mainsprings of the government, and its composition shows the tendency of the national councils and polity.

        The members of the General Council assemble daily in the

        Forbidden Palace, between five and six in the morning ; when

        summoned by his Majesty into the council-chamber they sit

        upon mats or low cushions, no person being permitted to sit on

        chairs in the real or supposed presence of the Emperor. His

        Majesty’s commands being written down by them, are, if public,

        transmitted to the Iimer Council to be promulgated ; but

        on any matter requiring secrecy or expedition, a despatch is

        forthwith made up and sent under cover to the Board of War,

        to be forwarded. In all important consultations or trials this

        Council, either alone or in connectipji^with the appropriate

        court, is called in ; and in time of war it is formed intg^a committee

        of ways and means. Lists of ofiicers entitled to promotion

        are kept by it, and the names of proper persons to supply

        vacancies furnished the Emperor, Many of the residents in

        the colonies ai-e members of the Council, and communicate

        directly with his Majesty through it, and receive allowances

        and gifts with great formality from the throne—a device of

        THE KIUN-Ki, OR GENERAL COUNCIL. 419

        statecraft designed to maintain an awe of the imperial character and name as much as possible among the mixed races under them.

        The General Council fills an important station in the system, and tends greatly to consolidate the various branches of government, facilitating their harmonious action as well as supplying the deficiencies of an imbecile, or restraining the acts of a tyrannical monarch. The statutes speak of various record books, both public and secret, kept by the members for noting down the opinions of his Majesty, and add that there are no fixed times for audiences, one or more sessions being held daily, according to the exigencies of the state. Besides these functions, its members are further charged with certain literary matters, and three subordinate offices are attached to the Council for their preparation. One is for drawing up narratives of important transactions—a few of those relating to the wars and negotiations with foreigners since 1839 would be of much interest now ; a second is for translating documents ; and the third, entitled ” an office for observing that imperial edicts are carried into effect,” must be at times rather an arduous task, though probably its responsibility ends when the despatch goes forward.

        An office with this title shows that the Chinese government, with all its business-like arrangements, is still an Asiatic one.* The duties of these supreme councils are general, comprising matters relating to all departments of the government, and serving to connect the head of the state with the subordinate bodies, not only at the capital, but throughout the provinces, so that he can, and probably does to a very great degree, thereby maintain a general acquaintance with what is clone in all parts, and sooner rectify disorders and malpractices. The rivalry between their members, and the dislike entertained by the Chinese and Manchus composing them, cause, no doubt, some trouble to the Emperor ; but this has some effect in thwarting conspiracies and intrigues. It must not be supposed, however, that every high officer in the Chinese government is wholly unprincipled, venal, and intriguing; most of them desire to serve and maintain their country. The personal character and knowledge of the monarch has much to do with the efficiency of his government, and the guidance of its affairs demands constant oversight.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., p. 138. Chinese Chrestomathy, p. 573.

        If he allows his ministers to conduct their trusts without restraint, they soon engross and misuse this power for selfish ends. In natural sequence every branch feels the fatal laxity, while its functionaries lose no time in imitating their superiors.

        This was the case during the reign of Ilienfung, but matters have much improved under the regency since 18C1. In ordinary times, the daily hiterconrse between the Emperor of China and his ministers presents very similar features of confidence, courtesy, and esteem between them as those seen in western lands.

        The King Pac, i.e.^

        ‘ Metmpol’diui Itejjoiier^ usually called the PcJdng Gazette, is compiled from the papers presented before the General Council, and constitutes the principal source of information available to the people for ascertaining what is going on in the Empire. Every morning ample extracts from the papers decided upon or examined by the Emperor, including his own orders and rescrij^ts, are placarded upon boards in a court of the palace, and form the materials for the aimals of government and the history of the Empire. Couriers are despatched to all parts of the land, carrying copies of these papers to the high provincial officers; certain persons are also permitted to print these documents, but always without note or change, and circulate them at their own charges to their customers.

        This is the Peking Gazette, and such the mode of its compilation. It is simply a record of official acts, promotions, decrees, and sentences, without any editorial comments or explanations; and as such of great value in understanding the policy of government.

        It is very generally read and discussed by educated people in cities, and tends to keep them more acquainted with the character and proceedings of their rulers than ever the Itomans were of their sovereigns and Senate. In the provinces thousands of persons find employment by copying and abridging the Gazette for readers who cannot afford to purchase the complete edition.’

        ‘ Fraser’s Magazine. February, 1873. China Review, Vol. III., p. 13.

        Note on the Condition and Government of the Chinese Empire in 1849. By T F. Wade. Hongkong, 1850. Translations of several years of the Oazette have appeared since 1S72, reprinted from the columns of the North China Herald.

        THE PEKING GAZETTE AND SIX BOARDS. 421

        The principal executive Ixxlies uiulor these two Councils are the Lali Pa, or ‘ Six Boards/ which were modelled on much the same plan during the ancient dynasties. At the head of each Board are two presidents, called sJi<iti(j->ifi.i(, and foiTr vicepresidentsT called HhUaug^ alternately a Manchu and a Chinese; and over three of them—those of lievenue, War, and Punishment—are placed superintendents, who are frequently members of the Cabinet ; sometimes the president of one Board is superintendent of another. There a.re three subordinate grades of officers in each Board, who may be called directors, undersecretaries, and controllers, with a great number of minor clerks, and their appropriate departments for conducting the details of the general and peculiar business coming under the cognizance of the Board, the whole being arranged and subordinated in the most business-like style. The detail of all the departments in the general and provincial governments is regulated in the same manner. For instance, each Board” has a different style of envelope for its despatches, and the papers in the offices are filed away in them.

        3. The LiBu, or Board of Civil Office, ” has the government and direction of all the various officers in the civil service of the Empire, and thereby it assists the Emperor to rule all people ; ” these duties are further defined as hicluding ” whatever appertains to the plans of selecting rank and gradation, to the rules of determining degradation and promotion, to the ordinances of granting investitures and rewards, and the laws for fixing schedules and furloughs, that the civil service may be supplied.” Civilians arc presented to the Emperor, and all civil and literary officers throughout the Empire distributed by this Board. The great power apparently thus entrusted is shared by the two preceding, whose members are made advisory overseers of the highest appointments, while the provincial authorities put men in vacant posts as fast as they are needed. The danger arising from the arrangement is noticed by Biot’ as having early attracted criticism.

        ‘ Esaai mr P Instruction en Chine, jip. 540-589.

        This Board is subdivided into four bureaus. The first at tends to the distinctions, precedence, promotion, exchanging, etc., of officers. The second investigates their merits and worthiness to be recorded and advanced, or contrariwise ; ascertains the character each officer bears and the manner in which he fulfils his duties, and prescribes his fnrlonghs. The third jegnlates retirement from office on account of mourning or filial duties, and supervises the registration of official names; it is through this bureau that Hwang Xgan-tung, the Governor of Ivwangtung, was degraded in 1846 for not resigning his office on the death of his mother. The fourth regulates the distribution of titles, patents, and posthumous honors. The Chinese is the only government that ennobles ancestors for the merits of their descendants; the custom arose out of the worship paid them, in which the rites arc proportionate to the rank of the deceased, not of the survivor ; and if the deceased parent or grandparent were connnoners, they receive proper titles in consequence of the elevation of their son or grandson. This custom is not a trick of state to get money, for commoners cannot buy these posthumous titles ; they can only buy nominal titles for themselves. The usage, however, offers an unexpected illustration of the remark of Job, ” His sons come to honor, and he knoweth it not.”

        4. The Hu Bu, or Board of Revenue, ” directs the territorial government of the Empire, and keeps the lists of population in order to aid the Emperor in nourishing all people ; whatever appertains to the regulations for levying and collecting duties and taxes, to the plans for distributing salaries and allowances, to the rates for receipts and disbursements at the gi*anaries and treasuries, and to the rights for transporting by land and water are reported to this Board, that sufficient supplies for the country may be provided.” Besides these duties, it obtains the admeasurement of all lands in the Empire, and proportions taxes and conscriptions, according to the divisions, population, etc., regulates the expenditure, and ascertains the latitude and longitude of places. One minor office prepares lists of all the Manchu girls fit to be introduced into the palace for selection as inmates of the harem, a duty wdiich is enjoined on it because the allowances, outfits, and positions of these womou

        BOARDS OF REVENUE AND KITES. 423

        come within its control. The injudicious mode of collecting revenue common under the Persian and Syrian kings, by which the sums obtained from single cities and provinces were apportioned among the royal family and favorites, and carried directly to them, has never been practised by the Chinese, there are fourteen subordinate departments to attend to the receipt of the revenue from each of the provinces, each of which corresponds with the treasury department in its respective province. The revenue being paid in sundry ways and articles, as money, grain, manufactures, etc., the receipt and distribution of the various articles require a large force of assistants.

        This Board is moreover a court of appeal on disputes respecting propertyj^and superintends the mint in each province; one bureau is called the ” great ministers of the Three Treasuries,” viz., of metals, silks and dye-stuffs, and stationery.

        5. The Li Bu, or Board of Rites, ” examines and directs concerning the performance of the five kinds of ritual observances, and makes proclamation thereof to the whole Empire, thus aiding the Emperor in guiding all people. Whatever appertains to the ordinances for regulating precedence and literary distinctions, to the canons for maintaining; religious honor and fidelity, to the orders respecting intercourse and tribute, and to the forms of giving banquets and granting bounties, are reported to this Poard in order to promote national education.”

        The five classes of rites are defined to be those of a propitious and those of a felicitous nature, military and hospitable rites, and tliosj of an infelicitous nature. Among the subordinate departments is that of ceremonial forms, which ” has the regulation of the etiquette to be observed at court on all occasions, on congratulatory attendances, in the performance of official duties, etc. ; also the regulation of dresses, caps, etc. ; as to the figure, size, color, and nature of their fabrics and ornaments, of carriages and riding accoutrements, their form, etc., with the number of followers and insignia of rank. It has also the direction of the entire ceremonial of personal intercourse between the various ranks or peers, minutely defining the number of bows and degree of attention which each is to pay to the other when meeting in official capacities, according as they are on terms of equality or otherwise. It has also to direct the forms of their written official intercourse, including those to be observed in addresses to and from foreign states. The regulation of the literary examinations, the imnjber of the graduates the distinction of their classes, the fornisj)f their jelection, and the privileges of successful candidates, with the establishment of governmental schools and academies, are all under this department.”

        Another office superintends the rites to be observed in worshipping deities and spirits of departed monarchs, sages, and worthies, and in ” saving the sun and moon ” when eclipsed.

        The third, called ” iiost and guest office,” looks after tribute and tribute-bearers, ar^d takes the whole management of foreign embassies, supplying not only provisions, but translators, and ordering the mode of intercourse between China and other states. The fourth oversees the supplial of food for banquets and sacrifices. The details of all the multifarious ritual duties of this Board occupy fourteen volumes of the Statutes. ” Truly nothing is without its ceremonies,” as Confucius taught, and no nation has paid so much attention to them in the ordering of its government as the Chinese. The Book of Rites is the foundation of ceremonies and the infallible standard as to their meaning; the importance attached to them has elevated etiquette and I’itualism into a kind of crystallizing force which has molded Chinese character in many ways.

        Connected with the Board of Rites is a Board of Music, containing an indefinite number of officers whose duties ” are to study the principles of harmony and melody, to compose musical pieces’ and form instruments proper to play them, and then suit both to the various occasions on which they are required.” Kor are the gi*aces of posture-making neglected by these ceremony-mongers ; but it may with tinith be said, that if no other nation ever had a Board of Music, and required so much official music as the Chinese, certaiidy none ever had less real melody.

        THE BING BU, OR BOARD OF WAR. 425

        6. The Bing Bu, or Board of War, “has the duty of aiding the sovereign to protect the people by the direction of all military affairs in the metropolis and the province Sj^ and to regulate the hinge of the state upon the reports received from the various departments regarding deprivation of, or appointment to, office ; succession to, or creation of, hereditary military rank ; postal or courier arrangements ; examination and selection of the deserving, and accuracy of returns.”* The navy is also under the control of this Board. The management of the post is confided to a special department, and the transmission of official despatches is performed with great efficiency and regularity. A minor bureau of the courier office is called ” the office for the announcement of victories,” which, from a recital of its duties, appears to he rather a grande vlfes-se, whose couriers should hasten as if they announced a victory.

        To enable this Board of War to discharge its duties, they are apportioned under four s~\ or bureaus, severally attending to promotion for various reasons : to the regulation of the distribution of rewards and punishments, inspection of troops and issue of general orders, answering to an adjutant-general’s department; to the supply and distribution of horses for the cavalry; and, lastly, to the examination of candidates, preparation of estimates and rosters, with all the details connected with equipments and ammunition. The conception of all government with the Manchus being military and not civil, they have developed this board more than was the case during the last dynasty, the possessions in Central Asia having drawn greatly on their resources and prowess.

        The Household troops and city Gendarmerie have already been noticed ; their control is vested in the JVui-zric F’u, and the oversight of all the Bannermen in the Empire vests in the metropolitan office of the Tu-tun/j, or Captains-general, of whom there are twenty-four, one to every banner of each race. The Board of War has no control directly over this large portion of the Chinese army, and as the direction of the land and sea forces in each province is entrusted in a great degree to the local authorities, its duties are really more circumscribed than one would at first imagine. The singular subordination of military to civil power, which has ever distinguished the Chinese polity, makes the study of the army, as at present constituted, a very interesting feature of the national history ; fur while it has often proved inefficient to repress insurrection and defend the people against brigandage, it has never been used to destroy their institutions. In times of internal commotion the national soldiers have usually been loyal to their flag, though it must be confessed that discipline within the ranks is not so perfect as to prevent the soldiers from occasionally harassing and robbing those whom they are set to protect.’

        7. The Xing Bu, or Board of Punishments, ” has the government

        and direction of punishments throughout the Empire, for

        the purpose of aiding the sovereign in cori-ecting all people.

        Whatever appertains to measures of applying the laws with

        leniency or severity, to the task of hearing evidence and giving

        decisions, to the rights of granting pardons, reprieves, or otherwise,

        and to the rate of fines and interest, are all reported to

        this Board, to aid in giving dignity to national manners.” The

        Hing Pu partakes of the nature of both a criminal and civil

        court ; its officers usually meet with those of the Censorate and

        Tali Sz’, the three forming the San Fall 8z\ or ‘ Three Law

        Chambers,’ which decide on capital cases brought before them.

        In the autumn these three unite with members from six other

        courts, forming collectively a Court of Errors, to revise the decisions

        of the provincial judges before reporting them to his

        Majesty. These precautions are taken to prevent injustice

        when life is involved, and the system shows an endeavor to secure

        a full and impartial consideration for all capital cases,

        which, although it may signally fail of its full effect, does the

        rulers high credit, when the small value set upon life generally

        by Asiatic governments is considered. These bodies are expected

        to conform their decisions to the law, nor are they permitted

        to cite the Emperor’s own decisions as precedents, without

        the law on these decisions has been expressly entered as a

        supplementaiy clause in the code.

        It also belongs to sub-officers in the Board of Punishments to

        record all his Majesty’s decisions upon appeals from the provinces

        at the autumnal assizes, when the entire list is presented

        ‘ Chineae Refiository, Vol. lY., pp. 188, 276-287; Vol. V., pp. 165-178;Vol. XX., pp. 250, 800, and 863.- Memoires concernant Us Chinois^par k» Mmionuiren a Pekin, Tomes VII. and VIII., passim.

        BOARDS OF PUNISHMENTS AND WORKS. 427

        for Lis examination and ultimate decision, and see that these

        sentences are transmitted to the provincial judges. Another

        office snpei’intends the publication of the code, with all the

        changes and additions ; a third oversees jails and jailers ; a

        fourth i-eceives the fines levied by commutation of punishments,

        and a fifth registei’s the receipts and expenditures. If the administi-

        ation of the law in China at all corresponded with the

        equitj’ of most of its enactments, or the caution taken to prevent

        collusion, malversation, and haste on the part of the judges, it would be incomparably the best governed country out of Christendom; but the painful contrast between good laws and wicked rulers is such as to show the utter impossibility of securing the due administration of justice without higher moral principles than heathenism can teach.

        The yamiui of the Hlny Pa in the capital is the most active of all the Boards, but little is known of what goes on within its walls. Its prisoners are mostly brought from the provinces, officers of high rank arrested for malfeasance or failure, and criminals convicted or condemned there who have appealed to the highest tribunals. Few of those who enter its gates ever return through them, and their sufferings seldom end as long as they have any property left. The narrative of the horrible treatment endured by Loch and his comrades in ISCO, while confined within this yaiiiun^ gives a vivid picture of their sufferings, but native prisoners are not usually kept bound and pinioned.

        In the rear wall of the establishment is an iron door, through which dead bodies are thrust to be carried away to burial.

        8. The Gong Bu, or Board of Works, ” has the government and direction of the public works throughout the Empire, together with the current expenses of the same, for the purpose of aiding the Emperor to keep all people in a state of repose. Whatever appertains to plans for buildings of wood or earth, to the forms of useful instruments, to the laws for stopping up or opening channels, and to the ordinances for constructing the mausolea and temples, are reported to this Board in order to perfect national works.” Its duties are of a miscellaneous nature, and are performed in other countries b}^ no one department, though the plan adopted by the Chinese is not without its advantages

        One bureau takes cognizance of the condition of all city walls,

        palaces, temples, altars, and other public structures ; sits as a

        prize-office, and furnishes tents for his Majesty’s journeys ; supplies

        timber for ships, and potterj’ and glassware for the court.

        A second attends to the manufacture of mihtary stores and

        utensils employed in the army ; sorts the pearls from the fisheries

        according to their value ; regulates weights and measures,

        furnishes ” death-warrants ” to governors and generals ; and,

        lastly, takes charge of arsenals, stores, camp-equipage, and other

        things appertaining to the army. A third dcpailnient has

        charge of all water-ways and dikes; it also repairs and digs

        canals, erects bridges, oversees the banks of rivers by means of

        deputies stationed at posts along their course, builds vessels of

        Avar, collects tolls, mends roads, digs the sewers in Peking and

        cleans out its gutters, preserves ice, makes book-cases for public

        records, and, lastly, looks after the silks sent as taxes. Tlie

        fourth of these offices confines its attention chiefly to the condition

        of the imperial mausolea, the erection of the sepulchres

        and tablets of meritorious officers buried at public expense, and

        the adormnent of temples and palaces, as well as superintending

        ah workmen employed by the Board.

        The mint is under the direction of two vice-presidents, and

        the manufacture of gunpowder is specially intrusted to two

        great ministers. One would think, from this recital, that the

        functions of the Boai’d of AYorks Mere so diverse that it would

        be one of the most efficient parts of government ; but if the

        condition of forts, ports, dikes, etc., in other parts of the country

        corresponds to those along the coast, there is, as the Emperor

        once said of tlie army, ” the appearance of going to war,

        but not the reality “—most of the works being on record, and

        suffered to remain there, except when danger threatens, or his

        Majesty specially orders a public work, and, what is more important,

        furnishes the money.

        THE LI FAN YUAN, OR COLONIAL OFFICE. 429

        9. The Li Fan Yuan, or Court for the Government of Foreigners, commonly called the Colonial Office, ” has the government and direction of the external foreigners, orders their emoluments and honors, appoints their visits to court, and regulates their punishments, in order to display the majesty and goodness of the state.” This is an important branch of the government, and has the superintendence of all the wandering and settled tribes in Mongolia, Cobdo, Ili, and Koko-nor. All these are called wai fan, or ‘ external foreigners,’ in distinction from the tributary tribes in Sz’chuen and Formosa, who are termed ivuifan, or ‘ internal foreigners.’ There are also nui i

        and loai i, or ‘ internal and external barbarians,’ the former

        comprising the unsubdued mountaineers of Kweichau, and the

        latter the inhabitants of all foreign countries who do not choose

        to range themselves under the renovating influences of the Celestial

        Empire. The Colonial Othce regulates the government of the nomads and restricts their wanderings, lest they trespass on each other’s pasture-grounds. Its officers are all Manchus and Mongols, having over them one president and two vice-presidents, Manchus, and one Mongolian vice-president appointed for life.

        Besides the usual secretaries for conducting its general business,

        there are six departments, whose combined powers include

        every branch necessary for the management of these

        clans. The first two have jurisdiction over the numerous tribes

        and corps of the Inner Mongols, who are under more complete

        subjection than the others, and part have been placed under

        the control of officers in Chihli and Shansi. The appointment

        of local officers, collecting taxes, allotting land to Chinese settlers,

        opening roads, paying salaries, arranging the marriages,

        retinues, visits to courts, and presents made by the princes and

        the review of the troops, all appertain to these two departments.

        The third and fourth have a similar, but less effectual control

        over the princes, lamas, and tribes of Outer Mongolia. At

        TTrga reside two high ministers, organs of communication with

        Russia, and general overseers of the frontier. The oversight of

        the lama hierarchy in Mongolia is now completely under the

        control of this office ; and in Tibet their power has been considerably

        abridged. The fifth department directs the actions,

        restrains the powers, levies the taxes, and orders the tributary

        visits of the Mohannnedan begs in the Tien shan Xan Lu, who

        are quiet pretty nuich as they are paid by presents and flattered

        by honors. The sixth department regnlatesthe penal discipline

        of the tributary tribes. The salai’ies paid the Mongolian princes

        are distributed according to an economical scale. A tsin wmuj

        annually receives $2,000 and twenty-hve pieces of silk ; a kiun

        wang receives about $1,066 and iifteen pieces of silk ; and so on

        through the ranks of Eeile, JBeitse, Duke, etc., the last of whom

        gets a stipend of only $133 and four pieces of silk. The internal

        organization of these tribes is probably the same now as it

        was at first among the Scythians and Huns, and partakes of the

        features of the feudal and tribal system, modified by the nomadic

        lives they are obliged to lead. The Chinese government

        is endeavoring to reduce the influence and retinues of the khans

        and begs and elevate the people to positions of independent

        owners and cultivators of the soil.

        10. The DuCHA Yuan, or Censorate, i.e., ‘ All-examining Court,’ is entrusted with the ” care of manners and customs, the investigation of all public offices within, and without the capital, the discrimination between the good and bad performance of their business, and between the depravity and uprightness of the officers employed in them ; taking the lead of other censors, and uttering each his sentiments and reproofs, in order to cause officers to be diligent in attention to their daily duties, and to render the government of the Empire stable.” The Censorate, when joined with the Board of Punishments and Court of Appeal, forms a high court for the revision of criminal cases and hearing appeals from the pntvinces; and, in connection with the Six Boards and the Court of Representation and Appeal, makes one of the Iviu King, or ‘ Nine Courts,’ which deliberate on important affairs of government.

        The officers are two censors and four deputy censors, besides whom the governors, lieutenant-governors, and the governors of rivers and inland navigation are ex-offwlo deputy censors.

        A class of censors is placed over each of the Six Boards, whose

        duties are to supervise all their acts, to receive all public documents

        from the C^abinet, and after classifying them transmit

        them to the several courts to which they belong, and to make a

        semi-monthly examination of the papers entered on the archives

        uf each court. All ciiminal cases in the provinces come under

        THE DU-CHA YUAN, OR CENSORATE. 431

        the oversight of the censors at tlie capital, and the department

        which superintends the affairs of the nieti-opolis revises its

        municipal acts, settles the quarrels, and represses the crimes of

        its inhabitants. Tliese are the duties of the Censorate, tlian

        which no part of the Chinese government has attracted more

        attention. The privilege of reproof given by the law to the

        office of censor has sometimes been exercised with remarkable

        candor and plainness, and many cases are recoi-ded in histoiy

        of these officers suffering for tlieir fidelity, but such instances

        must be few indeed in proportion to the failures.

        The celebrated Sung, who was appointed commissioner to accompany

        Loi’d Macartney, once remonstrated with the Emperor

        Kiaking upon his attachment to play-actors and strong drink,

        which degraded him in the eyes of his people and incapacitated

        him from performing his duties. The Emperor, highly ii-ritated,

        called him to his presence, and on his confessing to the authorship

        of the memorial, asked him vidiat punishment he deserved.

        He answered, ” Quartering.” lie was told to select some

        other; “Let me be beheaded ;” and on a third command, he

        chose to be strangled. He was then ordered to retire, and the

        next “day the Emperor appointed him governor in llf, thus

        acknowledging his rectitude, though unable to bear his censure.

        History records the reply of another censor in the reign of an

        Emperor of the Tang dynasty, who, when his Majesty once desired

        to inspect the archives of the historiographer’s office, in

        order to learn what had been recorded concei’ning himself,

        under the excuse that he nuist know his faults before he could

        well correct them, was answered : ” It is true your Majesty has

        committed a number of errors, and it has been the painful duty

        of our employment to take notice of them ; a duty which further

        obliges us to inform posterity of the conversation which

        your Majesty has this day, very improperly, held with us.”

        The censors usually attend on all state occasions by the side

        of his Majesty, and are frequently allowed to express tlieir

        opinions openly, but in a despotic government this is little else

        than a fiction of state, for the fear of offendhig the imperial ear,

        and consequent disgrace, will usually prove stronger than the

        consciousness of right or the desires of a public fame and martyrdom for the sake of principle. The usual mode of advising is to send in a remonstrance against a proposed act, as when one of the body in 1832 remonstrated against the Emperor paying attention to anonymous accusations ; or to suggest a different procedure, as the memorials of Chu Tsun against legalizing opium. The number of these papers inserted in the Peking Gazette for the information of the Empire, in many of which the acts of officers are severely reprehended, shows that the censors are not altogether idle. In 1833 a censor named Slii requested the Emperor to interdict official persons at court from writing private letters concerning public persons and affairs in the provinces. lie stated that when candidates left the capital for their provincial stations, private letters were sent by them from their friends to the provincial authorities, ” sounding

        the voice of influence and interest,” by which means justice

        M-as perverted. The Emperor ordered the Cabinet to examine

        the censor and get his facts in proof of these statements, but on

        inquiry he either would not or could not bring forward any

        cases, and he himself consequently received a reprimand.

        ‘^’ These censors are allowed,” says the Emperor, ” to tell me

        the reports they hear, to inform me concerning courtiers” and

        governors who pervert the laws, and to speak plainly about any

        defect or impropriety which they may oljserve in the monaich

        himself; but they are not permitted to employ their pencils in

        writing memorials which are filled M’i^^h vague surmises and

        mei’e probabilities or suppositions. This would only fill my

        mind with doubts and uncertainty, and T wo;dd not know what

        men to employ; were this spirit indulged, the detrinie?)t of

        government would be most serious. Let 8ii ))0 subjected to a

        court of inquiry.”

        ‘J’lie suspension or disgrace of censors for their freedom of

        speech is a common occurrence, and among the forty or fifty

        persons who have this privilege a few are to be found who do

        not hesitate to lift up their voice against what they deem to be

        wrong; and there is reason for supposing that only a small portion

        of their remonstrances appeai-s in the Gazette. With regard

        to this depai’tment of government, it is to be observed

        that although it may tend only in a partial degree to check

        COURTS OF TUANSMISSION AND JUPTCATURE. 433

        Oppression and reform ahusos, and wliilc a close examination of

        its real operations and intlnenee and the character of its members

        may excite more contempt than respect, still the existence of

        such a body, and the pnblication of its memorials, can hardly

        fail to rectif}’ misconduct to some degree, and check maladministration

        before it results in widespread evil. The (Jensorate is,

        however, only one of a number of checks upon the conduct of

        officers, and perhaps by no means the strongest.’

        11. The TuNG-cniNG Sz’, which may be called a Court of

        Transmission, consists of a small body of six officers, whose

        duty is to receive memorials from the provincial authorities and

        appeals from their judgment by the people and present them to

        the Cabinet. Attached to this Court is an office for attending

        at the palace-gate to await the beating of a drum, which, in conformity

        with an ancient custom, is placed there that applicants

        may by striking it obtain a hearing. It is also the channel

        through which the people can directly appeal to his Majesty,

        and cases occur of individuals, even women and girls, travelling

        to the capital from remote places to present their petitions for

        redress before the throne. The feeling of blood revenge prevails

        among the Chinese, and impels many of these weak and

        unprotected persons to undergo great hardships to obtain legal

        redress, when the lives of their parents have been unjustly

        taken by powerful and rich enemies.

        12. The Ta-li Sz’, or Court of Judicature and Eevision, has

        the duty of adjusting all the criminal courts in the Empire, and

        forms the nearest approach to a Supreme Court in the government,

        though the cases brought before it are mostly criminal.

        “When the crimes involve life, this and the preceding unite

        with the Censorate to form one coui’t, and if the judges are

        ]i()t unanimous in their decisions they must report their reasons

        to the Emperor, who M’ill pass judgment upon them. In a despotic

        government no one can expect that the executive officers

        of courts will exercise their functions with that caution and

        ‘ Compare an article by E. C Taintor, in Notes and Queries on China and Japan. Chinese Repository, Vols. IV., pp. 148, 164, and 177, and XII., pp.62 and 67.

        equity required in Christian countries, but considerable care has

        been taken to obtain as great a degree of justice as possible.

        IJr. The Hanlin Yuen, or Imperial Academy, is entrusted

        ” with the duty of drawing up governmental documents, histories,

        and other works ; its chief officers take tlie lead of the

        various classes, and excite their exertions to advance in learning

        in order to prepare them for employments and fit them for attending

        upon the sovereign.” This body has, it is highly probable,

        some similarity to the collection of learned men to whom

        the King of Babylon entrusted the education of promising

        young men, for although the members of the Ilanlin Yuen do

        not, to any great degree, educate persons, they are constantly

        referred to as the Chaldeans were by Belshazzai-. Sir John

        Davis likens it to the Sorbonne, inasmuch as it expounds the

        sacred books of the Chinese. Its chief officers are two presidents

        or senior members, called chuiang yuen hioh-sz\ m*1io are

        usually appointed for life ; they attend upon the Emperor,

        superintend the studies of graduates, and furnish semi-annual

        lists of persons to be ” speakers” at the ” classical feasts,” where

        the literary essays of his Majesty are translated from and into

        Manchu and read before him.

        Subordinate to the two senior members are four grades of

        officers, five in each grade, together with an imlimited number

        of senior graduates, each forming a sort of college, whose duties

        are to prepare all works published under governmental sanction

        ; these persons are subject from time to time to fresh examination,

        and are liable to lose their degrees or be altogether

        dismissed from office if found faulty or deficient. Subordinate

        to the Hanlin Yuen is an office consisting of twenty-two selected

        members, who in rotation attend on the Emperor and make a

        record of his words and actions. There is also an additional

        office for the preparation of national histories.

        The situation of a member of the Ilanlin is one of considerable

        honor and literary ease, and scholars look forward to a station

        in it as one which confers dignity in a government where

        all officers are appointed according to their literary merit, l)ut

        much more from its being the body from which the Emperor

        selects his most responsible offi-ers. A graduate of this rank is

        THE IIANLIN AND MINOR COURTS. 435

        most likely to be nominated to a vacant office, though the possession

        uf the title does not of itself warrant a place.’

        Before proceeding to consider the provincial governments,

        notices of some of the other de})artments not connected with

        the general machinery of the state are here in place. The

        municipality of Peking has already been mentioned when describing

        the capital ; it is intimately connected with the general

        government and forms an integral part of the machine.

        Among the courts not connected with tlie nnmicipal rule of the

        metropolis, nor forming one of the great departments of state,

        is Tal-chang Sz\ or ‘ Sacrificial Court,’ whose officers ” direct

        the sacrificial observances and distinguish the various instruments

        and the quality of the sacrifices.” Their duties are of importance iti connection with the state religion, and they rank high among the court dignitaries of the Empire, but as members of this, possess no power. The Tal-jyuTi Sz\ or Superintendent of II. I. ]\I.’s Stud, is an office for “rearing horses, taking account of their increase, and regulating their training;” large tracts of land beyond the Great “Wall are appropriated to this purpose, and the clerks of this office, under the direction of the Board of War, oversee the herdsmen and grooms.

        The JCwanrjluh Ss\ or ‘Banqueting House,’ has the charge

        of ” feasting the meritorious and banqueting the deserving ;

        it is somewhat subordinate to the Board of Rites, and provides

        whatever is necessary for banquets given to literary graduates,

        foreign ambassadors, etc. The Jlunz/hc >&’, or ‘ Ceremonial

        Court,’ regulates the forms to be observed at these banquets,

        which consist in little else than marshalling the guests according

        to their proper ranks and directing them when to make the

        Ivtow, called also scui Jewel hlu Jcao, ” three kneelings and nine

        knockings.” The Guozi’ Jian, or ‘ National College,’ is a different institution from the Hanlin Yuen, and intended for teaching graduates of the lower degrees; the departments of study are the Chinese language, the classics and mathematics, each branch having its appropriate teachers, with some higher officers, both Chinese and Manchu.

        ‘ Dr. W. A. P. Martin, Th& Chinese.

        The Qin Tian Jian, or ‘ Imperial Astronomical College,’ as might be expected, is much more astrological than astronomical; its duties are defined to 1)0 ” to direct the ascertainment of times and the movements of the heaveidy bodies, in order to attain conformity with the celestial periods and to regulate the notati(Mi of time among inen ; all things relating to divination and the selection of days are under its charge.” The preparation of the almanac, in which, among other things, lucky and unlucky days are marked for the performance of all the important acts of life, and astrological and chiromantic absurdities inserted for the amusement of fortune-tellers and others, the instruction of a few pupils, and care of the observatory, occupy most of the time of its officers. It is now of no practical use, and as the Tang-icdn Kuxtii develops into a learned and efficient college, including astronomy and medicine and their kindred branches, these native Boards will gradually pass away.

        The other local courts of the capital seem to have been subdivided and multiplied to a great degree for the purpose of affording employment to a larger number of persons, especially Manchus and graduates, so that the Emperor can attach them to himself and be surer of their support in case of any insurrection on the part of the people, and also that he may have them more under his control. The nundjer of clerks and minor offices in all the general departments of state is doubtless more numerous than it would be in a European government. In the nnitual relations of the great departments of the Chinese government the principles of responsibility and surveillance among the officers are plainly exhibited, while regard has been paid to such a division and apportionment of labor as would secure great efficiency and care, if every member of the machine faithfully did his duty. Two presidents are stationed over each Board to assist and watch each other, while the two presidents oversee the four vice-presidents ; the president of one Board is sometimes the vice-president of another ; and by means of the Censorate and the General Council every portion is brought under the cognizance of several independent officers, whose mutual jealousy and regard for individual advancement, or a

        RELATION OF THE KMPEUOIl WITH HIS OFFICIALS. 437

        partial desire for tlie well-being of tlie state, affords the Emperor

        some guarantee of fidelit}-. Tlie seclusion in which he

        lives makes it difficult for any conspirator to approach his person,

        but his own fears regarding the management of such an

        immense Empire compel him to inform himself respecting the’

        actions of ministers, generals, and proconsular governors. The

        conduct and devotion of hundreds of officers, both civil and

        military, during the wars with Great Britain and the suppression

        of rebellions within the last thirty years, afford proof

        enough that he has attached his subordinates to his service by

        some other principle than fear. The total number of civilians

        holding office is estimated at about fourteen thousand persons,

        but those dependent on the government are many times this

        amount.

        The rulers of China have contrived the system of provincial governments in an admirable manner, considering the character of the people and the materials they had to work with; no better proof of their sagacity in this respect can be required than the general degree of good order which has been maintained for nearly two centuries, and the great progress the people have made in wealth, numbers, and power. By a well-arranged plan of checks and changes in the provincial authorities, the chances of their abusing position and power and combining to overthrow the supreme government have been reduced almost to an impossibility; the influence of mutual responsibility among them does something to prevent outrageous oppression of the people, by leading one to accuse another of high crimes in order to exonerate himself or obtain his place. The sons and relatives of the Emperor being excluded from civil office inthe provinces, the high-spirited and talented native Chinese do

        not feel inclined to cabal against the government because every

        avenue to emolument aiid power is filled and closed against them

        by creatures and connections of the sovereign ; nor when in office

        are they disposed to attempt the overthrow of the reigning

        family, lest they lose what has cost them many years of toilsome

        study and the wealth and influence of friends to attain.

        The examination of these pashaliks is furthermore entitled to notice from the degree of power delegated to their highest officers, and the shrewd manner in which its exercise has been circumscribed and rendered amenable to its imperial source.

        The highest officers in the provinces are afsu/iyfuh, lit. ‘general director,’ or governor-general, and the fatal or fuyuen, ‘ soother ‘ or governor. The former is often called a viceroy, but that term seems to be quite inapplicable M-hen used to denote an officer within the limits of the state ; governor-general, or proconsul, is more analogous to his duties. A translation of these and many other Chinese titles does not convey their exact functions, but in some cases an equivalent is more intelligible than a translation.’ The tsungtuh has rule over two provinces, or else fills two high offices in one province, while the fntd’i is placed over one province, either independent of or in subordination to a tsungtuh^ as enumerated in the table on page 61.

        An examination of the Tied Booh for 1852 showed that out

        of a total of 20,327 names in it, 10,-174 were Chinese, 3,29.5

        were Manclius and Mongols, and 558 enrolled Chinese ; in the

        copy for 1844, out of 12,758 names, 10,403 were Chinese, 1,708

        Manchus, and 527 enrolled Cliinese ; these figui-es include only

        civilians and the employees in Peking. The Eighteen Provinces

        ha\e altogether less than two thousand persons in office al)ove

        the raidc of assistant district magistrate, viz. : 8 governor-generals,

        15 governors, 19 treasurers, 18 judges, 17 chancellors, 15

        commanders of the forces, including 2 admirals and 1,740 prefects

        and magistrates. All those filling tlie high grades in this

        series report themselves to the Enq)eror twice every month, by

        sending him a salutatory card upon yellow paper, enclosed in a

        silken envelope ; stating, for instance, that ‘ Lin Tseh-sii, governor-

        general of Liang Ivwang, humbly presents his duty to the

        throne, wishing his Majesty repose.’ The Emperor replies M’ith

        the vei’niilion ])encil, Cli’ni ngan, ij\, ‘ Ourself is well.’

        The duties of the governor-general consist in the collective

        control of all affairs, civil and military, in the regioii under hia

        jurisdiction ; he occupies, in his sphere, under correction, the

        same authority that the Emperor does over the whole Empire.

        ‘ Mayers’ Manual of Chinese Titles furnishes tlio best compend for learning their duties and names.

        IIIGIIP:ii PROVINCIAL ALTIlOliniKS. 439

        The futai has a similar control, but in an inferior degree when there is a tstungtuh, in the more special supervision of the administrative part of the civil government, as distinguished from the revenue, gabel, or literary branches.

        The departments of the civil government are five, viz. : administrative,

        literary, gabel, commissariat, and excise ; the first

        being also divided into the teri-itorial and financial and the

        judicial branches. At the head of the first branch is the j»j>t^-

        ihing sz^ {i.e., ]-egulating-government commissioner), who is

        usually called the treasurer ; the ngan-chah sz\ or ‘ criminal

        judge,’ presides over the second. These two ofiicers often unite

        their deliberations in the direction of any territoi’ial or financial

        business, or the trial of important cases. The literary department

        is placed under the direction of an ofiicer selected from

        among the members of the Hani in Academy, called a hioh-ching,

        director of learning, or literary chancellor ; there are seventeen

        of them altogether. The gabel and connnissariat are usually

        supervised l)y certain intermediate ofiicers called tao, or taotai,

        sometimes termed intendants of circuit, who have other functions

        in addition. The excise, or conmiercial department, is under /ivV;*^?^^, or superintendents, but the details of these three branches vary considerably in different provinces. The officers of the excise, either in the interior or on the coast, are made amenable

        to their supei-iors in the province, but their functions are exercised

        in an irregular manner ; for the collection of the revenue is

        a difficult affair, and mostly entrusted to the local magistrates.

        The military govemment of a province includes both the land

        and sea forces. It is under a tHuh, or commander-in-chief, of

        which rank there are in all sixteen, twelve of them commanding

        one arm alone, and four controlling both land and sea forces.

        In five provinces the futai is commander-in-chief, and in

        Ivansuh there are two. Above the tttuJ}, in point of rank but

        not of power, are placed garrisons of Manchu Bannermen under

        a tsicmg-Jciun, or general, whose ofiice is conferred, and his

        actions directly controlled, by the captains-general in Peking;

        he has jurisdiction, usually, only in the city itself, the principal

        object of the appointment, api)areTitly, being to check any treasonable designs of the civil authorities.

        The duties and relations of these various grades with one another require some further explanation, however, to be understood.

        The three officers, tsunytuh, fatal, and tslaiujMun (if there be one), form a supreme council, and unite in deliberating upon a measure, calling in the subordinate officer to whose department it particularly belongs, and to whom its execution is io be committed, the whole forming a deliberative board, though “the responsibility of the act rests with the two highest officers.

        By this means the various members of the provincial government

        become better acquainted with each other’s character and

        plans, though their intercourse is nuich restricted by precedence

        and rivalry. In the provincial courts civilians always take precedence

        of military officers ; the governor-general and Banner

        commander, governor and major-general, the literary chancellor

        and collector of customs, rank with each other ; then follow the

        treasurer, the judge, and other civilians. The authority of the

        governor-general extends to life and death, to the temporary

        appointment to all vacant offices in the province, to ordering

        the troops to any part of it, issuing such laws and taking such

        measures as are necessary for the security and peace of the

        region committed to his care, or any other steps he sees necessary.

        The futal also has the power of life and death, and

        attends to appeals of criminal cases ; he oversees, moreover, the

        conduct of the lower civilians.

        IS^ext in rank to i\\e j)u-ching sz^ and ngan-chah sz\ who always reside in the provincial capital, are the intendants of circuit, who are located in the circuits consisting of two or three prefectures united for this purpose. They are deputies of the two highest functionaries, and their delegated power often includes military as well as civil authority, the chief object of their appointment being to relieve and assist those high functionaries in the discharge of their extensive duties. Some of the intendants are appointed to supervise the proceedings of the prefects and district magistrates; others are stationed at important posts to protect them, and those connected with foreign trade at the open ports have no territorial jurisdiction.

        SUBORDINATE PROVINCIAL AUTHORITIES. 441

        Subordinate to the governors, through the intendants of circuits, are the prefects or head magistrates of departments, called Zhifu/Zhizhou, and ting tungchi, i.e., ‘knowers’ of them, according as they are placed over fu, zhou, or ting departments.

        It is the duty of these persons to make themselves acquainted with everything that takes place within their jurisdiction, and they are held responsible for the full execution of whatever orders are transmitted to them, all presenting their reports and receiving their orders through the intendants.

        The practical efficiency of the Chinese government in promoting the welfare of the people and preserving the peace depends chiefly upon these officers. The people themselves are prone to quarrel and oppress each other ; beggars, robbers, tramps, and shysters stir up disorders in various ways, and need wise and vigorous hands to repress and punish them ; while all classes avoid and resist the tax-gatherer as much as is safe. The proverb, ” A Zhifu can exterminate a family, a chihien can confiscate a patrimony,” indicates the popular fear of their power.

        The subdivisional pai’ts of departments, called ting, chau, and

        hien, have each their separate officers, who report to the chifu

        and cliicliau above them ; these are called tungcM, clacJiau, and

        ch’tJiien, and may all be denominated district magistrates. The

        parts of districts called sz’ are placed under the control of siuii-

        I’ien, circuit-restrainers, or hundreders, who form the last in the

        regular series of descending; rank—the last of the ” connnissioned

        officers,” as they might not improperly be called. The

        prefects sometimes have deputies directly under them, as the

        governor has his intendants, when their jurisdiction is very

        large or important, who are called hiunininfu and tungchi, i.e.,

        ‘ joint-knowers.’ The deputies of district magistrates are termed

        chautung and chmiptran for the chlchan, and hienching and

        chufu for the cJdhien^ the last also have others called tso-tang

        And yu-tang, i.e., left-tenants and right-tenants.

        Resides these assistants there are others, both in the departments and districts, having the oversight of the police, collection of the taxes and management of the revenue, care of waterways, and many other subdivisions of legislative duties, which it is unnecessary to particularize. They are appointed whenever and wherever the territory is so large and the duties so onerous that one man cannot attend to all, or it is not safe to entrust him with them. They have nearly as much power as their superiors in the department entrusted to them, but none of them have judicial or legislative functions, and the routine of their othces affords them less scope for oppression. ±\oy is it worth while to notice the great number of clerks, registrars, and secretaries found in connection with the various ranks of dignitaries here mentioned, or the multitude of petty subordinates found in the provinces and placed over particular places or duties as necessity may require. Their number is very large, and the responsibility of their proceedings devolves upon the higher officers who receive their reports and direct their actions.

        The common people suffer more from these ” rats under the altar,” as a Chinese proverb calls them, than from their superiors, because, unlike them, they are usually natives of the place and better acquainted with the condition of the inhabitants, and are not so often removed. The fear of getting into their clutches restrains from evil doings perhaps more than all punishments, though the people soon complain of high-handed acts in a way not to be disregarded. (3ne saying, ” Underlings see money as a fly sees blood,” indicates their penchant, as another, ” Cash drops into an underling’s paw as a sheep falls into a tiger’s jaw,” does the popular notion how to please them.

        Each intendant, prefect, and district magistrate has special

        secretaries in his ofhce for riling papers, writing and transmitting-

        despatches, investigating cases, recording evidence, keeping

        accounts, and performing other functions. All above the chihien

        are allowed to keep private secretaries, called sz’ ye, who

        are usually personal friends, and accompany the officers wliereever

        they go for the purpose of advising them and preparing

        their official documents. The ngan-chah s£ have jailers under

        their control, as have also the more important prefects.

        The appointment of officers being theoretically founded on

        literary merit, those to whom is committed the supervision of

        students and conferment of degrees would naturally be of a

        high grade. The Jiioh-ehlti’/, or literary chancellor, of the province,

        therefore ranks next to the governor, more, however, because

        he is specially ai)pointed by his Majesty and oversees thia

        LITEKAKY, (lABEL, AND REVENUE DEPARTMENTS. 443

        hrancli of the goveniinent, than from the power coinniitted to

        liis liaiids. Under him aie head-teachers of different degrees

        of autliority, residing in the cliief towns of departments and

        districts, tlie ^vhole forming a simihir series of functionaries to

        M’hat exists in tlie civil department. These subordinates have

        merely a greater or less degree of supervision over the studies of

        students, and the colleges established for the promotion of learning

        in the chief towns of departments. The business of conferring

        the lower degrees appertains exclusively to the chancellor,

        who makes an annual circnit through the province for that purpose,

        and holds examinations in the chief town of each department,

        to which all students residing within its limits can come.

        The gabel, or salt department, is under the control of a special

        officer, called a ” commissioner for the transport of salt,”

        and forming in the five maritime provinces one of thesau s.z\ or

        three commissioners, of which the j>u-e/ung sz’ and ngan-chah ss’

        are the other two. There are, above these commissioners, eight

        directors of the salt monopoly, stationed at the depots in Chihli

        and Shantung, M’ho, however, also fill other offices, and have

        rather a nominal responsibility over the lower commissioners.

        The number and rank of the ofilcers comiected with the salt

        monopoly show its importance, and is proof of how large a revenue

        is derived fi-om an article which will bear such an expensive establishment. At present its administration costs about as much as its receipts.

        The commissariat and revenne department is nnusually large

        in China compared with other countries, for the plan of collecting

        any part of the revenue in kind necessarily requires nnmerous

        vehicles for transporting and buildings for storing it, which

        still further multiplies the number of clerks and hands employed.

        The transportation of grain along the Yangtsz’ River is under

        the control of a tsungtuh, who. also oversees the disposal and

        directs the collectors of it in eight of the provinces adjacent to

        this river. The office of liang-chu tao, or commissioner to collect

        grain, is found in twelve provinces, the pu-ehing.sz’ attending

        to this duty in six ; the supervision of the subordinate agents of this department in the several districts is in the hands of the prefects and district magistrates.- That feature of the Chinese system which makes officers mutually responsible, seems to lead the superior powers to confer such various duties upon

        one functionary, in order that he may thus have a general

        knowledge of what is going on about and under him, and ref)ort

        what he deems amiss. It is not, indeed, likely that such was the

        original arrangement, for the Chinese government has come to

        its present composition by slow degrees ; but such is, so far as

        can be seen, the effect of it, and it serves in no little degree to

        accomplish the designs of the rulers to bind the main and lesser

        wheels of the huge machine to themselves and to one another.

        The customs and excise are under the management of different

        grades of officers according to the importance of their posts.

        The transit duties levied at the excise stations placed in every

        town are collected by officers acting under the local authorities,

        and have nothing to do with the collection of maritime duties.

        This tax, called li-kin, or ‘a cash a catty,’ has lately been

        greatly increased, and the natural result has been to destroy the

        trade it preyed on, or divert it to other channels. The foreign

        merchants and officers have, too, protested against its imposition,

        seeing that their trade was checked.

        Kecapitulating in tabular form, we may say that outside of

        the Cabinet, Council, Boards, and Courts at the capital, the

        government (in the Eighteen Provinces) is in the hands of: 8 Governors-General (6 governing two provinces each).

        15 Governors. 11) Commissioners of Finance (2 for Kiangsu).

        18 Commissioners of Justice.

        4 Directors of the Salt Gabel.

        9 Collectors (independent of these).

        13 Commissioners of Grain, or Commissaries.

        G4 Intendants of Circuit.

        182 Prefects.

        G8 Prefects of Inferior Departments.

        18 Independent Subprefects.

        180 Dependent Subprefects.

        139 Deputy Subprefects.

        141 District Magistrates of the Fifth

        Class.

        1,232 District Magistrates of the Seventh

        Class.

        The military section of the provincial governments is under

        the control of a tituh, or major-general, who resides at a central

        post, and, in conjunction with the governor-general and

        governor, directs the movements of the forces, while these last

        have also an independent control over a certain body of troops

        belonging to them officially. The various grades of officers in

        the native army, and the portion of troops under each of them,

        MILITARY AND NAVAL DEPARTMENTS. 445

        stationed in the garrisons and forts in different parts of the

        provinces, are all arranged in a methodical manner, which will

        bear examination and comparison with the army of any country

        in the world. The native force in each province is distinct

        from the Manchu troops, and is divided somewhat according to

        the Roman plan of legion, cohort, maniple, and century, over

        each of which are officers, from colonel down to sergeant.

        Nothing is wanting to the Chinese army to make it fully adequate to the defence of the country but discipline and confidence in itself ; for lack of practice and systematic drilling have made it an army of paper warriors against a resolute enemy. Nevertheless, the recent campaigns against the rebels in the extreme western colonies indicate the fact that its regeneration is already of some weight. On the other hand, it has no doubt been for the good of the Chinese people and government—the advance of the first in wealth, numbers, and security, and the consolidation and efficiency of the latter—that they have cultivated letters rather than arms, peace more than war.

        All the general officers in the army have fixed places of residence,

        at which the larger portion of their respective brigades

        remain, while detachments are stationed at various points within

        their command. The governor, major-general, and Banner

        commandant have commands independent of each other, but

        the tituh,OY major-general, exei-cises the principal military sway.

        The navai officers have the same names as those in the army,

        and the two are interchanged and promoted from one service to

        the other. Admirals and vice-admirals usually reside on shore,

        and despatch their subordinates in squadrons or single vessels

        wherever occasion requires. This system must, ere long, give

        place to a better division of the two arms with the building of

        steam vessels and management of arsenals, when junks are

        superseded.

        The system of mutually checking the provincial officers is

        also exhibited in their location. For example, in the city of

        Canton the governor-general is stationed in the Xew city near

        the collector of customs, while the lieutenant-governor and

        Manchu general are so located in the Old city that should circumstances require they can act against the two first. The governor has the general command of all the provincial troops,

        estimated to be one hundred thousand men, but the particukir

        command of only five thousand, and they are stationed fifty

        miles off, at Sliauking fu. The ts’uoiy A-ii/.n has five thousand

        men under him in the Old city, which, in an extreme case,

        would make him master of tlie capital, while his own allegiance

        is secured by the antipathy between the Manchus and Chinese

        preventing liim from combining with the latter. Again, the

        governor-general has the power of condenming certain criminals

        to death, but the vxincj-iiiuKj^ or death-warrant, is lodged

        with tlie fatal, and the order for execution must be countersigned

        by him ; his despatches to court must be also countersigned

        b}’ his coadjutor. The general absence of resistance to

        the imperial sway on the part of these high officers during the

        two centuries of Manchu rule, when compared with the multiplied

        intrigues and rebellions of the pashas in the Turkish

        Empire, proves how well the system is concocted.

        In order to enable the superior officers to exercise greater

        vigilance over their inferiors, they have the privilege of sending

        special messengers, invested with full power, to every part

        of their jurisdiction. The Emperor himself never visits the

        provinces judicially, nor has an Emperor been south of the

        capital during the present century ; he therefore constantly

        sends connnissioners or legates, called llncJuii, to all parts of the

        Empire, ostensibly entrusted M’ith the management of a particular

        business, but required also to take a general surveillance of

        what is going on. The ancient Persians had a similar system

        of commissioners, who M-ere called the eyes and ears of the

        prince, and made the circuit of the empire to oversee all that

        was done. There are numy points of resemblance between the

        structure of these two ancient monarchies, the body of councillors

        who assisted the prince in his deliberations, the presidents

        over the provinces, the satraps, etc. ; but tlie Persians had not

        the elements of perpetuity which the system of connnon schools

        and official examinations <rive to the Chinese iiovernment.”

        ‘ RoUin’s Aricient Ilktory, Chap. IV. Manners of the Assyrians. Heeren’aAsiatic Researches, Vol. I., Chap. II.

        TRAVELLINCJ DEPUTIES AND COMMISSIONKRS. 447

        Governors in like manner send their deputies and agents, called weiyuen, over the province ; and even the prefects and intendants despatch their messengers. All these functionaries, during the time of their mission, take rank with the highest officers according to the quality of their employers; but the imperial connnissioners, who for one object or another are constantly passing and repassing through the Empire in every direction, exercise great influence in the government, and are powerful agents in the hands of the Emperor for keeping his proconsuls at their duty.

        CHAPTER VIII. ADMINISTRATION OF THE LAWS

        The preceding chapter contains a general view of the plan upon which the central and provincial governments of the Empire are constircted ; and if an examination of the conduct of oiRcers in every department shows their extortion, cruelty, and venalitv, it will not, in the opinion of the liberal-minded reader, detract from the general excellence of the theory of the government, and the sagacity exhibited in the system of checks designed to restrain the various parts from interfering with the well-being of the whole. In addition to the division of power and the restrictions upon Chinese officers already mentioned, there are other means adopted in their location and alternation 10 prevent combination and resistance against the head of the state. One of them is the law forbidding a man to hold any civil office in his native province, which, besides stopping all intrigue where it would best succeed, has the further effect of congregating aspirants for office at Peking, where they come in hope of obtaining some post, or of succeeding in the examination for the highest literary degrees. The central government could not contrive a better plan for bringing all the ambitious and talented men in the country under its observation before appointing them to clerkships in the capital, or scattering them in the provinces.

        Moreover, no officer is allowed to marry in the jurisdiction under his control, nor own land in it, nor have a son, brother, or near relative holding office under him ; and he is seldom continued in the same station or province for more than three or four years, QVfanchus and (liinese are mingled together in high stations, and obligations are imposed on certain grandees

        CHECKS PLACED UPON OFFICIMIDLDEKS. 449

        to inform the Emperor of each other’s acts. Members of the imperial clan are required to attend the meetings of the Boards at the capita], and observe and report what they deem amiss or Qf interest to the Emperor and his council; while in all the upper departments of the general and provincial governments, a system of espionage is can-ied out, detrimental to all principles of honorable fidelity, such as we look for in officiajA, but not without some good effects in a weak despotism like China.

        OThere is, besides this constant surveillance, a triennial catalogue made out of the merits and demerits of all officers in the Empire, which is submitted to imperial inspection by the Board of Civil Office. In order to collect the details for this catalogue, it is incumbent upon every provincial officer to report upon the character and cpialiiications of those under him, and the list, when made out, is forwarded by the govei-nor to the capital./

        The points of character are arranged under six different heads, viz.: those wh(i are not diligent, the inefficient, the superficial, the untalented, superannuated, and diseased. ( According to the opinion given in this report, officers are elevated or degraded so many steps in the scale of merit, like school-boys in a class, and whenever they issue an edict are required to state how many steps they have been advanced or degraded, and how many times recorded. Officers are required to accuse themselves, when guilty of crime, either in their own conduct or that of their subordinates, and request punishment^ The results of this peculiar and patriarchal mode of teaching officers their duty will be best exhibited by quoting from a rescript of Taukwang’s, issued in February, 1837, after one of the catalogues had been submitted to his Majesty.

        “The cabinet minister Cliangling lias strenuously exerted himself during a long lapse of years ; he has reached the eightieth year of his age, yet his energies are still in full force. His colleagues Pwan Shi-ngan and Muchangah, as well as the assistant cabinet minister Wang Ting, have invariably displayed diligence and attention, and have not failed in yielding us assistance. Tang Kin-chau, president of the Board of Office, has knowledge and attainments of a respectable and sterling character, and has shown himself public-spirited and intelligent in the performance of special duties assigned to him. Shi Chi-yen, president of the Board of Punishments, retains his usual strength and energies, and in the performance of his judicial duties has displayed perspicacity and circumspection. The assistant cabinet minister and governor of Chihli province, Kislien, transacts the affairs of his government with faithfulness, and the military force under his control is well disciplined. Husunge, the governor of Sliensi and Kausuh provinces, is cautious and prudent, and perrorms his duties with careful exa,ctness. iKpu, governor of Yunnan and Kweichau, is well versed in the affairs of his frontier government, and has fully succeeded in pre erving it free from disturbance. Linking, who is entrusted with the general charge of the rivers in Kiangnan, has not failed in his care of the embankments, and has preserved the surrounding districts from all disquietude. To show our favor unto all these, let the Board of Office determine on appropriate marks of distinction for them.

        “Kweisan, subordinate minister of the Cabinet, is hasty and deficient, both in precision and capacity ; he is incapable of moving and acting for himself; let him take an inferior station, and receive an appointment in the second class of the guards. Yihtsih, vice-president of the Board of Works for Mukden, possesses but ordinary talents, and is incompetent to the duties of his present office; let him also take an inferior station, and be appointed to a place in the first class of guards. Narkinge, the governor-general of Hukwang, though having under him the whole civil and military bodies of two provinces, has yet been unable, these many days, to seize a few beggarly impish vagabonds : a’”ter having in the first instance failed in prevention, he has followed up that failure by idleness and remissness, and has fully proved himself inefficient. Let him take the lower station of governor in Hunan, and within one year let him, by the apprehension of Lan Ching-tsun, show that he is aroused to greater exertion.

        s.

        “Let all our other servants retain their present appointments. Among them Tau Shu, the governor of Kiangnan and Kiangsi, is bold and determined in the transaction of affairs, but has not yet attained enlarged views in regard to the salt department; Chung Tsiang, the governor of Fuhkien and Chehkiang, finds his energies failing; TSng Ting-ching, the governor of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, possesses barely an adequate degree of talent and knowledge ; and Shin Ki-hien, though faithful and earnest in the performance of his duties, has, in common with these others, been not very long in office.

        *’ That all ministers will act with purity and devotedness of purpose, with public spirit and diligence, is our most fervent hope. A special edict.” ‘

        ‘ Chinese licposilor;/, Vol. VI. , p. 48.

        niAKACTER OF CHINESE OFFICIALS. 451

        I The effet’t of such confessions and examination of cliafacter iV to restrain the commission of outra<;eons acts of oppression; it is still further enforced by the privilege, common alike to censors and private subjects, of complaining to the Emperor of misdeeds done to them by persons in authority. Fear for their own security has suggested this multiplicity of checks, but the Emperor and his ministry have no doubt thereby impeded the efficiency of their subordinates, and compelled them to attend so much to their own standing that they care far less than they otherwise would foi* the prosperity of the people.*)

        The position of an officer in the Chinese government can hardly be ascertained from the enumeration of his duties, nor can we easily appreciate, from a general account of the system, his temptations to oppress inferiors and deceive superiors.

        His duties, as indicated in the code, are so minute, and often so contradictory, as to make it impossible to fulfil them strictly; it is found, accordingly, that few or none have ascended the slippery heights of promotion without frequent relapses. ^Degradation, when to a step or two and temporary, carries with it of course no moral taint in a country where the award for bribery is graduated to the amount received, without any reference to moral violation^, where the bamboo is the standard of punishment as well for error in judgment or remissness as for crime —only commuted to a fine in honor of official rank ; whereas a distinction in favor of the imperial race, the bamboo is softened to the whip and banishment mitigated to the pillory.’

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV. , p. 59.

        The highest officers have of course the greatest opportunity to oppress, but their extortions are limited by the venality and mendacity of the agents they are compelled to employ. Inferiors also can carry on a system of exactions if they keep on the right side of those above them. (.The whole class forma body of men mutually jealous of each other’s advance, where every incumbent endeavors to supplant his associate ; they all agree in regarding the people as the source of their profits, the sponge which all must squeeze, but differ in the degree to which they should carry on the same plan with each other. Although sprung from the mass of the people, the welfare of the community has little place in their thoughts. Their life is spent in ambitious efforts to rise upon the fall of others, though they do not lose all sense of character or become reckless of the means of advance, for this would destroy their chance of success] The game they play with each other and their imperial master is, however, a harmless one compared with what was done ill old Rome or in Europe four or five centuries ago, or even lately among the pashas and viziers of the sultans and shahs in Western Asia. To the honor of the Chinese, life is seldom sacrificed for political crime or envious emulation; no officer dreads a bowstring or a poisoned cup from his lord paramount, nor is he on the watch against the dagger of an assassin hired by a vindictive competitor. Whatever heights of favor or depths of umbrage he may experience, the servant of the Emperor of Chhia need not, in unproved cases of delinquency, fear for his life; but he not unfrequently takes it himself from conscious guilt and dread of just punishment.

        The names and staiuiing of all officers are published quarterly by permission of government in the Red Book (which by an usual coincidence is bound in red), called the ” Complete Record of the Girdle Wearers” {Tshi jSkin Tslae/h Shif), comprised in four volumes, 12nio, to which are added two others of the Army and Bannermen. This publication was first issued at the command of Wanlih, of the Ming dynasty, about 15S0, and mentions the native province of each person, whether Chinese, Manchu, Mongol, or enrolled Chinese, describes the title of the office, its salary, and gives much general information. The publishers of the book expect that officers will inform them of the changes that take place in their standing, and sometimes omit to mention those who do not thus report themselves.

        CAREER OF DUKE HO. 463

        A memoir of the public life of a high officer in China would present a singular picture of ups and downs, but, on account of their notorious disregard of truth, Chinese documents are unsafe to trust entirely in drawing such a sketch. One of the most conspicuous men in late times was Duke IIo, the premier in the time of Macartney’s embassy, who for many years exercised a greater control over the counsels of a Chinese sovereign than is recorded of any other man during the present dynasty. This man was originally a private person, who attracted the notice of the Emperor by his comeliness, and secured it by his zeal in discharging the offices entrusted to him. With but few interruptions he gradually’ mounted the ladder of promotion, and for some years before Tvienlung’s death, when the hitter’s energies had begun to fail from age, was virtual master of the country. Staunton describes him as possessing eminent abilities ; ” the manners of Ilokwan were not less pleasing than his understanding was penetrating and acute, lie seemed indeed to possess the qualities of a perfect statesman.”‘ The favorite had gradually tilled the highest posts with his friends, and his well-wishers were so numerous in the general and provincial governments that some began to apprehend a rising in his favor when the Emperor died. Kiaking, on coming to the throne, began to take those cautious measures for his removal which showed the great influence he possessed ; one of these proceedings was to appoint him superintendent of the rites of mourning, in order, probably, that his official duties might bring him often to the palace.

        After four years the Emperor drew up sixteen articles of impeachment, most of them frivolous and vexatious, though of more consequence in the eyes of a Chinese prince than they would have been at other courts. One article alleged that he had ridden on horseback up to the palace gate; another, that he had appropriated to his own household the females educated for the imperial harem; a third, that he had detained the reports of officers in time of war from coming to the Emperor’s eye, and had appointed his own retainers to office, when they were notoriously incompetent; a fourth, that he had built many apartments of nan-muh, a kind of laurel-wood exclusively appropriated to j-oyalty, and imitated regal style in his grounds and establishment; a fifth, that ” on the day previous to our

        Itoyal Father’s announcement of our election as his successor,

        Ilokwan waited upon us and presented the insignia of the newly

        conferred rank—thereby betraying an important secret of state,

        in hopes of obtaining our favor.” lie was also accused of having

        pearls and jewels of larger size than those even in the Emperor’s

        regalia. But so far as can be inferred from what was

        published, this Cardinal AVolsey of China was, comparatively

        speaking, not cruel in the exercise of his power, and the real

        cause of his fall was evidenth’ his riches. In the schedule of his

        confiscated property it was mentioned that besides houses, lands,

        and other innnovable property to an amazing extent, not less

        ‘ Embassy to China, Vol. III., p. 26.

        than one hundred and five millions of dollars in bullion and

        geuls were found in his treasury, A special tribunal was instituted

        for his trial, and he was allowed to become his own executioner,

        while his constant associate was beheaded. These were

        the only deaths, the remainder of his relatives and dependents

        being simply removed and degraded. His power was no doubt

        too great for the safety of his master if he had proved faithless

        ;

        but his wealth was too vast for bis own security, even had he

        been innocent. The Emperor, in the edict which contains the

        sentence, cites as a precedent for his own acts similar condemnation

        of premiers by three of bis ancestors in the present dynasty,

        but nothing definite is known of their crimes or trials.’

        Taukwang was more clement, or more fortunate than his father, and upon coming to the throne continued Tohtsin in power; this statesman bad held the premiership from 1815 to 1832, with but few interruptions, when he was allowed to retire at the age of seventy-five. He had served under three emperors, having risen step by step from the situation of clerk in one of the offices. His successor, Changling, experienced a far more checkered course, but remained in favor at last, and retired from the j)remiership in 1836, aged about seventy-nine. He became very popular with his master from his ability in quelling the insurrection of Jeliangir in Turkestan in 1 827. Even a few such instances of the honor in which an upright, energetic, and wise minister is regarded by prince and people have great influence in encouraging young men to act in the same way.

        ‘ Phiriese Repository^ Vol. III., p. 241.

        LIFE AND CIIARACTEU OF MINISTEIl SUNT,, 453

        Few Chinese statesmen have been oftener brought into the notice of western foreigners than Sung, one of the commissioners attached to Lord Macartney’s embassy, and a favorite of all its members. His lordship speaks of him then as a young man of high quality, possessing an elevated mind; and adds that ” during the whole time of our connection with him he has on all occasions conducted himself toward us in the most friendly and gentleman-like manner.” This was in 1703. In 1817 he is mentioned as one of the Cabinet ; but not long after, for some unknown reason, he was degraded by Kiaking to the sixth rank, and appointed adjiitaiit-general aiuoiig tlic Tsakliar Mongols ; from thence he memorialized his master respecting the ill conduct of some lamas, who had been robbing and murdering. Sung and his friends opposed the Emperor’s going to Manchuria, and were involved in some trouble on this account, the reasons of which it is difficult to understand. He was promoted, however, to be captain-general of Manchuria, but again fell under censure, and on his visit to his paternal estate at Mukden the Emperor took him back to the capital and appointed him to some important office. lie soon got into new trouble with the Emperor, who in a proclamation remarks that ” Sung is inadequate to the duties of minister of the imperial presence ; because, although he formerly officiated as such, he is now upward of seventy years of age, and rides badly on horseback ; ” he is therefore sent to Manchuria to fill his old office of captain-general. The next year the ex-minister and his adherents were involved in a long trial about the loss of a seal, and he was deprived of his command and directed to retire to his own Banner ; the real reasons of this disgrace were probably connected with the change of parties ensuent upon the accession of Taukwang.

        Soon afterward Sung was restored to favor and made adjutant at Jell ho, after having been president of the Censorate for a month. He was allowed to remain there longer than usual, and employed his spare time in writing a book upon the newly acquired territory in Turkestan. In 1824 he was reinstated as president of the Censorate, with admonitions not to confuse and puzzle himself with a multiplicity of extraneous matters. In 1826 he was sent on a special commission to Shansi, and when he returned was honored with a dinner at court on new year’s day. He then appears as travelling tutor to the crown-prince, but where his royal highness went for his education does not appear; from this post we find him made president of the Board of Rites, and appointed to inspect the victims for a state sacrifice. He is then ordered to Jeh ho, from whence, in a fit of penitence, or perhaps from fear of a dun, he memorialized the Emperor about a debt of $52,000 he had incurred nearly thirty years before, which he proposed to liquidate by foregoing his salary of $1,000 until the arrears were paid up ; the Emperor was in good humor with the old man, and forgave him the whole amount, being as Bured, he says, of Sung’s pure official character. In this memorial, when recounting his services, the aged officer says that he has been twice commander-in-chief and governor of III, governor- general at Xanking, Canton, etc., but had never saved much.

        NOTICE OF COMMISSIONER LIN, 457

        Shortly after this he is recalled from Jeh ho and made ti-iuh of Peking, then president of the Board of War ; and in a few months he is ordered to proceed across the desert to Cobdo to investigate some affair of importance—a long and toilsome journey of fifteen hundred miles for a man over seventy-five years old. He returned the next year and resumed his post as president of the Board of war, in which capacity he acted as examiner of the students in the Russian College. In 1831 he was made president of the Colonial Office, and later received an appointment as superintendent of the’ Three Treasuries, but was obliged to resign from ill health. A month’s relaxation seems to have wonderfully restored him, for the Emperor, in reply to his petition for employment, expresses surprise that he should so Boon be fit for official duties, and plainly intimates his opinion that the disease was all sham, though he accedes to his request so far as to nominate him commander of one of the eight Banners. In 1832 Sung again became involved in intrigues, and was reduced to the third degree of rank; the resignation of Tohtsin and the struggle for the vacant premiership was probably the real reason of this new reverse, though a frivolous accusation of two years’ standing “was trumped up against him. He was restored again, after a few months’ disgrace, at the petition of a beg of a city in Turkestan, which illustrates, by the way, the influence which those princes exert. Old age now began to come upon the courtier in good earnest, and in 1833 he was ordered to retire with the rank and pay of adjutant, which he lived to enjoy only two years. Much of the success of Suui; was said to be owinu to his havin<r had a daughter in the harem, but his personal character and kindness were evidently the main sources of his enduring influence among all ranks of people and officers; one account says the IManchus almost worshipped him, and beggars clung to his chair in the streets to ask alms. It is wortriy of notice that in all his re-A-erses there is no mention made of any severer punishment than degradation or banishment, and in this particular the political life of Sung is probably a fair criterion of the usual fortune of high Chinese statesmen. The leading events in the life of Changling, the successor of Tohtsin, together with a few notices of the governor of Canton in 1833, Li llung-pin, are given in the Rej)ositorij.^ Commissioners Lin and Kivins; became more famous amontr foreigners than their compeers in the capital, from the parts they acted in the war with England in IS-iO, but only a few notices of their lives are accessible. Lin Tseh-sii was born in 1785, in Fuhchau, and passed through the literary examinations, becoming a graduate of the second rank at the age of nineteen, and of the third when twenty-six. After filling an

        office or two in the Imperial Academy, he was sent as assistant

        literary examiner to Iviangsi in 1816, and during three subsequent

        years acted as examiner and censor in various places. In

        1819 he filled the office of intendant of circuit, in Chehkiano^:

        and after absence on account of health, he was, in 1823, appointed

        to the post of treasurer of Iviangsu, in the absence of the incuml)ent. In 1820 he was made overseer of the Yellow River, but hearing of his mother’s death, resigned his office to mourn for her. After the period of mourning was finished he went to Peking and received the office of judge in Shensi; but before he had been in it a month he was made treasurer of Kiangsu, and before he could enter upon this new office he

        heard of his father’s death, and was obliged to resign once

        more. In 1832 he was nominated treasurer in Ilupeh, and

        five months later transferred to the same office in Honan, and

        six months after that sent to Iviangsu again. Three months after this third transfer he was reinstated overseer of the Yellow River, and within a short time elevated to be governor of Iviangsi, which he retained three years, and acted as governor-general of Liang Iviang two years more. In 1838 he was made governor-general of II u Kwang; and shortly after this ordered to come to Peking to be admitted to an imperial audience, and by special favor permitted to ride on horseback within the palace.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., pp. 61-66.

        He was at this audience appointed imperial commissioner to put down the opium trade and manage the affairs of the maritime frontier of Ivwantung, receiving at the time such plenipotentiary powers to act for the Emperor as had only once before been committed to a subject since 1644-, viz., when Changling was sent to Turkestan to (piell the insurrection. Lin’s ill success in dealing with the opium trade and its upholders in the British government reflect no discredit on his own ability, for the task was beyond the powers of the Empire ; but his fame even now stands high amono; the Cantonese. One incident showing his kindness to the crew of the Sunda, an English vessel lost on Hainan Island, on their arrival in Canton in October, 1839, while he was ligliting their consular officers,

        gave a good insight into the candor of the man. In December,

        1839, he was appointed governor-general of Liang Kiang ; but

        succeeded to that of Liang Ivwang in February, 1840, In

        October of the same year the seals of office were taken away,

        and he was ordered to return to Peking. He remained, however,

        till May of the next year to advise with Ivishen in his

        difficult negotiations with the English. Lin left Canton in

        May,’ 1841, leading two thousand troops to defend Ningpo, but

        this role M^as not his foi’te. In July, 1842, he was banished to

        111, but the sentence was suspended for a season hy giving him

        a third time the oversight of the Yellow River. However, in

        1844 we find him in lli, holding an inferior appointment and

        trying to bring waste lands near the Mohammedan cities nnder

        cultivation ; his zeal was rewarded the next year by a pardon,

        and the year after that by the Jiigh post of governor-general of

        Shensi and Kansuh, in wliich region he set himself to work to

        reform the civil service and increase the revenue. In 1847 the

        cares of office wore “upon him, so that he asked for a furlough

        and went back to Fulichau, aged sixty-two. His ambition was

        not yet satisfied, for he was made governor-general in Yunnan

        in 1848, but his strength was not equal to its duties, and

        he again retired in 1849. The young Emperor Hienfung,

        CAREER OF COMMISSIONER KIYING. 459

        startled at the rapid rise of the Tai-ping rebels, applied to the aged statesman to help him as he had his father, Lin responded to the call of his sovereign, but death came upon him before he reached Kwangsi, on the 22d of November, 1850, at the aiie of sixty-seven. More endurino; than some of his official acts was the preparation and publication of the History of Maritime Nations, with maps, in fifty books, in which he gave his countrymen all the details he could gather of other nations.’

        Much less is known of the official life of Iviying than of Lin, but the Manchu proved himself superior to the Chinese in trinunino; his course to meet the inevitable and avoid the rocks his predecessor struck. In 1835 his name is mentioned as president of the Board of Revenue and controller of the Tsung-jin fu. lie was detained at the capital as commander-in chief of the forces there until 1842, when his Majesty sent him to Canton to take the place of Yihshan. He was ordered to stop at Ilangchau, however, on his way, and make a report of the condition of affairs; his memorials seem to have had great influence, for he was appointed joint commissioner with llipu in April of that year. At the negotiations of Xanking Iviying acted as chief commissioner, and was mainly instrumental in bringing the war to a conclusion. He proceeded to Canton in May, 18-43, to succeed llipu, and there acted as sole commissioner in negotiating the supplementary treaty and the commercial regulations with the British, returning to the capital in December, 1843. His prudence and vigor had great effect in calming the irritation of the people of Canton. On the arrival of the American plenipotentiary lie was vested with full powers to treat with Mr. Cushing, and soon after with the French and Swedish envoys, with all of whom he signed treaties. During the progress of these negotiations Ki Kung died and Iviying succeeded him.

        ‘ Compare Dr. Bowring in N. C. Br. R. A. Soc. Journal, Part III., Art VII. (Dec, 1852).

        His administration as governor-general continued till January, 1848, when he returned to Peking to receive higher honors from the Emperor. In 1849 he went to Kiangsu to inquire into the salt department, and then to Northern Shansi to settle differences with the Mongols. From this period he held various posts in the cabinet and capital, busy in all court intrigues, and rather losing his good name, till he fell into disgrace.

        In 1856, when the envoys of the four western Powers were at Tientsin, he entered into some underhand dealings against the policy of Kweiliang and Ilwashana, and was sent there as joint commissioner, he had hardly entered upon his functions by the presentation of his commission, when he suddenly returned to Peking against the Emperor’s will, and was ordered to take poison in the presence of the head of the Clan to avoid the ignominy of a public execution,’ Few Chinese statesmen in modern times have borne a higher character for prudence, dignity, and intelligence than Iviying, and the confidence reposed in him is creditable to his imperial master. In his demeanor, says Sir Thomas Wade, ” there was a combination of dignity and courtesy which more than balanced the deficiencies of a by no means attractive exterior.” The portrait of him has been engraved from a native painting made at Canton, and is a good one. It was kindly furnished for this work by J. P. Peters, Jr.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, passim. Oliphant, Lord Elgin’s Mission to China and Jiqmu, Cluii). XVIT. Minister Reed, in U. >S’. Dip. Correspondence, 1857-58.

        AGED STATESMEN RETAINED IN OFFICE. 461

        The facts of this man’s career are not all known, but his connection by birth with the Clan brought him into an entirely different set of influences from Lin, while his training removed him from the contact with the people which made the other so popular and influential. Both of them were good instances of Chinese statesmen, and their checkered lives as here briefly noticed resemble that of their compeers in the highest grades of official dignity. The sifting which the personnel of the Emperor’s employees in all their various grades receive generally brings the cleverest and most trustworthy to the top ; no one can come in contact with thein in state affairs without an increase of respect for their shrewdness, loyalty, and skill. One observable feature of the Chinese political world is the great age of the high officers, and It is not easy to account for their

        being kept in their posts, when almost worn out, bj a monarch

        who wished to have efficient men around liim, until we learn

        how little real power he can arbitrarily exert over the details of

        the branches of his government. It is somewhat explainable

        on the ground that, as long as the old incumbents are alive, the

        Emperor, being more habituated to their company and advice,

        prefers to retain those whose competency has been proven by

        their service. The patriarch, kept near the Emperor, is moreover

        a kind of hostage for the loyalty of his following ; and the

        latter, scattered throughout the provinces, can be managed and

        moved about through him with less opposition : he is, still

        further, a convenient medium thrcjugh which to receive the

        exactions of the younger members of the service, and convey

        such intimations as are thought necessary. Tlie system of

        clientelage which existed among the Gauls and Franks is also

        found in China with some modifications, and has a tendency to

        link officers to one another in parties of different degrees of

        power. The Emperor published an order in 1S33 against this

        system of patronage, and it is evident that he would find it seriously interfering with his power were it not constantly broken up by changing the relations of the parties and sending them away in different directions. Peking is almost the only place where the ” teacher and pupils,’^ as the patron and client call each other, could combine to much purpose ; and the principal safeguard the throne seems to have against intrigues and parties around it lies in the conflicting interests arising among themselves, though a long-established oi- unscrujiulous favorite, as in the cases of Duke IIo and Suhshun in 1S55-C1, can sometimes manage to engross the whole power of the crown.

        Notwithstanding the heavy charges of oppression, cruelty, bribery, and mendacity which are often brought against officers Math more or less justice, it must not be inferred that no good qualities exist among them. Thousands of them desire to rule equitably, to clear the innocent and punish the guilty, and exert all the knowledge and power they possess to discharge their functions to the acceptance of their master and their own good name among the inhabitants. Such officers, too, generally rise, while the cruelties of others are visited with degradation, The pasquinades which the people stick up in the streets indicate their sentiments, and receive much more attention than would such vulgar expressions in other countries, because it is almost the only way in which their opinions can be safely uttered. The popularity which upright officers receive acts as an incentive to others to follow in the same steps, as well as a reward to the person himself. The governor of Ivwangtung in 1833, Chu, was a very popular officer, and when he obtained leave to resign his station on account of age, the people vied with each other in showing their hearty regret at losing him.

        The old custom was observed of retaining his boots and presenting him with a new pair at every city he passed through, and many other testimonials of their regard were adopted.

        On leaving the city of Canton he circulated a few Aerses, ” to console the people and excite them to virtue,” for he heard that some of them w^ept on learning of his departure.

        From ancient days, my fathers trod the path
        Of literary fame, and placed their names
        Among the wise ; two generations past,
        Attendant on their patrons, they have come
        To this provincial city. ‘ Here this day
        ‘Tis mine to be imperial envoy ;
        Thus has the memory of ancestral fame
        Ceased not to stimulate this feeble frame.
        My father held an office at Lungchau.”

        And deep imprinted his memorial there ;
        He was the sure and generous friend
        Of learning unencouraged and obscure.
        When now I turn my head and travel back
        In thought to that domestic hall, it seems
        As yesterday, those early happy scenes—
        How was he pained if forced to be severe 1

        ‘ The Chinese have a great affection for the place of their nativity, and coneider a residence in any other province like being in a foreign settlement.

        They always wish to return thither in life, or have their remains carried and interred there after death.

        VALEDICTORY VERSES OF GOVERNOR CHU. 463

        ‘^ A district in the province of Kwangsi.
        From times remote Kwangtung has been renowned
        For wise and mighty men ; but none can stand
        Among them, or compare with Kiuh Kiang :’
        Three idle and inglorious years are past,
        And I have raised no monument of fame,
        By shedding round the rays of light and truth,
        To give the people knowledge. In this heart
        I feel the shame, and cannot bear the thought.
        But now, in flowered pavilions, in street
        Illuminations, gaudy shows, to praise
        The gods and please themselves, from year to year

        The modern people vie, and boast themselves,
        And spend their hard-earned wealth—and all in vain;
        For what shall be the end? Henceforth let all
        Maintain an active and a useful life,
        The sober husband and the frugal wife.
        The gracious statesman, “politic and wise,
        Is my preceptor and my long-tried friend ,

        Called now to separate, spare our farewell

        The heartrending words affection so well loves.

        That he may still continue to exhort

        The people, and instruct them to be wise,

        To practice virtue and to keep the laws

        Of ancient sages, is my constant hope.

        When I look backward o’er the field of fame

        Where I have travelled a long fifty years,

        The struggle for ambition and the sweat

        For gain seem altogether vanity.

        Who knoweth not that heaven’s toils are close,
        Infinitely close V Few can escape.
        Ah! how few great men reach a full old age f
        How few unshorn of honors end their days I
        Inveterate disease has twined itself
        Around me, and binds me in slavery.
        The kindness of his Majesty is high ‘
        And liberal, admitting no return

        ‘ Kiuh Kiang was an ancient minister of state during the Tang dynasty. Hia imperial master would not listen to his advice and lie therefore retired. Rebellion and calamities arose. The Emperor thought of his faithful servant and sent for him ; but he was already dead.

        • Governor Loo.

        * In permitting Chu to retire from public life.
        Unless a grateful heart ; still, still my eyes
        Will see the miseries of the people—
        Unlimited distresses, mournful, sad,
        To the mere passer-by awaking grief.
        Untalented, unworthy, I withdraw,
        Bidding farewell to this windy, dusty world;
        Upward I look to the supremely good—
        The Emperor—to choose a virtuous man
        To follow me. Henceforth it will oe well—
        The measures and the merits passing mine;
        But I shall silent stand and see his grace
        Diffusing blessings like the genial spring.

        Ilipn, Ki Kiing, the late governor-general of Ivwangtnng, and Shn, the prefect of Ningbo in 1842, are other officers who have been popular in late years. When Lin passed through Macao in 1839, the Chinese had in several places erected honorary portals adorned with festoons of silk and laudatory scrolls ; and when he passed the doors of their houses and shops they set out tables decorated with ^’ases of flowers, ” in order to manifest their profound gratitude for his coming to save them from a deadly vice, and for removing from them a dire cahnnity by the destruction and severe intei’diction of opium.” Alas, that his efforts and intentions should have been so fruitless! The Pehing Gazette frequently contains petitions from old officers describing their ailments, their fear lest they shall not be able to perform their duties, the length of their official service, and requesting leave of absence or permission to retire.

        OFFICIAL PETITIONS AND CONFESSIONS. 465

        It is impossible to regard all the expressions of loyalty in these papers, coming as they do from every class of officers, as heartless and made out according to a prescribed form; but we are too ready to measure them by our own standard and fashion, forgetting that it is not the defects of a system which give the best standard of its value and efficiency. Let us rather, as an honest expression of feeling, quote a few lines from a memorial of Shi, a censor in 1824: “Reflecting within myself that, notwithstanding the decay of my strength, it has still pleased the imperial goodness to employ me in a high office instead of rejecting and discarding me at once, I have been most anxious to eft’ect a cure, in order that, a weak old horse as I am, it might be still in my power, by the exertion of my whole strength, to recompense a ten-thousandth part of the benevolence which restored me to life/”

        Connected with the triennial schedule of official merits and

        demerits is the necessity the high officers of state are under of

        confessing their faults of government ; and the two form a

        peculiar and somewhat stringent check upon their intrigues and

        malversation, making them, as Le Comte observes, “exceeding

        circumspect and careful, and sometimes even virtuous against

        their own inclinations.” The confessions reported in i\\Q Peking

        Gazette are, however, by no means satisfactory as to the real extent

        or nature of these acts ; most of the confessors are censors,

        and perhaps it is in virtue of their office that they thus sit in

        judgment upon themselves. Examples of the crimes mentioned

        are not wanting. The governor-general of Chihli requested severe

        punishment in 1S32 for not having discovered a plotting

        demagogue who had collected several thousand adherents in his

        and the next provinces ; his request was granted. An admiral

        in the same province demands punishment for not having properly

        educated his son, as thereby he went mad and wounded several people. Another calls for judgment upon himself because the Empress-dowager had been kept waiting at the palace gate by the porters when she paid her Majesty a visit. One officer accused himself for not being able to control the Yellow River; and his Majesty’s cook in 1830 requested punishment for being too late in presenting his bill of fare, but M^as graciously forgiven. The rarity of these confessions, compared with the actual sins, shows either that they are, like a partridge’s doublings, made to draw off attention from the real nest of malversation, or that few officers are willing to undergo the mortification.

        The Emperor, in his character of vicegerent of heaven, occasionally imposes the duty of self confession upon himself.

        ‘ Chinese Repositunj , Vol. IV., p. 71.

        Kiaking issued several public confessions during his reign, but the Gazette has not contained many such papers within the last thirty years. These confessions are drawn from him more by natural calamities, such as drought, freshets, epidemics, etc., than by political causes, though insurrections, tii-es, ominoug portents, etc., sometimes induce them. The personal character of the monarch has much to do with their frequency and phraseology. On occasion of a drought in 1817 the Emperor Kiaking said : ” The remissness and sloth of the officers of government constitute an evil which has long been accumulating.

        It is not the evil of a day ; for several years I have given the most pressing admonitions on the subject, and have punished many cases which have been discovered, so that recently there appears a little improvement, and for several seasons the weather has been favorable. The drought this season is not perhaps entirely on their (the officers’) account. I have meditated upon it, and am persuaded that the reason why the aznro Heavens above manifest disapprobation by withholding rain for a few hundred miles only around the capital, is that the fifty and more rebels who escaped are secreted somewhere near Peking.

        Hence it is that fertile vapors are fast bound, and the felicitous harmony of the seasons interrupted.” On the 14th of May, 1818, between five and six o’clock in the evening, a sudden darkness enveloped the capital, attended by a violent “wind from the southeast and much rain. During its action two intervals occurred when the sky became a lurid red and the air offensive, terrible claps of thunder startling the people and frightening the monarch. His astroloo;ers could not relieve his forebodings of evil, and he issued a manifesto to explain the matter to his subjects and discharge his own conscience. One sentence is w^orth quoting : ” Calumnious accusations cause the ruin and death of a multitude of innocent people; they alone are capable of provoking a sign as terrible as this one just seen. The wind coming from the southeast is proof enough that some great crime has been committed in that region, which the officials, by neglecting their duties, have ignored, and thereby excited the ire of Heaven,” ‘

        ^Anncdes de la Foi, No. 6, 1823, pp. 21-24.

        PRAYER FOR RAIN OF TAUKWANG. 467

        One of the most remarkable specimens of these papers is a prayer for rain issued by Taukwang, July 24, 1832, on occasion of a severe drought at the capital. Before publishing this paper he had endeavored to mollify the anger and heat of heaven by ordering all suspected and accused persons in the prisons of the metropolis to be tried, and their guilt or innocence established, in order that the course of justice might not be delayed, and witnesses be released from confinement. But these vicarious corrections did not avail, and the drought continuing, he was obliged, as high-priest of the Empire, to show the people that he was mindful of their sufferings, and would relieve them, if possible, by presenting the following memorial:

        *’ Kneeling, a memorial is hereby presented, to cause affairs to be beard.

        ” Oh, alas ! imperial Heaven, were not the world afflicted by extraordinary changes, I would not dare to present extraordinary services. But this year the drought is most unusual. Summer is past, and no rain has fallen. Not only do agriculture and human beings feel the dire calamity, but also beasts and insects, herbs and trees, almost cease to live. I, the minister of Heaven, am placed over mankind, and am responsible for keeping the world in order and tranquillizing the people. Although it is now impossible for me to sleep or eat with composure, although I am scorched with grief and tremble with anxiety, still, after all, no genial and copious showers have been obtained.

        “Some days ago I fasted, and offered rich sacrifices on the altars of the gods of the land and the grain, and had to be thankful for gathering clouds and slight showers; but not enough to cause gladness. Looking up, I consider that Heaven’s heart is benevolence and love. The sole cause is the daily deeper atrocity of my sins; but little sincerity and little devotion. Hence I have been unable to move Heaven’s heart, and bring down abundant blessings.

        ” Having searched the records, I find that in the twenty-fourth year of Kienlung my exalted Ancestor, the Emperor Pure, reverently performed a ‘great snow service’. I feel impelled, by ten thousand considerations, to look up and imitate the usage, and with trembling anxiety rashly assail Heaven, examine myself, and consider my errors; looking up and hoping that I may obtain pardon. I ask myself whether in sacrificial services I have been disrespectful? Whether or not pride and prodigality have had a place in my heart, springing forth there unobserved? Whether, from length of time, I have become remiss in attending to the affairs of government, and have been unable to attend to them with that serious diligence and strenuous effort which I ought ‘i Whether I have uttered irreverent words, and have deserved reprehension? Whether perfect equity has been attained in conferring rewards or inflicting punishments ? Whether in raising mausolea and laying out gardens I have distressed the people and wasted property ? Whether in the appointment of officers I have failed to obtain fit persons, and thereby the acts of government have been petty and vexatious to the people V Whether punishments have been unjustly inflicted or not V Whether the oppressed have found no meaus of appeal ? Whether in pc^rsecuting lieterodox sects the innocent have not been involved ? Whether or not the magistrates have insulted the people and refused to listen to their affairs ‘i Whctln’r, in the successive military operations on the western frontiers, then’ may imt liavu been the horrors of human slaughter for the sake of imperial rewards V Whether the largesses bestowed on the afflicted southern provinces were properly applied, or the people were left to die in the ditches ‘i Whether the efforts to exterminate or pacify the rebellious mountaineers of Hunan and Kwangtung were properly conducted ; or whether they led to the inhabitants being trampled on as mire and ashes ? To all these topics to which my anxieties have been directed I ought to lay the plumb-line, and strenuously endeavor to correct what is wrong ; still recollecting that there may be faults which have not occurred to me in my meditations.

        ” Prostrate I beg imperial Heaven (Jlmmcj Tieu) to pardon my ignoiance and stupidity, and to grant me self-renovation ; for myriads of innocent people are involved by me, the One man. My sins are so numerous it is difficult to escape from them. Summer is past and autumn arrived ; to wait longer will really be impossible. Knocking head, I pray imperial Heaven to hasten and confer gracious deliverance—a speedy and divinely beneficial rain, to save the people’s lives and in some degree redeem my iniquities. Oh, alas ! imperial Heaven, observe these things. Oh, alas ! imperial Heaven, be gracious to them. I am inexpressibly grieved, alarmed, and frightened. Reverently this memorial is presented.” ‘

        This paper apparently intimates some acknowledgment of a

        ruling power above, and before a despot like the Emperor of

        China would place himself in such an equivocal posture before

        his people, he would assure himself very thoroughly of their

        sentiments ; for its effects as a state paper would be worse than

        null if the least ridicule was likely to be thrown upon it. In this

        case heavy showers followed the same evening, and appropriate

        thanksgivings were ordered and oblations presented before the

        six altars of heaven, earth, land, and grain, and the gods of

        heaven, earth, and the revolving year.

        ‘ Chinese Bepository, Vol. I., p. 236.

        METHODS OF PUHLISITINO EDICTS. 469

        The orders of the court are usually transmitted in manuscript, except when some grand event or state cei’cmony requires a general i)i”oclanuition, in which cases the document is printed on yellow paper and published in both the Chinese and ]\[anchu languages, encin;led with a border of dragons. The governors and their suboi’dinatos, imperial commissioners, and collectoi’s of customs are the principal officers in the provinces who publish their orders to the people, consisting of admonitions, exhortations, regulations, laws, special ordinances, threatenings, and municipal j-e<|uirements. Standing laws and local regulations are often superbly carved on tablets of black marble, and placed in the streets to be ” held in everlasting remembrance,” so that no one can plead ignorance ; a custom which recalls the mode of publishing the Twelve Tables at Rome. Several of these

        monuments, beautifully ornamented, are to be seen at Canton

        and Macao. The usual mode of publishing the commands of

        government is to print the document in large characters, and

        , post copies at the door of the offices and in the streets in public

        places, with the seal of the officer attached to authenticate them.

        The sheets on -which they are printed being connnon bamboo

        paper, and having no protection from the weather, are, however,

        soon destroyed ; the people read them as they are thus

        exposed, and copy them if they wish, but it is not unconnnon,

        too, for the magistrates to print important edicts in pamphlet

        form for circulation. These placards are written in an official

        style, differing from common Meriting as much as that does

        in English, but not involved or obscure. A single specimen of

        an edict issued at Canton will suffice to illustrate the form of

        such papers, and moreover show npon what subjects a Chinese

        ruler sometimes legislates, and the care he is expected to take

        of the people.

        ” Sii and Hwang, by special appointment magistrates of the districts of Nanliai and Pwanyn, raised ten steps and recorded ten times, hereby distinctly publish important rules for the capture of grasshoppers, that it may be known how to guard against them in order to ward off injury and calamity. On the 7th day of the Sth month in the 18th year of Taukwang [September 20, 1838], we received a communication from the prefect of the [department of Kwangchau], transmitting a despatch from their excellencies the governor-general and governor, as follows:
        ” ‘ During the fifth month of the present year flights of grasshoppers appeared in the limits of Kwangsi, in [the departments of] Liu, Tsin, Kwei, and Wu, and their vicinage, which have already, according to report, been clean destroyed and driven off. We have heard that in the department of Kauchau and its neighborhood, conterminous to Kwangsi, grasshoppers have appeared which multiply with extreme rapidity. At this time the second crop is in the blade (which if destroyed will endamage the people), and it is proper, therefore, immediately, wherever they are found, to capture and drive them off, marshalling the troops to advance and wholly exterminate them. But Kwang tung heretofore has never experienced this calamity, and we apprehend the officers and people do not understand the mode of capture; wherefore we now exhibit in order the most important rules for catching grasshoppers. Let the governor’s combined forces be immediately instructed to capture them secundum artem; at the same time let orders be issued for the villagers and farmers at once to assemble and take them, and for the magistrate to establish storehouses for their reception and purchase, thus without fail sweeping them clean away.

        If you do not exert yourselves to catch the grasshoppers, your guilt will be very great ; let it be done carefully, not clandestinely delaying, thus causing this misfortune to come upon yourselves, transgressing the laws, and causing US again, according to the exigencies of the case, to promulgate general orders and make thorough examination, etc., etc. Appended hereto are copies of the rules for catching grasshoppers, which from the lieutenant-governor must he sent to the treasurer, who will enjoin it upon the magistrates of the depart-, meats, and he again upon the district magistrates.’

        “Having received the preceding, besides respectfully transmitting it to the colonel of the department to be straightway forwarded to all the troops under his authority, and also to all the distri(-t justices, that they all with united purpose bend their energies to observe, at the j^roper time, that whenever the grasshoppers become numerous they join their forces and extirpate them, thus removing calamity from the people ; we also enjoin upon whomsoever receives this that the grasshoppers be caught according to these several directions, which are therefore here arranged in order as follows:

        “‘1. When the grasshoppers first issue forth they are to be seen on the borders of large morasses, from whence they quickly multiiily and fill large tracts of land; they produce their young in little hillocks of black earth, using the tail to bore into the ground, not quite an inch in depth, which still remain as open holes, the whole somewhat resembling a bee’s nest. One grasshopper drops ten or more pellets, in form like a pea, each one containing a hundred or more young. For the young grasshoppers fly and eat in swarms, and this laying of their young is done all at once and in the same spot; the place resembles a hive of bees, and therefore it is very easily sought and found.

        ” ‘2. When the grasshoppers are in the fields of wheat and tender rice and

        the thick grass, every day at early dawn they all alight on the leaves of the

        grass, and their bodies being covered with dew are heavy and they cannot fly

        or liop ; at noon they begin to assemble for flight, and at evening they collect

        in one spot. Thiis each day there are three periods when tliey can be caught,

        and the p(!ople and gentry will also have a short respite. The mode of catching

        them is to dig a trench before them, the broader and longer tlio better, on

        each side placing boards, doors, screens, and such like things, oiu> stretched

        on after another, and spreading open each side. The whole multitude must

        then cry aloud, and, holding boards in their hands, drive them all into the

        trench; meanwhile those on the opposite side, provided with brooms and

        rakes, on seeing any leaping or crawling out, must sweep them back; then

        covering them with dry grass, burn them all up. Let the fire be first kindled

        in the trench, and then drive; tlunn into it ; for if they are only buried upi

        then many of them will crawl out of the openings and so escape.

        EDICT FOR THE DESTRUCTION OF GRASSHOPPERS. 471

        ” ‘3. When the swarms of grasshoppers see a row of trees, or a close line of

        flags and streamers, they nsnally hover over and settle ; and the farmers frequently

        suspend red and white clothes and petticoats on long poles, or make

        red and green paper flags, but they do not always settle with great rapidity.

        Moreover, tliey dread the noise of gongs, matchlocks, and guns, hearing which

        they fly away. If they come so as to obscure the heavens, you must let off

        the guns and clang the gongs, or fire the crackers ; it will strike the front

        ranks with dread, and flying away, the rest will follow them and depart.

        ” ‘4. When the wings and legs of the grasshoppers are taken off, and [their

        bodies] dried in the sun, the taste is like dried prawns, and moreover, they

        can be kept a long time without spoiling. Ducks can also be reared upon the

        dried grasshoppers, and soon become large and fat. Moreover, the hill people

        catch them to feed pigs ; tliese pigs, weighing at first only twenty catties

        or so, in ten days’ time grow to weigh more than fifty catties ; and in rearing

        all domestic animals they are of use. Let all farmers e.xert themselves and

        catch them alive, giving rice or money according to the number taken. In

        order to remove this calamity from your grain, what fear is there that you will

        not perform this V Let all these rules for catching the grasshoppers hb diligently

        carried into full effect.’

        “Wherefore these commands are transcribed that all you soldiers and people

        may be fully acquainted with them. Do you all then immediately in

        obedience to them, when you see the proper time has come, sound the gong ;

        and when you see the grasshoppers and their young increasing, straightway

        get ready, on the one hand seizing them, and on the other announcing to the

        oflicers that they collect the troops, that with united strength you may at once

        catch them, without fail making an iitter extermination of them ; thus calamity

        will be removed from tlie people. We will also then confer rewards upon

        those of the farmers and people who first announce to the magistrates their

        approach. Let every one implicitly obey. A special command.

        ” Promulgated Taukwang, 18th year, 8th month, and 15th day.’”

        The concluding part of an edict affords some room for displaying

        tlie character of the promulgator. Among other endings

        are sucli as these : ” Hasten ! hasten ! a special edict.”

        ‘• Tremble liereat intenselj.” ” Lay not up for yourselves future

        repentance by disobedience.” ” I will by no means eat my

        words.” ” Earnestly observe these things.” In their state

        papers Chinese officers are constantly referring to ultimate

        tmiths and axioms, and deducing arguments therefrom in a

        peculiarly national grandiloquent manner, though some of their

        ‘ Easy Lessons in Chinese, pp. 223-227. The effect of these instructions relating to grasshoppers does not appear to have equaled the zeal of the officers composing them ; swarms of locusts, however, are in general neither numerous nor devastating in China.

        conclusions are preposterous iion-sequitvirs. Commissioner Lin addressed a letter to the Queen of England regarding the interdiction of opium, which began with the following preamble:” Whereas, the ways of Heaven are without partiality, and no sanction is allowed to injure others in order to benefit one’s self, and that men’s natural feelings are not very diverse (for where is he who does not abhor death and love life ?)—therefore your honorable nation, though beyond the wide ocean at

        a distance of twenty thousand /?, also acknowledges the same

        ways of Heaven, the same human nature, and has the like perceptions

        of the distinctions between life and death, benefit and

        injury. Our heavenly court has for its family all that is within

        the four seas ; and as to the great Emperor’s heaven-like benevolence—

        there is none whom it does not overshadow ; even

        regions remote, desert, and disconnected have a part in his

        general care of life and well-being.”

        The edicts furnish almost the only exponents of the intentions

        of government. They present several characteristic features

        of the ignorant conceit and ridiculous assumptions of the

        Chinese, while they betray the real weakness of the authorities

        in the mixture of argument and command, coaxing and threatening,

        pervading every paragraph. According to their phraseology,

        there can possibly be no failure in the execution of every

        order ; if they are once made known, the obedience erf the people

        follows almost as a nuitter of course; while at the same

        time both the writer and the people know that most of them are

        not only perfunctory but nearly useless. The resj^onsibility of

        the writer in a measure ceases witli the promulgation of his

        orders, and when they reach the last in the series their efficiency

        has well nigh departed. Expediency is the usual guide

        for obedience ; deceiving superiors and oppressing the people

        the rule of action on the part of many officials ; and their orders

        do not more strikingly exhibit their weakness and igno-

        I’ance than their mendacity and conceit. A large proportion of

        well-meanino; officers are sensible too that all their efforts will

        be neutralized by the half-paid, imscrupnlous retainers and

        clerks in the ymnuns ; and this checks their energy.

        It is not easy, without citing many examples accompanied

        CHAKACTEK AND PHRASEOLOGY OF THE EDICTS. 478

        with particular explanations, to give a just idea of the actual

        execution of the laws, and show how far the people are secured

        in life and pi’opcrty hy their i-ulei”s ; and perhaps nothing has

        been the source of such differing views regarding the Chinese

        as the predominance writers give either to the theory or the

        practice of legislation. Old Magaillans has hit this point pretty

        well when he says : ” It seems as if the legislators had omitted

        nothing, and that they had foreseen all inconveniences that were

        to be feared ; so that I am persuaded no kingdom in the world

        could be better governed or more happy, if the conduct and

        probity of the officers were but answerable to the institution of

        the government. But in regard they have no knowledge of the

        true God, nor of the eternal rewards and punishments of the

        other woi-ld, they are subject to no remorses of conscience, they

        place all their happiness in pleasure, in dignity and riches ; and

        therefore, to obtain these fading advantages, they violate all

        the laws of God and man, trampling under foot religion, reason,

        justice, honesty, and all the rights of consanguinity and

        friendship. rThe inferior officers mind nothing but how to defraud

        their superiors, they the supreme tribunals, and all together

        how to cheat the king ; which the}’ know how to do

        with so much cunning and address, making use in their memorials

        of words and expressions sb soft, so honest, so respectful,

        so humble and full of adulation, and of reasons so plausible,

        that the deluded prince frecpiently takes the greatest falsehoods

        for solemn truths. So that the people, finding themselves continually

        oppressed and overwhelmed without any reason, murmur

        and raise seditions and revolts, which have caused so much

        ruin and so many changes in the Empirp^ Nevertheless, there

        is no reason that the excellency and perfection of the laws of

        China should suffer for the depravity and wickedness of the

        magistrates.”

        Magaillans resided in China nearly forty years, and his opinion

        may be considered on the whole as a fair judgment of the

        real condition of the people and the policy of their rulers.

        * A new nistory of China, containing a description of tJie most considerable

        particulars of that Empire, written by Gabriel Magaillans, of the Society oj

        Jesus, Missionary Apostolick. Done out of French. Loudou, 1G88, p. 249.

        474 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        “When one is living in the country itself, to hear the complaints

        of individuals against the extortion and cruelty of their rulers,

        and to read the reports of judicial murder, torture, and crime

        in the Pekimj Gazette^ are enough to cause one to wonder how

        such atrocities and oppressions are endured from year to year,

        and why the sufferers do not rise and throw aside the tyrannous

        power M’hich thus abuses them. But the people are generally

        conscious that their rulers are no better than themselves,

        and that they would really gain nothing by such a procedure,

        and their desire to maintahi as great a degree of peace as possil)

        le leads them to submit to many evils, which in western

        countries would soon be remedied or cause a revolution. In

        order to restrain the officers in their misrule. Section CCX. of the

        code ordains that ” If any officer of government, whose situation

        gives him power and control over the people, not only does

        not conciliate them by proper indulgence, but exercises his

        authority in a manner so inconsistent with the established laws

        and approved usages of the Empire, that the sentiments of the

        once loyal subjects being changed by his oppressive conduct,

        they assemble tunniltuously and openly rebel, and drive him at

        length from the capital city and seat of his government ; such

        jeer shall suffer death.”

        Ry the laws of China, every officer of the nine lanks must

        be previously qualified for duty by a degree; in the ninth are

        included village magistrates, deputy treasurers, jailers, etc., but

        the police, local interpreters, clerks, and other attendants on the

        courts are not considered as having any rank, and most of them

        are natives of the place where they are employed. The oidy

        degradation they can feel is to turn them out of their stations,

        but this is hardly a palliative of the evils the people suffer from

        thein ; the new leech is more thirsty than the old. The cause

        of many of the extortions the people suffer from their rulers is

        found in the system of purchasing office, at all times practised

        in one shape or other, but occasionally resorted to by the government.

        As the counterpart of this system, that of receiving

        bribes must be expected therefore to prevail, and l)eing in fact

        l)ractised by all grades of dignitaries, and sometimes even uplield

        by them as a ” necessary evil,” it adds still more to the

        EXTORTIONS PRACTISED BY MAGISTRATES. 475

        bad consequences lesulting fi-oni tliis mode of obtaining oflBce.

        Indeed, so far is tlie practice of “covering the eyes” carried in

        China, that the people seldom approach their rulers without a

        gift to mahe way for them.

        One mode taken hy the highest ranks to obtain money is to

        notify inferiors that there are certain days on M’hich presents

        are expected, and custom soon increases these as nnich as the

        case will admit. Subscriptions for objects of public charity or

        disbursements, such as an inundation, a bad harvest, bursting

        of dikes, and other similar things which the government must

        look after, are not uufrequently made a source of revenue to

        the incumbents by requiring nnich more than is needed ; those

        who subscribe are rewarded by an enqDty title, a peacock’s

        feather, or employment in some insignificant formality. The

        sale of titular rank is a source of revenue, but the government

        never attempts to subvert or interfere with the well-known

        channel of attaming office by literary merit, and it seldom confers

        much real power for money when unconnected with some

        degree of fitness. The security of its own position is not to be

        risked for the sake of an easy means of filling its exchequer,

        yet it is impossible to say how far the sale of office and title is

        carried. The censors inveigh against it, and the Emperor

        almost apologizes for resorting to it, but it is nevertheless constantly

        practised. The government stocks of this description

        were opened during the late rebellions and foreign wars, as the

        necessities of the case were a sufficient excuse for the disreputable

        practice. In 1SS5 the sons of two of the leading hongmerchants

        wei’e promoted, in consequence of their donations of

        $25,000 each to repair the ravages of an inundation ; subscribers

        to the amount of §;10,000 and upward were rewarded by an

        honorary title, whose only privilege is that it saves its possessor

        from a bambooing, it being the law that no one holding any

        office can be personally chastised.’/

        Besides the lower officers, the clerks in their employ and the

        police, who are often taken from the garrison soldiery, are the

        agents in the hands of the upper ranks to squeeze the people.

        ‘ Compare tlie Chinese Repository, Vol. XVIII., p. 207.

        476 TIIK .AIIDDLK KINGDOM.

        There are many clerks of vaiious duties and grades about all

        the offices who receive small salaries, and every application and

        petition to their sujDeriors, going through their hands, is attended

        by a bribe to pass them up. The military police and

        servants connected with the offices are not paid any regular

        salary, and their number is great. In the large districts, like

        those of Nanhai and Pwanyu, which compose the city of Canton

        and suburbs, it is said there are about a thousand unpaid

        police ; in the middle-sized ones l)etween tln*ee and four hundred,

        and in the smallest from one to two hundred. This

        number is increased by the domestics attending high officers as

        part of their suite, and by their old acquaintances, who make

        themselves known when there is any likelihood of being employed.

        Among other abuses mentioned by the censors is that

        of magistrates appointing their own creatures to fill vacancies

        until those nominated by his Majesty arrive ; like a poor man

        oppressing the poor, such officers are a sweeping rain. A

        similar abuse arises when country magistrates leave their posts

        to go to the provincial capital to dance attendance npon their

        superiors, and get nominated to a higher place or taken into

        their service as secretaries, because they will work for nothing

        the duties of their vacated offices are meantime nsually left undone,

        and underlings take advantage of their absence to make

        new exactions. The governor fills vacant offices with his own

        friends, and recommends them to his Majesty to be confirmed

        ;

        but this has little effect in consolidating a system of oppression

        from the constant changes going on. In fact, it is hard to say

        which feature of the Chinese polity is the least disastrous to

        good government, these constant changes which neutralize all

        sympathy with the people on the part of rulers, or on the

        other hand make it useless for seditious men to try to foment

        rebellion.

        The retinues of high provincial officers contain many dependents

        and expectant supermnneraries, all subservient to

        them ; among them arc the descendants of poor officers ; the

        sons of bankrupt merchants who once possessed influence

        ;

        dissipated, well bred, uiiscru]iulous men, who lend themselves

        to everything flagitious ; and lastly, fortune-seekei’s without

        AGENTS AND MODES OF OFFICIAL EXACTION. 477

        money, T)ut posscssinp; talents of good order to he used bv any

        one who will hire them. Such persons are not })ecnliar to

        China^ and their employment is guarded against in the code,

        but no law is more of a dead letter. (Officers of government,

        too, conscious of their delinquencies, and afraid their posts will

        soon be taken from them, of course endeavor to make the most

        of their opportunities, and by means of such persons, who are

        iisually well acquainted with the leading inhabitants of the

        district, harass and thi’eaten such as are likely to pay well for

        being left in quiet. It does them little or no good, however,

        for if they are not removed they must fee their superioi-s, and

        if they are punished for their misdeeds they are still more certain

        of losing their wicked exactions. /

        In the misappropriation of pul)lic funds, and peculation of all

        kinds in materials, government stores, rations, wages, and salaries,

        the Chinese officials are skilled experts, and are never surprised

        at any disclosures.

        Another common mode of plundering the people is for officers

        to collude with bands of thieves, and allow them to escape for a

        composition when arrested, or substitute other persons for the

        guilty party in case the real offenders are likely to be condemned.

        Sometimes these banditti are too strong even for an

        upright magistrate, and he is obliged to overlook what he cannot

        I’emedy ; for, however much he may wish to ari-est and

        bring them to justice, his policemen are too much afraid of

        their vengeance to venture nipon attacking them. An instance

        of this occurred near Canton in 1S39, when a boat, containing a

        clerk of the court and three or four police, came into the fleet

        of European opium-ships to hunt for some desperate opium

        smugglers Avho had taken refuge there. The fellows, hearing

        of the arrival of the boat, came in the night, and surrounding

        it took out the crew, bound their pursuers, and burned them

        alive with the boat in sight of the whole fleet, to whom the

        desperadoes looked for protection against their justly incensed

        countrymen.

        A censor in 1819, complaining of flagrant neglect in the administration of justice in Cliihli, says : ” Among the magistrates are many who, without fear or shame, connive at robbery and deceit. Formerly, horse-stealers were wont to conceal themselves in some secret place, but now they openly bring their plunder to market for sale. “When they perceive a person to be weak, they arc in the habit of stealing his property and returning it to him for money, while the officers, on hearing it, treat it as a trivial matter, and blame the sufferer for not being more cautious. Thieves are apprehended with warrants on them, showing that when they were sent out to arrest

        thieves they availed of the opportunity to steal for themselves.

        And at a village near the imperial residence are very many

        plunderers concealed, M’ho go out by night in companies of

        twenty or thirt}- persons, carrying weapons with them ; they

        frequently call up the inhabitants, break open the doors, and

        having satisfied themselves with what food and wine they can

        obtain, they threaten and extort money, Avhich if they cannot

        procure they seize their clothes, ornaments, or cattle, and depart.

        They also frequently go to shops, and having broken

        open the shutters impudently demand money, which if they do

        not get they set fire to the shop with the torches in their

        hands. If the master of the house lay hold on a few of them

        and sends them to the magistrate, he merely imprisons and

        beats them, and ‘ before half a month allows them to run

        away.” ‘

        The impaid retainers about the ycnmins a^e very numerous,

        and are more di-eaded than the police ; one censor says they are

        looked upon by the people as tigers and wolves ; he effected

        the discharge of nearly twenty-four thousand of them in the

        province of Cliihli alone. They are usually continued in their

        places by the head magistrate, who, wheii he arrives, being

        ignorant of the characters of those he must employ, re-engages

        such as are likely to serve. In cases of serious accusation the

        clei-ks frequently subpoena all who are likel}^ to be implicated,

        and demand a fee for liberating them when their innocence is

        shown. These myrmidons still fear the anger of their superiors

        and a recoil of the people so far as to endeavor to save

        appeai-ances by hushing up the matter, and liberating those

        ‘ Chinese licposituryy Vol. IV., p. 218.

        VENALITY OF THE POLICE AND CLERKS. 479

        unjustly cappreliended, with great protestations of conipassion.

        It may be added that, as life is not lightly taken, thieves are

        careful not to murder or maltreat their victims dangerously,

        nor do the magistrates venture to take life outright by torture,

        though their cruelties frequently result in death by neglect or

        starvation. Money and goods are what both policemen and

        officials want, not blood and rcA^enge. Parties at strife with

        each other frequently resort to legal inq^lication to gratify their

        ill-will, and take a pitiful revenge by egging on the police to

        pillage and vex their enemy, though they themselves profit nowise

        thereby.

        The evils resulting from a half-paid and venal magistracy are

        dreadful, and the prospects of their removal very slight. The

        governor of Chihli, in 1829, memorialized the Emperor upon

        the state of the police, and pointed out a remedy for many

        abuses, one of which was to pay them fair salaries out^ of the

        public treasury ; but it is plain that this remedy must begin

        with the monarch, for until an officer is released from sopping

        his superior he will not cease exacting from his inferiors. Experience has shown the authorities liow f^r it can safely be carried; while many officers, seeing how useless it is to irritate the people, so far as ultimately enriching themselves is concerned, endeavor to restrain their policemen. One governor issued an edict, stating that none of his domestics were allowed to browbeat shopmen, and thus get goods or eatables below the market price, and permitted the seller to collar and bring them to him

        for punishment when they did so. When an officer of high

        rank, as a governor, treasurer, etc., takes the seals of his post, he

        ofttimes issues a proclamation, exhorting the subordinate ranks

        to do as he means to do—” to look up and embody the kindness

        of the high Emperor,” and attend to the faithful discharge of

        their duties. The lower officers, in their turn, join in the cry,

        and a series of proclamations, by turns hortative and mandatory,

        are echoed from mastiff, spaniel, and poodle, until the cry ends

        upon the police. Thus the prefect of Canton says : ” There are

        hard-hearted soldiers and gnawing lictors who post themselves

        at ferries or markets, or rove about the streets, to extort money

        under various pretexts ; or, being intoxicated, they disturb and annoy the people in a hundred ways. Since I came into office iicre I have repeatedly commanded the inferior magistrates to act faithfully and seize such persons, but the depraved spirit still continues.”

        A censor, speaking of the police, says : ” They no sooner get a warrant to bring up witnesses than they assail both plaintiff and defendant for money to pay their expenses, from the amount of ten taels to several scoi’es. Then the clei’ks must have double what the runners get; if their demands be not satisfied they contrive every species of annoyance. Then, again, if there are people of property in the neighborhood, they will implicate them. They plot also with pettifogging lawyers to get np accusations against people, and threaten and frighten them out of their money.” ‘

        One natural consequence of such a state of society and such

        a perve/sion of justice is to render the people afraid of all contact

        with the officers of government and exceedingly selfish in

        all their intercourse, though the latter trait needs no particular

        training to develop it in any heathen comitry. It also tends to

        an inhuman disregard of the life of others, and chills every emotion

        of kindness which might otherwise arise ; for by making a

        man responsible for the acts of his neighbors, or by involving a whole village in the crimes of an individual, all sense of justice is violated. The terror of being iinplieatcd in any evil that takes place sometimes prevents the people from cpienching fires until the superior authorities be first informed, and from relieving the distressed until it is often too late. Hence, too, it not unfrequently happens that a man who has had the ill fortune to be stabbed to death in the street, or who falls down from disease and dies, remains on the spot till the putrescence obliges the neighbors, for their own safety, to remove the corpse. A dead body floating down the river and washing ashore is likely to remain

        on the banks until it again drifts away or the authorities

        get it buried, for no unofficial person would voluntarily run the

        risk of being seen interring it. One censor reports that when

        he asked the people why they did not remove the loathsome ob-

        ‘ Compare Doolittle, Socidl Life of the CJit’nene, Vol. I., p. 330.

        EFFECT OF IMUTUAL llESPONSIBILITY. 481

        ject, tliej said: “Wo always let the bodies be either buried in

        the bellies of fishes or devoured by the dogs ; for if we inform

        the magistrates they are sure to make the owner of the ground

        buy a coffin, and the clerks and assistants distress us in a hundred

        ways/’ The usual end of these memorials and remonstrances is that the police are ordered to behave better, the clerks commanded to abstain from implicating innocent people and retarding the course of justice, and their masters, the magistrates, threatened with the Emperor’s displeasure in ease the grievance is not remedied : after which all goes on as before, and will go on as long as both rulers and ruled are what they are.

        (The working out of the principle of responsibility accounts for many things in Chinese society and jurisprudence that otherwise appear completely at variance with even common humanity.

        It makes an officer careless of his duties if he can shift the responsibility of failure upon his inferiors, who, at the same time,

        he knows can never execute his orders; it renders the people

        dead to the impulses of relationship, lest they become involved

        in what they cannot possibly control and hardly know at the

        time of its commission. Mr. Lindsay states that when he was

        at Tsungming in 18r>2 the officers were very urgent that he

        should go out of the river, and in order to show him the effect

        of his non-compliance upon others a degraded subaltern was

        paraded in his sight. ” His cap with its gold button was borne

        before him, and he nuirched about blindfolded in procession between

        two executioners, with a small flag on a bamboo pierced

        through each ear. Uefore him was a placard with the inscription,

        ‘ By orders of the general of Su and Sung : for a breach

        of militaiy discipline, his ears are pierced as a warning to the

        multitude.’ Ilis offence was having allowed our boat to pass

        the fort without reporting it.’^

        During the first war with England, fear of punishment induced many of the subordinates to commit suicide when unable to execute their orders, and the same motive impelled their superiors to avoid the wrath of the Emperor in like fashion.

        The Hong-merchants and linguists at Canton, during the old regime, were constantly liable, from the operation of this principle, to exactions and punishments for the acts of their foreign customers. One of them, Sunsliing, was put in prison and ruined because Lord Napier came to Canton from Whampoa in the boat of a ship which the unhappy merchant had ” secured” several weeks before, and the hnguist and pilot were banished for allowing what they could not possibly have hindered even if they had known it.

        Having examined in this general manner the various grades

        of official rank, we come to the people ; and a close view will

        show that this great mass of human l)eings exhibits many equally

        objectionable traits, while oppression, want, clannish rivalry,

        and brigandage combine to keep it in a constant state of turmoil.

        The subdivisions into tithings and hundreds are better

        observed in rural districts than in cities, and the headmen of

        those communities, in their individual and collective character,

        possess great influence, from the fact that they represent the

        popular feeling. In all parts of the country this popular organization

        is found in some shape or other, though, as if everything

        was somehow perverted, it not unfrequently is an instrument of

        greater oppression than defence. The division of the people

        into clans is far more marked in the southern provinces than in

        those lying north of the Yangtsz’, and has had a depressing

        effect upon their good government. It resembles in general the

        arrangement of the Scottish clans, as do the evils arising from

        their dissensions and feuds those which histoiy records as excited

        among the Highlanders by the i-ivalry between Campbells

        and Macgregors.

        ‘ H«eren, Asiatic Nations, Vol. II., p. 259. Raffles, Java, Vol. II. App.Biot, Vlmtructioii publique, pp. 59, 200.

        VILLAGE ELDERS. 483

        The eldership of villages has no necessary connection with the clans, for the latter are unacknowledged by the government, but the clan having the majority in a village generally selects the elders from among their number. This system is of very ancient date; its elementary details are given in the Chau-l’i, one of the oldest works extant in China ; Ileeren furnishes the same details for India and Kaffles for Java, reaching back in their duration to remote antiquity.’ In the vicinity of Canton the elder

        is elected by a sort of town meeting, and holds his office during

        good behavior, receives such a salary as his fellow villagers give

        him, and may be removed to make way for another whenever

        the principal persons in the village are displeased with his conduct.

        His duties are limited to the supervision of the police

        and general oversight of what is done in the village, and to be a

        sort of agent or spokesman between the villagers and higher authorities; the duties, the power, and the rank of these officers

        vary almost indeiinitel}’. The preponderance of one clan prevents

        much strife in the selection of the elder, but the degree of

        power reposed in his hand is so small that there is probably little

        competition to obtain the dignity. A village police is maintained

        by the inhabitants, under the authority of the elder ; the village

        of Whampoa, for instance, containing about eight thousand inhabitants, pays the elder $300 salary, and employs fourteen

        watchmen. His duties further consist in deciding upon the

        petty questions arising between the villagers and visiting the

        delinquents with chastisement, enforcing such regulations as are

        deemed necessary regarding festivals, markets, tanks, streets,

        collection of taxes, etc. The system of surveillance is, howevei-,

        kept up by the superior officers, who appoint excise officers, grain

        agents, tide-waiters, or some other subordinate, as the case may

        require, to exercise a general oversight of the headmen.

        The district magistrate, with the s’mnkien and their deputies

        over the hundred, are the officers to whom appeals are carried

        from the headmen ; they also receive the reports of the elders

        respecting suspicious characters within their limits, or other

        matters which they deem worthy of reference or remonstrance.

        A similarity of interests leads the headmen of many villages

        to meet together at times in a public hall for secret consultation

        upon important matters, and their united resolutions are

        generally acted upon by themselves or by the magistrates, as

        the case may be. This system of eldership, and the influential

        position the headmen occupy, is an important safeguard the

        people possess against the extremity of oppressive extortion; while, too, it upholds the government in strengthening the loyalty

        of those who feel that the only security they possess against

        theft, and loss of all things from their seditious countrymen, is to uphold the institutions of the land, and that to suffer the evils of a bad magistracy is less dreadful than the horrors of a lawless brigandage.

        The customs and laws of clanship perpetuate a sad state of

        society, and render districts and villages, otherwise peaceful, the

        scenes of unceasing tm-moil and trouble. There are only about

        four hundred clans in the whole of China, but inasmuch as all

        of the same surname do not live in the same place, the separation

        of a clan answers the same purpose as multiplying it. Clannish

        feelings and feuds are very much stronger in Kwangtung

        and Fuhkien than in other provinces. As an instance which

        may be mentioned, the Gazette contains the petition of a man

        from Chauchau fu, in Kwangtung, relating to a quarrel, stating

        that “four years before, his kindred having refused to assist

        two other clans in their feuds, had during that period suffered

        most shocking cruelties. Ten jiersons had been killed, and

        twenty men and women, taken captives, had had their eyes dug

        out, their ears cut off, their feet maimed, and so rendered useless

        for life. Thirty houses Avere laid in ruins and three hundred

        acres of land seized, ten thousand taels plundered, ancestral

        temples thrown down, graves dug up, dikes destroyed, and water

        cut off from the fields. The governor had oifered a reward of

        a thousand taels to any one who would apprehend these persons,

        but for the ten murders no one had been executed, for the

        police dare not seize the offenders, whose nmnbers have largely

        increased, and M’ho set the laws at defiance.” This region is

        notorious for the turbulence of its inhal)itants ; it adjoins the

        province of Fuhkien, and the people, known at Canton as Ilolio,

        emigrate in large immbers to the Indian Archipelago or to other

        provinces. The later Gazettes contain still more dreadful accounts

        of the contests of the clans, and the great loss of life and

        property resulting from their forays, no less than one hundred

        and twenty villages having been attacked, and thousands of

        people killed. These battles are constantly occurring, and the

        authorities, feeling themselves too weak to put them down, are

        ()l)]iged to comiive at them and let the clans fight it out.

        Ill will is kept up between the clans, and private revenges

        gratified, by every personal annoyance that malice can suggest

        SOCIAL EVILS OF CLANSHIP. 485

        or opportniiity tempt. If an unfortunate individual of one clan

        is met alone by his enemy, he is sure to be robbed or beaten, or

        botli ; the boats or the houses of each party are plimdered or

        burned, and legal redress is almost impossible. Graves are defaced

        and tombstones injured, and on the annual visit to the

        family sepulchre perhaps a putrid corpse is met, placed there

        by the hostile clan ; this insult arouses all their ire, and they

        vow deadly revenge. The villagers sally out with such arms as

        they possess, and death and wounds are almost sure to result

        before they separate. In Shunteh (a district between Canton

        and Macao) upward of a thousand men engaged with spears

        and iirearms on one of these occasions, and thirty-six lives were

        lost ; the military were called in to quell the riot. In Tungkwan

        district, southeast of Canton, thirty-six ringleaders w^ere

        apprehended, and in 1S31 it was reported that four hundred

        persons had been killed in these raids ; only twenty-seven of

        their kindred appealed to government for redress.

        When complaint is made to the prefect or governor, and investigation becomes inevitable, the villagers have a provision to meet the exigencies of the case, which puts the burden of the charges as equally as possible upon the whole clan. A band of ”devoted men ” are found —persons who volunteer to assume such crimes and run their chance for life—whose names are kept on a list, and they come forward and surrender themselves to government as the guilty persons. On the trial their friends employ witnesses to prove it a justifiable homicide, and magnify the provocation, and if tliei-e are several brought on the stand

        at once they try to get some of them clear by proving an alibi.

        It not unfrequently happens that the accused are acquitted—

        seldom that they are executed ; transportation or a fine is the

        usual result. The inducement for persons to run this risk of

        their lives is security from the clan of a maintenance for their

        families in case of death, and a reward, sometimes as high as

        $300, in land or money when they return. This sum is raised

        by taxing the clan or village, and the imposition falls heavily

        on the poorer portion of it, who can neither avoid nor easily

        pay it. This sj-stem of substitution pervades all parts of society,

        and for all misdemeanors. A person was strangled in Macau in 183S for having been engaged in the opium trade, who had

        been hired bj the real criminal to answer to liis name. Another

        mode of escape, sometimes tried in sucli cases when the

        person has been condemned, is to bribe the jailers to report him

        dead and carry out his body in a cotiin ; but this device probably

        does not often answer the end, as the turnkeys require a

        larger bribe than can be raised. There can be little doubt of the

        prevalence of the j)ractice, and for crimes of even minor penalty.

        To increase the social CN^ils of clanship and systematized

        thieving, local tyrants occasionally spring up, persons who rob

        and maltreat the villagers by means of their armed, retainers,

        who are in most cases, doubtless, members of the same clan.

        One of these tyrants, named Yc/i, or Leaf, became quite notorious

        in the district of Tungkwan in 1833, setting at defiance

        all the power of the local authorities, and sending out his men

        to plunder and ravage whoever resisted his demands, destroying

        their graves and grain, and particularly molesting those who

        would not deliver np their wives or daughters to gratify him.

        lie was arrested through craft by the district magistrate at

        Canton leaving his office and inducing him, for old acquaintance

        sake, to return with him to the provincial city ; he was there

        tried and executed by the governor, although it was at the time

        reported that the Board of Punishments endeavored to save his

        life because he had been in office at the capital. In order that

        no attempt should be made to rescue him, he was left in ignorance

        of his sentence until he was put into the sedan to be carried

        to execution.

        Clannish banditti often supply themselves with firearms, and prowling the countiy to revenge themselves on their enemies, soon proceed to pillage every one; in disarming them the government is sometimes obliged to resort to contemptible subterfuges, which conspicuously show its weakness and encourage a repetition of the evil. Parties of tramps, called /lakka, or ‘guests,’

        roam over Ivwangtung provinc^e, s(juatting on vacant places

        along the shores, away from the villages, and forming small

        clannish communities ; as soon as they increase, occupying more

        and more of the land, they l)egin to commit petty depredations

        upon the crops of the inhabitants, and demand money for the

        BANDITTI AND TRAMPS, 487

        privilege of burying upon the unoccupied ground around tliem.

        The government is generally unwilling to drive them ofP bv

        force, because there is the alternative of making them robbers

        thereby, and they are invited to settle in other waste lands,

        which they can have free of taxation, and leave those they have

        cultivated if strictly private property. This practice shows the

        populousness of the country in a conspicuous manner. To these

        evils nnist be also added the large bodies of floating l)anditti or

        dakoits, who rove up and down all the watercourses ” like

        sneaking rats ” and pounce upon defenceless boats. Hardly a

        river or estuary in the land is free from these miscreants, and

        lives and property are annually destroyed by them to a very

        great amount, especially on the Yangtsz’, the Pearl Iviver, and

        other great thoroughfares.

        The popular associations in cities and towns are chiefly based

        upon a community of interests, resulting either from a similarity

        of occupation, wdien the leading persons of the same calling

        form themselves into guilds, or from the municipal regulations

        requiring the householders living in the same street to unite to

        maintain a police and keep the peace of their division. Each

        guild has an assembly-hall, where its members meet to hold the

        festival of their patron saint, to collect and appropriate the subscriptions of the members and settle the rent or storage on the

        rooms and goods in the hall, to discuss all public matters as well

        as the good cheer they get on such occasions, and to confer with

        other guilds. The members often go to a great expense in

        emulating each other in their processions, and some rivalry

        exists regarding their rights, over which the government keeps

        a watchful eye, for all popular assemblies are its horror. The

        shopkeepers and householders in the same street are required to

        have a headman to superintend the police, watchmen, and beggars

        within his limits. The rulers are sometimes thwarted in

        their designs by both these forms of popular assemblies, and they

        no doubt tend in many ways to keep up a degree of independence

        and of nmtual acquaintance, which compels the respect of

        the government. The governor of Canton in 1838 endeavored

        to search all the shops in a particular street, to ascertain if there

        Was opium in them ; but the shopmen came in a body at the iiead of the street, and told the policemen that they would on no account permit their shops to be searched. The governor deemed it best to retire. Those who will not join or agree to what the majority orders in these bodies occasionally experience petty tyranny, but in a city this must be comparatively trilling.

        Several of the leading men in the city are known to hold meetings

        for consultation in still more popular assemblies for different

        reasons of a public and pressing nature. There is a building

        at Canton called the Mhuj-lun Tang^ or ” Free Discussion

        Hall,” where political matters are discussed under the knowledge

        of government, which rather tries to mould than put them

        down, for the assistance of such bodies, rightly managed, in

        carrying out their intentions, is considerable, while discontent

        would be roused if they were forcibly suppressed. In October,

        1842, meetings were held in this hall, at one of which a public

        manifesto was issued, here quoted entire as a specimen of the

        public appeals of Chinese politicians and orators: “We have been reverently consulting upon the Empire— a vast and undivided whole ! How can Yfi^ permit it to be severed in order to give it to others ‘? Yet we, the rustic people, can learn to practice a rude loyalty; we too know to destroy the banditti, and thus requite his Majesty. Our Great Pure dynasty has cared for this country for more than two hundred years, during which a succession of distinguished monarchs, sage succeeding sage, has reigned ; and we who eat the herb of the field, and tread the soil, have for ages drank in the dew of imperial goodness, and been imbued with its benevolence. The people in wilds far remote beyond our influence have also felt this goodness, comparable to the heavens for height, and been upheld by this bounty, like the earth for thickness. Wherefore peace being now settled in the country, ships of all lands come, distant though they be from this for many a myriad of miles ; and of all the foreigners on the south and west there is not one but what enjoys the highest peace and contentment, and entertains the profoundest respect and submission.

        ” But there is that English nation, whose ruler is now a woman and then a man, its people at one time like birds and then like beasts, with dispositions more fierce and furious than the tiger or wolf, and hearts more greedy than the snake or hog—this people has ever stealthily devoured all the southern barbarians, and like the demon of the night llicy now suddenly exalt themselves.

        MANIFESTO ISSUI^-O AGAINST THE ENGLISH. 489

        During the reigns of Kienlung and Kiaking these English barbarians humlily besought entrance and permission to make a present ; they also presumptuously reijuested to have Chusan, but those divine personages, clearly perceiving their traitorous designs, gave them a peremptory refusal. From that time* linking themselves in with traitorous traders, they have privilj dwelt at Macao, trading largely in opium and poisoning our brave people.

        They have ruined lives— how many millions none can tell ; and wasted property—how many thousands of millions who can guess! They have dared again and again to murder Chinese, and have secreted the murderers, whom they have refused to deliver up, at which the hearts of all men grieved and their heads ached. Thus it has been that for many years past the English, by their privily watching for opportunities in the country, have gradually brought things to the present crisis.

        “In 1888, our great Emperor having fully learned all the crimes of the

        English and the poisonous effects of opium, (quickly wished to restore the

        good condition of the country and compassionate the people. In consequence

        of the memorial of Hwang Tsioh-sz’, and in accordance to his request, he

        specially deputed the public-minded, upright, and clear-headed minister, Lin

        Tseh-sii, to act as his imperial commissioner with pleniijotentiary powers, and

        go to Canton to examine and regulate. He came and took all the storedup

        opium and stopped the trade, in order to cleanse the stream and cut

        off the fountain ; kindness was mixed with his severity, and virtue was

        evident in his laws, yet still the English repented not of their errors, and

        as the climax of their contumacy called troops to their aid. The censor

        Hwang, by advising peace, threw down the barriers, and bands of audacious

        robbers willingly did all kinds of disreputable and villainous deeds. During

        the past three years these rebels, depending upon their stout ships and effective

        cannon, from Canton went to Fuhkien, thence to Chehkiang and on

        to Kiangsu, seizing our territory, destroying our civil and military authorities,

        ravishing our women, capturing our property, and bringing upon the inhabitants

        of these four provinces intolerable miseries. His Imperial Majesty was

        troubled and afflicted, and this added to his grief and anxiety. If you wish

        to purify their crimes, all the fuel in the Empire will not suffice, nor would

        the vast ocean be enough to wash out our resentment. Gods and men are

        alike filled with indignation, and Heaven and Earth cannot permit them to remain.

        “Recently, those who have had the management of affairs in Kiangnan have been imitating those who were in Canton, and at the gates of the city they have willingly made an agreement, peeling oH the fat of the people to the tune of .hundreds of myriads, and all to save the precious lives of one or two useless officers ; in doing which they have exactly verified what Chancellor Kin Ying-lin had before memorialized. Now these English rebels are barbarians dwelling in a petty island beyond our domains ; yet their coming throws myriads of miles of country into turmoil, while their numbers do not exceed a few myriads. What can be easier than for our celestial dynasty to exert its fulness of power and exterminate these contemptible sea-going imps, just as the blast bends the pliant bamboo? But our highest officers and ministers cherish their precious lives, and civil and military men both dread a dog as they would a tiger ; regardless of the enemies of their country or the griefs of the people, they have actually sundered the Empire and granted its wealth ; acts more flagitious these than those of the traitors in the days of the Southern Sung dynasty, and the reasons for which are wholly beyond out comprehension. These English barbarians are at bottom without ability, and yet we have all along seen in the memorials that officers exalt and dilate upon their prowess and obstinacy ; our people are courageous and enthusiastic, but the officers on the contrary say that they are dispirited and scattered : this is for no other reason than to coerce our prince to make peace, and then they will luckily avoid the penalty due for ‘ deceiving the prince and betraying the country.’ Do you doubt ? Then look at the memorial of Chancellor Kin Ying-lin, which says : ‘ They take the occasion of war to seek for self-aggrandizement ;’ every word of which directly points at such conduct as this.

        “We have recently read in his Majesty’s lucid mandate that ‘There is no other way, and what is requested must be granted ; ‘ and that ‘ We have cou’ferred extraordinary powers upon the ministers, and they have done nothing but deceive us.’ Looking up we perceive his Majesty’s clear discrimination and divine perception, and that he was fully aware of the imbecility of his ministers ; he remembers too the loyal anger of his people. He has accordingly now temporarily settled all the present difficulties, but it is that, having matured his plans, he may hereafter manifest his indignation, and show to the Empire that it had not fathomed the divine awe-inspiring counsels.

        ” The dispositions of these rebellious English are like that of Hlie dog or sheep, whose desires can never be satisfied ; and therefore we need not inquire whether the peace now made be real or pretended. Remember that when they last year made disturbance at Canton they seized the Square fort, and thereupon exhibited their audacity, everywhere plundering and ravishing.

        MANIFESTO ISSUED AGAINST THE ENGLISH. 491

        If it had not been that the patriotic inhabitants dwelling in Hwaitsing and other hamlets, and those in Shingping, had not killed their leader and destroyed their devilish soldiers, they would have scrupled at nothing, taking and pillaging the city, and then firing it in order to gratify their vengeance and greediness : can we imagine that for the paltry sum of six millions of dollars they would, as they did, have raised the siege and retired ‘i How to be regretted ! That when the fish was in the frying-pan, the Kwangchau fu should come and pull away the firewood, let loose the tiger to return to the mountains, and disarm the people’s indignation. Letting the enemy thus escape on one occasion has successively brought misery upon many provinces: whenever we speak of it, it wounds the heart and causes the tears to fiow.

        ” Last year, when the treaty of peace was made, it was agreed that the English should withdraw from lieyond Lankeet, that they should give back the forts near there and dwell temporarily at Hongkong, and that thenceforth all military operations were forever to cease. Who would have supposed that before the time stipulated had passed away they would have turned their backs upon this agreement, taken violent possession of the forts at the Bogue with their ‘ wooden dragons ‘ [i.e. , ships of war]—and when they came upon the gates of the City of Rams with their powerful forces, who was there to oppose them ? During these three years we have not been able to restore things as at first, and their deceptive craftiness, then confined to these regions, has rapidly extended itself to Kiangnan. But our high and mighty Emperor, preeminently intelligent and discerning [lit. grasping the golden mirror and holding the gemmeous balances], consents to demean himself to adopt soothing counsels of peace, and therefore submissively accords with the decrees of Heaven. Having a suspicion that these outlandish people intended to encroach upon us, he has secretly arranged all things. We have respectfully read through all his Majesty’s mandates, and they are as clear-sighted as the sun and moon ; but those who now manage affairs are like one who, supposing the raging fire to be under, puts himself as much at ease as swallows in a court, but who, if the calamity suddenly reappears, would be as defenceless as a grampus in a fish-market. The law adjudges the penalty of death for betraying the country, but how can even death atone for their crimes V Those persons who have been handed down to succeeding ages with honor, and those whose memories have been execrated, are but little apart on the page of righteous history ; let our rulers but remember this, and we think they also must exert themselves to recover their characters. We people have had our day in times of great peace, and this age is one of abundant prosperity ; scholars are devising how to recompense the kindness of the government, nor can husbandmen think of forgetting his Majesty’s exertions for them. Our indignation svas early excited to join battle with the enemy, and we then all urged one another to the firmest loyalty.

        “We have heard the English intend to come into Pearl River and make a

        settlement ; this will not, however, stop at Chinese and foreigners merely

        dwelling together, for men and beasts cannot endure each other ; it will be

        like opening the door and bowing in the thief, or setting the gate ajar and

        letting the wolf in. While they were kept outside there were many traitors

        within ; how much more, when they encroach even to our bedsides, will our

        troubles be augmented ? We cannot help fearing it will eventuate in something

        strange, which words will be insi;flicient to express. If the rulers of

        other states wish to imitate the English, with what can their demands be

        waived V Consequently, the unreasonable demands of the English are going

        to bring great calamity upon the people and deep sorrow to the country. If

        we do not permit them to dwell with us under the same heaven, our spirits

        will feel no shame ; but if we willingly consent to live with them, we may in truth be deemed insensate.

        ” We have reverently read in the imperial mandate, ‘There must indeed be some persons among the people of extraordinary wisdom or bravery, who can stir them up to loyalty and patriotism or unite them in self-defence ; some who can assist the government and army to recover the cities, or else defend passes of importance against the robbers ; some who can attack and burn their vessels, or seize and bring the heads of their doltish leaders ; or else some with divine presence and wisdom, who can disclose all their silly counsels and get to themselves a name of surpassing merit and ability and receive the highest rewards. We can confer,’ etc., etc. We, the people, having received the imperial words, have united ourselves together as troops, and practise the plan of joining hamlets and villages till we have upward of a million of troops, whom we have provisioned according to the scale of estimating the produce of respective farms; and now we are fully ready and quite at ease as to the result. If nothing calls us, then each one will return to his own occupation ; but if the summons come, juiuiug our strength iu force we will incite each other to e.7ort ; our brave sons and brothers are all animated to deeds of arms, and even our wives and daughters, finical and delicate as jewels, have learned to discourse of arms. At first, alas, those who guarded the passes were at ease and careless, and the robbers came unbidden and undesired; but now [if they come], we have only zealously to appoint each other to stations, and suppress the rising of the waves to the stillest calm [i.e., to exterminate them]. When the golden pool is fully restored to peace, and his Majesty’s anxiety for the south relieved; when the leviathan has been driven away, then will our anger, comparable to the broad ocean and high heavens, be pacified.

        ” Ah ! We here bind ourselves to vengeance, and express these our sincere intentions in order to exhibit great principles ; and also to manifest Heaven’s retribution and rejoice men’s hearts, we now issue this patriotic declaration. The high gods clearly behold : do not lose your first resolution.” ‘

        This spirited paper was subsequently answered Ly the party desirous of peace, but the anti-English feeling prevailed, and the committee appointed by the meeting set the English consulate on fire a few days after, to prevent it being occupied.

        There were many reasons at the time for this dislike; its further exhibition, however, ended with this attack, and has now pretty much died out with the rising of a new generation. The many secret as.^ociations existing among the people are mostly of a political character, but have creeds like religious sects, and differ slightly in their tenets and objects of worship.

        ‘ ChineHe Ilejwsitory, Vol. XI., p. 0:50.

        POPULAR SECRET ASSOCIATIONS. 493

        They are traceable to the system of clans, which giving the people at once the habit and spirit for associations, are easily made use of by clever men for their own purposes of opposition to government. Similar grievances, as local oppression, hatred of the Manchus, or hope of advantage, add to their mimbersand strength, and were they founded on a full acquaintance with the grounds of a just resistance to despotism, they would soon overturn the government ; but as out of an adder’s egg only a cockatrice can be hatched, so until the people are enlightened with regard to their just rights, no ]”)cnnanent melioration can be expected. It is against that leading feature in the ]\[anchu policy, isolation^ that these societies sin, which further prompts to systematic efforts to suppress them. The only objection the supreme government seems to have against the religion of the people is that it brings them together ; they may be Buddhists, nationalists, Jews, J\rohammedans, or Christians, apparently, if they will worship in secret and apart. On the other hand, the people naturally connect some religious rites with their opposition and cabals in order to more securely bind their members together.

        The name of the most powerful of these associations is mentioned in Section CLXII. of the code for the purpose of interdicting it ; since then it has apparently changed its designation from the Pih-Uen l-kio, or ‘AVater-lily sect,’ to the Tien-ti hioui or Siui-hoh /itnii, i.e., ^ Triad society,’ though both names still exist, the former in the northern, the latter in the maritime provinces and Indian Archipelago; their ramifications take also other appellations. The object of these combinations is to overturn the reigning dynasty, and in putting this prominently forward they engage many to join them. About the beginning of the century a wide-spread rebellion broke out in the northwestern and middle provinces, which was put down after eight years’ war, attended with desolation and bloodshed ; since that time the AYater-lily sect has not been so often spoken of. The Triad society has extended itself along the coasts, but it is not popular, owing more than anything else to its illegality, and the intimidation and oppression employed toward those who will not join it. The members have secret regulations and signs, and uphold and assist each other both i)i good and bad acts, but, as might be inferred from their character, screening evil doers from just punishment oftener than relieving distressed members. The original designs of the association may have been good, but what was allowable in them soon degenerated into a systematic plan for plunder and aim at power.

        The government of Hongkong enacted in 1845 that any Chinese living in that colony who was ascertained to belong to the Triad society should be declared guilty of felony, be imprisoned for three 3’ears, and after branding expelled the colony. These associations, if they cause the government much trouble by interfering with its operations, in no little degree, through the overbearing conduct of the leaders, uphold it by showing the people what may be expected if they should ever get the upper hand.’

        The evils of lual-adiniiiistratiou are to be learned chiefly

        from the memorials of censors, and although they may color

        their statements a little, very gross inaccuracies would be used

        to their own disadvantage, and contradicted by so many competitors,

        that most of their statements may be regarded as having

        some foundation. An unknown person in Kwangtung memorialized

        the Emperor in 1838 concerning the condition of that

        province, and drew a picture of the extortions of the lower

        agents of government that needs no illustrations to deepen its

        darkness or add force to its complaints. An extract from each

        of the six heads into which the memorial is divided will indicate

        the principal sources of popular insurrection in China,

        besides the exhibition they give of the tyranny of the officers.

        In his preface, after the usual laudation of the beneficence

        and popularity of the monarch, the memorialist proceeds to express

        his regret that the imperial desires for the welfare of his

        subjects should be so grievously thwarted by the villany of his

        officers. After mentioning the calamities which had visited the

        province in the shape of freshets, insurrections, and conflagrations,

        he says that affairs generall}’ had become so bad as to

        compel his Majesty to send connnissioners to Canton repeatedly

        in order to regulate them. ” If such as this be indeed the state

        of things,” he inquires, ” what wonder is it if habits of plunder

        characterize the people, or the clerks and under officers of the

        public courts, as well as village pettifoggers, lay themselves out

        on all occasions to stir up quarrels and instigate false accusations

        against the good?” He reconnnends reform in six departments,

        under each of which he thus specities the evils to beremedied: “‘

        Compare Dr. Milne, in Transnctions R. A. S. of Gr. Brit, and Irel., Vol.I., p. 240 (182.”)). Journal of the R. A. R, Vol. I., p. 9;}, and Vol. VI., p.120. Chinese Repository, Vol. .XVIII., pp. 280-295. A. Wylie, in the Shttncjhiti Almtinacfor ISrA. Notes and Queries on C and ,/., Vol. III., p. M. T. T. Meadows, The Chinese and their Rebellions, London, 1850. Gustave Schlegel, Thian Ti Ilitui, the JIunfj-Jjeague or JTeaven-Earth-League. A Secrel Society with the Chinese in China and India, Hatavia, lS(i().

        MEMORIAL UPON OFFICIAL OPPRESSION. 495

        First.—(In the department of police there is great negligence

        and delay in the decision of judicial cases. Cases of plunder

        are very common, most of which are committed hy banditti

        under the designations of Triad societies, Heaven and Earth

        brotherhoods, etc. These men carry off persons to extort a

        ransom, falsely assume the character of policemen, and in sinuilated

        revenue cutters pass up and down the rivers, plundei’iiig

        the boats of travellers and forcibly carrying off the women.

        Husbandmen are obliged to pay these robbers an ” indemnity,”

        or else as soon as the crops are ripe they come and carry off

        the M’hole harvest. In the precincts of the metropolis, where

        their contiguity to the tribunals prevents their committing depredations

        in open day, they set tire to houses during the night,

        and under the pretence of saving and defending the persons and

        property carry off both of them; hence, of late years, calamitous

        fires have increased in frequency, and the bands of robbers

        multiplied greatly. In cases of altercations among the villagers,

        who can only use their local patois, it rests entirely with the

        clerks to interpret the evidence ; and when the magistrate is lax

        or pressed with business, they have the evidence pre-arranged

        and join with bullies and strife-makers to subvert right and

        wrong, fattening themselves upon bribes extorted under the

        names of ” memoranda of complaints,” ” purchases of replies,”

        etc., and retarding indefinitely the decision of cases. They also

        instigate thieves to bring false accusations against the good, who

        are thereby ruined by legal expenses. While the officers of the

        government and the people are thus separated, how can it be

        otherwise than that appeals to the higher tribunals should be

        increased aiid litigation and strife prevail ?

        Second.—Magistrates overrate the taxes with a view to a deduction for their own benefit, and excise officers connive at non-payment. The revenue of Kwangtung is paid entirely in money, and the magistrates, instead of taking the commutation at a regular price of about five dollars for one hundred and fifty pounds of rice, have compelled the people to pay nine dollars and over, because the inundation and bad harvests had raised the price of grain.j In order to avoid this extortion the police go to the villagers and demand a douceur, when they will get them off from all payment. But the imperial coffers are not filled b;^ this means, and the people are by and hy forced to pay up their arrearages, even to the loss of most of their possessions.

        Third.—There is great mismanagement of the granaries, and instead of being any assistance to the people in time of scarcity, they are only a soiu’ce of peculation for those who are charged with their oversight.

        Fourth —The condition of the army and navy is a disgrace;

        illicit traffic is not prevented, nor can insurrections be put down.

        The only care of the officers is to obtain good appointments,

        and reduce the actual nmnber of soldiers below the register in

        order that they may appropriate the stores. The cruisers aim

        only to get fees to allow the prosecution of the contraband traffic,

        nor will the naval officers bestir themselves to recover the

        pi-operty of plundered boats, but rather become the protectors

        of the lawless and partakers of their booty. Robberies are so

        common on the rivers that the traders from the island of Hainan,

        and Chauchau near Fuhkien, prefer to come by sea, but

        the revenue cutters overhaul them under pretence of searching

        for contraband articles, and practise many extortions/*

        Fifth.—The monopoly of salt needs to be guarded more

        strictly, and the private manufacture of salt stopped, for thereby

        the revenue from this source is materially diminished.

        S’uih.—^\\Q inei-case of smuggling is so great, and the evils

        flowing from it so multiplied, that strong measures nmst be

        taken to repress it. Traitorous Chinese combine with depraved

        foreigners to set the laws at defiance, and dispose of their opium

        and other commodities for the pure silvci-. In this manner the

        country is impoverished and every evil arises, the revenues of

        the customs are diminished by the unnecessary number of persons

        employed and by the fees they receive for connivance, i If

        all these abuses can be remedied, ” it will be seen that when

        there are men to rule well, nothing can be found beyond the

        reach of their government.”

        FREQUENCY OF KOBBEllY AXI) DAKOITY. 497

        The chief efforts of officials are directed to put down banditti, and maintain such a degree of peace as will enable them to collect the revenue and secure the people in the quiet possession of their property ; but the people are too ready to resist them rulers, and this brings into operation a constant struggle of opposing desires. ( )nc side gets into the habit of resisting even the proper re(piisitions of the officers, who, on their part, endeavor in every way to reimburse their outlay in bribes to their superiors ; and the combined action of the two proves an insurmountable impediment to the attainment of even that degree of security a Chinese officer wishes.”i The general commission of robbery and dakoity, and the prevalence of bands of thieves, therefore proves the weakness of the government, not the insurrectionary disposition of the people. In one district of Ilupeh the governor reported in 1828 that “very few of the iuliabitants have any regular occupation, and their dispositions are exceedingly ferocious; they fight and kill each other on every provocation. In their villages they harbor thieves who flee from other districts, and sally forth again to plunder.” In the northern parts of Ivwangtung the people have erected high and strongly built houses to which they flee for safety from the attacks of robbers. These bands sometimes fall upon each other, and the feudal animosities of clanship adding fuel and

        rage to the rivalry of partisan warfare, the destruction of life

        and property is great. Occasionally the people zealously assist

        their rulers to apprehend them, though their exertions depend

        altogether upon the energy of the incumbent ; an officer in

        Fuhkien is recommended for promotion because he had apprehended

        one hundred and seventy-three persons, part of a band

        of robbers which had infested the department for years, and

        tried and convicted one thousand one hundred and sixty criminals,

        most or all of whom were probably executed.

        In 1821 there were four hundred robbers taken on the borders

        of Fuhkien ; in 1827 two hundred were seized in the

        south of the province, and forty-one more brought to Canton

        from the eastward. The governor offered $1,000 reward for

        the capture of one leader, and ,^3,000 for another. The judge

        of the province put forth a proclamation upon the subject in

        the same year, in w’hieh he says there were four hundred and

        thirty undecided cases of robbery by brigands then on the calendar

        ; and in 1816 there were upward of two thousand waiting

        his decision, for each of which there were perhaps five or six persons in prison or under constraint until the ease was settled.

        These bands prowl in the large cities and commit great

        cruelties. In 1830 a party of live hundred openly plundered a

        rich man’s house in the western suburbs of Canton ; and in

        Shunteh, south of the city, $600 were paid for the ransom of

        two persons carried off by them. The ex-governor, in 1831,

        was attacked by them near the Mei ling pass on his departure

        from Canton, and plundered of about ten thousand dollars.

        The magistrates of ITiangshan district, south of Canton, M-ere

        ordered by their superiors the same year to apprehend five

        hundred of the robbers. Priests sometimes harbor gangs in

        their temples and divide the spoils with them, and occasionally

        go out themselves on predatory excursions. Xo mercy is

        shown these miscreaTits when they are taken, but the multiplication

        of executions has no effect in deterring them from crime.

        Cruelty to individual prisoners does not produce so nuich disturbance

        to the general peace of the community as the forcible

        attempts of officers to collect taxes. / The people have the impression

        that their rulers exact more than is legal, and consequently

        consider opposition to the demands of the tax-gatherer

        as somewhat justifiable, which compels, of course, more stringent

        measures on the part of the authorities, whose station depends

        not a little on their punctuality in remitting the taxes. Bad

        harvests, floods, or other public calamities _i-ender the people

        still more disinclined to pay the assessments./ (In 184:5 a serious

        disturbance arose near jS^ingpo on this accoimt, which with unimportant differences could probably be paralleled in every prefecture in the land. The people of Funghwa liien having refused to pay an onerous tax, the prefect of Ningpo seized three literary men of the place, who had been deputed to collect it, and put them in prison ; this procedure so irritated the gentry that the candidates at the literary examination which occurred at Funghwa soon afterward, on being assembled at the public hall before the cJuhicn, rose upon him and beat him severely.

        DIFFICULTY IN COLLECTING TAXES. 499

        They were still further incensed against him from having recently detected him in deceitful conduct regarding a ]>etition they had made at court to have their taxes lightened; he had kept the answer and pocketed the difference, he was consequently superseded by another magistrate, and a deputy of the intendant of circuit was sent with the new incumbent to restore order. But the deputy, full of his importance, carried himself so haughtily that the excited populace treated him in the same manner, and he barely escaped with his life to Xingpo.

        The intendant and prefect, finding matters rising to such a pitch, sent a detachment of twelve hundred troops to keep the peace, but part of these were decoyed within the walls and attacked with such vigor that many of them were made prisoners, a colonel and a dozen privates killed, and two or three hundred wounded or beaten, and all deprived of their arms. In this plight they returned to Ningbo, and, as the distance is not great, apprehensions were entertained lest the insurgents should follow up their advantage by organizing themselves and ii>arching upon the city to seize the prefect. The officers sent immediately to Ilangchau for assistance, from whence the governor sent a strong force of ten thousand men to restore order, and soon after arrived himself. He demanded three persons to be given up who had been active in fomenting the resistance, threatening in case of non-compliance that he would destroy the town ; the prefect and his deputy from the intendant’s office were suspended and removed to another post.^ These measures restored quiet to a considerable extent.’

        The existence of such evils in Chinese society would rapidly

        disorganize it were it not for the conservative influence upon

        society of early education and training in industry. The government

        takes care to avail itself of this better element in public

        opinion, knd grounds thereon a basis of action for the establishment

        of good order. But this, and ten thousand similar

        instances, only exhibit more strongly how great a work there is

        to be done before high and low, people and rulers, will understand

        their respective duties and rights ; before they will, on

        the one hand, pay that regard to the authority of their rulers

        which is necessary for the maintenance of good order, and, on

        the other, resist official tyranny in preserving their own liberties.

        If the character of the officers, therefore, be such as has been

        ^Mmionary Chronicle, Vol. XTV., p. 140. Smith’s China, p. 250.

        briellv shown—open to hi-ibeiy, colluding with criminals, sycO’

        phantic toward suporions, and cruel to the people ; and the constituents of society present so many repulsive features—opposing clans engaged in deadly feuds, bandits sccjuring the country to rob, policemen joining to oppress, truth universally disregarded, selfishness the main principle of action, and almost every disorganizing element but imperfectly restrained from violent outbreaks and convulsions, it will not be expected that the regular proceedings of the courts and the execution of the laws will prove on examination to be any better than the materials of which they arc composed. As civil and criminal cases are all judged by one officer, one court tries nearly all the questions which arise. A single exception is provided for in the code, wherein it is ordered that ” in cases of adultery, r()l)bery, fraud, assaults, breach of laws concerning marriage, landed property or pecuniaiy contracts, or any other like offences committed by or against individuals in the military class—if any of the people are implicated or concerned, the military commanding officer and the civil magistrate shall have a concurrent jurisdiction.” ‘

        ‘ For cases of this sort in Cambodia, R’musat makes mention of a variety of ordeals which curioush’ resemble tiiose resorted to on the continent of Europe lUuing the Middle Ages. Nouveaux Milanyes, Tome I., p. 126.

        CHARACTER OF JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS. 501

        At the bottom of the judicial scale are the village elders. This incipient element of the democratic principle has also existed in India in much the same form ; but while its power ended in the local eldership there, in China it is only the lowest step of the scale. The elders give character to the village, and are expected to manage its public affairs, settle disputes among its inhabitants, arrange matters with other villages, and answer to the magistrates on its behalf. The code provides that all persons having complaints and informations address themselves in the first instance to the lowest tribunal of justice in the district, from which the cognizance of the affair may be transferred to the superior tribunals. The statement of the case is made in writing, and the officer is required to act upon it immediately; if the parties are dissatisfied with the award, the judgment of the lower courts is carried np to the superior ones. No case can be carried directly to the Emperor ; it must go through the

        Board of Punishments ; old men and womeu, however, sometimes

        present petitions to him on his journeys, but such appeals

        seldom occur, owing to the ditficulty of access. The captains in

        charge of the gates of Peking, in 1831, presented a memorial

        upon the subject, in which they attribute the number of appeals

        to the obstinacy of many persons in pressing their cases and

        the remissness of local officers, so that even women and girls of

        ten years of age take long journeys to Peking to state their

        cases. The memorialists reconnnend that an order be issued requiriug

        the two high provincial officers to adjudicate all cases,

        either themselves or by a court of errors, and not send the complainants

        back to the district magistrates. These official porters

        must have been much troubled with young ladies coming to see

        his Majesty, or perhaps were advised to present such a paper to

        afford a text for the Emperor to preach from ; to confer such

        power upon the governor and his associates would almost make

        them the irresponsible sovereigns of the provinces. A2:)peals

        frequently arise out of delay in obtaining justice, owing to the

        amount of business in the courts ; for the calendar may be

        expected to increase when the magistrate leaves his post to

        curry favor with his superiors. The almost utter impossibility

        of learning the truth of the case brought before tliern, either

        from the principal parties or the witnesses, must be borne in

        mind when deciding upon the oppressive proceedings of the

        magistrates to elicit the truth. Mention is made of one officer

        promoted for deciding three hundred cases in a year ; again of

        a district magistrate who tried upward of a thousand within

        the same period ; while a third revised and decided more than

        six hundred in which the parties had appealed. What becomes

        of the appeals in such cases, or whose decision stands, does not

        appear ; but if such proceedings are common, it accounts for the

        constant practice of sending appeals back to be revised, probably

        after a change in the incumbent.

        Eew or no civil cases are reported in the Gazette as being carried up to higher courts, and probably only a small proportion of them are brought before the authorities, the rest being settled by reference. Appeals to court receive attention, and it may be inferred, too, that many of them are mentioned in the Gazette in order that the carefnhiess of the supreme government in revising the unjust decrees against the people should be known through the country, and this additional check to malversation on the part of the lower courts be of some use. Many cases are reported of widows and daughters, sons and nephews, of murdered persons, to -whom the revenge of kindred rightly belongs, appealing against the unjust decrees of the local magistrates, and then sent back to the place they came from ; this, of course, was tantamount to a nolle 2^i’osequL At other times the wicked judges have been degraded and banished. One case is reported of a man who found his way to the capital from Fuhkien to complain against the magistracy and police, who protected a clan by whom his only son had been shot, in consideration of a ])i-ibe of $2,000. His case could not be understood at Peknig in consequence of his local pronunciation, which indicates that all cases are not reported in writing. One appeal is reported against the governor of a province fur not carrying into execution the sentence of death passed on two convicted murderers ; and ant»tlicr appellant requests that two persons, who were bribed to undergo the sentence of the law instead of the real murderers, might not be substituted—he, perhaps, fearing their subsequent vengeance.

        All officers of government are supposed to be accessible at

        any time, and the door of justice to be open to all who claim a

        hearing ; and in fact, courts are held at all hours of night and

        day, though the regular time is from sunrise to noonday. The

        style of address varies according to the rank ; t((jin, or magnate,

        for the highest, ta laoye, or gi-eat Sii-, and hioi/e, Sir, for the

        lower grade, are the most common. A drum is said to be

        placed at the inferior tribunals, as well as before the Court of

        Representation in Peking, which the plaintiff strikes in order to

        make his presence known, though from the mimberof hangerson

        a!)Out the doors of official residences, the necessity of employing

        this mode of attracting notice is rare. At the gate of the

        governor-general’s palace are placed six tablets, having appropriate

        inscriptions for those who have been wronged by wicked

        officers ; for those who have suffered from thieves ; for persons

        STYLE OF OFFICIAL ESTABLISHMENTS. 508

        falsely accused ; for those who have been swindled ; for such as

        have been grieved by other parties ; and lastly, for those who

        have secret information to impart. The people, however, are

        aware how useless it would be to inscribe their appeals upon

        these tablets ; they write them out and carry them up to his

        excellency, or to the proper official—seldom forgetting the indispensable present.

        Magistrates are not allowed to go abroad in ordinary dress

        and without their official retinue, which varies for the different

        grades of rank. The usual attendants of the district magistrates

        are lictors M’ith whips and chains—significant of the

        punishments they inflict; they are preceded by two gong-

        Mode of Carrying High Officers in Sedan.

        bearers, who every few moments strike a certain number of

        raps to intimate their master’s rank, and by two avant-couriers,

        who howl out an order for all to make room for the great man.

        A servant bearing aloft a lo^ or state uml)]-ella (of which a

        drawing is given on the title-page), also goes before him, further

        to increase his display and indicate his rank.’ A subaltern

        usually runs by the side of his sedan, and his secretary and messengers,

        seated in moi*e ordinary chairs or following on foot,

        make up the cortege. The highest officers are carried by eight

        bearers, others by four, and the lowest by two. Lanterns are

        used at night and red tablets in the daytime, to indicate his

        rank. Officers of higher ranks are attended by a few soldiers

        Hee.’en informs us that a similar insignia was used in Persia in early days.

        in addition, and in the capital are required to liave mounted

        attendants if tliej ride in carts ; those who bear the sedan are

        usually in a uniform of their masters devising. The parade

        and noise seen in the provinces are all hushed in Peking, where

        the presence of majesty subdues the glory of the officers which

        it has created. When in court the officer sits behind a desk upon

        which are placed writing materials ; his secretaries, clerks, and interpreters

        being in waiting, and the lictors with their instruments

        of punishment and torture standing around. Persons who are

        brought before him kneel in front of the tribunal. His official

        seal, and cups containing tallies which are thrown down to indicate

        the number of blows to be given the culprits, stand upon

        the table, and behind his seat a I’l-luu or unicorn, is depicted

        on the wall. There are inscriptions hanging around the room,

        one of which exhorts him to be merciful. There is little pomp

        or show, either in the office or attendants, compared with our

        notions of what is usual in such matters among Asiatics. The

        former is a dirty, unswept, tawdry room, and the latter are beggarly’

        and impertinent.

        No counsel is allowed to plead, but the written accusations,

        pleas, or statements required nmst be prepared by licensed

        notaries, Avho may also read them in court, and who, no doubt,

        take opportunity to explain circumstances in favor of their

        client. These notaries buy their situations, and repay themselves

        by a fee upon the documents ; they are the only persons

        who are analogous to the lawyers in western countries, and

        most of them have the reputation of extorting largely for their

        services. Of course there is no such thing as a jury, or a chief

        justice stating the case to associate judges to learn their

        opinion ; nor is anything like an oath required of the witnesses.

        The presiding officer can call in others to assist him in the

        trial to any extent he pleases. In one Canton court circular it

        is stated that no less than sixteen officers assisted the governorgeneral

        and governor in the trial of one criminal. Tlie report of

        the trial is as summary as the recital of tlic bench of judges is

        minute: “II. E. Gov. Tang arrived to join the futai in examining

        a criminal ; and at 8 a.m., under a salute of guns, the

        doors of the great hall of audience were thrown open, and their

        VKISONEK lON-‘JEMNEn TO TUE CANGUE, IN COURT.

        (Bis son praying to take his place.)

        MODE OF PROCEDURE IN LAW COURTS. 605

        excellencies took their seats, supported by all the other func

        tioiiaries assembled for the occasion. The police officers of the

        judge were then directed to bring forward the prisoner, Yeli

        A-sliun, a native of Tsingyuen hien ; he was forthwith brought

        in, tried, and led out. The futai then requested the imperial

        death-warrant, and sent a deputation of officers to conduct the

        criminal to the market-place and there decapitate him. Soon after the officers returned, restored the death-warrant to its place, and reported that they had executed the criminal.”’ The prisoner, or his friends for him, are allowed to appear in every step of the inquiry prior to laying the case before the Emperor, and punishment is threatened to all the magistrates through whose hands it passes if they neglect the appeal ; but this extract shows the usage of the courts.

        The general policy of officers is to quash cases and repress appeals, and probably they do so to a great degree by bringing extorted confessions of the accused party and the witnesses in proof of the verdict. Governor Li of Canton issued a prohibition in 1834: against the practice of old men and women presenting petitions—complaining of the nuisance of having his chair stopped in order that a petition might be forced into it, and threatening to seize and punish the presumptuous intruders if they persisted in this custom. lie instructs the district magistrates to examine such persons, to ascertain who pushed them forward, and to punish the instigators, observing, ” if the people are impressed with a due dread of punishment, they will return to respectful habits.” It seems to be the constant effort on the part of the officers to evade the importunities of the injured and shove by justice, and were it not owing to the perseverance of the people^ a system of irremediable oppression would soon be induced. But the poor have little chance of being heard against the rich, and if they do appeal they are in most cases remanded to the second judgment of the very officer against Mdiom they complain ; and of course as this is equivalent to a refusal from the high grades to right them at all, commotions gradually grow out of it, which are managed according to the exigencies of the case by those who are likely to be involved in their responsibility. The want of an irresistible police to compel obedience luis a restraining effect on the rulers^ who know that Lyncli law niav perhaps be retaliated upon them if they cxaspei’ate the people too far. A prefect was killed in Chauchan fu some years ago for his cruelty, and the people excused their act by saying that, it was done because the officer had failed to carry out the Emperor’s good rule, and they would not endure it longer. Amid such enormities it is no wonder if the peaceably disposed part of the community prefer to submit in silence to petty extortions and robberies, rather than risk the loss of all by unavailing complaints.

        The code contains many sections regulating the proceedings

        of courts, and provides heavy punishments for such officers as

        are guilty of illegalities or cruelty in their decisions, but the recorded

        cases prove that most of these laws are dead letters.

        Section CCCCXYI. ordains that ” after a prisoner has been tried

        and convicted of any offence punishable with temporary or perpetual

        banishment or death, he shall, in the last place, be

        brought before the magistrate, together with his nearest relations

        and family, and informed of the offence M’hereof he

        stands convicted, and of the sentence intended to be pronounced

        upon him in consequence ; their acknowledgment of its justice

        or protest against its injustice, as the case maybe, shall theii be

        taken down in writing: and in every case of their refusing to

        admit the justice of the sentence, their protest shall be made

        the ground of another and more particular investigation.” All

        capital cases must be reviewed by the highest authorities at the

        metropolis and in the provinces, and a final report of the case

        and decision submitted to the Emperor’s notice. Section

        CCCCXY. requires that the law be quoted M’hen deciding. The

        numerous wise and merciful provisions in tlie code for the due

        administration of justice only place the conduct of its authorized

        executives in a less excusable light, and prove how impossible it

        is to procure an equitable magistracy by mere legal requirements

        and penalties.

        MODES AND EXTF>:T OF TORTUllIXG CULPRITS. 507

        The confusion of the civil and criminal laws in the code, and the union of both functions in the same person, together with the torture and imprisonment employed to elicit a confession, serve as an indication of the state of legislation and jurisprudence. The common sense of a truthful people would revolt against the inliietioii of torture to get out the true deposition of a witness, and their sense of honor would resist the disgraceful exposure of the cangue for not paying debts. As the want of truth among a people indicates a want of honor, the necessity of more stringent modes of procedure suggests the practice of torture ; its application is allowed and restricted by several sections of the code, but in China, as elsewhere, it has always been abused. Torture is practised upon both criminals and witnesses, in court and in prison ; and the universal dread among the people of coming before courts, and having anything to do with their magistrates, is owing in great measure to the illegal sufferings they too often must endure. It has also a powerful deterrent effect in preventing crime and disorder. IN^either imprisonment nor torture are ranked among the five punishments, but they cause more deaths, probably, among arrested persons than all other means.

        Among the modes of torture employed in court, and reported in the Gazette^ are some revolting to humanity, but which of them are legal does not appear. The clauses under Section I. in the code describe the legal instruments of torture ; they consist of three boards with proper grooves for compressing the ankles, and five round sticks for squeezing the fingers, to which may be added the bamboo; besides these no instruments of torture are legally allowed, though other ways of putting the question are so common fis to give the impression that some of them at least are sanctioned. Pulling or twisting the ears with roughened fingers, and keeping them in a bent position while making the prisoner kneel on chains, or making him kneel for

        a long time, are among the illegal modes. Striking the lips

        with sticks until they are nearly jellied, putting the hands in

        stocks before or behind the back, wrapping the fingers in oiled

        cloth to burn them, suspending the body by the thumbs and

        fingers, tying tlie hands to a bar under the knees, so as to bend

        the body double, and chaining by the neck close to a stone, are

        resorted to when the prisoner is contumacious. One magistrate

        is accused of having fastened up two criminals to boards by

        nails driven through their palms ; one of them tore his hands loose and was nailed np again, which caused his death ; using beds of iron, boiling water, red hot spikes, and cutting the tendon Achilles are also charged against him, but the Emperor exonerated him on account of the atrocious character of the criminals. Compelling them to kneel upon pounded glass, sand, and salt mixed together, until the knees become excoriated, or simply kneeling upon chains is a lighter mode of the same infliction.

        Mr. Milne mentions seeing a wretch undergoing this torture, his hands tied behind his back to a stake held in its position by two policemen; if he swerved to relieve the agony of his position, a blow on his head compelled him to resume it. The agonies of the poor creature were evident from his quivering lips, his pallid and senseless countenance, and his tremulous voice imploring relief, which was refused with a cold, mocking command, ” Suffer or confess.” ‘

        Flogging is one of the five authorized punishments, but it is used more than any other means to elicit confession; the bamboo, rattan, cudgel, and whip are all employed. When death ensues the magistrate reports that the criminal died of sickness, or hushes it up by bribing his friends, few of whom are ever allowed access within the walls of the prison to see and comfort the sufferers. From the manner in which such a result is spoken of it may be inferred that immediate death does not often take place from torture. A magistrate in Sz’chuen being abused by a man in court, who also struck the attendants, ordered him to be put into a coffin which happened to be near, when suffocation ensued ; he was in consequence dismissed the service, punished one hundred blows, and transported three years. One check on outrageous torture is the fear that the report of their cruelty will come to the ears of their superiors, who are usually ready to avail of any mal-administration to get an officer removed, in order to fill the post. In this case, as in other parts of Chinese government, the dread of one evil prevents the commission of another.

        ‘ W. C. Milne, Life in China, Loudon, 1857, p. 99.

        THE FIVE LEGAL PUNISHMENTS. 509

        The five kinds of punishment mentioned in the code are from ten to fifty bloM’s with the lesser bamboo, from fifty to one hundred with the greater, transportation, perpetual banishishment, and death, each of them modified in various ways. The small bamboo weighs about two pounds, the larger two and two-thirds pounds. Public exposure in the Ida, or cangue, is considered rather as a kind of censure or reprimand than a punishment, and carries no disgrace with it, nor comparatively much bodily suffering if the person be fed and screened from the sun. The frame weighs between twenty and thirty pounds, and is so made as to rest upon the shoulders without chafing the neck, but so broad as to prevent the person feeding himself.

        The name, residence, and offence of the delinquent are written upon it for the information of every passerby’, and a policeman is stationed over him to prevent escape. Branding is applied to deserters and banished persons.

        Imprisonment and fines are not regarded as legal punishments, but rather correctives ; and flogging, as Le Comte says, ” is never wanting, there being no condemnation in China without this previous disposition, so that it is unnecessary to mention it in their condemnation ; this being always understood to be their first dish.” When a man is arrested he is effectually prevented from breaking loose by putting a chain around his neck and tying his hands.

        Mode of Exposure in the Cangue.

        Most punishments are redeemable by the payment of money if the criminal is under fifteen or over seventy years of age, and a table is given in the code for the guidance of the magistrate in such cases. An act of ofrace enables a criminal condemned even to capital punishment to redeem himself, if the oifenee be not one of wilful malignity ; but better legislation would have shown the good effects of not making the punishments so severe. It is also ordered in Section XA^IIL, that ” any offender under sentence of death for a crime not excluded from the contingent benefit of an act of grace, who shall have infirm parents or grandparents alive over seventy years of age, and no other male child over sixteen to support them, shall be recommended to the mercy of his Majesty ; and if only condemned to banishment, shall receive one hundred blows and

        redeem himself by a fine/’ Many atrocions laws may be forgiven

        for one such exhibition of regard for the care of decrepid

        parents. Few governments exhibit such opposing principles of

        actions as the Chinese : a strange blending of cruelty to prisoners

        with a maudlin consideration of their condition, and a constant

        effort to coax the peoj^le to obedience while exercising

        great severity npon individuals, are everywhere manifest. One

        M’ho has lived in the country long, however, knows well that

        they are not to be held in check by rope-yarn laws or whimpering

        justices, and unless the rulers are a terror to evil-doers, the

        latter w\\\ soon get the upper hand. Dr. Field Avell considers

        this point in his interesting notes describing his visit to a

        yaniwi at Canton.’ The general prosperity of the Empire

        proves in some measure the ecjuity of its administration.

        Banishment and slavery are punishments for minor official

        delinquencies, and few officers who live long in the Emperor’s

        employ do not take an involuntary journey to Mongolia, Turkestan,

        or elsewhere, in the course of their lives. The fates

        and conduct of banished criminals are widely unlike; some

        doggedly serve out their time, others try to ingratiate themselves

        with their nuisters in order to alleviate or shorten the

        time of service, while hundreds contrive to escape and return

        to their homes, though this subjects them to increased punishment.

        ‘ Dr. H. M. Field, From Effypt fo Japan, Chap. XXIV., passim. New York,1877. CMtN’sp Rrpox’/fori/, Vol. TV., pp. 214, 2fiO.

        CORRECTION OF MINOR OFFENCES. 511

        Publicly Whipping a Thief through the Streets.

        Persons banished for treason are severely dealt with if they return without leave, and those convicted of crime in their place of banishment are increasingly punished ; one man was sentenced to be outlawed for an offence at his place of banishment, but seeing that his aged mother had no other support than his labor, the Emperor ordered that a small sum should be paid for her living out of the public treasury. “Whipping a man through the streets as a public example to others is frequenty practised upon persons detected in robbery, assault, or some other minor offences. The man is manacled, and one policeman goes before him carrying a tablet, on which are written his name, crime, and punishment, accompanied by another holding a gong. In some cases little sticks bearing flags

        are thrust through his ears, and the lictor appointed to oversee

        the fulfilment of the sentence follows the executioner, who

        strikes the criminal with his whip or rattan as the rap on the

        gong denotes that the appointed number is not yet complete.

        Decapitation and strangling are the legal modes of executing

        criminals, though Ki Kung having taken several incendiaries at

        Canton, in 1843, who were convicted of fii-ing the city for purposes

        of plunder, starved them to death in the public squares of the city. The least disgraceful mode of execution is strangulation, which is performed by tying a man to a post and tightening the cord which goes round his neck by a winch ; the infliction is very speedy, and apparently less painful than hanging. The least crime for which death is awarded appears to be a third and aggravated theft, and defacing the branding inflicted for former offences. Decollation is considered more disgraceful than strangling, owing to the dislike the Chinese have of dissevering the bodies which their parents gave them entire. There are two modes of decapitation, that of simple decollation being considered, again, as less disgraceful than being ” cut into ten thousand pieces,” as the phrase Uikj cluli has been rendered. The military officer who superintends the execution is attended by a

        guard, to keep the populace from crowding upon the limits and

        prevent resistance on the part of the prisoners. The bodies are

        given up to the friends, except when the head is exposed as a

        warnini>; in a cao-e where the crime was committed. If no one

        is present to claim the corpse it is buried in tlie public pit. The

        criminals are generally so far exhausted that they make no resistance,

        and submit to their fate without a groan—nmch more,

        without a dying speech to the spectators. In ordinary cases

        the executions are postponed until the autumnal assize, when

        the Emperor revises and confirms the sentences of the provincial

        governors; criminals guilty of extraordinary offences, as robbery

        attended with murder, arson, rape, breaking into fortifications,

        liiglivvay robbery, and piracy, may be immediately beheaded

        M’ithout reference to court, and as the expense of maintenance

        and want of prison room are both to be considered, it is the

        fact that criminals condennied for one or other of these crimes

        comprise the greater part of the um-eferred executions in the

        provinces.

        It is impossible to ascertain the number of persons executed

        in China, for the life of a condennied criminal is thought little

        of ; in the court circular it is merely reported that ” the execution

        of the criminals was completed,” without mentioning their

        crimes, residences, or names. At the autunmal revises at Peking

        the number sentenced is given in the Gazette; 935 were

        sentenced in 1S17, of which 133 were from the province of

        MANNER OK PUHLIC EXECUTIONS. 613

        Kwangtnng ; in 1820 tlicro wci’c r)Sl ; in 182S the number

        was 789, and in the next year 579 names were marked off, none of

        whose crimes, it is inferrible, are inchided in tlie list of offences

        mentioned above. The condenniations are sent from the capital

        by express, and tlie executions take place innnediately. Most

        of the persons condemned in a province are executed in its capital,

        and to hear of the death of a score or more of felons on a

        single day is no uncommon thing. The trials are more speedy

        than comports with our notions of justice, and the executions are

        performed in the most summary manner. It is reported on one

        occasion that the governor-general of Canton ascended his judgment-

        seat, examined three prisoners brought before him, and

        having found then\ guilty, condemned them, asked himself for

        the death-warrant (for he temporarily filled the office of governor),

        and, having received it, had the three men carried away

        in about two hours after they were first brought before him. A

        few days after he granted the warrant to execute a hundred

        bandits in prison. During the terrible rebellion in Ivwangtung,

        in 1854-55, the prisoners taken by the Imperialists were usually

        transported to Canton for execution. In a space cf fourteen

        months, up to January, 1856, about eighty-three thousand malefactors

        suffered death in that city alone, besides those who died

        in confinement ; these men were arrested and delivered to execution

        by their countrymen, who had suffered untold miseries

        through their sedition and rapine.

        “When taken to execution the prisoners are clothed in clean

        clothes.* A military officer is present, and the criminals are

        brought on the ground in hod-like baskets hanging from a pole

        borne of two, or in cages, and are obliged to kneel toward the

        Emperor’s residence, or toward the death-warrant, which indicates

        his presence, as if thanking their sovereign for his care.

        The list is read aloud and compared with the tickets on the

        prisoners ; as they kneel, a lictor seizes their pinioned hands

        and jerks them i.pward so that the head is pushed down horizontally,

        and a single down stroke with the heavy hanger severs

        ‘ Persons who commit suicide also dress themselves in their best, the common notion being that in the next world they will wear the same garments in which they died.Vol. I.—33

        it from tlie neck. In the slow and ignominious execution, or

        ling chih, the criminal is tied to a cross and hacked to pieces ; the

        executioner is nevertheless often hired to give the coup-de-grace

        at the first blow. It is not uncommon for him to cut out the

        gall-bladder of notorious robbers and sell it, to be eaten as a

        specific for courage. There is an official executioner besides the

        real one, the latter being sometimes a criminal taken out of the

        prisons.

        Probably the number of persons who suffer by the sword of

        the executioner is not one-half of those who die from the effects

        of torture and privations in prisons. Not much is known of

        the internal arrangement of the hells, as prisons are called ; they

        seem to be managed with a degree of kindness and attention to

        the comfort of the prisoners, so far as the intentions of government

        are concerned, but the cruelties of the turnkeys and older

        prisoners to exact money from the new comers are terrible. In

        Canton there are jails in the city under the control of four different

        officers, the largest covering about an acre, and capable

        of holding upward of five hundred prisoners. Since it is the

        practice of distant magistrates to send their worst prisoners up

        to the capita], these jails are not large enough, and jail distempers

        arise from over-crowding ; two hundred deaths were

        reported in 1826 from this and other causes, and one hundred

        and seventeen cases in 1831. Private jails were hired to accommodate

        the number, and one governor reports having found

        twenty-two such places in Canton where every kind of cruelty

        was practised. The witnesses and accusers concerned in appellate

        causes had, he says, also been brought up to the city and

        imprisoned along with the guilty party, where they were kept

        months Avithout any just reason. In one case, M’here a defendant

        and plaintiff were imprisoned together, the accuser fell upon

        the other and murdered him. Sometimes the officer is unable

        from press of business to attend to a case, and confines all the

        principals and witnesses concerned until he can examine them,

        but the government takes no means to provide for them during

        the interval, and many of the poorer ones die. No security’ or

        bail is obtainable on the word of a witness or his friends, so

        that if unable to fee the jailers he is in nearly as bad a case as the

        ATROCIOUS MAXAGEMENT OF PRISONS. 515

        criminal. Extending bail to an accused criminal is nearly unknown,

        but female prisoners are put in charge of their husbands

        or parents, who are held responsible for their appearance. Tliie

        constant succession of criminals in the provincial head prison

        renders the posts of jailers and turnkeys very lucrative. The

        letters of the Roman Catholic missionaries from China during

        the last century, found in the Lettres Edijiantes and Annales de

        la Foi, contain many sad pictures of the miseries of prison life

        there.

        The prisons are arranged somewhat on the plan of a large

        stable, having an open central court occupying nearly one-fourth

        of the area, and small cribs or stalls covered by a roof extending

        nearly around it, so contrived that each company of prisoners

        shall be separated from its neighbors on either side night and

        day, though more by night than by day. The prisoners cook for

        themselves in the court, and are secured by manacles and gyves,

        and a chain joining the hands to the neck ; one hand is liberated

        in the daytime in order to allow them to take care of themselves.

        Heinous criminals are more heavily ironed, and those in the

        prisons attached to the judge’s office are Avorse treated than the

        others. Each criminal should receive a daily ration of two

        pounds of rice, and about two cents \vith which to buy fuel, but

        the jailer starves them on half this allowance if they are unable

        to fee him ; clothing is also scantily provided, but those who

        have money can pi’ocure almost every convenience. Each crib

        full of criminals is under the control of a turnkey, who with a

        few old offenders spends much time torturing newly arrived

        persons to force money from them, by which many lose their

        lives, and all suffer far more in this manner than they do from

        the officers of government. Well may the people call their

        prisons hells, and say, when a man falls into the clutches of the

        jailers or police, “the flesh is under the cleaver.”

        There are many processes for the recovery of debts and fulfilment of contracts, some legal and others customary, the latter depending upon many circumstances irrelevant to the merits of the case. The law allows that debtors be punished by bambooing according to the amount of the debt. A creditor often resorts to illegal means to recover his claim, which give rise to tnanj excesses ; sometimes he quarters himself upon the debtor’s family or premises, at others seizes him or some of his family and keeps them prisoners, and, in extreme cases, sells them.

        Unscrupulous debtors are equally skilful and violent in eluding, cheating, and resisting their incensed creditors, according as they have the power. They are liable, when three months have expired after the stipulated time of payment, to be bambooed, and their property attached. In most cases, however, disputes of this sort are settled without I’ecourse to government, and if the debtor is really without property, he is not imprisoned till he can procure it. The effects of absconding debtors are seized and divided by those who can get them. Long experience, moreover, of each other’s characters has taught them, in contracting debts, to have some security at the outset, and therefore in settling up there is not so much loss as might be supposed considering the difficulty of collecting debts. Accusations for libel, slander, breach of marriage contract, and other civil or less criminal offences are not all brought before the authorities, but are settled by force or arbitration among the people themselves and their elders.

        The nominal salaries of Chinese officers have already been

        stated (p. 294). It is a common opinion among the people that

        on an average they receive about ten times their salaries ; in

        some cases they pay thirty, forty and more thousand dollars

        beforehand for the situation. One encouragement to the

        harassing vexations of the official secretaries and police is the

        dislike of the people to carry their cases before officers who

        they know are almost compelled to fleece and peel them ; they

        think it cheaper and safer to bear a small exaction from an

        underling than run the risk of a greater from his master.

        If the preventives against popular violence which the supreme

        government has placed around itself could be strengthened

        by an efficient military force, its power would be well

        secured indeed ; but then, as in Kussia, it would probably become,

        by degrees, an intolerable tyranny. The troops are, in

        fact, everywhere present, ostensibly to support the laws, protect

        the innocent, and punish the guilty ; such of them as are employed

        by the authorities as guards and policemen are, on the

        whole, efficient and coni-tcous, though iniseralily paid, while the regiments in garrison are contemptible to both friend and foe.

        LATENT INFLUENCE OF PUI5LIC OPINION. 517

        The efficacy of the system of che<*ks upon the high courts and provincial officers is ijicreased by their intrigues and contlicting ambition, and long expeiuence has shown that the Emperor’s power has little to fear from proconsular rebellion. The inefficiency of the army is a serious evil to the people in one respect, for more power in that arm would repress banditti and pirates; while the sober part of the community would cooperate in a hearty effort to quell them. The greatest difficulty the Emperor finds in upholding his authority lies in the general want of integrity in the officers he employs ; good laws may be made, but he has few upright agents to execute them. This has been abundantly manifested in the laws against opium and gambling ; no one could be found to carry them into execution, though everybody assented to their propriety^

        The chief security on the side of the people against an unmitigated oppression such as now exists in Turkey, besides those already pointed out, lies as much as anywhere in their general intelligence of the true principles on which the government is founded and should be executed. With public opinion on its side the government is a strong one, but none is less able to execute its designs when it runs counter to that opinion, although those designs may be excellent and well intended.

        Elements of discord are found in the social system which would

        soon effect its ruin were they not counteracted by other influences,

        and the body politic goes on like a heavy, shackly, lumbering

        van, which every moment threatens a crashing, crumbling

        fall, yet goes on still tottering, owing to the original goodness

        of its construction. From the enormous population of this

        ancient van, it is evident that any attempt to remodel it mut^t

        seriousl}^ affect one or the other of its parts, and that when

        once upset it may be impossible to reconstruct it in its original

        form. There is encouragement to hope that the general intelligence

        and shrewdness of the government and people of China,

        their language, institutions, industry, and love of peace, will ail

        act as powerful conservative influences in working out the

        changes which cannot now be long delayed ; and that she will luaintaiii her unitv and industry while going through a thorough reform of her political, social, and religious systems.

        It is very difficult to convey to the reader a fair view of the administration of the laws in China. Notwithstanding the cruelty of officers to the criminals before them, they are not all to be considered as tyrants ; because insurrections arise, attended

        with great loss of life, it must not be supposed that

        society is everywhere disorganized ; the Chinese are so prone

        to falsify that it is difficult to ascertain the truth, yet it must

        not be inferred that every sentence is a lie ; selfishness is a

        prime motive for their actions, yet charity, kindness, filial

        affection, and the unbought courtesies of life still exist among

        them. Although there is an appalling amount of evil and crime

        in every shape, it is mixed with some redeeming traits ; and in

        China, as elsewhere, good and bad are intermingled, [^ome of

        the evils in the social system arise from the operation of the

        principles of mutual responsibility, while this very feature produces

        sundry good effects in restraining people who have no

        higher motive than the fear of injuring the innocent;^ TTeliear

        so much of the shocking cruelties of courts and prisons that

        the vast number of cases before the bench are all supposed to

        exhibit the same fatiguing reiteration of suffering, injustice,

        bribery, and cruelty. One must live in the country to see how

        the antagonistic j^rinciples found in Chinese society act and react

        upon each other, and are affected by the wicked passions of the heart. Officers and people are bad almost beyond belief to one conversant only with the courtesy, justice, purity, and sincerity of Christian governments and society; and yet we think they are not as bad as the old Greeks and Romans, and have no more injustice or torture in their courts, nor impurity or mendacity in their lives. As in our own land we are apt to forget that the recitals of crimes and outrages which the daily papers bring before our eyes furnish no index of the general condition of society, so in China, where that condition is immeasurably worse, we must be mindful that this is likewise true.

        CHAPTER IX.EDUCATION AND LITERARY EXAMINATIONS

        Among the points relating to the Chinese people which have attracted the attention of students in the history of intellectual development, their long duration and literary institutions have probably taken precedenceJ To estimate the causes of the first requires much knowledge of the second, and from them one is gradually led onward to an examination of the government, religion, and social life of this people in the succeeding epochs of their existence. The inquiry will reveal much that is instructive, and show us that, if they have not equaled many other nations in the arts and adornments of life, they have attained a high degree of comfort and developed much that is creditable in education, the science of rule, and security of life and property.

        Although the powers of mind exhibited by the greatest

        writers in China are confessedly inferior to those of Greece

        and Rome for genius and original conceptions, the good influence

        exerted by them over their countrymen is far greater, even

        at this day, than was ever obtained by western sages, as Plato,

        Aristotle, or Seneca. The thoroughness of Chinese education,

        the purity and effectiveness of the examinations, or the accuracv

        and excellency of the literature must not be compared with

        those of modern Christian countries, for there is really no common

        measure between the two ; they must be taken with other

        parts of Chinese character, and comparisons drawn, if necessary,

        with nations possessing similar opportunities. (The importance

        of generally instructing the people was acknowledged even before

        the time of Confucius, and practised to a good degree at an age

        when other nations in the world had no such system; and although in his day feudal institutions prevailed, and offices and rank were not attainable in the same manner as at present, on the other hand magistrates and noblemen deemed it necessary to be well acquainted with their ancient writings’. It is said in the Booh of RitcH (b.c. 1200), ” that for the purposes of education among the ancients, villages had their schools, districts their academies, departments their colleges, and principalities their universities.” This, so far as we know, was altogether superior to what obtained among the Jews, Persians, and Svrians of the same period.’

        TTlie great stimulus to literary pursuits is the hope thereby of

        ] obtaining office and honor, and the only course of education

        followed is the classical and historical one prescribed by law.

        Owing to this undue attention to the classics, the minds of the

        scliolars are not symmetrically trained, and they disparage other

        branches of literature which do not directly advance this great

        1 end, /’^very department of letters, except jurisprudence, his-

        * t^ tory, and official statistics, is disesteemed in comparison ; and

        the literary graduate of fourscore will be found deficient in

        most branches of general learning, ignorant of hundreds of

        common things and events in his national history, which the

        merest schoolljoy in the western world would be ashamed not

        to know in Lis. This course of instruction does not form wellbalanced

        minds, but it imbues the future rulers of the land

        with a full understanding of the principles on which they are

        to govern, and the policy of the supreme power in using those

        principles to consolidate its own authoi-ityj

        (C’entralization and conservatism were the leading features of

        the teachings of Confucius which first recommended them to

        the rulers, and have decided the course of public examinations

        in selecting officers who would readily uphold these principles.

        The effect has been that the literary class in China holds the

        functions of both nobles and priests, a perpetual association,

        genu edema in qua nemo nascitiir, holding^ in its liands public

        opinion and legal power to maintain it.- The geographical

        isolation of the people, the nature of the language, and the

        absence of a landed aristocracy, combine to add efficiency to

        this system ; and when the peculiarities of Chinese character,

        and the nature of the class-books which do so much to mould that character, are considered, it is impossible to devise a better plan for insuring the perpetuity of the government, or the contentment of the people under that government./

        STIMULUS TO LITERARY PURSUITS. 621

        Lit was about a.d. 600, that Taitsung, of the Tang dynasty,

        instituted the present plan of preparing and selecting civilians

        by means of study and degrees, founding his system on the

        facts that education had always been esteemed, and that the ‘

        ancient writings were accepted by all as the best instructors o£J

        the manners and tastes of the peopji^. ‘ According to native

        historians, the rulers of ancient times made ample provision for

        the cultivation of literature and promotion of education in all

        its branches. They supply sojne details to enable us to understand

        the mode and the materials of this instruction, and glorify

        it as they do everything ancient, but probably from the want

        of authentic accounts in their own hands, they do not clearly

        describe it. fThe essays of M. I^douard Biot on the History of

        Public Instruction in China,{contains well-nigh all the information

        extant on this interesting subject, digested in a very lucid

        manner. Education is probably as good now as it ever was,

        and its ability to maintain and develop the character of the

        people as great as at any time ; it is remarkable how much it

        really has done to form, elevate, and consolidate their national

        institutions. The Manchu monarchs were not at first favorably

        disposed to the system of examinations, and frowned upon the

        literary hierarchy who claimed all honors as their right ; but

        the next generation saw the advantages and necessity of the

        concours, in preserving its own power.

        ^oys commence their studies at the age of seven with a

        teacher/; for, even if the father be a literary man he seldom instructs

        his sons, and very few mothers are able to teach their

        offspring to read. Maternal training is supposed to consist in

        giving a right direction to the morals, and enforcing the obedience

        of the child ; but as there are few mothers who do more

        than compel obedience by commands, or by the rod, so there are

        none who can teach the infantile mind to look up to its God in

        prayer and praise.

        Among the many treatises for the guidance of teachers, the Siao Hioh, or ‘ Juvenile Instructor,’ is regarded as most author*itative. When establishing the elements of education, this book advises fathers to “choose from among their concubines those who are fit for nurses, seeking such as are mild, indulgent, affectionate, benevolent, cheerful, kind, dignified, respectful, and reserved and careful in their conversation, whom they will make

        governesses over their children. “When able to talk, lads must

        be instructed to answer in a quick, bold tone, and girls in a slow

        and gentle one. ^t the age of seven, they should be taught to

        count and name the cardinal points ; but at this age the sexes

        should not be allowed to sit on the same mat nor eat from the

        same table. At eight, they must be taught to wait for their superiors,

        and prefer others to themselves. At ten, the boys

        must be sent abroad to private tutors, and there remain day and

        night, studying writing and arithmetic, wearing plain apparel,

        learning to demean themselves in a manner becoming their age,

        and acting with sincerity of purpose. At thirteen, they must

        attend to music and poetry ; at fifteen, they must practise archery

        and charioteering. At the age of twenty, they are in due

        form to be admitted to the rank of manhood, and learn additional

        rules of propriety, be fathful in the performance of filial

        and fraternal duties, and though they possess extensive knowledge,

        must not affect to teach others. At thirty, they may

        marry and commence the management of business. At forty,

        they may enter the service of the state ; and if their prince

        maintains the reign of reason, they must serve him, but otherwise

        not. At fifty, they may be promoted to the rank of ministers

        ; and at seventy, they must retire from public life.”

        Another injunction is, t^Let children always be tanght to

        speak the simple truth ; to stand erect and in their proper places,

        and listen with respectful attention.” The way to become a

        student, ” is, with gentleness and self-abasement, to receive implicitly

        every word the master utters. The pupil, when he sees

        virtuous people, nuist follow them, when he hears good maxims,

        conform to them. He must cherish no wicked designs, but always

        act uprightly ; whether at home or abroad, he nmst have

        a fixed residence, and associate with the benevolent, carefully

        regulating his personal deportment, and controlling the feelings

        METHODS AND PURPOSE OF EDUCATION IN CHINA. 623

        of his heart. lie must keep his clothes in order. Every morning

        he must learn something new, and rehearse the same every

        evenuig.” The great end of education, therefore, among the

        ancient Chinese, was not so much to fill the head M’ith knowledge,

        as to discipline the heart and purify the affections^ One

        of their writers says, ” Those who respect the virtuous and put

        away unlawful pleasures, serve their parents and prince to the

        utmost of their ability, and are faithful to their word ; these,

        though they should be considered unlearned, we must pronounce

        to be educated men.” Although such terms as purity, filial

        affection, learning, and truth, have higher meanings in a Christian

        education than are given them by Chinese masters, the inculcation

        of them in any degree and so decided a manner does

        great credit to the people, and will never need to be superseded

        —only raised to a higher grade.’

        In intercourse with their relatives, children are taught to attend

        to the minutest points of good breeding ; and are instructed in

        everything relating to their personal appearance, making their

        toilet, saluting their parents, eating, visiting, and other acts of

        life. Many of these directions are trivial even to puerility, but

        they are none too minute in the ideas of the Chinese, and still

        form the basis of good manners, as much as they did a score of

        centuries ago ; and it can hardly be supposed that Confucius

        would have risked his influence upon the grave publication of

        trifles, if he had not been well acquainted with the character of

        his countrymen. Yet nothing is trifling which conduces to the

        growth of good manners among a people, though it may not

        have done all that was wished.^

        \lules are laid down for students to observe in the prosecution

        of their studies, which reflect credit on those who set so

        high a standard for themselves.’ Dr. Morrison has given a

        synopsis of a treatise of this sort, called the ‘ Complete Collection

        of Family Jewels,’ and containing a minute specification of

        ‘ Compare Du Halde, Description de VEmpire fie la Chine, Tome IT., pp. 365-384 ; A. Wylie, Notes, p. 68 ; Chinese Repository, Vols. V., p. 81, and VI., pp.185, 393, and 563; China Review, Vol. VI., pp. 120, 195, 253, 328, etc. ; New Enghmder, May, 1878.

        ”Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., pp. 83-87, 306-316.

        duties to be performed by all who would be thorough students.

        The author directs the tyro to form a hxed resolution to press

        forward in his studies, setting his mark as high as possible, and

        thoroughly understanding everything as he goes along. “I

        have always seen that a man who covets much and devotes

        liimself to universal knowledge, when he reads he presumes on

        the quickness and celerity of his genius and perceptions, and

        chapters and volumes pass before his eyes, and issue from his

        mouth as fluently as water rolls away ; but when does he ever

        apply his mind to rub and educe the essence of a subject? In

        this manner, although much be read, what is the use of it ?

        Better little and fine, than much and coarse.” lie also advises

        persons to have two or three good volumes lying on their tables,

        which they can take up at odd moments, and to keep commonplace

        books in which they can jot down such things as occur to

        them. They should get rid of distracting thoughts if they

        wish to advance in their studies ; as ” if a man’s stomach has

        been filled by eating greens and other vegetables, although the

        most precious dainties with exquisite tastes should be given

        him, he cannot swallow them, he must first get rid of a few

        portions of the gi-eens ; so in reading, the same is true of the

        mixed thoughts which distract the mind, which are about the

        dusty affairs of a vulgar world.” The rules given by these

        writers correspond to those laid down among ourselves, in such

        books as Todd’s Manual for Students, and reveal the steps

        which have given the Chinese their intellectual position.’

        iFor all grades of scholars, there is but one mode of study ;

        the imitative nature of the Chinese mind is strikingly exhibited

        ; in the few attempts on the part of teachers to improve upon

        the stereotyped practice of their predecessors, although persons

        of as original minds a,aL_tlic country affords are constantly en-

        ^_gage_d in education.^When the lad connnences his studies, an

        impressive ceremony takes place—or did formerl}-, for it seems

        to have fallen into desuetude : the father leads his son to the

        teacher, who kneels down before the name of some one or other

        of the ancient sages, and supplicates their blessing upon his

        ‘ Morrison’s (JlUiU’se Dictionary, Vol. T., Tiirt T., ])p. TlD-ToH.

        ARRANGEMENT AND REGIME OF BOYS’ SCHOOLS. 525

        pupil ; after which, seating himself, he receives tlie homage

        and petition of the lad to guide him in his lessons.’ As is the

        case in Moslem countries, a present is expected to accompany

        this initiation into literary pursuits. In all cases this event is

        further marked by giving the lad his shu oning or ‘ book name,’

        by which he is culled during his future life. The furniture of

        the school merely consists of a desk and a stool for each pupil,

        and an elevated seat for the master, for maps, globes, blackboards,

        diagrams, etc., are yet to come in among its articles of

        furniture. In one corner is placed a tablet or an inscription on

        the wall, dedicated to Confucius and the god of Letters ; the

        sage is styled the ‘ Teacher and Pattern for All Ages,’ and incense

        is constantly burned in honor of them both.

        ^The location of school-rooms is usually such as would be considered

        bad elsewhere, but by comparison with other things in

        China, is not so. A mat shed which barely protects from the

        weather, a low, hot upper attic of a shop, a back room in a

        temple, or rarely a house specially built for the purpose, such

        are the school-houses in China. The chamber is hired by the

        master, who regulates his expenses and furnishes liis apartment

        according to the number and condition of his pupils ; their

        average nundjer is abont twenty, ranging between ten and forty

        in day schools, and in private schools seldom exceeding ten.

        The most th<n-ough course of education is probably pursued in

        the latter, where a well-qualified teacher is hired by four or five

        persons living in the same street, or nnituully related by birth

        or marriage, to teach their children at a stipulated salary. In

        such cases the lads are placed in bright, well-aired apartments,

        superior to the common school-room. ^Tlie majority of teachers

        have been unsuccessful candidates for literary degrees, who

        having spent the prime of their days in fruitless attempts to

        attain office, are unfit for manual lal)or, and unable to enter on

        mercantile life.J In Canton, a teacher of twenty boj’s receives

        from half a dollar to a dollar per month from each pupil ; in

        country villages, three, four or five dollars a year are given,

        with the addition, in most cases, of a small present of eatables

        1

        ‘ This custom obtains also in Bokhara.

        from each scholar three or four times a year. Private tutors

        receive from $150 to $350 or more per annum, according to

        particular engagement. There are no boarding-schools, nor

        anything answering to infant schools ; nor are public or charity

        schools established by government, or by private benevolence

        for the education of the poor. ‘

        The first hours of study are from sunrise till ten a.m., when

        the boys go to breakfast ; they reassemble in an hour or more,

        and continue at their books till about five p.m., when they disperse

        for the day. In summer, they have no lessons after dinner,

        but an evening session is often held in the winter, and evening

        schools are occasionally opened for mechanics and others

        who are occupied during the day. When a boy comes into

        school in the morning, he bows reverentially before the tablet

        of Confucius, salutes his teacher, and then takes his seat. The

        vacations during the year are few ; the longest is before new

        year, at which time the engagement is completed, and the school

        closes, to be reopened after the teacher and parents have made a

        new arrangement. The common festivals, of which there are a

        dozen or more, are regarded as holydays, and form very necessary

        relaxations in a country destitute of the rest of the Sabbath.

        (The requisite qualifications of a teacher are gravity, severity,

        and patience, and acquaintance w^ith the classics ; he has

        only to teach the same series of books in the same fashion in

        which he learned them himself and keep a good watch over his

        charge,)

        When the lads come together at the opening of the school,

        their attainments are ascertained ; the teacher endeavors to

        have his pupils nearly equal in this respect, but inasmuch as

        they are all put to precisely the same tasks, a difference is not

        material. If the boys are beginners, they are brought up in a

        line before the desk, holding the San-tsz’ King, or ‘ Trimetrical

        Classic,’ in their hands, and taught to read off the first lines

        after the teacher until they can repeat them without help. He

        calls off the first four lines as follows:

        Jin chi tsu, smgpun sTien /

        SiTig sirnig hm, slh sian^ yuen /

        ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION. 527

        when his pupils siniultaiieoiisly cry out:

        , Jin ehi tsii, Hinypan slien ^

        Sing siang kin, sih siang yuen.

        ‘Mispronunciations are corrected until each can read the lesson

        accurately ; they are then sent to their seats to commit the

        sounds to memory. As the sounds are all entire words (not

        letters, nor syllables, of which they have no idea), the boys are

        not perplexed, as ours are, with symbols M’hich have no meaning.

        All the children study aloud, and when one is able to recite

        the task, he is required to hach it—come up to the mastei-‘s

        desk, and stand with his back toward him while rehearsing it.)

        ‘ The San-tsz’ King was compiled by Wang Pih-hao of the

        Sung dynasty (a. d. 1050) for his private school. It contains

        ten hundred and sixty-eight words, and half that number of different

        characters, arranged in one hundred and seventy-eight

        double lines. It has been commented upon by several persons,

        one of whom calls it ” a ford which the youthful inquirer may

        readily pass, and thereby reach the fountain-head of the higher

        courses of learning, or a passport into tlie regions of classical and

        historical literature.”) This hornbook begins with the nature of

        man, and the necessity and modes of education, and it is noticeable

        that the first sentence, the one quoted above, which a Chinese

        learns at school, contains one of the most disputed doctrines in

        the ancient heathen world :

        ** Men at their birth, are by nature radically good ;
        Though alike in this, in practice they widely diverge.
        If not educated, the natural character grows worse ;
        A course of education is made valuable by close attention.
        Of old, Mencius’ mother selected a residence,
        And when her son did not learn, cut out the [half-wove] web.
        To nurture and not educate is a father’s error;
        To educate without rigor shows a teacher’s indolence.
        That boys should not learn is an unjust thing ;
        For if they do not learn in youth, what will they do when old ?
        As gems unwrought serve no useful end, ,
        So men untaught will never know what right conduct is.”

        The importance of filial and fraternal duties are then inculcated by precept and example, to which succeeds a synopsis of the various branches of learning in an ascending series, under several heads of numbers ; the three great powers, the four seasons and four cardinal points, the five elements and live constant virtues, the six kinds of grain and six domestic animals, the seven passions, the eight materials for music, nine degrees of kindred, and ten social duties. A few extracts will exhibit the mode in which these subjects are treated.

        “There are three powers,—heaven, earth, and man.
        There are tliree lights,—the sun, moon, and stars.
        There are three bonds,—between prince and niinister, justice ;
        Between father and son, affection ; between man and wife, concord.
        Humanity, justice, propriety, wisdom, and truth,—
        These five cardinal virtues are not to be confused.
        Rice, millet, pulse, wheat, sorghum, millet grass,
        Are six kinds of grain on which men subsist.
        Mutual affection of father and son, concord of man and wife;
        The older brother’s kindness, the younger one’s respect;
        Order between seniors and juniors, friendship among associates;
        On the prince’s part regard, on the minister’s true loyalty ;—
        These ten moral duties are ever binding among men.”

        To this technical summary succeed rules for a course of

        academical studies, M’ith a list of the books to be learned, and

        the order of their use, followed by a synopsis of the general history

        of China, in an enumeration of the successive dynasties.

        The work concludes with incidents and motives to learnino;

        drawn from the conduct of ancient sages and statesmen, and

        from considerations of interest and gh)iy. The exam})les cited

        are curious instances of pui-suit of knowledge under difficulties,

        and form an inviting part of the treatise.

        ” Formerly Confucius had young Iliang Toh for his teacher;

        Even the sages of antiquity studied with diligence.

        Chau, a minister of state, read tlu^ Confucian Dialogues,

        And he too, though high in office, studied assiduously.

        One copied lessons on rec’ds, another on slii)s of l)amb()o ;

        These, though without books, eagerly sought knowledge.

        [To vanquish sleep] one tied his head [by tlu! hair] to a beam, and auothel pierced his thigh with an awl;
        Though destitute of instructors, these were laborious in study.
        One read by the glowwoi’ui’s light, another by rellection from snow;

        TIIK TRIM ETHICAL CLASSIC. 629

        These, tliougli tlieir families were poor, did not omit to study.

        One carried faggots, and another tied his books to a cow’s horD«

        And while thus engaged in labor, studied with intensity.

        Su Lau-tsiuen, when lie was twenty-seven years old

        Commenced close study, and applied his mind to books;
        This man, when old, grieved that he commenced so late ;
        You who are young must early think of these things.
        Behold Liang Hau, at the ripe age of eighty-two,
        In the imperial hall, amongst many scholars, gains the first rani:’f

        This he accomplished, and all regarded liim a prodigy ;

        You, mj’ young readers, shoukl now resolve to be diligent.

        Yung, when only eiglit years old, could recite the Odes ;

        And Pi, at the age of seven, understood the game of chess;
        These displayed ability, and all deemed them to be rare men ;

        And you, my hopeful scholars, ought to imitate them.

        Tsai Wan-ki could play upon stringed instruments ;

        Sie Tau-wfin, likewise, could sing and chant;
        These two, though girls, were bright and well informed ;

        You, then, my lads, should surely rouse to diligence.

        Liu Ngan of Tang, when only seven years old,

        Proving himself a noble lad, was able to correct writing:

        He, though very young, was thus highly promoted.

        You, young learners, strive to follow his example, .

        For he who does so, will acquire like honors.

        ” Dogs watch by night ; the cock announces the morning J

        If any refuse to learn, how can they be esteemed men ?

        The silkworm spins silk, the bee gathers honey ;

        If men neglect to learn, they are below the brutes.

        He who learns in youth, to act wisely in mature age.

        Extends his influence to the prince, benefits the people.

        Makes his name renowned, renders his parents honorable ;

        Reflects glory on his ancestors, and enriches his posterity.

        Some for their Ouspring, leave coffers filled with gold ;

        While I to teach children, leave this one little book.

        Diligence has merit ; play yields no profit;
        Be ever on your guard ! Rouse all your energies !”

        These quotations illustrate the character of the T7imetri’

        cal Classic, and show its imperfections as a book for voung

        minds. It is a syllahns of studies rather than a book to be

        learned, and ill snited to entice the boy on in his tasks by giving

        him mental food in an attractive form. Yet its influence has

        been perhaps as great as the classics during the last four dynasties,

        from its general use in primary schools, where myriads of

        lads have ” backed ” it who have had no leisure to study much

        more, and when they had crossed this ford could travel no

        farther, (The boy commences his education by learning these

        maxims ; and by the time he has got his degree—and long before,

        too—the higiiest truths and examples known in the land

        are more deeply impressed on his mind than are ever Biblical

        truths and examples on graduates of Yale, Oxford, Heidelberg

        or the Sorbonne.’ Well was it for them that they had learned

        nothing in it which they had better forget, for its deficiencies,

        pointed out by Bridgman in his translation, should not lead us

        to overlook its suggestive synopsis of principles and examples.

        The commentary explains them very fully, and it is often

        learned as thoroughly as the text. Many thousands of tracts

        containing Christian truths written in the same style and with

        the same title, have been taught with good effect in the mission

        schools in China.”

        ( The next hornbook put into the boy’s hands is the P\h Kla,

        S’mg, or ‘ Century of Surnames.’ It is a list of the family or clan

        names commonly in use. Its acquisition also gives him familiarity

        with four hundred and fifty-four common words employed

        as names, a knowledge, too, of great importance lest mistakes

        be made in choosing a wrong character among the scores of

        horaophonous characters in the language) For instance, out of

        eighty-three common words pronounced hi, six only are clan

        names, and it is necessary to have these very familiar in the

        daily intercourse of life. The nature of the work forbids its being

        studied, but the usefulness of its contents probably explains

        its position in this series.’^

        The third in the list is the Tsien Tsz^ Wan, or ‘Millenary

        Classic,’ unique among all books in the Chinese language, and

        whose like could not be produced in any other, in that it consists

        ‘ Compare Dr. Morrison in the Horm Sinic/v, pp. 122-146 ; B. Jenkins, The

        Three-Glmnicter CluxHic, romanized acrording to the Khaufihai di(dect, Shanghai,

        1800. The Classic has also been translated into Latin, French, German, Russian,

        and Portuguese. For the Trimetrical Classic of the Tai-ping regime see

        a version in the North China Herald, No. 147, May 21, 185;}, by Dr. Medhurst •

        also a translation by Rev. S. C. Malan, of Balliol College, Oxford. London,

        1856.

        ” E. C. Bridgman in the Chinese Eepository, Vol. IV., p. 152. Livre de Cent

        famiUes, Perny, Diet., App., No. XIV., pp. 156 fE.

        THE THOUSAND-CHARACTER CLASSIC. 531

        of just a thousand characters, no two of which are alike in form or

        meaning. The author, Chau lling-tsz’, flourished ahout a.d. 550,

        and according to an account given in the history of the Liang

        dynasty, wrote it at tlie Empei-or’s request, who had ordered his

        minister Wang Hi-chi to write out a thousand characters, and

        give them to him, to see if he could make a connected ode with

        them.’ This he did, and presented his performance to liis majesty,

        who rewarded him with rich presents in token of his approval.

        Some accounts (in order that so singular a work might

        not M’ant for corresponding wonders) add that he did the task in

        a single night, under the fear of condign punishment if he

        failed, and the mental exertion was so great as to turn his hair

        white. It consists of two hundred and fifty lines, in which

        rhyme and rhythm are both carefully observed, though there

        is no more poetry in it than in a multiplication table. The

        contents of the book are similar but more discursive than those

        of the Trimetrical Classic. Up to the one hundred and second

        line, the productions of nature and virtues of the early monarchs,

        the power and capacities of man, his social duties and

        mode of conduct, with instructions as to the manner of living,

        are summarily treated.’ Thence to the one hundred and sixtysecond

        line, the splendor of the palace, and its high dignitaries,

        with other illustrious persons and places, are referred to. The

        last part of the w’ork treats of private and literary life, the pursuits

        of agriculture, household government, and education, interspersed

        with some exhortations, and a few illustrations. A few

        disconnected extracts from Dr. Bridgman’s translation’ will show

        the mode in which these subjects are handled. The opening

        lines are,

        *’ The heavens are sombre ; the earth is yellow

        ;

        The whole universe [at the creation] was one wide waste ;

        after which it takes a survey of the world and its products, and

        Chinese history, in a very sententious manner, down to the

        thirty-seventh line, which opens a new subject.

        ‘ Chinese Bepository, Vol. IV., p. 229.

        ” Now this our human body is endowed
        With four great powers and five cardinal virtues:
        Preserve with reverence what your paieuts nourished,—
        How dare you destroy or injure it V
        Let females guard their chastity and purity,
        And let men imitate the talented and virtuous.
        When you know your own errors then reform;
        And when you have made acquisitions do not lose them.

        Forbear to complain of the defects of other people,

        And cease to brag of your own superiority.

        Let your truth be such as may be verified,

        Your capacities, as to be measured with difficulty.

        ” Observe and imitate the conduct of the virtuous,

        And command your thoughts that you may be wise.

        Your virtue once fixed, your reputation will be established

        ;

        Your habits once rectified, your example will be correct.

        Sounds are reverberated in the deep valleys.

        And the vacant hall reechoes all it hears

        ;

        So misery is the penalty of accumulated vice.

        And happiness the reward of illustrious virtue.

        ” A cubit of iade stone is not to be valued,

        But an inch of time you ought to contend for.

        ” Mencius esteemed plainness and simplicity;

        And Yu the historian held firmly to rectitude.

        These nearly approached the golden medium,

        Being laborious, humble, diligent, and moderate.

        Listen to what is said, and investigate the principles explained

        :

        Watch men’s demeanor, that you may distinguish their characters.

        Leave behind you none but purposes of good ;

        And strive to act in such a manner as to command respect.

        When satirized and admonished examine 3’ourself,

        And do this more thoroughly when favors increase.

        ” Years fly away like arrows, one pushing on the other;

        The sun shines brightly through his whole course.

        The planetarium keeps on revolving where it hangs ;

        And the bright moon repeats her revolutions.

        To support fire, add fuel ; so cultivate the root of happiness,

        And you will obtain eternal peace and endless felicity.”

        Tlie conimentaiy 011 the TJiousand Character Classic contains

        many just observations and curious anecdotes to explain

        this hook, whose text is so familiar to the people at large that its

        lines or characters are used as lal)ols instead of figures, as thev

        take up less room. If Western scholars were as familiar with

        the acts and sayings of King Wan, of Su Tsin, or of Kwan

        (hung, as they are with those of Sesostris, Pericles, or Horace,

        THE ODES FOR CIirLDREN. 583

        these incidents and places would naturally enough he deemed

        more interesting than they now are. But where the power of

        genius, or the vivid pictures of a brilliant imagination, are

        wanting to illustrate or beautify a subject, there is comparatively

        little to interest Europeans in the authors and statesmen of such

        a distant country and remote period/

        (The fourth in this series, called V-iu ITioh Shl-tlch^ or ‘ Odes

        for Children,’ is written in rhymed pentameters, and contains

        only thirty-four stanzas of four lines.’ A single extract will

        show its character, which is, in general, a brief description and

        praise of literary life, and allusion to the changes of the season,

        and the beauties of nature.

        It is of the utmost importance to educate children ;

        Do not say that your families are poor,

        For those who can handle well the pencil,

        Go where they will, need never ask for favors.

        One at the age of seven, showed himself a divinely endowed youth,

        ‘Heaven,’ said he, ‘gave me my intelligence :

        Men of talent appear in the courts of the holy monarch,

        Nor need they wait in attendance on lords and nobles.

        ‘ In the morning I was an humble cottager,

        In the evening I entered the court of the Son of Heaven:
        Civil and military offices are not hereditary.
        Men must, therefore, rely on their own efforts.
        ‘ A passage for the sea has been cut through mountains,

        And stones have been melted to repair the heavens ;

        In all the world there is nothing that is impossible ;

        It is the heart of man alone that is wanting resolution.

        • Once I myself was a poor indigent scholar.

        Now I ride mounted in my four-horse chariot.

        And all my fellow-villagers exclaim with surprise.’

        Let those who have children thoroughly educate them.

        The examples of intelligent youth rising to the highest offices

        of state are numerous in all the works designed for beginners,

        * Compare Das Tsidn clsii wen, oder Buch von Tamend MDrtern, aus dem

        Schinesisclien, niit Bei’dckschtit/unf/ der Koraisclien und Jwpaninchen Uebersetzumj,

        ins DeuUche ubertragen, Ph. Fr. de ^iehoXdi, Nippon, Abh. IV., pp. 105-

        191 ; B. Jenkins, The Thou’sand-ChanieUr Cittssic, romanized, etc. Shanghai,

        1860; Ths/en-2’ffeu-Weii, Le Livre des MiUe Mots, etc., par Stanislas Julien

        (with Chinese text), Paris, 18G4 ; China Review, Vol. II., pp. 1S3 ff.

        and stories illustrative of their precocity are sometimes given

        in toy-books and novels. One of the most common instances ia

        here quoted, that of Confucius and Iliang Toh, which is as well

        known to every Chinese as is the story of George Washington

        barking the cherry-tree with his hatchet to American youth..

        ” The name of Confucius was Yu, and his style Chungni ; he established himself as an instructor in the western part of the kingdom of Lu. One day, followed by all his disciples, riding in a carriage, he went out to ramble, and on the road, came across several children at their sports ; among them was one who did not join in them. Confucius, stopping his carriage, asked him, saying, ‘ Why is it that you alone do not play V ‘ The lad replied, ‘ All play is without any profit ; one’s clothes get torn, and they are not easily mended ; above me, I disgrace my father and mother ; below me, even to the lowest, there is fighting and altercation ; so much toil and no reward, how can it be a good business ? It is for these reasons that I do not play.’ Then dropping his head, he began making a city out of pieces of tile.

        “Confucius, reproving him, said, ‘ Why do you not turn out for the carriage V ‘ The boy replied, ‘ From ancient times till now it has always been considered proper for a carriage to turn out for a city, and not for a city to turn out for a carriage. ‘ Confucius then stopped his vehicle in order to discourse of reason. He got out of the carriage, and asked him, ‘ You are still young in years, how is it that you are so quick V ‘ The boy replied, saying, ‘ ^human being, at the age of three years, discriminates between his father and his mother ; a hare, three days after it is born, runs over the ground and furrows of the fields ; fish, three days after their birth, wander in rivers and lakes ; what heaven thus produces naturally, how can it be called brisk ?’

        “Confucius added, ‘In what village and neighborhood do you reside, what is your surname and name, and what your style? ‘ The boy answered, * I live in a mean village and in an insignificant land ; my surname is Hiang, my name is Toh, and I have yet no style.’

        ” Confucius rejoined, ‘ I wish to have you come and ramble with me ; what do you think of it V ‘ The youth replied, ‘ A stern father is at home, whom I am bound to serve ; an affectionate mother is there, whom it is my duty to cherish ; a worthy elder brother is at home, whom it is proper for me to obey, with a tender younger brother whom I must teach ; and an intelligent teacher is there from whom I am required to learn. How have I leisure to go a rambling with you V’

        “Confucius said, ‘I have in my carriage thirty-two chessmen; what do you say to having a game together V ‘ The lad answered, ‘ If the Emperor love gaming, the Empire will not be governed ; if the nobles love play, the government will b<5 impeded ; if scholars love it, learning and investigation will be lost and thrown by ; if the lower classes are fond of gambling, they will utterly lose the support of their families ; if servants and slaves love to game, they will gel a cudgelling ; if farmers love it, they miss the time for ploughing and sowing; for these reasons I shall mit play with you.’

        THE STORY OF CONFUCIUS AND IIIANG TOIL 585

        “Confucius rejoined, ‘I wish to have you go with me, and fully equalize the Empire; what do you think of this? ‘ The Lad replied, ‘ The Empire cannot be equalized; here are high hills, there are lakes and rivers; either there are princes and nobles, or there are slaves and servants. If the high hills be levelled, the birds and beasts will have no resort ; if the rivers and lakes be filled up, the fishes and the turtles will have nowhere to go ; do away with kings and nobles, and the common people will have much dispute about right and wrong ; obliterate slaves and servants, and who will there be to serve the prince ! If the Empire be so vast and unsettled, how can it be equalized ?’

        ” Confucius again asked, ‘ Can you tell, under the whole sky, what fire has no smoke, what water no fish ; what hill has no stones, what tree no branches ; what man has no wife, what woman no husband ; what cow has no calf, what mare no colt ; what cock has no hen, what hen no cock ; what constitutes an excellent man, and what an inferior man ; what is that which has not enough, and what which has an overplus ; what city is without a market, and who is the man without a style ?’

        ” The boy replied, ‘A glowworm’s fire has no smoke, and well-water no fish ; a mound of earth has no stones, and a rotten tree no branches ; genii have no wives, and fairies no husbands ; earthen cows have no calves, nor wooden mares any colts ; lonely cocks have no hens, and widowed hens no cocks ; he who is worthy is an excellent man, and a fool is an inferior man ; a winter’s day is not long enough, and a summer’s day is too long ; the imperial city has no market, and little folks have no style.’

        ” Confucius inquiring said, ‘ Do you know what are the connecting bonds between heaven and earth, and what is the beginning and ending of the dual powers ? What is left, and what is right ; what is out, and what is in ; who is father, and who is mother ; who is husband, and who is wife. [Do you know]where the wind comes from, and from whence the rain V From whence the clouds issue, and the dew arises V And for how many tens of thousands of miles the sky and earth go parallel ?’

        “The youth answering said, ‘Nine multiplied nine times make eighty-one, which is the controlling bond of heaven and earth ; eight multiplied by nine makes seventy-two, the beginning and end of the dual powers. Heaven is father, and earth is mother ; the sun is husband, and the moon is wife ; east is left, and west is right ; without is out, and inside is in ; the winds come from Tsang-wu, and the rains proceed from wastes and wilds ; the clouds issue from the hills, and the dew rises from the ground. Sky and earth go parallel for ten thousand times ten thousand miles, and the four points of the compass have each their station.’

        “Confucius asking, said, ‘ Which do you say is the nearest relation, father and mother, or husband and wife ? ‘ The boy responded, ‘ One’s parents are near ; husband and wife are not [so] near.’

        “Confucius rejoined, ‘While husband and wife are alive, they sleep under the same coverlet ; when they are dead they lie in the same grave ; how then can you say that they are not near V ‘ The boy replied, ‘ A man without a wife is like a carriage without a wheel ; if there be no wheel, another one is made, for he can doubtless get a new one ; so, if one’s wife die, he seeks again, for he also can obtain a new one. The daughter of a worthy family must certainly marry an honorable husband ; a house having ten rooms always has a plate and a ridgepole ; three windows and six lattices do not give the ligh\ of a single door ; the whole host of stars with all their sparkling brilliancy do not equal the splendor of the solitary moon : the affection of a father and mother—alas, if it be once lost !’

        “Confucius sighing, said, ‘How clever! how worthy!’ The boy asking the sage said, ‘ You have just been giving me questions, which I have answered one by one ; I now wish to seek information ; will the teacher in one sentence afford me some plain instruction V I shall be much gratified if my request be not rejected.’ He then said, ‘ Why is it that mallards and ducks are able to swim; how is it that wild geese and cranes sing ; and why are firs and pines green through the winter ‘?

        ‘ Confucius replied, ‘ Mallards and ducks can swim because their feet are broad ; wild geese and cranes can sing because they have long necks ; firs and pines remain green throughout the winter because they have strong hearts.’ The youth rejoined, ‘ Not so ; fishes and turtle’; can swim, is it because they all have broad feet ? Frogs and toads can sing, is it because their necks are long V The green bamboo keeps fresh in winter, is it on account of its strong heart *’

        “Again interrogating, he said, ‘ How many stars are there altogether in the sky V ‘ Confucius replied, ‘ At this time inquire about the earth; how can we converse about the sky with certainty?’ The boy said, ‘Then how many houses in all are there on the earth ? ‘ The sage answered, ‘ Come now, speak about something that’s before our eyes ; why mu.st you converse about heaven and earth ? ‘ The lad resumed, ‘ Well, speak about what’s before our eyes—how many hairs are there in your eyebrows ‘?’

        “Confucius smiled, but did not answer, and turning round to his disciples called them and said, ‘ This boy is to be feared ; for it is easy to see that the subsequent man will not be like the child. ‘ He then got into his carriage and rode off.”‘

        6Xext in course to this rather trifling primer conies the Hlao

        King, or ‘ Canons of Filial Duty,’ a short tractate of only 1,903

        characters, which purports to be the record of a conversation

        held between Confucius and his disciple Tsitng Tsan on the

        principles of filial piet}*! Its authenticity has been disputed by

        critics, but their doubts are not shared by their countrymen,

        who commit it to memory as the words of the sage. The legend

        is that a copy was discovered in the wall of his dwelling, and

        compared with another secreted by Yen Chi at the burning of

        the books ; from the two Liu Iliang chose eighteen of tlie

        chapters contained in it as alone genuine, and in this shape it

        has since remained. The sixth section of the Imperial Catalogue

        is entirely devoted to writers on the Iliao Kmg, one of whom was

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. X., p. 614.

        THE HIAO KING, OR CANONS OF FILIAL DUTY. 537

        Vnentsuiig, an emperor of the Tang dynasty (a.d. T33). Another

        comment was publislied in 32 vohimes in Kanghi’s reign, discussing

        the whole sul)ject in one liundred cliapters. Though it

        does not share in critical eyes the conlidence accorded to the

        nine classics, the brevity and subject matter of this work have

        commended it to teachers as one of the best books in the

        language to be placed in the hands of their scholars ; thus its

        influence has been great and enduring. It has been translated

        by Bridgman, who regards the first six sections as the words of

        Confucius, while the other twelve contain his ideas. Two quotations

        are all that need be here given to show its character.

        Section I.

        On the origin and nature ofjUial duty.—Filial duty is the root

        of virtue, and the stem from which instruction in the moral principle springs.

        Sit down, and I will explain this to you. The first thing which filial duty requires

        of us is, that we carefully preserve from all injviry, and in a perfect

        state, the bodies which we have received from our parents. And when we

        acquire for ourselves a station in the world, we should regulate our conduct

        by correct principles, so as to transmit our names to future generations, and

        reflect glory on our parents. This is the ultimate aim of filial duty. Thus it

        commences in attention to parents, is continued through a course of services

        rendered to the prince, and is completed by the elevation of ourselves. It

        is said in the Book of Odes,

        Ever think of your ancestors

        ;

        Reproducing then- virtue.

        Section V.

        0>i the attention of scholars to flial duty.—With the same love

        that they serve their fathers, they should serve their mothers ; and with the

        same respect that they serve their fathers, they should serve their prince ; unmixed

        love, then, will be the offering they make to their mothers ; unfeigned

        respect the tribute they bring to their prince ; while toward their fathers both

        tliese will be combined. Therefore they serve their prince with filial duty and

        are faithful to him ; they serve their superiors with respect and are obedient to

        them. By constant obedience and faithfulness toward those who are above

        them, they are enabled to preserve their stations and emoluments, and to offer

        the sacrifices which are due to their deceased ancestors and parents. Such is

        the influence of filial piety when performed by scholars. It is said in the

        Book of Odes,

        When the dawn is breaking, and I cannot sleep,

        The thoughts in my breast are of our parents.

        ‘ Compare Pere Cibot in Memoires.concernant les Chinois, Tome IV., pp. 1 ff.

        ;

        Dr. Legge, ±he Sacred Books of China, Part I. The ShU-kinr/, Reliyious Portions of the Shih-kinff, the Hsido-kimj, Oxford, 1879 ; Asiatic Journal, Vol XXIX., pp. 302 if., 1839.

        (The highest place in the list of virtues and obligations is accorded

        to filial duty, not only in this, but in other writings of

        Confucius and those of his school. ” There are,” to quote from

        another section, ” three thousand crimes to which one or the

        other of the five kinds of punishment is attached as a penalty ;

        and of these no one is greater than disobedience to parents.

        When ministers exercise control over the monarch, then there

        is no supremacy ; when the njaxims of the sages are set aside,

        then the law is abrogated ; and so those who disregard filial

        duty are as though they had no parents. These three evils prepai*

        e the way for universal rebellion.’^

        This social virtue has been highly lauded by all Chinese

        wn-Iters, and its observance inculcated upon youth and children

        by precept and example. Stories are written to show the good

        effects of obedience, and the bad results of its contrary sin,

        which are put into their hands, and form also subjects for pictorial

        illustration, stanzas for poetry, and materials for conversation.

        The following examples are taken from a toy-book of

        this sort, called the Twenty-four F’diah^ one of the most popular

        collections on the subject.

        ” During the Chau dynasty there lived a lad named Tsang Tsan (also Tsz’-yu),

        who served his mother very dutifully. Tsang was in the habit of going to the.

        hills to collect fagots ; and once, while he was thus absent, many guests came

        to his house, toward whom his mother was at a loss how to act. She, while

        expecting her son, who delayed his return, began to gnaw her fingers. Tsang

        suddenly felt a pain in his heart, and took up his bundle of fagots in order to

        return home ; and when he saw his mother, he kneeled and begged to know

        what was the cause of her anxiety. She replied, ‘ there have been some guests

        here, who came from a great distance, and I bit my finger in order to arouse you to return to me.’

        ” In the Chau dynasty lived Chung Yu, named also Tsz’-lu, who, because his

        family was poor, usually ate herbs and coarse pulse ; and he also went more

        than a hundred I’l to procure rice for his parents. Afterward, when they were

        dead, he went south to the country of Tsu, where he was made commander of

        a hundred companies of chariots; there he became rich, storing up grain in

        myriads of measures, reclining upon cushions, and eating food served to him

        in numerous dishes; but sighing, ho said, * Although I should now desire to

        eat coarse herbs and bring rice for my parents, it cannot be !

        ” In the Chau dynasty there flourished the venerable Lai, who was very obedient

        and reverential toward his parents, manifesting his dutifulness by exerting

        liimself to provide them with every delicacy. Although upward of

        EXTRACTS FROM THE TWENTY-FOUR FILIALS. 539

        seventy years of age, he declared that he was not yet old ; and usually

        dressed liimself in parti-colored embroidered garments, and like a child

        would playfully stand by the side of his parents. He would also take up

        buckets of water, and try to carry them into the house ; but feigning to slip,

        would fall to the ground, wailing and crying like a child: and all these things

        he did in order to divert his parents.

        ” During the Han dynasty lived Tung Yung, whose family was so very poor

        that when his father died he was obliged to sell himself in order to procure

        money to bury his remains. After this he went to another place to gain the

        means of redeeming liimself ; and on his way he met a lady who desired to become

        his wife, and go with him to his master’s residence. She went with him,

        and wove three hundred pieces of silk, which being completed in two months,

        they returned home ; on the way, having reached the shade of the cassia tree

        where they before met, the lady bowed and ascending, vanished from his sight.

        ” During the Han dynasty lived Ting Lan, whose parents both died when

        he was young, before he could obey and support them ; and he reflected that

        for all the trouble and anxiety he had caused them, no recompense had yet

        been given. He then carved wooden images of his parents, and served them

        as if they had been alive. For a long time his wife would not reverence them ;

        but one day, taking a bodkin, she in derision pricked their fingers. Blood immediately

        flowed from the wound ; and seeing Ting coming, the images wept.

        He examined into the circumstances, and forthwith divorced his wife.

        “In the days of the Han dynasty lived Koh Kii, who was very poor. He

        had one child three years old ; and such was his poverty that his mother usually

        divided her portion of food with this little one. Koh says to his wife,

        ‘ We are so poor that our mother cannot be supported, for the cliild divides

        with her the portion of food that belongs to her. Why not bury this child V

        Another child may be born to us, but a mother once gone will never return.’

        His wife did not venture to object to the proposal ; and Koh immediately dug

        a hole of about three cubits deep, when suddenly he lighted upon a pot of gold,

        and on the metal read the following inscription :

        ‘ Heaven bestows this treasure

        upon Koh Kii, the dutiful son ; the magistrate may not seize it, nor shall

        the neighbors take it from him.’

        “Mang Tsung, who lived in the Tsin dynasty, when young lost his father.

        His mother was very sick ; and one winter’s day she longed to taste a soup

        made of bamboo sprouts, but Mang could not procure any. At last he went

        into the grove of bamboos, clasped the trees with his hands, and wept bitterly.

        His filial affection moved nature, and the ground slowly opened, sending forth

        several shoots, which he gathered and carried home. He made a soup with

        them, of which his mother ate and immediately recovered from her malady

        ” WuMang, a lad eight years of age, who lived under the Tsin dynasty, was

        very dutiful to his parents. They were so poor that they could not afford to

        furnish their bed with mosquito-curtains ; and every summer’s night, myriads

        of mosquitos attacked them unrestrainedly, feasting upon their flesh and

        blood. Although there were so many, yet Wu would not drive them away,

        lest they should go to his parents, and annoy them. Such was his affection.”

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. VI., p. 131.

        The last book learned before entering on the classics has had

        almost as great an influence as any of them, and none of the works

        of later scholars are so well calculated to sliow the ideas of the

        Chinese in all ages upon the principles of education, intercourse

        of life, and rules of conduct as this ; precepts are illustrated by

        examples, and the examples referred back to precepts for their

        moving cause. (This is the Siao Hloh, or ” Juvenile Instructor,”

        and was intended by Chu Hi, its author, as a counterpart of the

        Ta Hlao, on which he had written a connnentary, “^ It has had

        more than fifty commentators, one of whom says, ” We confide

        in the Siao Hioli as we do in the gods, and revere it as we do

        our parents.” It is divided into two books, the ” fountain of

        learning,” and ” the stream flowing from it,” arranged in 20

        chapters and 385 short sections. The first book has four parts

        and treats of the first principles of education ; of the duties we

        owe our kindred, rulers, and fellow-men, of those we owe

        ourselves in regard to study, demeanor, food, and dress ; and

        lastly gives numerous examples from ancient history, beginning

        with very early times down to the end of the Chau dynasty,

        B.C. 249, confirmatory of the maxims inculcated, and the good

        effects resulting from their observance. The second book contains,

        in its first part, a collection of wise sayings of eminent,

        men who flourished after e.g. 200, succeeded by a series of examples

        of distinguished persons calculated to show the effects of

        good principles ; both designed to establish the truth of the

        teachings of the first book. One or two quotations, themselves

        extracted from other works, will sulfice to show something of

        its contents.

        ” Confucius said, ‘ Friends must sharply and frankly admonish each other, and brothers must be gentle toward one another.’ “

        “Tsz’-kung, asking about friendship, Confucius said, ‘ Faithfully to inform and kindly to instruct another is the duty of a friend ; if he is not tractable, desist ; do not disgrace yourself.’ “

        “Whoever enters with his guests, yields precedence to them at every door ;

        when they reach the innermost one, he begs leave to go in and arrange the

        seats, and then returns to receive the guests ; and after they have repeatedly

        declined he bows to them and enters. He passes through the right door, they

        through the left. He ascc^nds the eastern, they the western steps. If a guest

        be of a lower grade, he must api)roach the steps of the host, while; the latter

        THE SIAO IIIOH, OR JUVENILE INSTRUCTOR. 541

        must reppatedly dc^cline this attention ; then the guest m.\v return to the western

        steps, he ascending, both liost and guest must mutually yield precedence:

        then the host must ascend first, and tlie guests follow. From step to step they

        must bring their feet together, gradually ascending—those on the east moving

        the right foot lirst, those on the west the left.”

        The great influence wliicli these six school-books have had is

        owing to their formative power on youthful minds, a large proportion

        of whom never go beyond them (either from want of

        time, means, or desire), but are really here fui-nished with the

        kernel of their best literature.

        (The tedium of memorizing these unmeaning sounds is relieved

        by writing the characters on thin paper placed over copy slips.

        The writing and the reading lessons are the same, and both are

        continued for a year or two until the forms and sounds of a few

        thousand characters are made familiar, but no particular effort

        is taken to teach their meanings. It is after this that the teacher

        goes over the same ground, and with the help of the commentary,

        explains the meaning of the words and phrases one by one, until they are all understoodJ It is not usual for the beginner to attend much to the meaning of what he is learning to read and write, and where the labor of committing arbitrary characters is so great and irksome, experience has probably shown that it is not wise to attempt too many things at once.

        ^The boy has been familiarizing himself with their shapes as

        he sees them all the time around him, and he learns what they

        mean in a measure before he comes to school. The association

        of form with ideas, as he cons his lesson and writes their words,

        gradually strengthens, and results in that singular interdependence

        of the eye and ear so observable among the scholars of the

        far East. They trust to what is read to help in understanding what

        is heard much more than is the case in phonetic languages. (_Xo

        effort is made to facilitate the acquisition of the characters by the

        boys in school by arranging them according to their component

        parts ; they are learned one by one, as boys are taught the names

        and appearance of minerals in a cabine^<_^The effects of a course of

        study like this, in which the powers of the tender mind are not

        developed by proper nourishment of truthful knowledge, can

        hardly be otherwise than to stunt the genius, and drill the faculties of the mind into a slavish adherence to venerated usage and dictation, making the intellects of Chinese students like the trees which their gardeners so toilsomely dwarf into pots and jars—plants, whose unnaturalness is congruous to the insipidity of their fruit.)

        The number of years spent at school depends upon the means

        of the parents. Tradesmen, mechanics, and country gentlemen

        endeavor to give their sons a competent knowledge of the

        usual series of books, so that they can creditably manage the

        common affairs of life. (No other branches of study are pursued

        than the classics and histories, and what will illustrate

        them, ineanwhile giving much care and practice to composi-

        ,_jtioiiivNo arithmetic or any department of mathematics, nothing

        of the geography of their own or other countries, of natural

        philosophy, natural history, or scientific arts, nor the study of

        other languages, are attended to.) Persons in these classes of

        society put their sons into shops or counting-houses to learn the

        routine of business with a knowledge of figures and the style

        of letter-writing ; they are not kept at school more tlian three

        or four years, unless they mean to compete at the examinations.

        Working men, desirous of giving their sons a smattering,

        try to keep them at their books a year or two, but millions

        nnist of course grow up in utter ignorance. It is, however,

        an excellent policy for a state to keep up this universal honor

        paid to education where the labor is so great and the return

        so doubtful, for it is really the homage paid to the principles

        taught.

        r^ Besides the common schools, there are grammar or high

        I schools and colleges, but they are far less effective. In Canton,

        I there are fourteen grammar schools and thirty colleges, sqinej:)f

        / wluch are quite ancient, but most of them are neglected,/ Three

        of the largest contaimeach about two hundred students and two

        or three professors. (The chief object of these institutions is to

        instruct advanced scholars in composition and elegant writing ;

        the tutors do a little to turn attention to general literature, but

        have neither the genius nor the means to make many advances.”)

        In I’ural districts students are encouraged to meet at stated times

        in the town-house, where the lieadman, or deputy of the sz” or

        HABITS OF STUDY—SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. 543

        township, examines them on themes previously proposed by him.’

        In large towns, the local officers, assisted by the gentry and

        graduates, hold annual examinations of students, at which pre

        miums are given to the best essayists. At such an examination

        in Amoy in March, 1845, there were about a thousand

        candidates, forty of whom received sums varying from sixty to

        sixteen cents

        ^One of the most notable, as well as the most ancient of collegiate

        institutions, is the Jvwoh-Uz’ Kien, or ‘ School for the Sons

        of the State,’ whose extensive buildings in Peking, now empty

        and dilapidated, show how much easier it is to found and plan

        a good thing than to maintain its efficiency^ , This state school

        orighiated as early as the Chau dynasty, andTtlie course of study

        as given in the Tt’itual of Chau was much the same three thousand

        years ago as at present. Its officers consisted of a rector,

        usually a high minister of state, aided by five councillors, two

        directors, two proctors, two secretaries, a librarian, two professors

        in each of the six halls, and latterly five others for each of the

        colleges for Bannermen. These halls are named Hall of the

        Pursuit of “Wisdom, the Sincere of Heart, of True Virtue, of

        Koble Aspiration, of Broad Acquirements, and the Guidance of

        Xature. ^he curriculum was not intended to go beyond the classics

        and the six libei-ai arts of music, charioteering, archery, etiquette,

        writing, and mathematics’; but as if to encourage the

        professors to ” seek out by wisdom concerning all things that are

        done under heaven,” as Solomon advises, they were told to take

        their students to the original sources of strategy, astronomy, engineering,

        music, law, and the like, and points out the defects and

        merits of each author. The Kiooh-tsz’ Kien possesses now only

        the husk of its ancient goodness ; and if its professors were not

        honored, and made eligible to be distinct magistrates after three

        years’ term, the buildings would soon be left altogether empty.

        Instead of reviving and rearranging it, the Chinese Government

        . i^ Chinese Repository, VoL IV., p. 414. See also Vol. VI., pp. 229-241;Vol. IV., pp. 1-10; Vol. XL, pp. 545-557 ; and Vol. XIII. , pp. 626-641, for further notices of the modes and objects of education ; Biot, Essai stir VHistoiie de I’Instruction PiMiqiie en Chine, and liis translation of the C1uw-li, VoL H.,p. 27, Paris, 1851. Chinese Recorder, September, 1871.

        Las wisely supplanted it by a new college with its new professors

        and new course of studies—the Tang-iodn Kwan mentioned on p.

        436. Kative free schools, established by benevolent })ersons in

        city or country, are not uncommon, and serve to maintain the literary

        spirit ; some may not be very long-lived, but others take

        their place. In Peking, each of the Banners has its school, and so

        lias the Imperial Clan ; retired officials contribute to schools

        opened for boys connected with their nativ^e districts living in

        the capital. Such efforts to promote education are expected

        from those who have obtained its high prizes.

        ow great a proportion of the people in China can read, is a

        difficult question to answer, for foreigners have had no means of

        learning the facts in the case, and the natives never go into such

        inquiries. More of the men in cities can read than in the country,

        and inore in some provinces than in othfirSj,’ In the district

        anhai, which forms part of the city of Canton, an imperfect

        examination led to the belief that neaily all the men are

        able to read, except fishermen, agriculturists, coolies, boat-people,

        and fuelers, and that two or three in ten devote their lives

        to literary pursuits. In less thickly settled districts, not more

        than four- or five-tenths, and even less, can read. /Tn Macao,

        perhaps half of the men can read. From an examination of the

        hospital patients at Kingpo, one of the missionaries estimated

        the readers to form not more than five per cent, of the men ;

        while another missionary at the same place, w^ho made inquiry in

        a higher grade of society, reckoned them at twenty per cent.

        The villagers about Amoy are deplorably ignorant ; one lady

        who had lived there over twenty years, writes that she had never

        found a woman who could ycad, but these were doubtless from

        among the poorer classes. It appears that as one goes north, the

        extent and thoroughness of education diminishes. ^Throughout

        the Enipiretho ability to understand books is not commensurate

        with the ability to read the characters, and both ha\e been somewhat

        exaggerated. Owiner to the manner in which education is

        commenced^learning the forms and sounds of characters before

        their meanings are understood—it comes to pass tliat many persons

        can call over the names of the characters while they^do not

        comprehend in the least the sense of what they readJ/ They can

        rROPOllTIOX OF THOSE WHO CAN READ IX CHINA. 545

        pick oat ;i word here and there, it may be a phrase or a sentence,

        but they derive no clearer meaning from the text before them

        than a lad, who has just learned to scan, and has proceeded half

        through the Latin Header, does from reading Virgil ; while in

        both cases an intelligent audience, unacquainted with the facts,

        might justly infer that the reader understood what he was readino-

        as well as his hearers did. Moreover, in the Chinese language,

        different subjects demand different characters ; and although a

        man may be well versed in the classics or in fiction, he may be

        easily posed by being asked to explain a simple treatise in medicine

        or in mathematics, in consequence of the many new or unfamiliar

        words on every page. This is a serious obsta^e in the way

        of obtaining a general acquaintance with boolvS^The mind be-‘

        comes weary with the labor of study where its toil is neither rewarded

        b}^ knowledge nor beguiled by wit ; consequently, few

        Chinese are well read in their natural literature. The study o£

        books being regarded solely as the means wherewith to attain ai

        definite end, it follovs naturally that when a cultivated man haa

        reached his goal he should feel little disposed to turn to these;

        inmlements of his profession for either instruction or pleasure^

        (Wealthy or official parents, who wish their sons to compete

        for literarv honors, o-ive them the advantages of a full course in

        reading and rhetoric under the best masters. Composition is

        the most difficult part of the training of a Chinese student, and

        requires unwearied application and a retentive memory. lie

        who can most readily quote the classics, and approach the nearest

        to their terse, comprehensive, energetic diction and style, is,

        cmierls iKtrihus^ most likely to succeed ; while the man who can

        most quickly throw off well rhythmed verses takes the palm

        from all competitor^. In novels, the ability to compose elegant

        verses as fast as the pencil can fly is usually ascribed to the hero

        of the plot. How many of those who intend to compete for

        degrees attend at the district colleges or high schools is not

        known, but they are resorted to by students about the time of

        the examinations in order to make the acquaintance of those

        who are to conq^ete with them. Xo public examinations take

        place in either daj’ or private schools, nor do parents often visit

        them, but rewards for remarkable proficiency are occasionally conferred. (There is little gradation of studies, nor are any diplomas conferred on students to show that they have gone Q . through a certain course. Punishments are severe, and the rattan or bamboo hangs conspicuously near the master, and its liberal use is considered necessary : ” To educate without rigor, shows the teachers indolence,” is the doctrine, and by scolding,

        starving, castigation, and detention, the master tries to instil

        habits of obedience and compel his scholars to learn their

        task. )

        Notwithstanding the high opinion in which education is held,

        the general diffusion of knowledge, and the respect paid to

        learning in comparison with mere title and wealth, the defects of

        the tuition here brieHy described, in extent, means, purposes, and

        results, are very great. Such, too, must necessarily be the case

        until new principles and new information are infused into it.

        Considered in its best point of view, this system has effected all

        that it can in enlarging the understanding, purifying the heart,

        and strengthening the minds of the people ; but in none of these,

        nor in any of the essential points at which a sound education

        aims (as we understand the matter), has it accomplished half that

        is needed. The stream never rises even as high as its source,

        and the teachings of Confucius and Mencius have done all that

        is possible to make their countrymen thinking, useful, and intelligent

        men.

        Turn we now from this brief sketch of primary education

        among the Chinese, to a description of the mode of examining

        students and conferring the degrees which have been made the

        passport to office, and learn what are the real merits of the systeuL^-‘

        tPersons from almost every class of society may become

        (—’^naidates for degrees under the certificates of securities, but

        none are eligible for the second diploma who have not already

        received the first. It therefore happens that the republican

        license apparently’ allowed to well-nigh every subject, in reality

        reserves the prizes for the few most talented or wealtiiy persons

        in thficonamunity.) |V majority of the clever, learned, ambitious,

        and intelligent spirits in the laTid look forward to these examinations

        as the only field woithy of their efforts, and where they are

        most likely to find their equals and friends. How much better

        MODE OF EXAMINATION AND CONFERRING DEGREES. 547

        for the good of society, too, is this arena than the camp or

        the feudal court, the tournament or the monastery !

        There are four regular literary degrees, with some intermediate

        steps of a titular sort. The first is called slu-tsal, meaning

        ‘ flowering talent,’ because of the promise held out of the future

        success of the scholar ; it has often been rendered ‘ bachelor of

        arts ‘ as its nearest equivalent. The examinations to obtain it

        are held under the supervision of the chihien in a public

        building belonging to the district situated near his yamun ; and

        the chief literary officer, called Moh-ching^ ‘ corrector of learning,’

        or Mao-yu, ‘ teacher of the commands,’ has the immediate

        control. (When assembled at the hall of examination, the district

        magistrate, the deputy chancellor, and prefect, having prepared

        the lists of the undergraduates and selected the themes,

        allow only one day for writing the essays. The number of candidates

        depends upon the population and literary spirit of the district

        } in the districts of Xanhai and Pwanyu, upward of two

        thousand persons competed for the prize in 1832, while in

        Hiangshan not half so many came together. The rule for apportioning

        them was at first according to the annual revenue.

        “When the essays are handed in, they are looked over by the

        board of examiners, and the names of the successful students

        entered on a roll, and pasted upon the walls of the magistrate’s

        hall ; this hoaor is called Men ming, i.e., ‘ having a name in

        the village.’ Out of the four thousand candidates referred to

        above, only thirteen in one district, and fourteen in the other,

        obtained a name in the village ; the entire population of these

        two districts is not much under a million and a half. Many of

        the competitors at this primary tripos are unable to finish their

        essays in the day, others make errors in writing, and others

        show gross ignorance, all of which so greatly diminish their

        numbers, that only those who stand near the head of the list of

        Men mhuj do really or usually enter on the next trial before

        the prefect. ^ But all have had an equal chance, and few complain

        that their performances were disregarded, for they can try as often as they please.

        (Those who pass the first examination are entered as candidates for the second, which takes place in the chief town of the department before the literary chancellor and the prefect, as. sisted bj a literary magistrate called Mao-shao, ‘ giver of instructions; ‘ it is more rigorous than that held before the chihlcn^ though similar to it in nature. The prefect arranges the candidates from each district by themselves according to their standing on their several lists, and it is this vantage ground which makes the first trial in one’s native place so important to the

        ambitious scholar. The themes on which they have tested their

        scholarship are published for the information of friends and the

        other examiners. If the proportion given above of successful

        candidates at the district examinations hold for each district,

        there would not be more than two hundred students assembled

        at the prefect’s hall, but the number is somewhat increased by

        persons who have purchased the privilege ; still the second trial

        is made among a small number in projjortion to the first, and

        yet more trifling when compared with the amount of population.

        The names of the successful students at the second trial are exposed

        on the walls of the office, which is called y^* mlng^ i.e.,

        ‘ having a name in the department,’ and these only are eligible

        as candidates for the third trial} (In addition to their knowledge

        of the classics, the candidates at this trial are often required to

        write off the text of the Siting Yu, or ‘ Sacred Edict,’ from memory,

        as this work consists of maxims for the guidance of officer§li

        The literary chancellor exercises a superintendence over the

        previous examinations, and makes the circuit of the province to

        attend them in each department, twice in three years. There

        are various ranks among these educational officials, corresponding

        to the civilians in the province ; transfers are occasionally

        made from one service to the other, and the oversight of the

        latter is always given at; the examinations wherever they ai’C

        held. Most of the literary officers, however, remain in their

        own line, as it is highly honorable and more permanent. (At the

        third trial in the provincial capital, he confers the first degree of

        siio-tmi upon those who are chosen out of the whole list as the

        best scholars.^

        EXAMINATION FOR THE DEGREE OF SIU TSAI. 649

        There are several classes of bachelors, depending; somewhat on the manner in which they obtained their dciirree ; those who get it in the maimer here described take the precedence. yiAiQ possession of this degree protects the person from corporeal punishment, raises him above the common people, renders him a consj)icuons man in his native place, and eligible to enter the triennial examination for the second degree. (Those who have more money than learning, purchase this degree for sums varying from $200 up to $1000, and even higher; in later years, according to the necessities of the government, diplomas have been sold as low as $25 to $50, but such men seldom risel They are called kien-sd/Kj, and, as might be supposed, are looked upon

        somewhat contemptuously by those who have passed through the

        regular examinations, and ” won the battle with their own

        lance.” A degree called Imng-sdng is purchased by or bestowed

        upon the slu-tsal, but is so generally recognized that it has almost

        become a fifth degree, which does not entitle them to the

        full honors of a ku-jin. What proportion of scholars are rewarded

        by degrees is not known, but it is a small number compared

        with the candidates. A graduate of considerable intelligence

        at Ningbo estimated the number of sia-tsal in that city at four hundred, and in the department at nearly a thousand. ( In

        Canton City, the number of shin-hin, or gentry, who are allowed

        to wear the sash of honor, and have obtained literary degrees, is

        not over three hundred ; but in the wdiole province there are

        about twelve thousand bachelors in a population of nineteen

        millions.) Those who have not become siu-tsal are still regarded

        as under the oversight of the hiao-yu and others of his class,

        who still receive their essays ; but the body of provincial

        siu-tsai are obliged to report themselves and attend the prefectural

        tripos before the chancellor, under penalty of losing all the

        privileges and rank obtained. (This law brings them before

        those who may take cognizance of misdeeds, for these men are

        often very oppressive and troublesome to their countrymen^

        The graduates in each district are placed under the control of a chief, whose power is almost equal to the deputy chancellors; from them are taken the two securities required by each applicant to enter the tripos.

        The candidates for siu-tsai are narrowly examined when they enter the hall, their pockets, shoes, wadded robes, and ink-stones, all being searched, lest precomposed essays or other aids to com position be smuggled in. When they are all seated in the hall in their proper places, the wickets, doors, windows, and other entrances are all guarded, and pasted over with strips of paper.

        The room is filled with anxious competitors arranged in long seats, pencil in hand, and ready to begin. The theme is given out, and every one immediately writes off his essay, carefully

        noting how many characters he erases in composing it, and hands

        it up to the board of examiners ; the whole day is allotted to the

        task, and a signal-gun announces the hour when the doors are

        thrown open, and the students can disperse. (A man is liable to

        lose his acquired honor of sla-tsai if at a subsequent inspection

        he is found to have discarded his studies, and he is therefore impelled

        to pursue them in order to maintain his influence, even if

        he does not reach the next degree. ‘\

        ^ince the first degree is sometimes procured by influence and

        money, it is the examination for the second, called hiljin, or

        ‘ promoted men,’ held triennially in the provincial capitals before

        two imperial commissioners, that separates the candidates

        into students and ofiacers, though all the students who receive a

        diploma by no means become officers./ This examination is held

        at the same time in all the eighteen provincial capitals, viz., on

        the 9th, 12th, and 15tli days of the eighth moon, or about the

        middle of September ; while it is going on, the city appears exceedingly

        animated, in consequence of the great number of relatives

        and friends assembled with the students. The persons

        who preside at the examination, besides the imperial commissioners,

        are ten provincial officers, with the futai at their head,

        who jointly form a board of examiners, and decide upon the

        merits of the essays. (The number of candidates who entered

        the lists at Canton in the years 1828 and 1831 was 4,800 ; in

        1832 there were 6,000, which is nearer the usual number. In

        the largest provinces it reaches as many as 7,000, 8,000, and upward.]

        ^Chinese Repository, Vol. II., p. 349; Vol. XVI., pp. 67-72. Doolittle, Social Life of f/te Chineisc, Vol. I., pp. 376-443. Dr. Martin, The Chinese.

        EXAMINATION Foil THE SECOND DEGREE. 551

        Previous to entering the Kunrj T’aen, each candidate has given in all the necessary proofs and particulars, which entitle him to a cell, and receives the ticket which designates the one he is to occupy. He enters the night before, and is searched to see that no manuscript essay, “skinning paper,” or miniature edition of the classics, is secreted on his person. If anything of the sort is discovered, he is punished with the cangue, degraded from his first degree, and forbidden again to compete at the examination; his father and tutor are likewise punished. ( Some of the pieces written for this purpose are marvels of penmanship, and the most finished compositions ; one set contained an essay on every sentence in the Four Books, each of the sheets covered with hundreds of characters, and the paper so thin that they could be easily read through it. The practice is, however, quite common, notwithstanding the penalties, and one censor requested a law to be passed forbidding small editions to be

        printed, and booksellers’ shops to be searched for tlieni^

        The general arrangement of the examination halls in all the

        provincial capitals is alike. A description of that at Canton,

        given on page 166, is typical of them all.

        The Hall at Peking, situated on the eastern side, not far from

        the observatory, contains ten thousand cells, and these do not

        always suffice for the host which assembles. The Hall at Fuhchau

        is equally large ; each cell is a little higher than a man’s

        head, and is open on but one side—letting in more rain and wind

        during inclement days than is comfortable. Confinement in

        these cramped cells is so irksome as to frequently cause the death

        of aged students, who are unable to sustain the fatigue, but who

        still enter the arena in hopes of at last succeeding. Cases have

        occurred where father, son, and grandson, appeared at the same

        time to compete for the same prize. (Dr. Martin’ found that out

        of a list of ninety-nine successful competitors for the second

        degree, sixteen were over forty years of age, one sixty-two, and

        one eighty-three. The average age of the whole number was over

        thirty—while in comparison with like statistics foi* the third degree,

        a proportionate increase might be looked for.) The unpleasantness

        of the strait cell is nnich increased by the smoke arising

        • The Chinese, p. 50.

        from the cooking, and by the heat of the weather. All servants are provided by government, but each candidate takes in the rice and fuel which he needs, together with cakes, tea, candles, bedding, etc., as he can afford ; no one can g(> in with him. The enclosure presents a bustling scene during the examination, and its interest intensifies until the names of the successful scholars

        are published. Should a student die in his cell, the body is pulled

        through a hole made in the wall of the enclosure, and left there for

        his friends to carry away. Whenever a candidate breaks any of

        the prescribed regulations of the contest, his name and offence are

        reported, and his name is ” pasted out ” by placarding it on the

        outer door of the hall, after which he is not allowed to enter until

        another examination comes around. More than a hundred

        persons are thus ” pasted out ” each season, but no heavy disgrace

        seems to attach to them in consequence.

        (On the first day after the doors have been sealed up, four themes are selected by the examiners from the Four Books, one of which subjects must be discussed in a poetical essay. The minimum length of the compositions is a hundred characters, and they must be written plainly and elegantly, and sent in without any names attached^ In 1828, the acumen of four thousand

        eight hundred candidates was exercised during the first day on

        these themes : ” Tsang-tsz’ said, ‘ To possess ability, and yet ask

        of those who do not ; to know much, and yet inquire of those

        who know little ; to possess, and yet appear not to possess ; to

        be full, and yet appear empty.’ “—” lie took hold of things by

        the two extremes, and in his treatment of the people maintained

        the golden medium.” “A man from his youth studies eight

        principles, and when he arrives at manhood, he wishes to reduce

        them to practice.”—The fourth essay, to be written in

        pentameters, had for its subject, “The sound of the oar, and the

        green of the hills and water.” Among the themes given out

        in 1843, were these: “lie who is sincere will be intelligent,

        and the intelligent man will be faithful.”—”In carrying out

        benevolence, there are no rules.” In 1835, one was, ” lie acts

        as he ought, both to the common people and official men, receives

        his revenue from Heaven, and by it is protected and highly

        esteemed.” Among other more practical texts are the following: ” Fire-arms began with the use of rockets in the Chau dynasty ; in what book do we first meet with the word for cannon? Is the defence of Kaifung fii its first recorded use ?

        METHOD OF CONDUCTING THE EXAMINATION. 553

        Kublai klian, it is said, obtained cannon of a new kind ; from whom did he obtain them ? When the Ming Emperors, in the reign of Yungloh, invaded Cochincliina, they obtained a kind of cannon called the weapons of the gods; can you give an account of their origin ‘( “

        The three or five themes (for the number seems to be optional)

        selected from the Five Classics are similar to these, but as those

        works are regarded as more recondite than the Four Books, so

        nmst the essayists try to take a higher style/ An officer goes

        around to gather in the pa] )ers, which are first handed to a body

        of scholars in waiting, who look them over to see if the prescribed

        rules have all been observed, and reject those which infringe

        them, /The rest are then copied in red ink, to prevent

        recognition of the handwriting, and the original manuscripts

        given to the governor. The cojjies are submitted to another

        class of old scholars for their criticism, each of whom marks the

        essays he deems best with a red circle, and these only are placed

        in the hands of the chancellors sent from Peking for their decision.

        The examining board are aided by twelve scholars of

        repute, to each of whom forty or fifty essays are given to read.

        The students are dismissed during the niglit of the ninth day,

        and reassemble before sunrise of the eleventh ; all M’hose essays

        were rejected on the first review are refused enti-ance to their

        cells. At the second tripos, five themes are given out from the

        Five Classics, and everything pi-oceeds as before in respect

        to the disposal of the manuscripts. The students are liberated

        early on the thirteenth as before by companies, under a salute

        and music as they leave the great door; their number has been

        much reduced by this time. On the next morning the roll is

        called, and those who answer to their names for the last struggle

        are furnished with five themes for essays, one for poetry, taken

        from the classics or histories, upon doubtful matters of government,

        or such problems as might arise in law and finance.

        These questions take even a more extended range, including topics relating to the laws, history, geography, and customs of the Empire in former times, doubtful points touching the classical works, and the interpretation of obscure passages, and biograpli«ical notices of statesnieiil Ut is forbidden, however, to discusa any points relating to the poHcy of the present family, or the character and learning of living statesmen); but the conduct of their rulers is now and then alluded to by the candidates. (Manuals of questions on such subjects as candidates are examined in, are commonly exposed for sale in shops about the time of these examinations.’ By noon of the sixteenth day of the eighth moon, all the candidates throughout the Empire have left their halls, and the examination is over.’

        The manner in which subjects are handled may be readily illustrated

        by introducing an essay upon this theme : ” When persons

        in high stations are sincere in the performance of relative

        and domestic duties, the people generally will be stimulated to

        the practice of virtue.” It is a fair specimen of the jejune style

        of Chinese essayists, and the mode of reasoning in a circle M’hick

        pervades their writings.

        “When the upper classes are really virtuous, the common people will inevitably become so. For, though the sincere performance of relative duties by superiors does not originate in a wish to stimulate the people, yet the people do become virtuous, which is a proof of the effect of sincerity. As benevolence is the radical principle of all good government in the world, so also benevolence is the radical principle of relative duties amongst the people. Traced back to its source, benevolent feeling refers to a first progenitor ; traced forward, it branches out to a hundred generations yet to come. The source of personal existence is one’s parents, the relations which originate from Heaven are most intimate; and that in which natural feeling blends is felt most deeply. That which is given by Heaven and by natural feeling to all, is done without any distinction between noble or ignoble. One feeling pervades all. My thoughts now refer to him who is placed in a station of eminence, and who may be called a good man. The good man who is placed in an eminent station, ought to lead forward the practice of virtue; but the way to do so is to begin with his own relations, and perform his duties to them.

        ” In the middle ages of antiquity, the minds of the people were not yet dissipated—how came it that they were not humble and observant of relative duties, when they were taught the principles of the five social relations V This having been the case, makes it evident that the enlightening of the people must depend entirely on the cordial performance of immediate relative duties. The person in an eminent station who may be called a good man, is he who appears at the head of all others in illustrating by his practice the relative duties.

        ‘ Blot, Essai sur VInstruction en Chine, p. 603.

        EXAMPLE OF AN ESSAY. 555

        To ages nearer to our own, the manners of the people were not far removed from the dutiful; how came it that any were disobedient to parents, and without

        brotherly att’ectioii, and that it was yet necessary to restrain men by intiictiug

        the eight forms of punishment ‘! This having been the case, shows tliat in the

        various modes of obtaining promotion in the state, there is nothing regarded of

        more importance than filial and fraternal duties. The person in an eminent

        station who may be called a good man, is he who stands forth as an example of

        the performance of relative duties.

        ” The difference between a person filling a high station and one of the common

        people, consists in the dej^artment assigned them, not in their relation to

        Heaven ; it consists in a difference of rank, not in a difference of natural feeling; but the common people constantly observe the sincere performance of relative duties in people of high stations. In being at the head of a family and preserving order amongst the persons of which it is composed, there should be sincere attention to politeness and decorum. A good man placed in a high station says, ‘ Who of all these are not related to me, and shall I receive them with mere external forms ‘?

        ‘ The elegant entertainment, the neatly arranged

        tables, and the exhilarating song, some men esteem mere forms, but the good

        man esteems that which dictates them as a divinely instilled feeling, and at

        tends to it with a truly benevolent heart. And who of the common peoj^le

        does not feel a share of the delight arising from fathers, and brothers, and

        kindred ? Is this joy resigned entirely to princes and kings ?

        ” In favors conferred to display the benignity of a sovereign, there should

        be sincerity in the kindness done. The good man says, ‘ Are not all these

        persons whom I love, and shall I merely enrich them by largesses ? ‘ He gives

        a branch as the sceptre of aiithority to a delicate 3’ounger brother, and to another

        he gives a kingdom witli his best instructions. Some men deem this as

        merely extraordinary good fortune, but the good man esteems it the exercise

        of a virtue of the first order, and the effort of inexpressible benevolence.

        But have the common people no regard for the spring whence the water flows,

        nor for the root which gives life to the tree and its branches ? Have they no

        regard for their kindred ? It is necessary both to reprehend and to urge them

        to exercise these feelings. The good man in a high station is sincere in the

        performance of relative duties, because to do so is virtuous, and not on account

        of the common people. I3ut the people, without knowing whence the impulse

        comes, witli joy and delight are influenced to act with zeal in this career of

        virtue ; the moral distillation proceeds with rapidity, and a vast change is effected.

        ” The rank of men is exceedingly different ; some fill the imperial throne, but every one equally wishes to do his utmost to accomplish his duty ; and success depends on every individual himself. The upper classes begin and pour the wine into the rich goblet ; the poor man sows his grain to maintain his parents ; the men in high stations grasp the silver bowl, the poor present a pigeon ; they arouse each other to unwearied cheerful efforts, and the principles implanted by Heaven are moved to action. Some things are difficult to be done, except by those who possess the glory of national rule ; but the kind feeling is what I myself possess, and may increase to an unlimited degree.

        The prince may write verses appropriate to his vine bower ; the poor man can think of his gourd shelter ; the prince may sing his classic odes on fraternal regards ; the poor man can muse on his more simple allusions to the same subject, and asleep or awake indulge his recollections ; for the feeling is instilled into his nature. When the people are aroused to relative virtues, they will be sincere ; for where are there any of the common people that do not desire to perform relative duties ? But without the upper classes performing relative duties, this virtuous desire would have no point from which to originate, and

        therefore it is said, ‘Good men in high stations, as a general at the head of liis

        armies, will lead forward the world to the practice of social virtues.’”

        _\ The discipline of mind and memory wliicli these examinations

        di’aw ont fm-nishes a grade of intellect which only needs the

        friction and experience of public life to make statesmen out of

        scholars, and goes far to account for the influence of Chinese in

        Asia. The books studied in preparation for such trials must be

        remembered with extraordinary accuracy,)though we may wish

        they contained more truth and better science. The following

        are among the questions proposed in 1853, and must be taken

        as an average : ” In the Ilan dynasty, there were three commentators

        on the J7A King^ whose explanations, and divisions

        into chapters and sentences were all different : can you give an

        account of them ?

        “—” Sz’ma Tsien took the classics and ancient

        records in arranging his history according to their facts ; some

        have accused him of undulv exaltino; the Taoists and thinking

        too highly of wealth and power. Pan Ku is clear and compreliensive,

        but on Astronomy and the Five Elements, he has written

        more than enough. Give examples and proof of these two

        statements.”—” Chin Shao had admirable abilities for historical

        writings. In his San Kiooh Chi he has depreciated Chu-koh

        Liang, and made very light of t and I, two other celebrated

        characters. What does he say of them ? ” This kind of

        question involves a wide range of reading within the native literature,

        though it of course contracts tlie mind to look upon that

        literature as containing all that is worth anything in the world/J

        ( Twenty-five days are allowed for the examining board to de

        cide on the essays ; and few tasks can be instanced moi-e irksome

        to a board of honest examiners than the perusal of between flfty

        and seventy-flve thousand papers on a dozen subjects, through

        which the most monotonous uniformity nuist necessarily run,

        ARDUOUS LABORS OF THE EXAMIXERS. 551

        and out of wliich tliey have to choose the seventy or eighty best

        —for the number of successful candidates cannot vary far from

        this, according to the size of the province. The examiners, as

        lias ah’eady been described, are aided by literary men in sifting

        this mass of papers, which relieves them of most of the laboi”,

        and secures a better decision. If the number of students be

        five tliousand, and each writes thirteen essays,- there will be

        sixty-five thousand papers, whicli allots two hundred and sixty

        essays for each of the tenexamineivs. With the help of the assistants

        who are intrusted with their examination, most of the essays obtain a reading, no doubt, by some qualified scholar.

        There is, therefore, no little sifting and selection, so that when at the last the commissioners choose three rolls of essays and poems from each of the sessions belonging to the same scholar, to pass their final judgment, the company of candidates lilcely to succeed has been reduced as. small in proportion as those in Gideon’s host who lapped water. (One of the examining committee, in 183:2, who sought to invigorate his nerves or clear his intellect for the task by a pipe of opium, fell asleep in consequence, and on awaking, found that many of the essays had caught fire and been consumed. It is generally supposed that hundreds of them are unread, but the excitement of the occasion, and the dread on the part of the examining board to irritate the body of students, act as checks against gross omissions. Very trivial errors are enough to condemn an essay, especially if the examiners have not been gained to look upon it kindly. Section LIT. of the code

        regulates the conduct of the examiners, but the punishments are

        slight. One candidate, whose essay had been condenmed without

        being read, printed it, which led to the punishment of the

        examiner, degradation of the graduate, and promulgation of a

        law forbidding this mode of appealing to the public. Another

        essay was rejected because the writer had abbreviated a single characterj

        When the names of the successful wranglers are known, they are published by a crier at midnight, on or before the tenth of the ninth moon ; at Canton, he mounts the highest tower, and, after a salute, announces them to the expectant city ; the next morning, lists of the lucky scholars are hawked about the streets, and rapidly sent to all parts of the province. The proclamat) m which contains their names is pasted upon the governor’s office under a salute of three guns ; his excellency comes out and bows three times towards the names of iha I’i’omoted men^ and retires under another salute. The disappointed multitude must then rejoice in the success of the few, and solace themselves with the hope of better luck next time ; while the successful ones are honored and feasted in a very distinguished manner, and are the objects of flattering attention from the whole city. On an appointed day, the governors, commissioners, and high provincial officers banquet them all at the futai’s palace; inferior officers attend as servants, and two lads, fantastically dressed, and holding fragrant branches of the olive(pleafragrans) in their hands

        grace the scene with this symbol of literary attainments. The

        number of A.M., licentiates, or kil-jtn, who triennially receive

        their degrees in the Empire, is upwards of thirteen hundred :

        the expense of the examinations to the government in various

        ways, including the presents conferred on the graduates, can

        hardly be less than a third of a million of taels. (Besides the

        triennial examinations, special ones are held every ten years,

        and on extraordinary occasions, as a victory, a new reign, or an

        imperial marriage. One was granted in 1835 because the Empress-

        dowager had reached her sixtieth year)

        The third degree of tsln-sz\ ‘entered scholars,’ or doctors, is

        conferred triennially at Peking upon the successful licentiates

        who compete for it, and only those among the h’d-j’m., who have

        not alread}’ taken office, are eligible as candidates. On application

        at the provincial treasury, they are entitled to a part of their

        travelling expenses to court, but it doubtless requires some interest

        to get the mileage granted, for many poor scholars are detained

        from the metropolitan examination, or nnist beg or bor

        row in order to reach it. The procedure on this trial is the

        same as in the provinces, but the examiners are of higher rank ;

        the themes are taken from the same works, and the essays ai’e

        but little else than repetitions of the same ti-ain of thought and

        argument. After the degrees are conferred upon all who are

        deeined worthy, which varies from one hundi-ed and fifty to four

        hundred each time, the doctors are introduced to the Emperor,

        EXAMINATIONS FOR TIIIKD AND FOUKTII DEGREES. 559

        and do him reverence, the three highest receiving rewards from

        him) At this examination, candidates, instead of being promoted,

        are occasionally degraded from their acquired standing

        for incompetency, and forbidden to appear at them again. VThe

        graduates are all inscribed upon the list of candidates for promotion,

        by the Board of Civil Office, to be appointed on the lirst

        vacancy ; most of them do in fact enter on official life in some

        way or other by attaching themselves to high dignitaries, or getting

        employment in some of the departments at the capital-/

        (One instance is recorded of a student taking all the degrees

        within nine months ; and some become Tianlin before entering

        office. Others try again and again, till gi’ay hairs compel them

        to retire.) I’here are many subordinate offices in the Academy,

        the Censorate, or the Boards, which seem almost to have been

        instituted for the employment of graduates, whose success has

        given them a partial claim upon the country. The Emperor

        sometimes selects clever graduates to prepare works for the use

        of government, or nominates them upon special literary commissions’”

        ‘ It can easily be understood that no small address in

        managing and appeasing such a crowd of disciplined active

        minds is required on the part of the bureaucracy, and only the

        long experience of many generations of the graduates could suffice

        to keep the system so vigorous as it is.

        The fourth and highest degree of Jianlln is rather an office

        than a degree, for those who attain it are enrolled as members

        of the Imperial Academy, and receive salaries. The triennial

        exatnination for this distinction is held in the Emperor’s palace,

        and is conducted on much the same plan as all preceding ones,

        though being in the presence of the highest personages in the

        Empire, it exceeds them in honor.’ *^ Manchus and Mongols

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IX., p. 541 ; Vol. III., p. 118.

        2 See Morrison’s Chinese Dictionary, Vol. I., Part I., pp. 759-779, for the laws

        and usages of the several trials. Also Doolittle’s Sucidl Life, Vol. I. , Chaps.

        XV., XVI., and XVII. ; Biot, Essai snr VHistoirc de VInstruction PubUque en

        Chine ; W. A. P. Martin, T/iC Chiiu’se, pp. 39 ff. ; Journal Asiatique, Tomes

        III., pp. 257 and 331, IV., p. 3, and VII. (3d Series, 1839), pp. 32-81;

        Journal Asiatic Soc. Benr/al, Vol. XXVIII., No. 1, 1859; Journal N. C. Br.

        R. As. Soc, New Series, Vol. VI., pp. 129 ff. ; China Review, Vol. II., p

        309.

        compete at these trials with the Chinese, but many facts show

        tliat the former are generally favored at the expense of the latter’;

        the large proportion of men belonging to these races filling

        high oflSces indicates who are the rulers of the landT] The candidates

        are all examined at Peking ; one instance is recorded

        of a Chinese who passed himself oif for a Mancliu, but afterward

        confessed the dissimulation ; the head of the division was

        tried in consequence of his oversight. It is the professed policy

        of the govermnent to discourage literary pursuits among them,

        in order to maintain tho ancient energy of the race ; but Avhero

        the real power is lodged in the hands of civilian^^, it is impossible

        to prevent so powerful a component of the population

        from competing with the others for its possession.

        The present dynasty introduced examinations and gradations

        among the troops on the same principles as obtain in the civil

        service ; nothing more strikingly proves the power of literary

        pursuits in China, than this vain attempt to harmonize the profession

        of arms in all its branches with them. Their enemies

        were, however, no better disciplined and equipped than they

        themselves were. Candidates for the first degree present

        themselves before the district magistrate, with proper testimonials

        and securities. On certain days they are collected on

        the parade-grounds, and exhibit their skill in archery (on foot

        and in the saddle), in wielding swords and lifting weights,

        graduated to test their muscle. The successful men are assembled

        afterward before the prefect ; and again at a third trial

        before the literary chancellor, who at the last tripos tests them

        on their literary attainments, before giving them their degrees

        of siu-tsai. The number of successful military slu-tsal is tho

        same as the literary. They are triennially called together by

        tho governor at the provincial capital to undergo further examination

        for Mi-jin in four successive trials of the same nature.

        These occasions are usually great gala days, and three or four

        scores of young warriors who carry off pi’izes at these tournaments

        receive honors and degrees in much the same style as

        their literary compeers. The trials for the highest degree are

        lield at Peking ; and the long-continued efforts in this service

        generally obtain for the young men posts in the body-guard of

        COMPETITIVE EXAMINATIONS OF THE MILHARV. 561

        the governors or staff uppointrneiits. The forty- nine successful

        candidates out of several thousands at tlie trieiniial examination

        for l-il-jln. in Canton, November, 1882, all hit the target on

        foot six times successively, and on horseback six times ; once

        with the arrow they hit a ball lying on the ground as they

        passed it at a gallop ; and all were of the first class in wielding

        the iron-handled battle-axe, and lifting the stone-loaded beam,

        tl’he candidates are all persons of property, who find their own

        horses, dresses, arms, etc., and are handsomely dressed, the

        horses, trimmings, and accoutrements in good order—the arrows

        being without barbs, to prevent accidents. One observer

        says, ” the marks at wliich they fired, covered with white

        paper, were about the height of a man and somewhat wider,

        placed at intervals of fifty yards ; the object was to strike the>ie

        marks successively with their three ari’ows, the horses be^.’g

        kept at full speed. Although the bulTs-eye was not always

        hit, the target was never missed : the distance did not exceed

        fifteen or twenty feet.’y

        (Since military honors depend so entirely on personal skill, it

        may partly account f(jr the inferior rank the graduates hold in

        comparison with civilians. I\^o knowledge of tactics, gunnery,

        engineering, fortifications, or even, letters in general, seems to

        be required of them; and this explains the inefficiency of the

        army, and the low estimation its officers are held in. Sir J.

        Davis mentions one military officer of enoi’mous size and

        strength, Avhom. he saw on the Pei ho, who had lately been

        promoted for his personal prowess ; and speaks of another attached

        to the guard on one of the boats, who was such a foolish

        fellow that none of the civilians would associate with him.”

        All the classes eligible to civil promotion can enter the ^.sts for

        military honors ; the Emperor is present at the examination for

        the highest, and awards prizes, such as a cap decorated with a

        peacock’s feather ; but no system of prizes or examinations can

        supply the want of knowledge and courage. Military distinctions

        not being much sought by the people, and conferring but

        •Ellis, Embassy to China, p. 87; Chinese Repository, No\. XVI., p. 63;

        Vol. IV., p. 125.

        ^ Davis, Sketches, Vol. I., pp. 99, 101.

        little emolument or power, do not stand as high in public estimation as the present government wishes. The selection oi officers for the naval service is made from the land force, and a man is considered (piite as fit for that branch after his feats of archery, as if the trials had been in yacht-sailing or manning the yards. I

        Such is the outline of the system of examinations through

        which the civil and military services of the Chinese government

        are supplied) and the only part of their system not to be

        paralleled in one or other of the great monarchies of past or

        present times ; though the counterpart of this may have also

        existed in ancient Egypt. ” It is the only one of their inventions,”

        as has been remarked, “which is perhaps worth preserving,

        and has not been adopted by other countries, and carried

        to greater perfection than they were equal to.” CBut such a

        system w^ould be unnecessary in an enlightened Cliristian

        country, where the people, pursuing study for its own sake, are

        able and willing to become as learned as their rulers desire

        without any such inducement. Nor M’ould they submit to the

        trammels and trickery attendant on competition for office ; the

        ablest politicians are by no means found among the most

        learned scholars. The honor and power of official position

        liave proved to be ample stimnlus and reward for years of

        patient study, (^ot one in a score of graduates ever obtains an

        office, not one in a hundred of competitors ever gets a degree ;

        but they all belong to the literary class, and share in its influence,

        dignity, and privileges. Moreover, these books render

        not only those who get the prizes well acquainted with the true

        principles on which power should be exercised, but the whole

        nation—gentry and commoners—know them also. These unemployed

        literati form a powerful middle class, whose members

        advise the work-people, who have no time to study, and aid

        ri their rulers in the management of local affairs. Their intelligence

        fits them to control most of the property, while few

        acquire such wealth as gives them the power to oppress. They

        make the public opinion of the country, now controlling it,

        then cramping it; alternately adopting or resisting new influences,

        and sometimes successfully thwarting the acts of officials,

        OBSERVATIONS UPON THE SYSTEM. 503

        when the rights of the people are in danger of encroachment

        ;

        or at other times combining with tlie authorities to repress anarchy

        or relieve suffering.’

        (This class has no badge of I’ank, and is open to every man’s

        highest talent and efforts, but its complete neutralization of

        hereditary rights, which would have sooner or later made a

        privileged uligari^iij anil-aJiUJdeifiiLfeiKhLLMi§tQcracy, proves

        its vitalizing, democratic influence.) It has saved the Chinese’

        people from a second disintegration into numerous kingdoms,

        by the sheer force of instruction in the political rights and

        duties taught in the classics and their conmientaries. f While

        this system put all on equality, human nature, as we know, has

        no such equality. .Vt its inception it probably met general

        support from all classes, because of its fitness for the times, and

        soon the resistance of multitudes of hopeful students against

        its abrogation and their consequent disappointment in their lifework

        aided its continuance.^ As it is now, talent, wealth, learning,

        influence, paternal raidc, and intrigue, each and all have

        full scope for their greatest efforts in securing the prizes. If

        these prizes had been held by a tenure as slippery as they

        are at present in the American Republic, or obtainable only

        by canvassing popular votes, the system would surely have

        failed, for ” the game would not have been worth the candle.”

        But in China the throne gives a character of pernumency to

        the government, which opposes all disorganizing tendencies,

        and makes it for the interest of every one in ofiice to strengthen

        the power which gave it to him. This loyalty was remarkably

        shown in the recent rebellion, in which, during the eighteen

        years of that terrible carnage and ruin, not one imperial official

        voluntarily joined the Tai-pings, while hundreds died resisting

        them.

        There is no space here for further extracts from the classics

        which will adequately show their character. They would prove

        that Chinese youth, as well as those in Christian lands, are

        taught a higher standard of conduct than they follow. The

        former are, however^ drilled in the very best moral books the

        language affords ; if the Proverbs of Solomon and the New Testament were studied as thoroughly in our schools as the Four Books are in China, our young- ineu would be better fitted to act their part as good and useful citizens.

        fin this way literary pursuits have taken precedence of warlike,

        and no unscrupulous (“sesar or ]^apoleon has heen able to

        use the army for his own aggrandizement. The army of

        Cliina is contemptible, certainly, if compared with those of

        Western nations, and its use is rather like a police, whose powers

        of protection or oppression are exhibited according to the

        tempers of those Avho employ them. But in China the army

        has not been employed, as it was by those great captains, to

        destroy the institutions oti ^vhich it rests ; though its weakness

        and want of discipline often make it a greater evil than good to

        the people.) But had the military waxed strong and efficient,

        it would certainly have l)ecome a terror in the hands of ambitious

        monarchs, a drain on the resources of the land, pci-haps

        a menace to other nations, or finally a destroyer of its own.

        (The officials were taught, when young, what to honor in their

        rulers ; and, now that they liold those stations, they learn that

        discreet, upright magistrates do receive reward and promotion,

        and experience has shown them that peace and thrift are the

        ends and evidence of good government, and the best tests of

        their own fitness for office.?

        Another observable result of this republican method of getting

        the best-educated men into office is the absence of any

        class of slaves or serfs among the population. Slavery exists in

        a modified form of corporeal mortgage for debt, and thousands

        remain in this serfdom for life through one reason or another.

        But the destruction of a feudal baronage involved the extinction

        of its correlative, a villein class, and the oppression of

        poor debtors, as Avns the case in Rome under the consuls. Only

        freemen are eligil>le to enter the concoKfs^ but the percentage

        of slaves is too snuill to influence the total. To this cause, too,

        may, perhaps, to a large degree, be ascribed the absence of

        anything like caste, which has had such bad effects in India.

        <‘^The system could not be transplanted ; it is fitted for the

        ‘genius of the Chinese, and they have become well satisfied

        with its workings, jits purification would do great good, doubtless,

        if the mass or^the people are to be left in their present

        VARIOUS KKSl’LTS TO THE LAND AND PKOI’LIO. 565

        state of ignoi’ance, but their elevation in knowledge would, ere

        long, revolutionize the whole. There can be no doubt as to

        tlie important and beneficial i-esnlts it has accomplished, with / .

        all its defects, in perpetuating and strengthening the system of

        government, and securing to the people a more equitable and

        vigorous body of magistrates than they could get in any other

        way. It offers an honorable career to the most ambitious, taleiited,

        or turbulent spirits in the country, which demands all

        their powers ; and by the time they enter upon office, those

        aspirations and powers have been drilled and molded into use-

        1

        ful service, and are ever after devoted to the maintenance of \

        the system they might otherwise have wrecke^.f Most of the

        real benefits of Chinese education and this sj’sfem of examinations

        are reached before the conferment of the degree of Ixujin.

        These consist in diffusing a general respect and taste for

        letters among the people ; in calling out the true talent of the

        country to the notice of the rulers in an honorable path of effort

        ; in making all persons so thoroughly acquainted -with the

        best moral books in the language that they cannot fail to exercise

        some salutary i-estraint ; in elevating the genei-al standard

        of education so much that every man is almost compelled to

        give his son a little learning in order that he may get along in

        life ; and finally, through all these influences, powerfully contributing

        to uphold the existing institutions of the Empire.

        From the intimate knowledge thus obtained of the writings

        of their best minds, Chinese youth learn the principles of democratic

        nde as opposed to personal authority ; and from this instruction

        it has resulted that no monarch has evei* been able to

        use a standing army to enslave the people, or seize the proceeds

        of their industry for his own selfish ends^’ Nothing in Chinese

        politics is more worthy of notice than the unbounded reverence

        for the Emperor, while each man resists unjust taxation, and

        joins in killing or driving away oppressive officials. [Educated

        men form the only aristocracy in the land ; and the attainment

        of the first degree, by introducing its owner into the class of

        gentnj, is considered ample compensation for all the expense

        and study spent in getting it. On the whole, it may safely be

        asserted that these examinations have done more to maintain the stability, and explain the continuance, of the Chinese government than any other single canse.)

        Ijhe principal defects and malversations in the system can

        soon be shown. Some are inherent, but others rather prove

        the badness of the material than of the system and its harmonious

        workings. One great difRcnlty in the way of the graduated

        students attaining office according to their merits is the

        favor shown to those who can buy nominal and real honors.

        “”Two_censm:g^,-ill–1822, laid a document before his Majesty, in

        M’hich the evils attendant on selling office are shown ; viz., elevating

        priests, highwaymen, merchants, and other unworthy or

        uneducated men, to responsible stations, and placing insurmountable

        difficulties in the way of hard-working, worthy students

        reaching the reward of their toi^ They state that the

        plan of selling offices connnenced during the II an dynasty, but

        speak of the greater disgrace attendant upon the plan at the

        present time, because the avails all go into the privy purse instead

        of being applied to the public service ; they recommend,

        therefore, a reduction in the disbursements of the imperial estal)

        iishment. LVniong the items mentioned by these oriental

        Joseph Humes, which they consider extravagant, are a lac of

        taels (100,000) for tlowers and rouge in the seraglio, and 120,-

        000 in salaries to waiting-boys ; two lacs were expended on the

        gardens of Yuenming, and almost half a million of taels upon

        the parks at Jeh ho, while the salaries to officers and presents

        to women at Yuenming were over four lacs. ” If these few

        items of expense were abolished,” they add, “there would be a

        saving of moi’e than a million of taels of useless expenditure

        ;

        talent might be brought forward to the service of the country,

        and the people’s wealth be secured.”

        i^n consequence of the extensive sale of offices, they state

        that more than five thousand ^.s/;? -,<?.;’ doctors, and more than

        twenty-seven thousand l-il-j’ui licentiates, arc waiting for employment

        ; and those first on the list obtained their degrees

        thirty years ago, so that the pi-obability is that when at last

        employed, they will be too old for service, and be declared

        superannuated in the first examination of official merits and demerits.

        The rules to be observed at the regular examinations

        ITS rilACTICAL DEFECTS AND CORRUPTION. 067

        are strict, but no questions are asked the buyers of office ; and

        they enter, too, on their duties as soon as the money is paid.

        The censors quote tliree sales, ^vhose united proceeds amounted

        to a quarter of a million of taels, and state that the whole income

        from this source for twenty years was only a few lacs.

        Examples of the flagitious conduct of these purse-proud magistrates

        are quoted in proof of the bad results of the plan.

        ” Thus the priest Siang Yang, prohibited from holding office,

        bought his way to one ; the intcndant at Xingpo, from being a

        mounted highwayman, bought his M’ay to office ; besides others

        of the vilest parentage. But the covetousness and cruelty of

        these men are denominated purity and intelligence ; they inflict

        severe punishments, which make the people terrified, and

        their superiors point them out as possessing decision : these are

        our able officers !

        “/^

        After animadverting on the general practice “of all officers,

        from governor-generals down to village magistrates, combining

        to gain their jMU-poses l)y hiding the truth from the sovereign,”

        and specifying the malversations of Tohtsin, the premier, in

        particular, they close their paper with a protestation of their

        integrity. “If your Majesty deems what we have now stated

        to be right, and will act thereon in the government, you will

        realize the designs of the souls of your sacred ancestors; and

        the army, the nation, and the poor people, M’ill have cause for

        gladness of heart. Should we be subjected to the operation of

        the hatchet, or suffer death in the boiling caldron, we will not

        decline it,”

        These censors place the proceeds of “button scrip “far too

        low, for/in 1826, the sale produced about six millions of taels,

        and was continued at intervals during the three following

        years. In 1831, one of the sons of HoAvqua was created a

        ku-jin by patent for having subscribed nearly fifty thousand

        dollars to repair the dikes near Canton ; and upon another was

        conferred the rank and title of ” director of the salt monopoly”

        for a lac of taels toward the war in Turkestan, Neither of

        these persons ever held any office of power, nor probably did

        they expect it ; and such may be the case with many of those

        who are satisfied with the titles and buttons, feathers and robes, which their money procures./ The sale of office is rather accepted

        as a State necessity which does not necessarily bring

        tyrants npon the bench ; but when, as was the case in 1863.

        Peiching, head of the Examining Board at Peking, fraudulently

        issued two or three diplomas, his execution vindicated

        the law, and deterred similar tampering with the life-springs of

        the system, ^i^uring the present dynasty, military men have

        l)een frequently appointed to magistracies, and the detail of

        their offices intrusted to needy scholars, which has tended, still

        further, to disgii^ and dishearten the latter from resorting to

        the literary arena.)

        The language itself of the Chinese, which has for centuries

        aided in preserving their institutions and strengthening national

        homogeneity amid so many local varieties of speech, is now

        rather in the way of their progress, and may be pointed to as

        another unfortunate feature which infects this system of education

        and examination ; for it is impossible for a native to write

        a treatise on grammar about another language in his own

        tongue, through which another Chinese can, unaided, learn to

        speak that language. This people have, therefore, no ready

        means of learning the best thoughts of foreign minds. Such

        being the case, the ignorance of their first scholars as regards

        other races, ages, and lands has been their misfortune far more

        than their fault, and thej’ have suffered the evils of their isolation.

        One has been an utter ignorance of what would have

        conferred lasting benefit resulting from the study of outside

        conceptions of morals, science, and politics, (inasmuch as

        neither geography, natural history, mathematics, nor the history

        or languages of other lands forms part of the curriculum,

        these men, trained alone in the classics, have naturally grown

        up with distorted views of their own country. The officials

        are imbued with conceit, ignorance, and arrogance as to its

        power, resources, and comparative influence, and are helpless

        when met by greater skill or strength. However, these disadvantages,

        great as they are and have been, have mostly resulted

        naturally fi-om their secluded position, and are rapidly yielding

        to the new influences which are acting upon government and

        people.^ To one contemplating this startling metamorphosis,

        SALE OF DEGREES a:ND FORGED DIPLOMAS. D6j)

        the foremost wish, indeed, must he that these causes do not

        disinte^’-rate their ancient economies too fast for the recuperation

        and preservation of wliatever is good therein.

        |\nother evil is ^h^ bribery practised to attain the degrees.

        By certain signs placed on the essays, the examiner can easily

        pick out those he is to approve; §8,000 was said to be the

        price of a bachelor’s degree in Canton, but this sum is within

        the reach of few out of the six thousand candidates. The poor

        SL’liolars sell their services to tlie rich, and for a certain price

        will enter the hall of examination, and personate their employer,

        running the risk and penalties of a disgraceful exposure if

        detected ; for a less sum they will drill them before examination,

        or write the essays entirely, which the rich booby must commit

        to memory.) ^The purchase of forged diplomas is another mode

        of obtaining a graduate’s honors, which, from some discoveries

        made at Peking, is so extensively practised, that when this and

        other corruptions are considered, it is surprising that any person

        can be so eager in his studies, or confident of his abilities,

        as ever to think he can get into office by them alone. In 1830,

        the Gazette contained some documents showing that an inferior

        officer, aided by some of the clerks in the Board of Hevenue,

        during the successive superintendence of twenty presidents of

        the Board had sold twenty thousand four hundred and nineteen

        foi-ged diplomas ; and in the ])rovince of Xganhwui, the

        writers in the office attached to the Board of Ileveuue had

        carried on the same practice for four years, and forty-six persons

        in that province were convicted of possessing them. All

        the principal criminals convicted at this time were sentenced to

        decapitation, butCjhese cases are enough to show that the real

        talent of the country does not often find its way into the magistrate’s

        seat without the aid of money ; nor is it likely that the

        tales of such delinquencies often appear in the Gazette. Literary

        chancellors also sell bachelors’ degrees to the exclusion of

        deserving poor scholars ; the office of the // ‘lohchhuj of Kiangsi

        was searched in 1828 by a special commission, and four lacs of

        taels found in it ; he hung himself to avoid further punishment,

        as did also the same dignitary in (^anton in 1833, as was supposed,

        for a similar cause. It is in this way, no doubt, that the ill-fjotten o;ains of most officers return to the o-enenil cirdilation.’

        Notwithstanding these startling corruptions, which seem to

        involve the principle on which the harmony and efficiency of

        the whole machinery of state stand, it cannot be denied, judging

        from tlie results, that the highest officei’s of the Chinese

        government do possess a very respectable rank of talent and

        knowledge, and carry on the unwieldy machine with a degree

        (»f integrity, pati’iotism, industry, and good order which shows

        that the leading minds in it are well chosen. The person who

        has originally obtained his rank by a forged diploma, or by

        direct purchase, cannot hope to rise or to maintain even his first

        standing, without some knowledge and parts. One of the tlu’ce

        commissioners whom Kiying associated with himself in his

        negotiations with the American minister in lS4-i, was a supernumerary

        cluhloi of forbidding appearance, who could hardly

        Avrite a common document, but it was easy to see the low estimation

        the ignoranms was hold in. It may therefore be fairly

        inferred that enough large prizes are drawn to incite successive

        generations of scholars to compete for them, and thus to maintain

        the literary spirit of the people. At these examinations

        the superior minds of the country are brought together in large

        bodies, and thus they learn each others views, and are able to

        check official oppressions with something like a public ojunion.

        In Peking the concourse of several thousands, from the remotest

        provinces, to compete at or assist in the triennial examinations,

        exerts a great and healthy influence upon their rulers

        and themselves. jSTothing like it ever has been seen in any

        other metropolis.

        ^The enjoyment of no small degree of power and influence in

        their native village, is also to be considered in estinuiting the

        rewards of studious toil, whether the student get a diploma or

        not ; and this local consideration is the most common i-eward

        attending the life of a scholar. ^ In those villages where no

        governmental officer is specially appointed, such men are almost

        sure to become the headmen and most influential persons in the

        very spot)where a Chinese loves to be distinguished, (rraduates

        are likewise allowed to erect flag-staffs, or put up a red sign

        INFLUENCE AND IlESPECT OBTAINED BY BACHELORS. 57]

        over the door of tlieir lionses si lowing tlie degree tliev have obtained,

        wliich is both a hariuloss and gratifying reward of

        stud}’/; like the additions of Cant((h. or Odvu.^ D.D. or LL.D.,

        to their owner’s names in other lands.

        (The fortune attending the unsuccessful candidates is various/

        Thousands of them get employment as school-teachers, pettifogging notaries, and clerks in the public offices, and others who are rich return to their families. Some are reduced by degrees to beggary, and resort to medicine, fortune-telling, letter-writing, and other such shifts to eke out a living. Many turn their attention to learning the modes of drawing up deeds and forms used in dealings regarding property ; others look to aiding military men in their duties, and a few turn authors, and thus in one way or another contrive to turn their learning to account.

        During the period of the examinations, when the students are assembled in the capital, the officers of government are careful not to irritate them by punishment, or offend their €ii]^>i-it ile corj)s^ but rather, by admonitions and warnings, induce them to set a good example. The personal reputation of the officer himself has much to do with the influence he exerts over the students, and whether they will heed his cdveats. One of the examiners in Zhejiang, irritated by the impei’tinence of a bachelor, who presumed upon his immunity from corporeal chastisement, twisted his ears to teach him better manners; soon after, the student and two others of equal degree were accused before the same magistrate for a libel, and one of them beaten forty strokes upon his palms. At the ensuing examination, ten of the xiucai indignant at this unauthorized treatment, refused to appear, and all the candidates, when they saw who was to preside, dispersed immediately. In his memorial upon the matter, the governor-general recommends both this officer, and another one who talked much al)Out the affair and produced a great effect upon the public mind, to be degraded, and the bachelors to be stripped of their honors. A magistrate of Honan, having punished a student with twenty blows, the assembled body of students rose and threw their caps on the ground, and walked ofp, leaving him alone. The prefect of Canton, in 1842, having become obnoxious to the citizens from the part lie took in ransoming the city M’lien surrounded by the British forces, the students refused to receive him as their examiuer, and when he appeai’ed in tlie liall to take his seat,

        drove him out of the room by throwing their ink-stones at him ;

        he soon after resigned his statio’N. Perhaps the siu-tsai are

        more impatient than the hu-jin from being better acquainted

        with eacli other, and being examined by local officers, while the

        I’il-jin are overaw’ed by the rank of the commissioners, and,

        coming from distant parts of a large province, have little

        }mitual sympathy or acquaintance. The examining boards,

        however, take pains to avoid displeasing any gathering of graduates.

        We have seen, then, in what has been of necessity a somewhat

        cursory resmue, the management and extent of an institution

        which has opened the avenues of rank to all, by

        teaching candidates how to maintain the principles of liberty

        and equality they had learned from their oft-quoted ‘ancients.’

        All that these institutions need, to secure and promote the highest welfare of the people—as they themselves, indeed, aver—is their faithful execution in every department of government; as we find them, no higher evidence of their remarkable wisdom can be adduced, than the general order and peace of the land. When one sees the injustice and oppressions in law courts, the feuds and deadly fights among clans, the prevalence of lying, ignorance, and pollution among commoners, and the unscrupulous struggle for a living going on in every rank of life, he wonders that Tuiiversal anarchy does not destroy the whole machine. But ‘ the powers that be are ordained of God.”

        The Chinese seem to have attained the great ends of human government to as high a degree as it is possible for man to go without the knowledge of divine revelation. That, in its great truths, its rewards, its hopes, and its stimulus to good acts has yet to be received among them. The course and results of the struggle between the new and the old in the land of Sinim will fomi a remarkable chapter in the history of man.

        FKMA^ EDUCATION IX CHINA. 573

        With regard to female education, it is a singular anomaly among Chinese writers, that while they lay great stress upon maternal instruction in f(u-ining the infant mind, and leading i* on to exoelleiK’O, no more of them should have turned their attention to the preparation ©f hooks for girls, and the establishment of female schools. There are some reasons for the absence of the latter to be found in the state of society, notable among which must stand, of course, the low position of woman in every oriental community, and a general contempt for the capacity of the female mind. It is, moreover, impossible to procure many qualified schoolmistresses, and to this we must add the hazard of sending girls out into the streets alone, where they would run some risk of being stolen. (^~~The principal stimulus

        for boys to study—the hope aiid:”~pi”ospect of office—is

        taken away from girls, and Chinese literature offei’s little to re-|

        pay them for the labor of learning it in addition to all the

        domestic duties which devolve upon them// Nevertheless, education

        is not entirely confined to the sti-onger sex ; seminaries

        for young women are not at all unconnnon in South China, and

        it is not unusual to find private tutors giving instruction to

        young ladies at their houses.* Though this must be regarded

        as a comparative statement, and holding much more for the

        southern than for the northern provinces, on the other hand, it

        may be asserted that literary attainments are considered creditable

        to a wonuin, more than is the case in India or Siam ; the

        names of authoresses mentioned in Chinese annals would make

        a long list. Yuen Yuen, tlie governor general of Canton, in

        1S20, while in office, published a volume of his deceased’s

        daughter’s poetical effusions ; and literary men ai-e usually desirous

        of having their daughters accomplished in music and

        poetry, as well as in composition and classical lore. Such an

        education is considered befitting their station, and reflecting

        credit on the family.

        One of the most celebrated female writers in China is Pan

        Ilwui-pan, also known as Pan Chao, a sister of the historian

        Pan Ivu, who wrote the histoiy of the former Ilan dynasty.

        She M’as appointed historiographer after his death, and completed

        his unfinished annals ; she died at the age of seventy,

        and was honored by the Emperor Ho with a public burial, and

        ‘ Arcluleacon Gray, China, Vol. I., p. 167.

        the title of the (ireat Lady Tsao. About a.d. So, slie was made

        pi”eeeptress of tlie Empress, and wrote the Urst woi-k in any

        language on female education ; it was called Nil Kiai or Fe-

        ‘inale Precej’ts^ and has formed the basis of many succeeding

        books on female education. The aim of her writings was to

        elevate female character, and make it virtuous. She says, ” The

        virtue of a female does not consist altogether in extraordinary

        abilities or intelligence, but in being modestly grave and inviolably

        chaste, observing the requirements of virtuous widowhood,

        and in being tidy in her person and evei-ything about

        her ; in whatever she does to be unassmning, and M’henever she

        moves or sits to be decorous. This is female virtue.” Instruction

        in morals and the various branches of domestic economy

        are more insisted upon in the Mi-itings of this and other authoresses,

        than a knowledge of the classics or histories of the country.

        One of the most distinguished Chinese essayists of modern

        times, Luhchau, published a Avork for the benefit of the sex,

        called the Female Instructor j an extract from liis preface will

        show what ideas are generally entertained on female education

        by Chinese moralists.

        ” The basis of the government of the Empire lies in the habits of the people, and the surety that their usages will be correct is in the orderly management of families, which last depends chiefly upon the females. In the good old times of Cliau, the virtuous women set such an excellent example that it influenced the customs of the Empire—an influence that descended even to the times of the Ching and Wei states. If the curtain of the inner apartment gets thin, or is hung awry [i.e., if the sexes are not kept apart], disorder will enter the family, and viltimately pervade the Empire. Females are doubtless the sources of good manners ; from ancient times to the present this has been the case. The inclination to virtue and vice in women differs exceedingly; their dispositions incline contrary ways, and if it is wished to form them alike, there is nothing like education. In ancient times, youth of both sexes were

        in.structed. According to the A’rtwa^ 0/ 67</<m, ‘the imperial wives regulated the law for educating females, in order to instruct the ladies of the palace in morals, conversation, manners, and work ; and each led out her respective

        (dasses, at proper times, and arranged them for examination in the imperial

        presence.’ But these treatises have not reached us, and it cannot be distinctljr

        ascertained what was their plan of arrangement

        “The t^lncation of a woman and that of a man arc* very <lissimilar. Tlius,

        a man can study during his whole life ; whether he is abroad or at home, lit

        THE “female IISrSTRUCTOR” ON WOMEN”. 575

        can always look into the classics and history, and liecome thorouglily ac-nainted

        wilh the wlioUi range of authors, lint a woman does not study mori; than ten

        years, when she takes upon her the management of a family, whave a multiplicity

        of cares distract her attention, and having no leisure lor undisturbed

        study, she cannot easily understand learned authors ; not having obtained a

        thorough acquaintance with letters, she does not fully comprehend their principles

        ; and like water that has flowed from its fountain, she cannot regulate

        lier conduct by their guidance. How can it be said that a standard work on

        female education is not wanted 1 Every profession and trade has its appropriate

        master ; and ought not those also who possess sucli an influence over manners

        [as females] to be tanght their duties and tluir proper limits ? It is a

        matter of regret, that in these books no extracts liave been made from the

        works of Confucius in order to make them introductory to the writings on polite

        literature ; and it is also to be regretted that selections have not been made

        from the commentaries of Clung, Chu, and other scholars, who have explained

        his writings clearly, as also from the whole range of writers, gathering from

        them all that which was appropriate, and omitting the rest. These are circulated

        among mankind, together with such books as the Juvenile InstrucU/i’

        ;

        yet if they are put into the hands of females, they cause them to become like a

        blind man without a guide, wandering hither and thither without knowing

        where he is going. There has been this great deficiency from very remote times until now.

        “Woman’s influence is according to her moral character, there Tore that point

        is largely explained. First, concerning her obedience to her husband and to

        liis parents ; then in regard to her complaisance to his brothers and sisters,

        and kindness to her sisters-in-law. If unmarried, she has duties toward her

        parents, and to the wives of her elder brothers ; if a principal wiie, a woman

        must have no jealous feelings ; if in straitened circumstances, she must be

        contented with her lot ; if rich and honorable, she must avoid extravagance

        and haughtiness. Then teach her, in times of trouble and in days of ease,

        how to maintain her purity, how to give importance to right principles, how

        to observe widowhood, and how to avenge the murder of a relative. Is she

        a mother, let her teach lier children ; is she a step-mother, let her love

        and cherish her husband’s children ; is her rank in life high, let her be

        condescending to her inferiors ; let her wholly discard all sorcerers, superstitious

        nuns, and witches ; in a word let her adhere to propriety and avoid

        vice.

        “In conversation, a female should not be freward and garrulous, but observe

        strictly what is correct, whether in suggesting advice to her husband, in

        remonstrating with him, or teaching her children, in maintaining etiquette,

        humbly imparting her experience, or in averting misfortune. The deportment

        of females should be strictly grave and sober, and yet adapted to the occasion

        ; whether in waiting on her parents, receiving or reverencing her husband,

        rising up or sitting down, when pregnant, in times ol’ mourning, or when

        fleeing in war, she should be perfectly decorous. Rearing the silkworm and

        working cloth are the most important of the employments of a female ; pre’

        paring and serving up the food for the household, and setting lu order th* sacrificee, follow next, each of which must be attended to ; after them, studj

        and learning can fill up the time.” ‘

        The work thus prefaced, is similar to Sprague’s Letters to a

        Daughter, rather than to a text-book, or a inaiiual intended to

        be read and obeyed rather than recited by young ladies. Happy

        would it be for the country, however, if the instructions given

        by this moralist were followed ; it is a credit to a pagan, to write

        such sentiments as the followinor : ” Durino; infancv, a child ardently

        loves its mother, who knows all its traits of goodness: while the father, perhaps, cannot know about it, there is nothing

        which the mother does not see. Wherefore the mother teaches

        more effectually, and only by her unwise fondness does her son

        become more and more proud (as musk by age becomes sourer

        and stronger), and is thereby nearly ruined.”—*’ Heavenly order

        is to bless the good and curse the vile ; he who sins against it

        will certainly receive his punishment sooner or later : from lucid

        instruction springs the happiness of the world. If females are

        unlearned, they will be like one looking at a wall, they will know

        nothing : if they are taught, they will know, and knowing they

        will imitate their examples.”

        It is vain to expect, however, that any change in the standing

        of females, or extent of their education, will take place until influences

        from abroad are brought to bear upon them—until the

        same work that is elswhere elevating them to their proper place

        in society by teaching them the principles on which that elevation

        is founded, and how they can themselves maintain it, is

        begun. The Chinese do not, by any means, make slaves of their

        females, and if a comparison be made between their condition in

        China and other modern unevangelized countries, or even with

        ancient kingdoms or Moslem races, it will in many points acquit

        them of much of the obloquy they have received on this behalf.

        There are some things which tend to show that more of the

        sex read and write sufficiently for the ordinary purposes of life,

        than a slight examination would at first indicate. Among these

        may be mentioned the letter-writers compiled for their use, in

        which instructions are given for every variety of note and epis-

        ‘ Chinese lieposltorij, Vol. IX., p. 543.

        EXTRACT FROM A GIHLs’ PRIMER. 577

        tie, except, perhaps, love letters. The works just inentioiied, intended

        for their improvement, form an additional fact. A

        Mancliu official of rank, named Sin-kwau, who rose to be governor

        of Kiangsi in Kiaking’s reign, wrote a primer in 1838, for

        girls, called the Nu-rh Yu, or ‘ Words/or Women and Girls.”

        It is in lines of four characters, and consists of aphorisms and

        short pi-ecepts on household management, behavior, care of

        children, neatness, etc., so written as to be easily memorized.

        It shows one of the ways in which literary men interest themselves, in educating youth, and further that there is a demand for such books. A few lines from this primer will exhibit its tenor
        Vile looks should never meet your eye,
        Nor filthy words defile your ear ;
        Ne’er look on men of utterance gross,
        Nor tread the ground which they pollute.
        Keep back the heart from thoughts impure,
        Nor let your hands grow fond of sloth ;
        Then no o’ersight or call deferred
        Will, when you’re pressed, demand your time
        In all your care of tender babes,
        Mind lest they’re fed or warmed too much;
        The childish liberty first granted
        Must soon he checked by rule and rein;
        Guard them from water, fire, and fools ;
        Mind lest they’re hurt or maimed by falls.
        All flesh and fruits when ill with colds
        Are noxious drugs to tender bairus—
        Who need a careful oversight,
        Yet want some license in their play.
        Be strict in all you bid them do.
        For this will guard from ill and woe.

        The pride taken by girls in showing their knowledge of letters is evidence that it is not common, while the general respect in which literary ladies ai-e held proves them not to be so very rare ; though for all practical good, it may be said that half of the Chinese people know nothing of books. The fact that female education is so favorably regarded is encouraging to those philanthropic persons and ladies who are endeavoring to establish female schools at the mission stations, since they have not preiudice to contend with in addition to ignorance.

      10. WELLS WILLIAMS《The Middle Kingdom》1-5

        The Middle Kingdom: A SURVEY OP THE GEOGRAPHY, GOVERNMENT. LITERATURE, SOCIAL LIFE, ARTS, AND HISTORY of THE CHINESE EMPIRE ITS INHABITANTS
        S. WELLS WILLIAMS, LL.D.
        Professor of the Chinese language and literature at tale college; author or TONIC AND STLLABIO DICTIONARIES OF THE CHINESE LANOUAOE
        1913

        PREFACE
        During the thirty-five years which have elapsed since the first edition of this work was issued, a greater advance has probably been made in the political and intellectual development of China than within any previous century of her history. While neither the social habits nor principles of government have so far altered as to necessitate a complete rewriting of these pages, it will be found, nevertheless, that the present volumes treat of a reformed and in many respects modern nation. Under the new regime the central administration has radically increased its authority among the provincial rulers, and more than ever in former years has managed to maintain control over their pretentions. The Empire has, moreover, established its foreign relations on a well-understood basis by accredited envoys; this will soon affect the mass of the people by the greater facilities of trade, the presence of travelers, diffusion of education, and other agencies which are awaking the people from their lethargy. Already the influences which will gradually transform the face of society are mightily operating.
        The changes which have been made in the book comprise such alterations and additions as were necessary to describe the country under its new aspects. In the constant desire to preserve a convenient size, every doubtful or superfluous sentence has been erased, while the new matter incorporated has increased the bulk of the present edition about one-third. The arrangement of chapters is the same. The first four, treating of the geography, combine as many and accurate details of recent explorers or residents as the proportions of this section will permit. The extra-provincial regions are described from the researches of Russian, English, and Indian travelers of the last twenty years. It is a waste, mountainous territory for the most part and can never support a large population. Great pains have been taken by the cartographer, Jacob Wells, to consult the most authentic charts in the construction of the map of the Empire. By collating and reducing to scale the surveys and route charts of reliable travelers throughout the colonies, he has produced in all respects as accurate a map of Central Asia as is at this date possible. The Eighteen Provinces are in the main the same as in my former map.
        The chapter on the census remains for the most part without alteration, for until there has been a methodical inspection of the Empire, important questions concerning its population must be held in abeyance. It is worth noticing how generally the estimates in this chapter—or much larger figures—have since its first publication been accepted for the population of China. Foreign students of natural history in China have. by their researches in every department, furnished material for more extensive and precise descriptions under this subject than could possibly have been gathered twoscore years ago. The sixth chapter has, therefore, been almost wholly rewritten, and embraces as complete a summary of this wide field as space would allow or the general reader tolerate. The specialist will, however, speedily recognize the fact that this rapid glance serves rather to indicate how immense and imperfectly explored is this subject than to describe whatever is known.

        That portion of the first volume treating of the laws and their administration does not admit of more than a few minor changes. However good their theory of jurisprudence, the people have many things to bear from the injustice of their rulers, but more from their own vices. The Peking Gazette is now regularly translated in the Shanghai papers, and gives a coup devil of the administration of the highest value.

        The chapters on the languages and literature are considerably improved. The translations and text-books which the diligence of foreign scholars has recently furnished could be only partially enumerated, though here, as elsewhere in the work, references in the foot-notes are intended to direct the more interested student to the bibliography of the subject, and present him with the materials for an exhaustive study. The native literature is extensive, and all branches have contributed somewhat to form the resume which is contained in this section, giving a preponderance to the Confucian classics. The four succeeding chapters contain notices of the arts, industries, domestic life, and science of the Chinese—a necessarily rapid survey, since these features of Chinese life are already well understood by foreigners. Nothing, however, that is either original or peculiar has been omitted in the endeavor to portray their social and economic characteristics. The emigration of many thousands of the people of Kwangtung within the last thirty years has made that province a representative among foreign nations of the others; it may be added that its inhabitants are well fitted, by their enterprise, thrift, and maritime habits, to become types of the whole.

        The history and chronology are made fuller by the addition of several facts and tables(An alphabetical arrangement of all the tables scattered throughout the work may be found, under this word in the Index.) ; but the field of research in this direction has as yet scarcely been defined, and few certain dates have been determined prior to the Confucian era. The entire continent of Asia must be thoroughly investigated in its geography, antiquities, and literature in order to throw light on the eastern portion. The history of China offers an interesting topic for a scholar who would devote his life to its elucidation from the mass of native literature.
        The two chapters on the religions, and what has been done within the past half century to promote Christian missions, are somewhat enlarged and brought down to the present time. The study of modern scholars in the examination of Chinese religious beliefs has enabled them to make comparisons with other systems of Asiatics, as well as discuss the native creeds with more certainty.
        The chapter on the commerce of China has an importance commensurate with its growing amount. Within the past ten years the opium trade has been attacked in its moral and commercial bearings between China, India, and England. There are grounds for hope that the British Government will free itself from any connection with it, which will be a triumph of justice and Christianity. The remainder of Volume II. Describes events in the intercourse of China with the outer world, including a brief account of the Tai-ping Rebellion, which proximately grew out of foreign ideas. No connected or satisfactory narrative of the events which have forced one of the greatest nations of the world into her proper position, so far as I am aware, has as yet been prepared. A succinct recital of one of the most extraordinary developments of modern times should nut be without interest to all.
        The work of condensing the vast increase of reliable information upon China into these two volumes has been attended with considerable labor. Future writers will, I am convinced, after the manner of Richthofen, Yule, Legge, and others, confine themselves to single or cognate subjects rather than attempt such a comprehensive synopsis as is here presented. The number of illustrations in this edition is nearly doubled, the added ones being selected with particular reference to the subject-matter. I have availed myself of whatever sources of information I could command, due acknowledgment of which is made in the foot-notes, and ample references in the Index.
        The revision of this book has been the slow though constant occupation of several years. When at last I had completed the revised copy and made arrangements as to its publication, in March, 1882, my health failed, and under a partial paralysis I was rendered incapable of further labor. My son, Frederick Wells Williams, who had already looked over the copy, now assumed entire charge of the publication. I had the more confidence that he would perform the duties of editor, for he had already a general acquaintance with China and the books which are the best authority. The work has been well done, the last three chapters particularly having been improved under his careful revision and especial study of the recent political history of China. The Index is his work, and throughout the book I am indebted to his careful supervision, especially on the chapters treating of geography and literature. By the opening of this year I had so far recovered as to be able to superintend the printing and look over the proofs of the second volume.
        My experiences in the forty-three years of my life in China were coeval with the changes which gradually culminated in the opening of the country. Among the most important of these may be mentioned the cessation of the East India Company in 1834, the war with England in 1841-42, the removal of the monopoly of the hong merchants(特许商行), the opening of five ports to trade, the untoward attack on the city of Canton which grew out of the lorcha Arrow, the operations in the vicinity of Peking, the establishment of foreign legations in that city, and finally, in 1873, the peaceful settlement of the kotow, which rendered possible the approach of foreign ministers to the Emperor’s presence. Those who trace the hand of God in history will gather from such rapid and great changes in this Empire the foreshadowing of the fulfilment of his purposes ; for while these political events were in progress the Bible was circulating, and the preaching and educational labors of missionaries were silently and with little opposition accomplishing their leavening work among the people.

        On my arrival at Canton in 1833 I was officially reported, with two other Americans, to the hong merchant Kingqua as fan-kwai, or ‘foreign devils,’ who had come to live under his tutelage. In 1874, as Secretary of the American Embassy at Peking, I accompanied the Hon. B. P. Avery to the presence of the Emperor Tungchi, when the Minister of the United States presented his letters of credence on a footing of perfect equality with the ‘Son of Heaven.’ With two such experiences in a lifetime, and mindful of the immense intellectual and moral development which is needed to bring an independent government from the position of forcing one of them to that of yielding the other, it is not strange that I am assured of a great future for the sons of Han; but the progress of pure Christianity will be the only adequate means to save the conflicting elements involved in such a growth from destroying each other. Whatever is in store for them, it is certain that the country has passed its period of passivity. There is no more for China the repose of indolence and seclusion—when she looked down on the nations in her overweening pride like the stars with which she could have no concern.

        In this revision the same object has been kept in view that is stated in the Preface to the first edition—to divest the Chinese people and civilization of that peculiar and indefinable impression of ridicule which has been so generally given them by foreign authors. I have endeavored to show the better traits of their national character, and that they have had up to this time no opportunity of learning man}’ things with which they are now rapidly becoming acquainted. The time is speedily passing away when the people of the Flowery Land can fairly be classed among uncivilized nations. The stimulus which in this labor of my earlier and later years has been ever present to my mind is the hope that the cause of missions may be promoted. In the success of this cause lies the salvation of China as a people, both in its moral and political aspects. This success bids fair to keep pace with the needs of the people. They will become fitted for taking up the work themselves and joining in the multiform operations of foreign civilizations. Soon railroads, telegraphs, and manufactures will be introduced, and these must be followed by whatsoever may conduce to enlightening the millions of the people of China in every department of religious, political, and domestic life.
        The descent of the Holy Spirit is promised in the latter times, and the preparatory work for that descent has been accomplishing in a vastly greater ratio than ever before, and with increased facilities toward its final completion. The promise of that Spirit will fulfil the prophecy of Isaiah, delivered before the era of Confucius, and God’s people will come from the land of Sinim and join in the anthem of praise with every tribe under the sun.
        S. w. w. New Haven, July, 1883.

        CONTENTS OF VOLUME I & VOLUME II

        CHAPTER I. General Divisions and Features of the Empire
        Unusual interest involved in the study of China ; The name China probably a corruption of Tsin; Other Asiatic names for the country; Ancient and modern native designations; Dimensions of the Empire; Its three Grand Divisions :The Eighteen Provinces, Manchuria, and Colonies; China Proper, its names and limits; Four large mountain chains; The Tien shan. ibid.: The Kwanlun; The Hing-an and Himalaya systems; Pumpelly’s ” Sinian System” of mountains; The Desert of Gobi and Sha-moh; Its character and various names; Rivers of China : The Yellow River; The Yangtsz’ River; The Chu or Pearl River;Lakes of China; Boundaries of China Proper; Character of its coast; The Great Plain; The Great Wall of China, its course; Its construction and aspect; The Grand Canal,; Its history and present condition; Minor canals; Public roads, De Guignes’ description, ibid.; General aspects of a landscape; Physical characteristics of the Chinese; The women; Aborigines: Miaotsz’, Lolos, Limus, and others; Manchus and Mongols; Attainments and limits of Chinese civilization
        CHAPTER II. Geographical Description of the Eastern Provinces
        Limited knowledge of foreign countries; Topographies of China numerous and minute; Climate of the Eighteen Provinces; Of Peking and the Great Plain; Of the southern coast towns; Contrast in rain-fall between Chinese and American coasts; Tyfoons; Topographical divisions into Fu, Ting, Chan, and Hien; Position and boundary of Chihli Province; Table of the Eighteen Provinces, their subdivisions and government; Situation, size, and history of Peking; Its walls and divisions; The prohibited city (Tsz’ Kin Ching) and imperial residence; The imperial city (Huang Ching) and its public buildings; The so-called “Tartar City”; The Temples of Heaven and of Agriculture; Environs of Peking; Tientsin and the Pei ho; Dolon-nor or Lama-miao; Water-courses and productions of the province; The Province of Shantung; Tai shan, the ‘Great Mount’; Cities, productions, and people of Shantung; Shansi, its natural features and resources; Taiyuen, the capital; Roads and mountain passes of Shansi; Position and aspect of Honan Province, ibid.; Kaifung, its capital; Kiangsu Province, ibid.; Its fertility and abundant water-ways; Nanking, or Kiangning, the capital; Porcelain Tower of Nanking; Suchau, “the Paris of China”; Chinkiang and Golden Island; Shanghai; The Province of Nganhwui; Nganking, Wuhu, and Hwuichau; Kiangsi Province; Nanchang, its capital, and the River Kan; Porcelain vvorks at Kingteh in Jauchau; Chehkiang Province, its rivers; Hangchau, the capital; Ningpo; Chinhai ano the Chusan Archipelago; Chapu, Canfu, and the “Gates of China,”; Fuhkien Province, ibid. : The River Min, Fuhchau; Amoy and its environs; Chinchau (Tsiuenchau), the ancient Zayton; Position, inhabitants, and productions of Formosa; The Pescadore Islands
        CHAPTER III. Geographical Description of the Western Provinces
        The Province of Hupeh; The three towns, Wuchang, Hanyang, and Hankow; Scenery on the Yangtsz’ kiang; Hunan Province, its rivers and capital city; Shensi Province; The city of Si-ngan; Topography and climate of Kansuli Province; Sz’chuen Province and its four streams; Chingtu fu and the Min Valley; The Province of Kwangtung; Position of Canton, or Kwangchau; Its population, walls, general appearance; Its streets and two pagodas; Temple of Longevity and Honam Josshouse; Other shrines and the Examination Hall; The foreign factories, or ‘Thirteen Hongs’; Sights in the suburbs of Canton; Whanipoa and Macao; The colony of Hongkong; Places of interest in Kwangtiing; The Island of Hainan; Kwangsi Province; Kweichau Province; The Miaotsz’; The Province of Yunnan; Its topography and native tribes; Its mineral wealth
        CHAPTER IV. Geographical Description of Manchuria, Mongolia, Ili, and Tibet
        Foreign and Chinese notions of the land of Tartary; Table of the Colonies, their subdivisions and governments; Extent of Manchuria; Its mountain ranges; The Amur and its affluents, the Ingoda, Argun, Usuri, and Songari; Natural resources of Manchuria; The Province of Shingking, ibid.; Its capital, Mukden, and other towns; Climate of Manchuria; The Province of Kirin; The Province of Tsi-tsi-har; Administration of government in Manchuria; Extent of Mongolia; Its climate and divisions; Inner Mongolia; Outer Mongolia; Urga, its capital, ibid. ; Civilization and trade of the Mongols; Kiakhta and Maimai chin; The Province of Cobdo; The Province of Koko-nor, or Tsing hai; Its topography and productions; Towns between Great Wall and Ili; Position and topography of ill; Tien-shan Peh Lu, or Northern Circuit; Kuldja, its capital; Tien-shan Nan Lu, or Southern Circuit; The Tarim Basin, ibid. ; Cities of the Southern Circuit; Kashgar, town and government; Yarkand; The District of Khoten; Administration of government in Ili; History and conquest of the country; Tibet, its boundaries and names; Topography of the province; Its climate and productions; The yak and wild animals, ibid. ; Divisions: Anterior and Ulterior Tibet; Il’lassa, the capital city; Manning’s visit to the Dalai-lama; Shigatsi’, capital of Ulterior Tibet; Om mani padmi hum; Manners and customs in Tibet; Language; History; Government
        CHAPTER V. Population and Statistics
        Interest and difficulties of this subject; Ma Twan-lin’s study of the censuses; Tables of various censuses; These estimates considered in detail; Four of these are reliable; Evidence in their favor; Comparative population-density of Europe and China; Proportion of arable and unproductive land; Sources and kinds of food in China; Tendencies toward increase of population; Obstacles to emigration; Government care of the people; Density of population near Canton, ibid; Mode of taking the census under Kublai khan; Present method; Reasons for admitting the Chinese census; Two objections to its acceptance; Unsatisfactory statistics of revenue in China; Revenue of Kwangtung Province; Estimates of Medhurst, De Guignes, and others; Principal items of expenditure; Pay of military and civil officers; The land tax
        CHAPTER VI. Natural History of China
        Foreign scientists and explorers in China; Interesting geological features; Loess formation of Northern China, ibid. : Its wonderful usefulness and fertility; Baron Richthofen’s theory as to its origin; Minerals of China Proper : Coal; Building stones, salts, jade, etc.; The precious metals and their production; Animals of the Empire; Monkeys; Various carnivorous animals; Cattle, sheep, deer, etc.; Horses, pigs, camels, etc.; Smaller animals and rodents; Cetacea in Chinese waters; Birds of prey; Passerinse, song-birds, pies, etc.; Pigeons and grouse; Varieties of pheasants; Peacocks and ducks; An aviary in Canton; Four fabulous animals : The ki-Un; The fung-huang, or phoenix; The lung, or dragon, and kuei, or tortoise; Alligators and serpents; Ichthyology of China; Gold-fish and methods of rearing them; Shell-fish of the Southern coast; Insects : Silk-worms and beetles; Wax-worm : Native notions of insects; Students of botany in China; Flora of Hongkong, coniferae, grasses; The bamboo; Varieties of palms, lilies, tubers, etc.; Forest and timber growth; Rhubarb, the Chinese ‘ date ‘ and ‘ olive’; Fruit-trees; Flowering and ornamental plants; The Pun tsito, or Chinese herbal; Its medicine and botany; Its zoology; Its observations on the horse; State of the natural sciences in China
        CHAPTER VII. Laws of China, and Plan of its Government
        Theory of the Chinese Government patriarchal; The principles of surveillance and mutual responsibility; The Penal Code of China; Preface by the Emperor Shunchi; Its General, Civil, and Fiscal Divisions; Ritual, Military, and Criminal Laws; The Code compares favorably with other Asiatic Laws; Defects in the Chinese Code; General survey of the Chinese Government; 1, The Emperor, his position and titles, ibid. ; Proclamation of Hungwu, first Manchu Emperor; Peculiarities in the names of Emperors; The Kicoh Imo, or National, and Miiio hao, or Ancestral Names; Style of an Imperial Inaugural Proclamation; Programme of Coronation Ceremonies; Dignity and Sacredness of the Emperor’s Person; Control of the Right of Succession; The Imperial Clan and Titular Nobles; 2, The Court, its internal arrangements; The Imperial Harem; Position of the Empress-dowager; Guard and Escort of the Palace; 3, Classes of society in China; Eight privileged classes; The nine honorary “Buttons,” or Rank; 4, The central administration; The Nui Koh, or Cabinet; The Kinn-ki Chu, or General Council; The King Pao, or Peking Gazette; The Six Boards(a), of Civil Office—Li Pu; (b), of Revenue—Hu PU; (c), of Rites— Li Pu; {d), of War—Ping Pu; {e), of Punishments—Hing Pu; (f), of War—Ping Pu; The Colonial Office; The Censorate; Frankness and honesty of certain censors; Courts of Transmission and Judicature; The Hanlin Yuen, or Imperial Academy; Minor courts and colleges of the capital; 5, Provincial Governments; Governors-general (tsungtuh) and Governors (futai); Subordinate provincial authorities; Literary, Revenue, and Salt Departments; Tabular Resume of Provincial Magistrates; Military and Naval control; Special messengers, or commissioners
        CHAPTER VIII. Administration of the Laws
        6, Execution of laws, checks upon ambitious officers; Triennial Catalogue and its uses; Character and position of Chinese officials; The lied Book, or status of office-holders; Types of Chinese high officers : Duke Ho; Career of Commissioner Sung; Public lives of Commissioners Lin and Kiying; Popularity of upright officers. Governor Chu’s valedictory; Official confessions and petitions for punishment; Imperial responsibility for public disasters; A prayer for rain of the Emperor Taukwang; Imperial edicts, their publication and phraseology; Contrast between the theory and practice of Chinese legislation; Extortions practised by officials of all ranks; Evils of an ill-paid police; Fear and selfishness of the people; Extent of clan systems among them; Village elders and clan rivalries; Dakoits and thieves throughout the country; Popular associations—character of their manifestoes; Secret societies. The Triad, or Water-Lily Sect; A Memorial upon the Evils of Mal-Administration; Efforts of the authorities against brigandage; Difficulties in collecting the taxes; Character of proceedings in the Law Courts; Establishments of high magistrates; Conduct of a criminal trial; Torture employed to elicit confessions; The five kinds of punishments; Modes of executing criminals; Public prisons, their miserable condition; The influence of public opinion in checking oppression
        CHAPTER IX. Education and Literary Examinations
        Stimulus of literary pursuits in China; Foundation of the present system of competition; Precepts controlling early education; Arrangements and curriculum of boys’ schools; Six text-books employed : 1, The ‘Trimetrical Classic’; 2, The ‘Century of Surnames,’ and 3, ‘ Thousand-Character Classic’; 4, The ‘ Odes for Children’; 5, The Hiao King, or ‘ Canons of Filial Duty,’; 6, The Siao Hioh, or ‘Juvenile Instructor,’; High schools and colleges; Proportion of readers throughout China; Private schools and higher education; System of examinations for degrees and public offices; Preliminary trials; Examination for the First Degree, Siu-tsai,; For the Second Degree, Kil-jin,; Example of a competing essay,; Final honors conferred at Peking; A like system applied to the military; Workings and results of the system of examinations,; Its abuses and corruption; Social distinction and influence enjoyed by graduates; Female education in China; Authors and school-books employed
        CHAPTER X Structure of the Chinese Language
        Influence of the Chinese language upon its literature; Native accounts of the origin of their characters; Growth and development of the language; Characters arranged into six classes; Development from hieroglyphics; Phonetic and descriptive properties of a character; Arrangement of the characters in lexicons; Classification according to radicals; Mass of characters in the language; Six styles of written characters; Their elementary strokes; Ink, paper, and printing; Manufacture and price of books; Native and foreign movable types; Phonetic character of the Chinese language; Manner of distinguishing words of like sound; The Shing, or tones of the language; Number of sounds or words in Chinese; The local dialects and patois; Court or Mandarin dialect; Other dialects and variations in pronunciation; Grammar of the language; Its defects and omissions; Hints for its study; Pigeon English
        CHAPTER XI. Classical Literature of the Chinese
        The Imperial Catalogue as an index to Chinese literature; The Five Classics : I. The Yih King, or ‘Book of Changes’; II. The Shu King, or ‘ Book of Records’; III. The Shi King, or ‘ Book of Odes’; IV. The Li Ki, or ‘ Book of Rites,’ and other Rituals; V. The Chun Tsui, or ‘ Spring and Autumn Record’; The Four Books : 1, The ‘Great Learning’ 2, The ‘Just Medium’; 3, The Lun Yu, or ‘ Analects ‘ of Confucius; Life of Confucius; Character of the Confucian System of Ethics; 4, The Works of Mencius; His Life, and personal character of his Teachings; Dictionary of the Emperor Kanghi
        CHAPTER XII. Polite Literature of the Chinese
        Character of Chinese Ornamental Literature; Works on Chinese History; Historical Novels; The ‘ Antiquarian Researches ‘ of Ma Twan-lin; Philosophical Works : Chu Hi on the Primum Mobile; Military, Legal, and Agricultural Writings; The Shing Yu, or ‘Sacred Commands’ of Kanghi; Works on Art, Science, and Encyclopedias; Character and Examples of Chinese Fiction; Poetry: The Story of Li Tai-peh; Modern Songs and Extempore Verses; Dramatic Literature, burlettas; ‘The Mender of Cracked Chinaware ‘—a Farce; Deficiencies and limits of Chinese literature; Collection of Chinese Proverbs
        CHAPTER XIII. Architecture, Dress, and Diet of the Chinese
        Notions entertained by foreigners upon Chinese customs; Architecture of the Chinese; Building materials and private houses; Their public and ornamental structures; Arrangement of country houses and gardens; Chinese cities: shops and streets; Temples, club-houses, and taverns; Street scenes in Canton and Peking; Pagodas, their origin and construction; Modes of travelling; Various kinds of boats; Living on the water in China; Chop-boats and junks; Bridges, ornamental and practical; Honorary Portals, or Pai-lan; Construction of forts and batteries; Permanence of fashion in Chinese dress; Arrangement of hair, the Queue; Imperial and official costumes; Dress of Chinese women; Compressed feet : origin and results of the fashion; Toilet practices of men and women; Food of the Chinese, mostly vegetable; Kinds and preparation of their meats; Method of hatching and rearing ducks’ eggs; Enormous consumption of fish; The art of cooking in China
        CHAPTER XIV. Social Life among the Chinese
        Features and professions in Chinese society; Social relations between the sexes; Customs of betrothment and marriage; Laws regulating marriages; General condition of females in China; Personal names of the Chinese; Familiar and ceremonial intercourse : The Kotow; Forms and etiquette of visiting; A Chinese banquet; Temperance of the Chinese; Festivals ; Absence of a-Sabbath in China; Customs and ceremonies attending New-Year’s Day; The dragon-boat festival and feast of lanterns; Brilliance and popularity of processions in China; Play-houses and theatrical shows; Amusements and sports : Gambling, chess; Contrarieties in Chinese and Western usage Strength and weakness of Chinese character; Their mendacity and deceit
        CHAPTER XV.  INDUSTRIAL ARTS OF THE CHINESE
        Tenure of land in China; Agricultural utensils; Horse-shoeing; Cultivation of rice; Terraces and methods of irrigation; Manner of using manure; Hemp, the mulberry sugar, and the tallow-tree; Efforts in arboriculture; Celebration of the annual ploughing ceremony; Modes of catching and rearing fish; Mechanical arts, metallurgy; Glass and precious stones; Ingredients and manufacture of porcelain; Its decoration; Chinese snuff-bottles discovered in Egyptian tombs; The preparation of lacquered-ware; Silk culture and manufacture in China; Chinese skill in embroidery; Growth and manufacture of cotton; Leather, felt, etc.; Tea culture, 39 ; Method of curing and preparing, 42 ; Green and black teas, 44 ; Historical notice; Constituents and effects of tea; Preparation of cassia (cinnamomum) and camphor; Ingenious methods of Chinese craftsmen; The blacksmith and dish-mender; Carving in wood and ivory, 59 ; Manufacture of cloisonne, matting, etc.• General aspect of Chinese industrial society.
        CHAPTER XVI.  Science Among the Chinese
        Attainments of the Chinese in the exact sciences : Arithmetic; Astronomy, 68 ; Arrangement of the calendar, 69 ; Divisions of the zodiac, 71 ; Chinese observations of comets and eclipses; Their notions concerning the “Action and Reaction of the Elements,”; Astronomical myths: Story of the herdsman and weaver-girl; Divisions of the day : arrangement of the almanac, 79 ; Geographical knowledge, 80 ; Measures of length, money, and weight, 81 ; System of banks and use of paper money, 85 ; Pawnshops, 8G ; Popular associations, or huni; The theory and practice of war, arms in use, 89 ; Introduction and employment of gunpowder, 90 ; Chinese policy in warfare; Their regard for music, 94; Examples of Chinese tunes; Musical instruments, 99 ; Dancing and posture-making; Drawing and painting, 105 ; Samples of Chinese illustrative art, 107 ; Their symbolism. 111 ; Paintings on pith-paper and leaves, 113; Sculpture and architecture, 115; Notions on the internal structure of the human body, 119; Functions of the viscera and their connection with the yin and yang; Surgical operations, 123 ; A Chinese doctor, 125 ; Drugs and medicines employed, 127 ; The common diseases of China, 129 ; Native treatises on medicine.
        CHAPTER XVII.  History and Chronology of China
        General doubts and ignorance concerning the subject, 136 ; The mythological period, 137 ; Chinese notions of cosmogony, 138 ; The god Pwanku; Chu Hi’s cosmogony; The legendary period, Fuh-hi, 143 ; The eight monarchs, 145 ; Hwangti and the sexagenary cycle, 146 ; The deluge of Yao, 147 ; The historical period : The Hia dynasty, 148 ; Yu the Great, his inscription on the rocks of Kau-lan shan; Records of the Hia, 152 ; The Shang dynasty; Chau-sin; Rise of the house of Chau, 157 ; Credibility of these early annals, 159 ; The Tsin dynasties, Tsin Chi Hwangti; The dynasty of Han; From the Han to the Sui, 165 ; The great Tang dynasty; Taitsung and the Empress Wu, 169 ; The Five Dynasties, 172; Tlie Sung dynasty; The Mongol conquest, Kublai Khan, 175; The Mings, 177; The Manchus, or Tsing dynasty, 179; Kanghi, 180; Yungching and Kienlung, 181; Kiaking and Taukwang, 183; Tables of the monarchs and dynasties.
        CHAPTER XVIII. REHGION OF THE CHINESE
        Causes of the perpetuity of Chinese institutions, 188 ; Isolation of the people, 189; The slight influence upon them of foreign thought and customs, 191 ; Their religious belief’s, two negative features; Three sects: the State religion, called Confucianism; Objects and methods of State worship, The Emperor as High Priest, 198 ; The Ju kino, or Sect of Literati, 15)9 ; Religious functions of government officers, 202 ; Purity and coldness of this religious system, 205 ; Rationalism (Tao kia), Lau-tsz’ its founder, 207 ; His classic, the Tao-the King, 208 ; Visit of Confucius to the philosopher Lau-tsz’, 212; Rites and mythology of the Taoists, 214; Their degeneracy into fetich worshippers, 215 ; Their organization, 217 ; The Sect of Fuh, or Buddhism, 218 ; Life of Buddha, 219 ; Influence of the creed among the people, 221 ; Checks to its power; Its tenets and liturgy, 224 ; Opposition to this sect by the literati, 227 ; Perpetuated in monasteries and nunneries; Similarity between the, Buddhist and Roman Catholic rites; Shamanism, its form in Tibet and Mongolia, 233 ; Buddhist temples, 235 ; Ancestral worship, its ancient origin; Its influence upon the family and society, 237 ; Infanticide in China, its prevalence, 239 ; Comparison with Greece and Rome; Customs and ceremonies attending a decease, 243 ; Funerals and burial-places, 245 ; Funtj-slnit, 240 ; Interment and mourning; Family worship of ancestors, 250 ; Character of the rites, 253 ; Popular superstitions, 255 ; Dread of wandering ghosts, 257 ; Methods of divination, 200 ; Worship at graves and shrines, 262 ; Chinese benevolent institutions and the practice of charity, 263 ; General condition of religion among them; Secret societies, 267 ; Mohammedanism in China; Jews in Kaifung, 271 ; Their miserable condition.
        CHAPTER XIX. RISTIAN Missions Among the Chinese
        Arrival of the Nestorians in China; The tablet of Si-ngan; Prester John and traces of Nestorian labors, 286 ; First epoch of Roman Catholic missions in Eastern Asia; John of Montecorvino, ibid.; Other priests of the fourteenth century; Second period : Xavier’s attempt, 289 ; Landing of Ricci; His life and character, 292 ; The Jesuits in Peking; Faber, 295 ; Adam Schaal; Verbiest; Discussion concerning the rites, 299 ; The Pope and the Emperor Kanghi; Quarrels between the missionaries, 302; Third period: The edict of Yungching expels the Catholics; Statistics of their numbers, 307 ; Their methods : the baptism of dying infants; Collisions between converts and magistrates; Pagan and Christian superstitions: casting out devils; Character of Catholic missionary work, 317; Protestantism in China : The arrival of Morrison in Canton, 318 ; His missionary and literary work, 320 ; Comparison with that of Ricci; Protestant missions among the Chinese of the Archipelago Early efforts, tract distribution, 328 ; Gutzlaff’s voyages along the coast; Foundation of the Medical Missionary Society; Success of hospital work among the natives; Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China; The Morrison Education Society, 341 ; Protestant mission work at Canton; At Amoy and Fuhchan, 348 ; In Chehkiang province; At Shanghai, 352 ; Toleration of Christianity in China obtained through Kiying; Policy of the government toward missionaries, 359 ; Articles of toleration in the treaties of 1858; Bible translation and the Term Question among missionaries; Female missionaries, 364 ; Statistics of Protestant missions in China, 366 ; Notices of deceased missionaries; Facilities and difficulties attending the work.
        CHAPTER XX. Commerce of the Chinese
        Ancient notices of foreign trade; The principal import, opium; Peculiarities of its cultivation in India, ibid.; Its preparation and sale in Calcutta, 376 ; Early efforts at introduction into China; Rise of the smuggling trade, 378 ; Manipulation of the drug in smoking, 380 ; The pipe and its use, 382 ; Effects of the practice, 383 ; Quantity and value of the import, 3S7 ; Coasting and inland navigation in China, 389 ; Detail of the principal exports from China, 391 ; Of the imports, 396 ; An example of pigeon-English, 402 ; Present management of the maritime customs; Trade tables.
        CHAPTER XXI. Foreign Intercourse with China
        Limited conception of the Chinese as to embassies; Earliest mention of China or Cathay, 408 ; Acquaintance between Rome and Seres, or Sinae; Knowledge of China under the Greek Empire; Narratives of Buddhist pilgrims, 413 ; Notices of Arab travellers, 414 ; Piano Carpini’s mission from the Pope to Kuyuk Klian, 415; Rubruquin sent by Louis XL to Mangu Khan, 418 • Travels of Marco Polo and King Ilayton of Armenia ; Of the Moor, Ibn Batuta; Of Friar Odoric, 422 ; Of Benedict Goes, 424 ; Of Ibn Waliab, 425 ; The Manchus confine foreign trade to Canton, 42G ; Character of early Portuguese traders; Their settlement at Macao and embassies to Peking; Relations of Spain with China, 431 ; The Dutch come to China, 438 ; They occupy Formosa, 434 ; Koxinga expels them from the island, 437 ; Van Hoorn’s embassy to Peking; Van Braam’s mission to Kienlung, 439 ; France and China; Russian embassies to the court at Peking, 441 ; Intercourse of the English with China, 443 ; Attempts of the East India Company to establish trade, 445 ; The Co-hong; Treatment of Mr. Flint; Anomalous position of foreigners in China during the eighteenth century, 450 ; Chinese action in sundry cases of homicide among foreigners, 451 ; Lord Macartney’s embassy to Peking, 454 ; Attitude of the Chinese regarding Macao; Regarding English and American “squabbles,”; Embassy of Lord Amherst, 458 ; Close of the East India Company monopoly; American trade with China; Chinese terms for foreigners.
        CHAPTER XXII.  Origin Of THE First War with England
        Features of the war with England; Lord Napier appointed superintendent of British trade, 404 •, He goes to Canton; His contest with the governor, 468 ; Chinese notions of supremacy; Lord Napier retires from Canton, his sudden death; Petition of the British merchants to the king, 47() ; Trade continued as before, 478 ; Sir B. G. Robinson the superintendent at Lintin; Is succeeded by Captain Elliot; Hu Nai-tsi proposes to legalize the opium trade, 482 ; Counter-memorials to the Emperor, 483 ; Discussion of the matter among foreigners, 487 ; Canton officers enforce the prohibitory laws; Elliot ordered to drive the opium ships from Lintin; Arrival of Admiral Sir F. Maitland; Smuggling increases; A mob before the factories, 495 ; Captain Elliot’s papers and actions regarding the opium traffic, 496 ; Commissioner Lin sent to Canton, 497; He demands a surrender of opium held by foreigners, 499 ; Imprisons them in the factories; The opium given up and destroyed, 502 ; Homicide of Lin Wei-hi at Hongkong, 505 ; Motives and position of Governor Lin; The war an opium war; Debate in Parliament upon the question.
        CHAPTER XXIII. Progress and Results of the First War between England AND China
        Arrival of the British fleet and commencement of hostilities; Fall of Tinghai, 515; Lin recalled to Peking, 510; Kishen sent to Canton, negotiates’ a treaty with Captain Elliot at the Bogue, 517 ; The negotiations fail, 519 ; Capture of the Canton River defences; The city ransomed; Amoy and Tinghai taken; Fall of Chinhai and Ningpo, 527 ; The Emperor determines to resist, 529 ; Attempt to recapture Ningpo; The British reduce the neighboring towns, 533 ; The fleet enters the Yangtsz’, capture of Wusung; Shanghai taken; Proclamations issued by both parties respecting the war; Storming of Chinkiang, 540 ; Terrible carnage among its Manchu inhabitants, 542 ; Singular contrast at Iching; Kiying communicates with Sir H. Pottinger; The envoy and commissioners meet, 547 ; A treaty drawn up, 549 ; Conversation on the opium question, 550 ; The Treaty of Nanking signed; Massacre of shipwrecked crews on Formosa; Losses and rewards on both sides alter the war, 556 ; Settlement of a tariff and commercial relations, 557 ; Deaths of Howqua and John R. Morrison; A supplementary treaty signed; Renewal of opium vexations, 562 ; Treaties arranged with other foreign powers, 565 ; The ambassador and letter from the United States to China, 566 ; Caleb Cushing negotiates a treaty with Kiying, 567 ; Homicide by an American at Canton, and subsequent correspondence, 568 ; A French treaty concluded by M. de Lagreno at Whampoa; Position of England and China after the war.
        CHAPTER XXIV.  THE Tai-ping Rebellion
        Attitude of the ruling classes in China toward foreigners; Governor Sir J. Davis and Commissioner Kiying; Killing of six Englishmen at Canton; Chinese notions of treaties ibid; Causes of the Tai-ping Rebellion; Life of Hung Siutsuen, its leader; This wonderful vision; He interprets it by Christian ideas, 585 ; Early phases of the movement; Commencement of the insurrection, 590 ; Political and religious tenets of the rebels, 592 ; Rapid advance to the Yangtsz’ and occupation of Nanking, 596 ; The expedition against Peking; Its failure; Dissensions among the rebel wangs, or leaders; Rebel sortie from Nanking; Assistance of foreigners sought by imperialists; Achievements of the Chung Wang; Colonel Gordon assumes control of the “Ever-Victorious force,”; His successful campaigns; Environment of Suchan; The city surrenders; Execution of its wangs by Governor Li; Gordon’s responsibility in the matter, GIG ; Further operations against the insurgents, 617 ; The Ever-Victorious force disbanded, 618 ; Fall of Nanking and dispersion of the rebels; Subsequent efforts of the Shi and Kau wangs; Disastrous character of the rebellion.
        CHAPTER XXV. The Second War between Great Britain and China Relations between the Cantonese and foreigners after the first war; Collecting of customs duties at Shanghai entrusted to foreigners; Common measures of defence against the rebels there; The insurrection in Kwangtung; Frightful destruction of life, 632 ; Governor Yeh’s policy of seclusion; Smuggling lorchas at Hongkong and Macao; The lorcha Arrow affair; The initial acts of the war; Collision with Americans at the Barrier forts, 639 ; View of the war in England, 641 ; Arrival of Lord Elgin and Baron Gros in China; Bombardment and capture of Canton, ibid.; Problem of governing the city; The allies repair to the Pei ho; Capture of the Taku forts, 651 ; Negotiations with Kweiliang and Hwashana at Tientsin; Unexpected appearance of Kiying; Difficulties of Lord Elgin’s position at Tientsin; The treaties signed and ratified, 656 ; Revision of the tariff undertaken at Shanghai; Effect of treaty stipulations and foreign trade on the people of China; Lord Egin visits the Tai-ping rebels at Hankow, 659 ; Sentiment of officials and people in China regarding foreigners, 660 ; Coolie trade outrages, 663 ; The foreign ministers repair to Taku, 664 ; Repulse at the Taku forts, 66G ; The American minister conducted to Peking; Discussion concerning the formalities of an audience, 669 ; He retires and ratifies the treaty at Pehtang; Lord Elgin and Baron Gros sent back to China, 671 ; War resumed, the allies at Pehtang; Capture of villages about Taku, 674 ; Fall of the Taku forts, 676 ; Lord Elgin declines to remain at Tientsin; Interpreters Wade and Parkes sent to Tungchau, 678 ; Capture of Parkes and Loch, 680 ; Skirmish of Pa-li-kiau, 682 ; Pillage of Yuen-ming Yuen, G83 ; Its destruction upon the return of the prisoners, 684 ; Entry into Peking and signing of the treaties, 686 ; Permanent settlement of foreign embassies at the capital.
        CHAPTER XXVI. Narrative of Recent Events in China
        Palace conspiracy upon the death of Hienfung; The regency established at Peking, 691 ; The Lay-Osborne flotilla, 693 ; Collapse of the scheme and dismissal of Lay, 695 ; The Burlingame mission to foreign countries, 696 ; Its treaty with the United States, 698 ; Outbreak at Tientsin, 700 ; Investigation into the riot, 703 ; Bitter feeling among foreigners, 705 ; Memorandum from the Tsung-ii Yamun on the missionary question; Conclusion of the Kansuh insurrection; Marriage of the Emperor Tungchi; The foreign ministers demand an audience; Reception of the ambassadors by Tungchi; Stopping of the coolie trade, 715 ; Japanese descent upon Formosa; English expedition to Yunnan, 719 ; Second mission, murder of Margary; The Grosvenor mission of inquiry; The Chifu Convention between Li Hung-chang and Sir T. Wade, 725 ; Death of Tungchi and accession of Kwangsii; The rebellion of Yakub Beg in Turkestan; He overthrows the Dungani Confederation, 730 ; His forces conquered by Tso Tsung-tang, 731 ; Negotiations as to the cession of Kuldja, 732 ; The great famine of 1878, 734 ; Efforts of foreigners for its relief, 736 ; Chinese boys sent to America for education, 739 ; Grounds of hope for the future of China.

        LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS IN VOLUME I & VOLUME II
        Worship of the Emperor at the Temple of Heaven, Title-page, representing an honorary portal, or PAI-LAU. (The two characters, Shing chi, upon the top, indicate that the structure has been erected by imperial command. In the panel upon the lintel the four characters, Chung Kwoh Tsung-Um, ‘ A General Account of the Middle Kingdom,’ express in Chinese the title of this work. On the right the inscription reads, Jin che ngai jin yu tsin kih so, ‘ He who is benevolent loves those near, and then those who are remote ; ‘ the other side contains an expression attributed to Confucius, ‘ Si fang chi jin yu shing che ye,” ‘The people of the West have their sages.’)—Compare p. 757. A Road-Cut IN the Loess,  An-ting Gate, Wall of Peking,  Plan op Peking, Portal op Confucian Temple, Peking,  Monument, or Tope, op a Lama, Hwang sz’, Peking,  View over the Loess-clefts in Shansi, Temple of the Goddess Ma Tsu-pu, Ningpo,  Lukan Gorge, Yangtsz’ River. (From Blakiston.), View of a Street in Canton,  Miaotsz’ Types,  Domesticated Yak,  FACADE OF Dwellings in Loess Cliffs, Ling-shi hien,  Coal Gorge on the Yangtsz’. (From Blakiston.),  Fl-Fl Ami HAI-TUJI. (From a Chinese cut.),  The Chinese Pig,  Mode of Carrying Pigs,  The Kl-LIJV, or Unicorn,  The FUNG-HWANG, or Phoenix,  Different Styles op Official Caps,  Mode of Carrying High Officers in Sedan,  Prisoner Condemned to the Cangue in Court,  Mode of Exposure in the Cangue,  Publicly Whipping a Thief through the Streets,  Interior of KUNO YUEN, or ‘Examination Hall,’ Peking,  Chinese Hieroglyphics and their Modern Equivalents,  Six Styles op Chinese Characters,  Worship of Confucius and his Disciples,  Diagram of Chinese Roof Construction,  The PIH-TUNO KUNO, or ‘Classic Hall,’ Peking, Wheelbarrow used for Travelling,  Bridge in Wan-shao Shan Gardens, near Peking,  Bridge, showing the Mode of Mortising the Arch,  Barber’s Establishment,  Tricks Played with the Queue,  Procession op Ladies to an Ancestral Temple,  Appearance of the Bones op a Foot when Compressed,  Feet of Chinese Ladies,  Shape of a Lady’s Shoe,  Boys Gambling with Crickets,  Chinese Chess-board
        Signing of the Treaty of Peking, Manner of Shoeing Horses, Pedler’s Barrow, Group and Residence of Fishermen near Canton, The Fishing Cormorant, The Cobbler and his Movable Workshop, Mode op Firing Tea, Travelling Blacksmith and Equipment, Itinerant Dish-mender, Fancy Carved Work, Fable of the Herdsman and Weaver-girl. (From a bowl.), Representation of a Man Dreaming, The Vengeance op Heaven upon the False Grave, A would-be Assassin Followed by Spirits, Symbols of Happiness and Old Age. (From a plaque.), Caricature of an English Foraging Party, Chinese Notions of the Internal Structure of the Human Body, Pwanku Chiselling Out the Universe, Gateway of the Yuen Dynasty, Ku-yung Kwan, Great Wall, Ancestral Hall and Mode of Worshipping the Tablets, Buddhist Priests, Consulting a Fortune-teller, Head of Nestorian Tablet at Si-ngan, Roman Catholic Altar near Shanghai, Manner of Smoking Opium, Wall of Canton City. (From Fisher.), Plan of Canton and Vicinity, Portrait of Commissioner KiYing, Plan of the Pei ho and Forts. (From Fisher.), Portrait of Prince Kung, Portrait of Wanslang

        NOTE RESPECTING THE SYSTEM OF PRONUNCL ATION ADOPTED IN THIS WORK
        In this the values of the vowels are as follows :
        1. a as the italicized letters in father, far (never like a in hat) ;e.g., chang, hang—sounded almost as if written chahng, hahng, not flat as in the English words sang, hang, man, etc.
        2. a like the short u in hut, or as any of the italicized vowels in American, summer, mother ; the German o approaches this sound, while Wade writes it e ; e.g., pan, tang, to be pronounced as pun, tongue.
        3. e as in men, dead, saw! ; as teh, shen, yen.
        4. e, the French e, as in they, neigh, pray ; as che, ye, pronouneed chaij, yay.
        5. i as in pm, f/ntsh ; as dug, lin, Chihl’i.
        6. ‘t as in machine, believe, feel, me ; as I’l, Ktshen, Kanghi.
        7. o as in long. Yawn ; never like no, cro^u ; as to, soh, j)o.
        8. u as in rule, too, fool ; as 7\i7-k, Belur, ku, sung ; pronounced Toork, Beloor, koo, soong. This sound is heard less full in fuh, fsun, and a few other words ; this and the next may be considered as equivalent to the two ii-sounds found in German.
        9. u nearly as in I’une (French), or wnion, rheum ; as hii, tsil.
        10. ai as in aisle, high, or longer than i in pine ; as Shanghai, Hainan. The combination ei is more slender than ai, though the difference is slight ; e.g., Kivei chau.
        11. au and ao as in round, our, hoio ; as Fuhchau, Macao, Taukwang.
        12. eu as in the colloquial phrase say ’em ; e.g., cheung. This diphthong is heard in the Canton dialect.
        13. ia as in yard ; e.g., Ma, Hang ; not to be sounded as if written Jdgh-a, kigh-ang, but like hed, keiing.
        14. iau is made b}” joining Nos. 5 and 11 ; hiau, Liautung.
        15. ie as in sierra (SjDanisli), Ki’enzi; e.g., Men, kien.
        16. iu as in peu;, pure, lengthened to a dij)hthong ; km, siun.
        17. iue is made by adding a short e to the preceding ; kiuen, Muen,
        18. ui as in Louisiana, suicide ; e.g., sui, cMii.

        SYSTEM OF PRONUNCIATION
        The consonants are sounded generally as they are in the English alphabet. Ch as in church ; hw as in when. ; j soft, as s in pleasure; kw as in awkward ; ng, as an initial, as in singing, leaving off the first two letters ; sz’ and tsz’ are to be sounded full with one breathing, but none of the English vowels are heard in it ; the sound stops at the z ; Dr. Morrison wrote these sounds tsze and sze, while Sir Thomas Wade, whose system bids fair to become the most widely employed, turns them into ssu and fzii. The hs of the latter, made by omitting the first vowel of hissing, is written simply as h by the author. Urh, or’rh, is pronounced as the three last letters of purr.
        All these, except No. 12, are heard in the court dialect, which has now become the most common mode of writing the names of places and persons in China. Though foreign authors have employed different letters, they have all intended to write the same sound ; thus chan, shan, and xan, are only different ways of writing閂; and tsse, tsze, tsz’, zh, tzu`, and tzu, of 字. Such is not the case, however, with such names as Macao, Hongkong, Amoy, Whampoa, and others along the coast, which are sounded according to the local patois, and not the court pronunciation-Ma-ngau, Hiangkiang, Hiamun, Hwangpu, etc. Many of the discrepancies seen in the works of travellers and writers are owing to the fact that each is prone to follow his own fancy in transliterating foreign names ; uniformity is almost unattainable in this matter. Even, too, in what is called the court dialect there is a great diversity among educated Chinese, owing to the traditional way all learn the sounds of the characters. In this work, and on the map, the sounds are written uniformly according to the pronunciation given in Morrison’s Dictionary, but not according to his orthography. Almost every writer upon the Chinese language seems disposed to propose a new system, and the result is a great confusion in writing the same name ; for example, eull, olr, id, ulli, Ih, urh, ‘rh, ‘i, e, lur, nge, ngi, je, ji, are different ways of writing the sounds given to a single character. Amid these discrepancies, both among the Chinese themselves and those who endeavor to catch their pronunciation, it is almost impossible to settle upon one mode of writing the names of places. That which seems to offer the easiest pronunciation has been adopted in this work. It may, perhaps, be regarded as an unimportant matter, so long as the place is known, but to one living abroad, and unacquainted with the language, the discrepancy is a source of great confusion. He is unable to decide, for instance, whether Tang-ngan, Tangon hien, Tang-oune, and Tangao, refer to the same place or not.
        In writing Chinese proper names, authors differ greatly as to the style of placing them ; thus, Fuhchaufu, Fiih-chau fu, Fuh Chau Fu, Fuh-Chau fu, etc., are all seen. Analogy affords little guide here, for New York, Philadelphia, and Cambridge are severally unlike in the principle of writing them : the first, being really formed of an adjective and a noun, is not in this case united to the latter, as it is in Newport, Newtown, etc. ; the second is like the generality of Chinese towns, and while it is now written as one word, it would be written as two if the name were translated-as ‘Brotherly Love ;’ but the third, Cambridge, despite its derivation, is never written in two words, and many Chinese names are like this in origin. Thus applying these rules, properly enough, to Chinese places, they have been written here as single words, Suchau, Peking, Hongkong ; a hyphen has been inserted in some places only to avoid mispronunciation, as Hiau-‘i, St-ngan, etc. It is hardly supposed that this system will alter such names as are commonly written otherwise, nor, indeed, that it will be adhered to with absolute consistency in the following pages ; but the principle of the arrangement is perhaps the simplest possible. The additions fu, chau, ting, and hien, being classifying terms, should form a separate word. Li conclusion, it may be stated that this system could only be carried out approximately as regards the proper names in the colonies and outside of the Empire.

        CHAPTER I GENERAL DIVISIONS AND FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE

        The possessions of the ruling dynasty of China,—that portion of the Asiatic continent which is usually called by geographers the Chinese Empire,—form one of the most extensive dominions ever swayed by a single power in any age, or any part of the world. Comprising within its limits every variety of soil and climate, and watered by large rivers, which serve not only to irrigate and drain it, but, by means of their size and the course of their tributaries, affording unusual facilities for intercommunication, it produces within its own borders everything necessary for the comfort, support, and delight of its occupants, who have depended very slightly upon the assistance of other climes and nations for satisfying their own wants. Its civilization has been developed under its own institutions; its government has been modelled without knowledge or reference to that of any other kingdom ; its literature has borrowed nothing from the genius or research of the scholars of other lands ; its language is unique in its symbols, its structure, and its antiquity ; its inhabitants are remarkable for their industry, peacefulness, numbers, and peculiar habits. The examination of such a people, and so extensive a country, can hardly fail of being both instructive and entertaining, and if rightly pursued, lead to a stronger conviction of the need of the precepts and sanctions of the Bible to the highest development of every nation in its personal, social, and political relations in this world, as well as to individual happiness in another. It is to be hoped, too, that at this date in the world’s history, there are many more than formerly, who desire to learn the condition and wants of others, not entirely for their own amusement and congratulation at their superior knowledge and advantages, but also to promote the well-being of their fellow-men, and impart liberally of the gifts they themselves enjoy. Those who desire to do this, will find that few families of mankind are more worthy of their greatest efforts than those comprised within the limits of the Chinese Empire ; while none stand in more need of the purifying, ennobling, and invigorating principles of our holy religion to develop and enforce their own theories of social improvement.

        ORIGIN OF THE NAME CHINA

        The origin of the name China has not yet been fully settled. The people themselves have now no such name for their country, nor is there good evidence that they ever did apply it to the whole land. The occurrence in the Laws of Manu and in the Mahaharata of the name China, applied to a land or people with whom the Hindus had intercourse in the twelfth century B.C., and who were probably the Chinese, throws the origin far back into the remotest times, where probability must take the place of evidence. The most credible account ascribes its origin to the family of Tsin, whose chief first obtained complete sway, about b.c. 250, over all the other feudal principalities in the land, and whose exploits rendered him famous in India, Persia, and other Asiatic states. His sept had, however, long been renowned in Chinese history, and previous to this conquest had made itself widely known, not only in China, but in other countries. The kingdom lay in the northwestern parts of the empire, near the Yellow River, and according to Visdelon, who has examined the subject, the family was illustrious by its nobility and power. ” Its founder was Taye, son of the emperor Chuen-hu. It existed in great splendor for more than a thousand years, and was only inferior to the royal dignity. Feitsz’, a prince of this family, had the superintendence of the stud of the emperor Hiao, b.c. 909, and as a mark of favor his majesty conferred on him the sovereignty of the city of Tsinchau in mesne tenure with the title of sub-tributary king. One hundred and twenty-two years afterwards, b.c. 770, Siangkwan, jh’t’it vol of Tsinchau (having by his bravery revenged the insults offered to the emperor Ping by the Tartars, who slew his father Yu), was created king in full tenure, and without limitation or exception. The same monarch, abandoning Si-ngan (then called Hao-king, the capital of his empire) to transport his seat to Lohyang, Siangkwan was able to make himself master of the large province of Sliensi, which had composed the proper kingdom of the emperor. The king of Tsin thus became very powerful, but though his fortune changed, he did not alter his title, retaining always that of the city of Tsinchau, which had been the foundation of his elevation. The kingdom of Tsin soon became celebrated, and being the place of the first arrival by land of people from western countries, it seems probable that those who saw no more of China than the realm of Tsin, extended this name to all the rest, and called the whole empire Tsin or Chin.”(D’Herbelot, Bibliotheqne Orientale, quarto edition, 1779, Tome IV., p. 8.Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. I., pp. xxxiv., Ixviii. Edkiius, Chinese Buddhism, p. 93.)

        This extract refers to periods long before the dethronement of the house of Chan by princes of Tsin ; the position of this latter principality, contiguous to the desert, and holding the passes leading from the valley of the Tarim across the desert eastward to China, renders the supposition of the learned Jesuit highly probable. The possession of the old imperial capital would strengthen this idea in the minds of the traders resorting to China from the West ; and when the same family did obtain paramount sway over the whole empire, and its head render himself celebrated by his conquests, and by building the Great Wall, the name Tsin was still more widely diffused, and regarded as the name of the country. The Malays and Arabians, whose vessels were early found between Aden and Canton, knew it as China, and probably introduced the name into Europe before 1500. The Hindus contracted it into Machin, from Maha-china, i.e., ‘Great China;’ and the first of these was sometiuies confounded with Manj’i^ a term used for the tribes in Yunnan. Tlius it appears that these and other nations of Asia have known the country or its people by no other terms than Jin., Chin, Sin, Since, or Tziniske. The Persian name Cathay, and its Russian form of Kitai, is of modern orio-in ; it is altered from Ki-tah, the race Avhieh ruled northern China in the tenth century, and is quite unknown to the people it designates. The Latin word Seres is derived from the Chinese word sz’ (silk), and doubtless first came into use to denote the people during the Ilan dynasty.

        VARIOUS DESIGNATIONS

        The Chinese have many names to designate themselves and the land they inhabit. One of the most ancient is Tien Ilia, meaning ‘ Beneath the Skj^,’ and denoting the AVorld ; another, almost as ancient, is /&’ Ilai, i.e., ‘ [all within] the Four Seas,’ while a third is (Vtunr/ Kivoh, oy ‘Middle Kingdom.’ This dates from the establishment of the Chan dynasty, about b.c.1150, when the imperial family so called its own special state in Honan because it was surrounded by all the others. The name was retained as the empire grew, and thus has strengthened the popular belief that it is really situated in the centre of the earth; Chn,)i<j Kioohjln, or ‘men of the Middle Kingdom,’ denotes the Chinese. All these names indicate the vanity and ignorance of the people respecting their geographical position and their rank among the nations ; they have not been alone in this foible, for the Egyptians, Greeks and Romans all had terms for their possessions which intimated their own ideas of their superiority ; while, too, the area of none of those monarchies, in their widest extent, ecpialled that of China Proper. The family of Tsin also established the custom, since continued, of calling the country by the luimc of the dynasty then reigning; but, wliilc the brief duration of that house of forty-four years was not long enough to give it much currency among the people, snccueeding dynasties, by their talents and prowess, imparted their own as permanent appellations to the people and country. The terms Ilan-jhi and JLoi-tsz’ {i.e., men of Ilan or sons of llan) are now in use by the people to denote themselves : the last also means a ”brave man.” Tangjin, or ‘Men of Tang,’ is quite as frequently heard iu the southern provinces, where the phrase Tang Shan, or ‘ Hills of Tang,’ denotes the whole country. The Buddhists of India called the land Chin-tan, or the ‘ Dawn,’ and this appellation has been used in Chinese writings of that sect.

        The present dynasty calls the empire Ta Tsing Kivoh, or * Great Pure Kingdom;’ but the people themselves have refused the corresponding term of Tsing-jin, or ‘ Men of Tsing.’ The empire is also sometimes termed Tsing Chau, i.e., ‘ [land of the] Pure Dynasty,’ by metonymy for the family that rules it. The term now frequently heard in western countries—the Celestial Empire^is derived from Tien Chan, i.e., ‘ Heavenly Dynasty,’ meaning the kingdom which the dynasty appointed by heaven rules over ; but the term Celestials, for the people of that kingdom, is entirely of foreign manufacture, and their language could with difficulty be made to express such a patronymic.

        The phrase Li Jlin, or ‘ Black-haired Pace,’ is a common appellation ; the expressions Ilira Yen, the ‘ Flowery Language,’ and Chung lima Kiooh, the ‘ Middle Flowery Kingdom,’ are also frequently used for the written language of the country, because the Chinese consider themselves to be among the most polished and civilized of all nations—which is the sense of hwa in these phrases. The phrase I^ui T”i, or ‘ Inner Land,’ is often employed to distinguish it from countries beyond their borders, regarded as the desolate and barbarous regions of the earth. lima Ilia (the Glorious Hia) is an ancient term for China, the Hia dynasty being the first of the series; Tung Tu, or ” Land of the East,” is a name used in Mohammedan writings alone.

        The present ruling dynasty has extended the limits of the empire far beyond what they were under the Ming princes, and nearly to their extent in the reign of Kublai, a.d. 1290. In 1840, its borders were well defined, reaching fi*om Sagalien I. on the north-east, in lat. 48° 10′ jS”. and long. 144° 50′ E., to Hainan I. in the China Sea, on the south, in lat. 18° 10′ X., and westward to the Belur-tag, in long. T4° E., inclosing a continuous area, estimated, after the most careful valuation by McCullcjch, at 5,300,000 square miles. The longest line which could be drawn in this vast region, from the south-western part of tli, bordering on Kokand, north-easterly to the sea of Okhotsk, is 3350 miles ; its greatest breadth is 2,100 miles, from the Outer Hing-an or Stanovoi Mountains to the peninsula of Luichau in Kwangtung :—the first measuring 71 degrees of longitude, and the last over 34 of latitude.

        Since that year the process of disintegration has been going on, and the cession of Hongkong to the British has been followed by greater partitions to Russia, which have altogether reduced it more than half a million of square miles on the north-east and west. Its limits on the western frontiers are still somewhat undefined. The greatest breadth is from Albazin on the Amur, nearly south to Hainan, 2150 miles ; and the longest line which can be drawn in it runs from Sartokh in Tibet, north-east to the junction of the Usuri River with the Amur.

        GENERAL DIVISIONS

        The form of the empire approaches a rectangle. It is

        bounded on the east and south-east by various arms and portions

        of the Pacific Ocean, beginning at the frontier of Corea,

        and called on European maps the gulfs of Liautung and Pechele,

        the Yellow Sea, channel of Formosa, China Sea, and Gulf

        of Tonquin. Cochinchina and Burmali border on the provinces

        of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Yunnan, in the south-west;

        but most of the region near that frontier is inhabited by halfindependent tribes of Laos, Ivakyens, Singphos, and others.

        The southern ranges of the Himalaya separate Assam, Butan,

        Sikkim, Nipal and states in India from Tibet, whose western

        border is bounded by the nominally dependent country of

        Ladak, or if that be excluded, by the Kara-kormn Mountains.

        The kingdoms or states of Cashmere, Badakshan, Kokand, and

        the Kirghls steppe, lie upon the western frontiers of Little

        Tibet, Ladak, and 111′, as far north as the Russian border ; the

        high range of the Belur-tag or Tsung-ling separates the former

        countries from the Cliiiiese territory in this quarter. Russia is

        conterminous with China from the Kirghis steppe along the

        Altai chain and Kenteh range to the junction of the Argun

        and the Amur, from whence the latter river and its tributary,

        the Usuri, form the dividing line to the border of Corea, a

        total stretch of 5,300 miles. The circuit of tiie whole empire

        is 14,000 miles, or considerably over half the circumference of

        the globe. These measurements, it must be remembered, are

        of the roughest character. The coast line froiri the mouth of

        the river Yaluh in Corea to that of the Annam in Cochinchina

        is not far from 4,400 miles. This immense country comprises

        about one-third of the continent, and nearly one-tenth of the

        habitable part of the globe ; and, next to Russia, is the largest

        empire which has existed on the earth.

        It will, perhaps, contribute to a better comprehension of the

        area of the Chinese Empire to compare it with some other countries.

        Russia is nearly 6,500 miles in its greatest length, about 1,500 in its average breadth, and measures 8,369,144(Or 21,759,974 sq. km.—Gotha Almanack.) square miles, or one-seventh of the land on the globe. The United States of America extends about 3,000 miles from Monterey on the Pacific in a north-easterly direction to Maine, and

        about 1700 from Lake of the Woods to Florida. The area of

        this territory is now estimated at 2,936,166 square miles, with

        a coast line of 5,120 miles. The area of the British Empire

        is not far from 7,647,000 square miles, but the boundaries of

        some of the colonies in Hindostan and South Africa are not

        definitely laid down ; the superficies of the two colonies of

        Australia and Kew Zealand is nearly equal to that of all the

        other possessions of the British crown.

        The Chinese themselves divide the empire into three principal

        parts, rather by the different form of government in each,

        than by any geographical arrangement.

        I. The Eighteen Provinces^ including, with trivial additions, the country conquered by the Manchus in 1664.
        II. 3fmichuria, or the native country of the Manchus, lying north of the Gulf of Liautung as far as the Amur and west of the Usuri River.
        III. Colonial Possessions, including Mongolia, 111 (comprising Sungaria and Eastern Turkestan), Koko-uor, and Tibet.

        The first of these divisions alone is that to which other nations have given the name of China, and is the only part which is entirely settled by the Chinese. It lies on the eastern slope of the high table-land of Central Asia, in the south-east ern angle of the continent ; and for beauty of scenery, fertility of- soil, salubrity of climate, magnificent and navigable rivers, and variety and abundance of its productions, M’ill compare with any portion of the globe. The native name for this portion, as distinguished from the rest, is Shih-jxih Sang or the ‘ Eighteen Provinces,’ but the people themselves usually mean this part

        alone by the term Chung Juvoh. The area of the Eighteen

        Provinces is estimated by ‘McCulloch at 1,348,870 square miles,

        but if the full area of the provinces of Kansuh and Chihli be

        included, this figure is not large enough ; the usual computation

        is 1,297,999 square miles ; Mahe Brun reckons it at

        1,482,091 square miles ; but the entire dimensions of the Eighteen

        Provinces, as the Chinese define them, cannot be much

        under 2,000,000 square miles, the excess lying in the extension

        of the two provinces mentioned above. This part, consequently,

        is rather more than two-fifths of the area of tlie whole empire.

        MOUNTAIN CHAINS

        The old limits are, however, more natural, and being better known may still be retained. They give nearly a square form to the provinces, the length from north to south being 1,474

        miles, and the breadth 1,355 miles ; but the diagonal line from

        the north-east corner to Yunnan is 1,009 miles, and tliat from

        Amoy to the north-western part of Kansuh is 1,557 miles.

        China Proper, therefore, measures about seven times the size of

        France, and fifteen times that of the United Kingdom ; it is

        nearly half as large as all Europe, which is 3,050,000 square

        miles. Its area is, however, nearer that of all the States of the

        American Union lying east of the Mississippi Piver, with Texas,

        Arkansas, Missouri and Iowa added ; these all cover 1,355,309

        square miles. The position of the two countries facing the

        western borders of great oceans is another point of likeness,

        which involves considerable similarity in climate ; there is

        moreover a further reseml)lance between tlie size of the provinces

        in China and those of the newer States.

        Before proceeding to define the three great basins into which

        China may be divided, it will give a better idea of the whole

        subject to speak of the mountain ranges which lie within and

        near or along the limits of the country. The latter in them

        selves form almost an entire wall inclosing and defining the old

        empire ; the principal exceptions being the western boundaries

        of Yunnan, the border between Hi and the Kirghis steppe, and

        the trans-Anmr region.

        Commencing at the north-eastern corner of the basin of the

        Amur above its mouth, near lat. 56° N., are the first sunmiits

        of the Altai range, which during its long course of 2,000 miles

        takes several names ; this range forms the northern limit of the

        table-land of Central Asia. At its eastern part, the range is

        called Stanovoi by the Russians, and Wai Jling-an by the Chinese

        ; the first name is applied as far west as the confluence of

        the Songari with the Amur, beyond which, north-west as far

        as lake Baikal, the Russians call it the Daourian Mountains.

        The distance from the lake to the ocean is about 600 miles, and

        all within Russian limits. Beyond lake Baikal, westward, the

        chain is called the Altai, i.e.^ Golden Mountains, and sometimes

        Kinshan, having a similar meaning. Near the head-waters of

        the river Selenga this range separates into two nearly parallel

        systems running east and west. The southern one, which lies

        mostly in Mongolia, is called the Tangnu, and rises to a much

        liigher elevation than the northern spur. The Tangnu Mountains

        continue under that name on the Chinese maps in a southwesterly

        direction, but this chain properly joins the Tien shan,

        or Celestial Mountains, in the province of Cobdo, and continues

        until it again unites with the Altai further west, near the

        junction of the Kirghis steppe with China and Russia. The

        length of the whole chain is not far from 2,500 miles, and

        except near the Tshulyshman River, does not, so far as is

        known, rise to the snow line, save in detached peaks. The

        average elevation is supposed to be in the neighborhood of

        7,000 feet ; most of it lies between latitudes 47° and 52° X.,

        largely covered with forests and susceptible of cultivation.

        The next chain is the Belur-tag, Tartash ling, in Chinese

        Tsungling, Onion Mountains, or better. Blue Mountains, so called from their distant hue. (Klaproth (MemoireH sur VAsie, Tome II., p. 295) observes that the name is derived from the abundance of onions found upon tliese mountains. M. Abel-Remusat prefers to attribute it to the “bluish tint of onions.”) This range lies in the south-west of Songaria, separating that territory from Badakshan ; it commences about lat. 50° N., nearly at right angles with the Tien shan, and extends south, rising to a great height, though little is known of it. It may be considered as the connecting link between the Tien shan and the Kwanlun ; or rather, both this and the latter

        may be considered as proceeding from a mountain knot, detached

        from the llindu-kush, in the south-western part of Turkestan

        called Pushtikhur, the Belur-tag coming from its northern

        side, while the Kwanlun issues from its eastern side, and extends

        across the middle of the table-land to Koko-nor, there diverging

        into two branches. This mountain knot lies between latitudes

        36° and 37° Is., and longitudes 70° and 74° E. The Himalaya

        range proceeds from it south-easterly, along the southern frontier

        of Tibet, till it bi-eaks up near the head-waters of the

        Yangtsz’, Salween, and other rivers between Tibet, Burmali,

        and Yunnan, thus nearlj’ completing the inland fi’ontier of the

        empire. A small spur from the Yun ling, in the west of Yunnan,

        in the country of the Singphos and borders of Assam,

        may also be regarded as forming part of the boundary line.

        The C/ian(/-j)eh shan lies between the head-waters of the Yaluh

        and Toumen rivers, along the Corean frontier, forming a

        spur of the lower range of the Siliota or SUi-hlh-teh Mountains,

        east of the Usuri.

        Within the confines of the empire are four large chains,

        some of the peaks in their course rising to stupendous elevations,

        but the ridges generally falling below the snow line.

        The first is the Tien shan or Celestial Mountains, called Tengkiri

        b}’ the Mong(jls, and sometimes erroneously Alak Mountains.

        This chain begins at the northern extremity of the

        Belur-tag in lat. 40° N., or more properly comes in from the

        west, and extends from west to east between longitudes 76° and

        90° E., and generally along the 22° of north latitude, dividing

        Ili into the Northern and Southern Circuits. Its western portion

        is called Muz-tag ; the Muz-daban, about long. 79° E., between

        Kuldja and Aksu, is where the road from north to south

        runs across, leadino; over a hi”;h glacier above the snow line.

        East of this occurs a mass of peaks anK)ng the highest in Central

        Asia, called Bogdoula; and at the eastern end, near Ur

        THE TIEN SHAN AND KWANLUX RANGES. 11

        Qiiitsi, as it declines to the desert, are traces of volcanic action

        seen in solfataras and spaces covered with ashes, but no active

        volcanoes ai’C now known. The doubtful volcano of Pi shan,

        between the glacier and the Bogdo-ula, is the only one reported

        in continental China. The Tien shan end abruptly at their

        eastern point, w-here the ridge meets the desert, not far from

        the meridian of Barknl in Kansuh, though Humboldt considers

        the hills in l^Iongolia a continuation of the range eastward,

        as far as the Kui Iling-an. The space between the

        Altai and Tien shan is very nuich broken up by mountainous

        spurs, which may be considered as connecting links of them

        both, though no regular chain exists. The western prolongation

        of the Tien shan, under the name of tlie Muz-tag, extends

        from the high pass only as far as the junction of the Belurtag,

        beyond which, and out of the Chinese Empire, it continues

        nearly west, south of the river Sihon toward Kodjend, under

        the names of Ak-tag and Asferah-tag ; this part is covered with

        perpetual snow.

        Nearly parallel with the Tien shan in part of its course is

        the Kan shan, Ivwanlun or Koulkun range of mountains, also

        called Tien Chu or ‘ Celestial Pillar ‘ by Chinese geographers.

        The Ivwanlun starts from the Pushtikhur knot in lat. 3G° X.,

        and runs along easterly in nearly that parallel through the

        whole breadth of the tabledand, dividing Tibet from the desert

        of Gobi in part of its course. About the middle of its extent,

        not far from long. 00° E., it divides into several ranges,

        wliich decline to the south-east through Ivoko-nor and Sz’cliuen,

        under the names of the Bayan-kara, the Burklian-buddha,

        the Shuga and the Tanghi Mountains,—each more or less

        parallel in their general south-east course till they merge

        with the Yun ling {i.e., Cloudy Mountains), about lat. 33° !N.

        Another group bends northerly, beyond the sources of the Yellow

        Piver, and under the names of Altyn-tag, Xan shan, In

        shan, and Ala shan, passes through Ivansuh and Shensi to join

        the Xui IIino;-an, not far fi-om the o-reat bend of the Yellow

        River. Some portion of the country between the extremities

        of these two ranges is less elevated, but no plains occur, though

        the parts north of Kansuh, where the Great Wall runs, are rugged and unfertile. The large tract between the basins of the Tarini River and that of the Yaru-tsano . i, including the Kwanlun range, is mostly occupied by the desert of Gobi, and is now one of the least known parts of the globe. The mineral treasures of the Kwanlun are probably great, judging from the many precious stones ascribed to it ; this desolate region is the favorite arena for the monsters, fairies, genii, and other beings of Chinese legendary lore, and is the Olympus where the Buddhist and Taoist divinities hold their mystic

        sway, strange voices are lieard, and marvels accomplished.*

        From near the head-waters of the Yellow Iliver, the four ridges

        run south-easterly, and converge hard by the confines of Burmth

        and Yunnan, within an area about one hundred miles in breadth.

        The Yun ling range constitutes the western frontier of Sz’chuen,

        and going south-east into Yunnan, thence turns eastward, under

        the names of Kan ling, Mei ling, “Wu-i shan, and other local

        terms, passing through Kweichau, Hunan, and dividing Kwangtunoj

        and Fuhkien from Iviano-si and Chehkiano;, bends northeast

        till it reaches the sea opposite Chusan. One or two spurs

        branch off north from this range through Hunan and Iviangsi,

        as far as the Yangtsz’, but they are all of moderate elevation,

        covered with forests, and susceptible of cultivation. The descent

        from the Siueh ling or Bayan-kara Mountains, and the

        western part of the Yun ling, to the Pacific, is ^’ery gradual.

        The Chinese give a list of fifty peaks lying in the provinces

        w^hich are covered with snow for the whole ur part of the

        year, and describe glaciers on several of them.

        Another less extensive ridge branches off nearly due east

        from the Bayan-kara Mountains in Koko-nor, and forms a moderately

        high range of mountains between the Yellow Iliver and

        Yangtsz’ kiang as far as long. 112° E., on the western borders

        of Kganhwui ; this range is called Ivo-tsing shan, and Peh

        ling {i.e., Xorthern Mountains), on European maps. These two

        chains, viz., the Yun ling—with its continuation of the Mei

        ling—and the Peh ling, with their numerous offsets, render the

        whole of the western })art of C’hina very imeven.

        ‘ Compare Reimisiit, Ilistaire de la VUle de KJiotan, p. (ir), ff.

        HING-AN AND HIMALAYA KANGES. IB

        On the east of Mongolia, and cominencini!; near the hend of

        the Yellow Ilivei”, or i-ather forming a contiiniation of the

        range in Shansi, is the Nui lling-an ling or Sialkoi, called also

        kSoyorti range, which runs north-east on the west side of the

        basin of the Amur, till it reaches the Wai lling-an, in lat.

        56° N. The sides of the ridge toward the desert are nearly

        naked, but the eastern acclivities are AV’ell wooded and fertile.

        On the confines of Corea a spur strikes off westward through

        Shingking, called Kolmin-shanguin alin bj the Manchus, and

        Chang-pell shan {i.e., Long White Mountains) by the Chinese.

        Between the Sialkoi and Siliota are two smaller ridges defining

        the basin of the Nonni River on the east and west. Little is

        known of the elevation of these chains except that they are

        low in comparison with the great \vestern ranges, and under the

        snow line.

        The fourth system of mountains is the Himalaya, which

        bounds Tibet on the south, while the Kwanlun and Burkhan

        Buddha range defines it on the north. A small range runs

        through it from west to east, connected with the Himalaya by

        a high table-land, which surrounds the lakes Manasa-rowa and

        Ravan-hrad, and near or in which are the sources of the Indus,

        Ganges, and Yaru-tsangbu. This range is called Gang-dis-ri

        and Zang, and also Kailasa in Dr. Buchanan’s map, and its

        eastern end is separated from the Y^un ling b}’ the narrow valley

        of the Y’angtsz’, which here flows from north to south. The

        countr}’ north of the Gang-dis-ri is divided into two portions by a

        spur which extends in a north-west direction as far as the Kwanhm,’

        called the Kara-korum Mountains. On the western side

        of this range lies Ladak, di-ained by one of the largest branches

        of the Indus, and although included in the imperial domains

        on Chinese maps, has long been separated from imperial cognizance.

        The Kara-korum Mountains may therefore be taken

        as composing part of the boundary of the empire ; Chinese

        geographers regard them as forming a continuation of the Tsung ling.

        ‘ One among many native names given to tlie Kwanlun, or Koulkun Mountains, is Tien chv. ^ .^^ ‘Heaven’s Pillar,’ wliieli corresponds precise!)’ with the Atlas of China.

        This hasty sketch of the mountain chains in and around China needs to be further illustrated by Punipelly’s outlines of their general course and elevation in what he suitably terms the Sinian System^ applied ” to that extensive northeast-southwest system of upheaval which is traceable through nearly all Eastern Asia, and to which this portion of the continent owes its most salient features.” lie has developed this system in the liesearches in China, Moncfolla and Ja^Kin, issued by the Smithsonian Institution in 186G. The mountains of China correspond in many respects to the Appalachian system in America, and its revolution probably terminated soon after the deposition of

        the Chinese coal measures. Mr. Pumpelly describes the principal

        anticlinal axes of elevation in China Proper, beginning with the Barrier Range, extending through the northern part of Cliihli and Shansi, where it trends AV.S.W., prolonging across the Yellow River at Pao-teh, and hence S.W. through Shansi and Kansuh, coinciding with the watershed between the bend of that river, which traverses it through an immense gorge.

        The next axis east begins at the Tushih Gate, and goes S.W. to the Xankau Pass, both of them in the Great Wall, and thence across Shansi to the elbow of the Yellow River, and onward to Western Sz’chuen, forming the watershed within the bend of the Yangtsz’. In the regions between these two axes are found coal deposits. A central axis succeeds this in Shansi, crossing the Yangtsz’ near Ichang, and passing on S.W. through Kweichau to the Kan ling ; going X.E., it )-uns through IIonaTi and subsides as it gets over the Yellow River, till in Shantung and the Regent’s Sword it rises higher and higher as it stretches on to the Chang-peh shan in Manchuria, and the ridge between the Songai-i and Usuri rivers. Between the last

        two ranges lie the great coal, iron, and salt deposits in the

        provinces, and each side of the central axis huge troughs and

        basins occur, such as the valley of the Yangtsz’ in Yunnan, the

        Great Plain in Nganhwui and Chihli, the Gulf of Pechele, and

        the basins of the Liao and Songari rivers.

        The coast axis of elevation is indicated by ranges of granitic mountains between Kiangsi and Kiangsu on the north, and Chehkiang and Fuhkien on the south, extending S.W. through pumpelly’s sinian system.

        15 Kwangtung into the Yuii ling, and N.E. into the Chusan Arcliipelago, thence across to Corea and the Sihota Mountains east of the Usuri River. An outlying granitic range, reaching from Hongkong north-easterly to Wanchau, and IS.W. to Hainan Island, marks a fifth axis of elevation.

        Crossing these anticlinal axes are three ranges, coming into China Proper from the west in such a manner as to prove highly beneficial to its structure. The northern is apparently a continuation of the Bayan-kara Mountains in a S.E. direction into Kansuh, and south of the river Wei into Honan, inider the name of the Hiung slian or ‘ Bear Mountains.’ The centre is an offset from this, going across the north of Hupeh. The southern appears to be a prolongation of the IHmalaya into Yunnan and Kwangsi, making the watershed between the Yangtsz’ and Pearl river basins.

        Between the Tien slian and the Kwanlun range on the southwest,

        and reaching to the Sialkoi on the north-east, in an oblique

        direction, lies the great desert of Gobi or Sha-moh, both words

        signifying a ivaterless j)laln^ or sandy floats.’ The entire length

        of this waste is more than 1,800 miles, but if its limits are

        extended to the Belnr-tag and the Sialkoi, at its western and

        eastern extremity, it will reach 2,200 miles ; the avei-age breadth

        is between 350 and 400 miles, subject, however, to great variations.

        The area within the mountain ranges which define it is

        over a million square miles, and few of the streams occurring

        in it find their way to the ocean. The whole of this tract is not

        a barren desert, though no part of it can lay claim to more than

        comparative fertility ; and the great altitude of most portions

        seems to be as much the cause of its stei-ility as the nature of

        the soil. Some portions have relapsed into a waste because of

        the destruction of the inhabitants.

        The M^estern portion of Gobi, lying east of the Tsung ling

        and north of the Kwanlun, between long. 76° and 94° E., and

        in lat. 36° and 41° N., is about 1,000 miles in length, and

        between 300 and 400 wide. Along the southern side of the

        ‘ Another interpretation makes Gobi (Kopi) to apply to the stony, while Sha-moh denotes the sandy tracks of this desert, in which case the name would more correctly read, ” Great Desert of Gobi and Sha-moh.”

        Tien shan extends a strip of arable land from 50 to SO miles in width, producing grain, pastni’age, cotton, and other things, and in which lie nearly all the Mohammedan cities and forts of the JVcui Lu. The Tarim and its branches flow eastward into Lob-nor, through the best part of this ti-act, from 76° to 89° E. : and along; the banks of the Khoten River a road runs from Yarkand to that city, and thence to Il’lassa. Here the desert is comparatively narrow. This part is called Ilan ha I, or ‘ Mirao;e Sea,’ by the Chinese, and is sometimes known as the desert of Lob nor. The remainder of this region is an almost unnntigated waste, and north of Koko-nor assumes its most terrific appearance, being covered with dazzling stones, and rendered insufferably hot by the reflection of the sun’s rays from these and numerous movable mountains of sand. Kor in winter is the climate milder or more endurable. ” The icy winds of Siberia, the almost constantly unclouded sky, the bare saline soil, and its great altitude above the sea, combine to make the Gobi, or desert of Mongolia, one of the coldest countries in the whole of Asia.” *

        The sandhills —kmi/^jchi, as the Mongols call them—appear north of the Ala Shan and along the Yellow River, and when the wind sets them in motion they, gradually travel before it, and form a great danger to travelers who try to cross them.

        One Chinese author says, ” There is neither watei-, herb, man,

        nor smoke ;—if there is no smoke, there is absolutely nothing.”

        The limits of the actual desert are not easily defined, for near

        the base of the mountain ranges, streams and vegetation are

        usually found.

        Near the meridian of Hami, long. 9-1° E., the desert is narrowed to about 150 miles. The road from Kiayii kwan to Hami runs across this narrow part, and travellers find water at various places in their route. It divides Gobi into two parts—the desert of Lob-nor and the Great Gobi—the former being about 4,500 feet elevation, and the latter or eastern not higher than 4,000 feet. The borders of Kansuh now extend across this tract to the foot of the Tien shan. ‘Col. Prejevalskj, Travelis in Mongolia, i’U-. Vul. II., p. 22. London, 187(5.

        THE DESERT OF GOBI. 17

        The eastern part, or Great Gobi, stretches from the eastern declivity of the Tien shan, in long. 94° to 120° E., and about lat. 40° iS^., as far as the Inner Iling-aii. Its width between the Altai and the In shan range varies from 500 to 700 miles. Through the middle of this tract extends the depressed valley properly called Sha-moh, from 150 to 200 miles across, and whose lowest depression is from 2,000 to 2,000 feet above the sea. Sand almost covers the surface of this valley, generally level, but sometimes rising into low hills. The road from Urga to Kalgan, crossing this tract, is watered during certain seasons of the year, and clothed with grass. It is 660 miles, and forty-seven posts are placed along the route. The crow, lai-k, and sand-«:;rouse are abundant on this road, the first beins a real pest, from its pilfering habits. Such vegetation as occurs is scanty and stunted, affording indiiferent pasture, and the M-ater in the small streams and lakes is brackish and unpotable. North and south of the Sha-moh the surface is gravelly and sometimes rocky, the vegetation more vigorous, and in many places affords good pasturages for the herds of the Kalkas tribes. In those portions bordering on or included in Chihli province, among the Tsakhars, agricultural labors are repaid, and millet, oats,

        and barley are produced, though not to a great extent. Trees

        are met with on the water-courses, but not to form forests.

        This region is called tsaii-ti, or Grassland, and maintains large

        herds of sheep and cattle. It extends more or less northward

        towards Siberia. The Etsina is the largest inland stream in

        this division of Gobi, but on its north-eastern borders are some

        large tributaries of the Annir. On the south of the Sialkoi

        range the desert-lands reach nearly to the Chang-peh shan,

        about five degrees beyond those mountains. The general features

        of this portion of the earth’s surface are less forbidding

        than Sahara, but more so than the steppes of Siberia or the

        pampas of Buenos Ayres. The whole of Gobi is regarded by

        Pumpelly as having formed a portion of a great ocean, which,

        in comparatively recent geological times, extended south to the

        Caspian and Black Seas, and between the Ural and Inner Hing an

        Mountains, and was drained off by an upheaval whose traces

        and effects can be detected in many parts. ” It appears to me,”

        Vol. I.—2

        he adds, ” that the ancient physical geography of this region,

        and the effects of its elevation, present one of the most important

        fields of exploration.” It will no doubt soon be more fully

        explored. Baron Richthofen describes Central Asia as properly

        a shallow trough, 1,800 miles long and about 400 miles wude,

        whose bottom is about 1,800 feet above the ocean ; its ancient

        shore-line extended between the Kwanlun and Tien slian ranges

        on the west, from 5,000 to 10,000 feet high, and gradually falling

        to 3,600 feet in its eastern shore. This is the Ilan-ha’i •

        eastward is Sha-nioh.^ and outside of both these wildernesses

        are the peripheral regions, where the waters flow to the ocean,

        carrying their silt, the erosions from the mountains. Inside of

        the shore-line nothing reaches the oceans, and these results of

        degradation are washed or blown into the valleys, and the

        country is buried in its own dust.’

        The rivers of China are her glory, and no country can

        compare with her for natural facilities of inland navigation.

        The people themselves consider that portion of geography relating

        to their rivers as the most interesting, and give it the

        greatest attention. The four largest rivers in the empire are the

        Yellow River, the Yangtsz’, the Amur, and the Tarim ; the

        Yaru-tsangbu also runs more than a thousand miles within its

        borders.

        The Hwang ho, or ‘ Yellow River,’ rises in the plain of Odontala,

        called in Chinese Shuj-suh Juil, or ‘ Starry Sea,’ from the

        numerous springs or lakelets found there between the Shuga

        and Bayan-kara Mountains, in lat. 35^°, and about long. 96° E.,

        and Tiot a hundred miles from the Yangtsz’. The Chinese popularly

        believe that the Yellow River runs underground from

        Lob-nor to Sing-suh liai. In this region are two lakes—the

        Dzaring and Oling, which are its fountains ; and its course is

        very crooked after it leaves them. It turns first south 30 miles,

        then east 160, then nearly west about 120, winding through

        gorges of the Kwanlun; the river then flows north-east and

        east to Lanchau in Ivansuh, having gone about 700 miles in its

        devious line. From Lanchau it turns northward along the

        ‘ Von Richthofen, China. Ergebnisse eigener Heisen, Band I. Berlin, ISTt,

        THE YELLOW RIVEE. 19

        Great Wall for 430 miles, till deflected eastward by the fn shan,

        on the edge of the plateau, and incloses the country of the

        Ortous Mongols within this great bend. A spur of the Peh

        ling forces it south, about long. 110° E., between Shansi and

        Shensi, for some 500 miles, till it enters the Great Plain,

        having run 1,130 miles from Lanchau. Through this loess region

        it becomes tinged with the soil which imparts both color

        and name to it. At the northern bend it separates in several

        small lakes and branches, and during this part of its course,

        for more than 500 miles, receives not a single stream of any

        size, while it is still so rapid, in descending from the plateau,

        as to demand much care when crossing it by boats. At the

        south-western corner of Shansi this river meets its largest

        tributary, the Wei, which comes in from the westward after

        a course of 400 miles, and is more available as a navigable

        stream than any other of the aflHuents. The area of the whole

        basin is less than that of the Yangtsz’, and may be estimated

        at about 475,000 square miles ; though the source of this

        stream is only 1,290 miles in a direct line from its mouth,

        its numerous windings prolong its course to nearly double that

        distance.

        The great differences of level in winter and summer have

        always made this river nearly useless, except as a drain ; while

        the effect of the long-continued deposit of silt along its lower

        level course has finally choked the mouth altogether. This

        remarkable result has been hastened, no doubt, by the dikes

        built along the banks to the east of Kaifung, which thus forced

        the floods to fill up the channel, and pushed the waters back

        over 500 miles to Honan-fu. Here the land is low, and the

        refluent waters gradually worked their way through marshes

        and creeks into the river Wei on the north bank, and thus

        found a north-east ‘ channel into the Canal and the Ta-tsing

        River, till they reached the Gulf of Pechele. A small part of

        these floods have perhaps gone south into the head waters of

        the river Hwai, and thence into Hung-tsih Lake ; but that lake

        has shrivelled, like its great feeder, and all its waters flow into

        the Yangtsz’. The history of the Yellow River furnishes a conclusive

        argument against diking a river’s banks to restrain its floods. It lias now reverted to the channel it occupied about fourteen centuries ago.’

        Far more tranquil and useful is its rival, the Yangtsz’ kiang,

        called also simply Kiaivj or Ta kiang, the ‘ River,’ or ‘ Great

        River.’ It is often erroneously named on western maps, Kyang

        Ku, which merely means ‘ mouth of the river.’ The sources

        of the Kiang ai’e in the Tangla Mountains and the Kwanlun

        range, and are placed on native maps in three streams flowing

        from the southern side of the Bayan-kara, This has been

        partly confirmed by Col. Prejevalsky. In January, 1873, he

        reached the Murui-ussu (Tortuous River) in lat. 35°, long. 94°,

        at its junction with the Ts^apchitai, the northern of the three

        branches, and found it 750 feet wide at that season. In spring,

        the river’s bed there is filled up a mile wide. Its course thence

        is south-east, receiving three other streams, all of which may be

        considered as its head-waters. All their channels are over ten

        thousand feet above the sea, but the ranges near them are under

        the snow-line. There is no authentic account of its course from

        this union till it joins the Yalung kiang in Sz’chuen, a distance

        of nearly 1,300 miles ; but Chinese maps indicate a southeasterly

        direction through the gorges of the Yun ling, till it

        bursts out from the mountains in lat. 20° IST., where it turns

        north-east. During nmcli of this distance it bears the name of

        the Po-lai-tsz’. The Yalung River rises very near the Yellow

        River, and runs parallel with the Kiang in a valley further east,

        flowing upwards of 600 miles before they join. Great rafts

        of timber are floated down both these streams, for sale at

        the towns furtlier east, but no large boats are seen on them

        before they leave the mountains. The town of Batang, in

        Sz’chuen, on the road from Il’lassa, is the first large place on

        the river. The main trunk is called Kin sha kiang {I.e., Goldensand

        River), until it receives the Yalung in the southern part

        of Sz’chuen, which the Chinese there regard as the principal

        stream of the two. Beyond the junction, the united river is

        called Ta kiang as far as Wuchang, in Ilupeh, beyond which

        ‘ Report by Dr. W. A. P. Martin in Journal of N. C. Branch of R A.

        Society, Vol. III., pp. 33-38 ; 1860. Same journal, Vol. IV., pp. 80-86 ; 1867,-

        Notes by Ney Elias. Pumpelly’s Researches, 1866, chap, v., pp. 41-51

        THE YANGTSZ’ KIANG. 21

        the people know it also as the Cliang kiang, or ‘Long Tliver.’

        They do not often call it Yangtsz’, which is properly applied

        only to the reach from Xanking ont to sea, which lay within

        the old region of Yangchan. This name has been erroneously

        written in Chinese, and thence translated ‘ Son of the Ocean,’

        The French often call it the Fleuve Bleu, but the Chinese have

        no such name. Its general course from AYuchang is easterly,

        receiving various tributaries on both shores, until it discharges

        its waters at Tsungming Island, by two mouths, in hit, 32° N,,

        more than 1,850 miles from its mouth in a direct line, but flowing

        nearly 3,000 miles in all its windings.’

        One of the largest and most useful of its tributaries in its

        lower course is the Ivan kiang in Kiangsi, which empties

        through the Poyang lake, and continues the transverse communication

        from north to south, connecting with the Grand

        Canal. The Tungting lake receives the Siang and Yuen, which

        drain the northern sides of the Xan ling in Ilunan ; and west

        of them is the Kungtan or Wu, which comes in with its

        surplus waters from Kweichau. These are on the south ; the

        Ilan in Ilupeh, and the Kialing, Min, and Loh in Sz’chuen, are

        the main aifluents on the north, contributing the drainage

        south of the Peli ling. The Grand Canal comes in opposite

        Chinkiang, and from thence the deep channel, able to carry the

        largest men-of-war on its bosom, finds its way to the Pacific.

        No two rivers can be more unlike in their general features than

        these two mighty streams. While the Yellow Piver is unsteady,

        the Yangtsz’ is uniform and deep in its lower course,

        and available for rafts from Batang in the western confines of

        Sz’chuen, and for boats from beyond Tungchuen in Yunnan,

        more than 1,700 miles from its mouth. Its great body and

        depth afford ample I’oom for ocean steam-ships 200 miles, as far

        as Xanking, where in some places no bottom could be found at

        twenty fathoms, while the banks are not so low^ as to be often

        injured by the freshets, even when the flood is over thirty feet.

        ‘ See the account of Pere Laribe’s voyage on this river in 1843, Annates de

        la Propagation de la Foi, Tome XVII., pp. 207, 286, ff. Five Months on the

        Tang-tsze, by Capt. Thos.W. Blakiston ; London, 1862. Pumpelly’s Researches^chap. ii. , pp. 4-10. Capt. Gill, The River of Golden Sand.

        At Pingslian above Siicliau in Sz’chnen, 1,550 miles from its month, Blakiston reckons the river to be 1,500 feet above tidewater, which gives an average fall of 13 inches to a geographical mile ; the inclination is increased to 19 inches in some portions, and it is this force which carries the silt of this stream ont to sea, bnt which is wanting in the Yellow River. The fall of the Yangtsz’ is nearly donble that of the Nile and Amazon, and half that of the Mississippi. The amount of water discharged is estimated at 500,000 cubic feet a second at Ichang, about 700 miles up, and it may reasonably be concluded that at Tsungming it discharges in times of flood a million cubic feet per second. Barrow calculated the discharge of the Yellow River in 1798 to be 11,610 cubic feet per second, when the current ran seven miles an hour. Xo river in the world exceeds the Yangtsz’ for arrangement of subsidiary streams, which render the whole basin accessible as far as the Yalung. “When a ship-canal has been dug around the gorges and rapids between Ichang and Kwei, steam-vessels can ascend nearly two thousand miles. The area of its basin is estimated at 548,000 square miles ; and from its central course, and the number of provinces through which it 2:)asses, it has been termed the Girdle of China ; while for its size, perennial and ample supply of water, and accessibility for navigation, it ranks with the great rivers of the world.’

        Besides these two notable rivers, numerous others empty

        into the ocean along the coast from Hainan to the Amur, three

        of which drain large tracts of country, and afford access to

        many populous cities and districts. The third basin is that

        south of the I^an ling to the ocean ; it is drained chiefly by the

        Chu kiang, and its form is much less regular than those of the

        Yellow River and Yangtsz’. The Chu kiang or Pearl River,

        like most of the rivers in China, has many names during its

        course, and is formed by three principal branches, respectively

        called East, North, and West rivers, according to the quarter

        from whence they come. The last is by far the largest, and all

        ‘ Staunton’s Emhnssy, Vol. III., p. 233. Blakiston’s Yang-tsze, p. 294, etc

        Chinese Repodtoru^ Vol. II., p. 316,

        LAKES OF CHINA. 2^\

        of them are navigal)le most of their length. They disembogue

        togetlier at Canton, and drain a region of not nuich less than

        130,000 S(jiiare miles, being all the conntr}- east of the Ynn ling

        and south of the Nan ling ranges. The rivers in Yunnan, for

        the most part, empty into the Salween, Saigon, Meikon, and

        other streams in Coehinehina. The Min, which flows by Fnhchau,

        the Tsili, upon which Xingpo lies, the Tsientang, leading

        up to Hangchau, and the Pei ho, or White River, emptying into

        the Gulf of Pechele, are the most considerable among these

        lesser outlets in the provinces ; while the Liau ho and Yaliluh

        kiang, discharging into the Gulf of Liautung, are the only two

        that deserve mention in Southern Manchuria. The difference

        between the number of river-mouths cutting the Chinese coast

        and that of the United States is very striking, resulting from

        the diiferent direction of the mountain chains in the interior.

        The lah’s of China are comparatively few and small ; all

        those in the provinces of any size lie within the Plain, and are

        connected with the two.great rivers. The largest is tlie Tungting

        in Ilunan, about 220 miles in circumference, tlirough

        Avliich the waters of the Siang and Yuen rivers flow, and fill

        its channels and beds according to the season ; it is now the silted-

        up bed of a former inland sea in Ilupeh, lying on both sides

        of the Yangtsz’, and through which countless lakes, creeks, and

        canals form a navigable network between that river and the

        Han. The lake receives the silt as the tributaries flow on

        through it, and discharge themselves along the deep outlet

        near Yohchau ; this depression altogether is about 200 miles

        long and 80 broad. About 320 miles eastward lies the Poyang

        Lake in Kiangsi, which also discharges the surplus waters of

        the Kan into the Yangtsz’. It is nearly 90 miles long, and

        about 20 in breadth, inclosing within its bosom many beautiful

        and populous islets. The scenery around this lake is highly

        picturesque, and its trade and flsheries are inore important

        than those of the Tungting. The Yangtsz’ receives the waters

        of several other lakes as it approaches the ocean, the largest

        of which are the Ta liu or ‘ Great Lake ‘ near Suchau, and the Tsau hu, lying on the northern bank, between Nganking and Nanking ; both these lakes join the river by navigable streams and the former is connected with the ocean by more than one channel.

        The only considerahle lake connected with the Yellow River

        is the llungtsih in Iviangsu, situated near the junction of that

        river and the Grand Canal, into which it discharges the drainings

        of the Ilwai River ; it is more remarkable for the fleets of

        boats upon it than for scenery in the vicinity. The larger part

        of the country between the mouths of the two rivers is so

        marshy and full of lakes, as to suggest the idea that the

        whole was once an enormous estuary where their waters joined,

        or else that their deposits have filled up a huge lake which

        once occupied this tract, leaving only a number of lesser sheets.

        Besides these, there are small lakes in Chihli and Shantung; also the Tien, the /Sien, and the Tali, of moderate extent, in Yunnan ; all of them support an aquatic population upon the fish taken from their waters.

        The largest lake in Manchuria is the Hinkai-nor in Kirin,

        near the source of the Usuri ; the two.lakes Hurun and Puyur,

        or Pir, in the basin of the Nonni River, give their name to

        Hurun-pir, the western district of Tsitsihar ; but of the extent

        and productions of these sheets of water little is known.

        Tl”3 regions lying north and south of Gobi contain many

        salt lakes, none of them individually comparing with the Aral

        Sea, but collectively covering a much larger extent, and most

        of them receiving the waters of the streams which drain their

        own isolated basins. The peculiarities of these little known

        parts, especially the depression on each side of the Tien shan,

        are such as to render them among the most interesting fields

        for geographical and geological research in the world. The

        largest one in Turkestan is Lob-nor, stated to be a great marsh

        overgrown with tall reeds and having a length of 75 miles and

        width of 15 miles(Prejevalsky, Froni Kulja Across the Tien shnii to Lob-nor, p. 99.). Bostang-nor, said to connect with this

        lake, is placed on Chinese maps some 30 miles north of it.

        Korth of the Tien shan the lakes are larger and more numerous

        ; the Dzaisang, Kisil-bash and Issik-kul are the most important.

        All these lakes are salt.

        BOUNDARIES OF THE PROVINCES. 25

        The M’liole region of Koko-nor is a country of lakes. The

        Oling and Dzaring are among tlie sources of the Yellow Rivei”; and the Tsing Ixti^ or Azure Sea, better known as Koko-nor,

        gives its name to the province. The Tengkiri-nor in Tibet lies

        to the north of H’lassa, and is the largest sheet of water within

        the frontiers of the empire. In its neighborhood are numerous

        small lakes extending northward into Koko-nor. The

        Palti or Yamorouk is shaped like a ring, an island in its centre

        occupying nearly the whole surface. Ulterior Tibet possesses

        many lakes on both sides of the Gang-dis-ri range ; the Yik

        and Paha, near Gobi, are the largest, being only two of a long

        row of them south of the Kwanlun range.

        The Eighteen Provinces are bounded on the north-east by the

        colony of Shingking, from which they are separated by the

        line of a former palisade marking the boundary from the town

        of Shan-hai kwan to the Hwang ho. Following this stream to

        its sources in the In shan, the boundary then crosses these

        mountains and pursues a west and south-west course, through

        the territories of roving Mongol tribes, until it finds the Yellow

        River at the settlement of Hokiuli in Shensi. West of this

        the Great “Wall divides the provinces of Shensi and Ivansuh

        from the Mongolian deserts as far as the Kiayli Pass, beyond

        which lies the desert of Gobi, called Pch ha I (Xorth Sea) and Hah

        fiai (Black Sea). On the east are the Gulf of Pechele and the

        Yellow Sea or Hwang hai, also called Tang hai (Eastern Sea)

        as far south as the Channel of Formosa. This channel and

        the China Sea lie on the south-east and south, as far as the Gulf

        of Tongking and the confines of Annam. Kwangsi and Yunnan border on Annam and Siam on their south sides, while Burmali marks the western frontier, but nearly the whole southwest and western frontiers beyond Yunnan and Sz’chuen are possessed by small tribes of uncivilized people, over whom neither the Chinese nor Burmese have much real control.

        Koko-nor bounds Sz’chuen and Kansuh on their western and southwestern sides.

        The coast of China, from Hainan to the mouth of the Yangtsz’, is bordered with multitudes of islands and rocky islets; from that point northward to Liautung, the shores are low, and, except in Sliantuiiii’, the coast is rendered dangerous by shoals.

        South of the Pei ho, along to the end of Shantung Promontory, the coast is bolder, increasing in height after passing the Miautau Islands, though neither side of the promontory presents any point of remarkable elevation ; Cape Macartney, at the eastern end, is a conspicuous bluff when approaching it from sea. From this cape to the mouth of the Tsientang River, near Chapu, a distance of about 400 miles, the coast is

        low, especially between the mouths of the Yangtsz’ and Yellow

        rivers, and has but few good harbors. Quicksands in the

        regions near these rivers and the Bay of Ilangchau render the

        navigation dangerous to native junks. From Kitto Point, near

        Ningpo, down to Hongkong, the shores assume a bolder aspect,

        and numerous small bays and coves occur among the islands,

        affording safe refuge for vessels. The aspect along this part is

        uninviting in the extreme, consisting principally of a succession

        of yellowish cliffs and naked headlands, giving little promise

        of the highly cultivated country beyond them. This bleak appearance

        is caused by the rains washing the decomposed soil

        off the surface ; the rock being granite in a state of partial

        and progressive disintegration, the loose soil is easily carried

        down into the intervals. Another reason for its treeless sin–

        face is owing to the practice of annually cutting the coarse

        grass for fuel, and after the crop is gathered setting the stubble

        on fire, in order to manure the ground for the coming year; the fire and thinness of the soil together effectually prevent any large growth of trees or shrubbery upon the hills.

        The estuary of the Pearl Iliver from the Bocca Tigris down to the Grand Ladrones, a distance of TO miles, and from Hongkong westerly to the Island of Tungku, about 100 miles, is interspersed with islands. The strait which separates Hainan from the Peninsula of Luichau has been supposed to be the place called by Arabian travelers in the ninth century the Gates of China, but that channel was probably near the Chusan Archi})elago. That group of fertile islands is regarded as the l)rokeii termination of the continental range of mountains running throui^h Chehkiang.

        CHARACTER OF THE COAST.

        The Island of Formosa, or Taiwan, cmmects tlie islands of Japan and Lewchew with Lu9onia. Between Formosa and the coast lie the Pescadores or Panghu Islands, a group much less in extent and number than the Chusan Islands. The Chinese have itineraries of all the places, headlands, islands, etc., along the entire coast, but they do not afford much information respecting the names of positions.(CJiinese Repository, Vol. V., p. 337; Vol. X., pp. 351, 371. Williams’ Chinese Commerced Guide, fifth edition, second part, 1863.)

        The first objects that invite attention in the general aspect of China Proper are the Great Plain in the north-east, and the three longitudinal basins into which the country is divided by mountain chains running east and west(Remusat (Nouvennx Melanges, Tome I., p. 9) adds a fourth basin, that of the Sagalien. The latter, however, scarcely deserves the name, having so many interrupting cross-chains.). The three great rivers which drain these basins How through them very irregularly, but by means of their main trunks and the tributaries, water communication is easily kept up, not only from west to east along the great courses, but also across the country. These natural facilities for inland navigation have been greatly” improved by the people, but they still, in most cases, await the introduction of steam to assist them in stemming the rapid currents of some of their rivers, and bringing distant places into more frequent communication.

        The whole surface of China may be conveniently divided into the mountainous and hilly country and the Great Plain. The mountainous country comprehends more than luilf of the whole, lying west of the meridian of 112^ or 114° (nearly that of Canton), quite to the borders of Tibet. The hilly portion is that south of the Yangtsz’ kiang and east of this meridian, comprising the provinces of Fuhkien, Kiangsi, Kwangtung, and sections of Hunan and Ilupeh. The Great Plain lies in the northeast, and forms the richest part of the empire.

        This Plain extends in length 700 miles from the Great Wall and Barrier Range north of Peking to the confluence of Poyang Lake with the Yangtsz’ in Kiangsi, lat. 30° X. The latter river is considered as its southern boundary as far down as Nganking in Ngankwui, wlience to the sea it is formed by a line drawn nearly east throng] i llangchau. The western boundary may be marked by a line drawn from Kingchau in Ilupeh(lat. 30° 36′), nearly north to llwaiking, on the Yellow River, and thence due north to the Great Wall, 50 miles north-west of

        Peking. The breadth varies. North of lat. 35°, where it

        partly extends to the Yellow Sea, and partly borders on the

        western side of Shantung, thence across to tlie ]jear Mountains

        and Shansi, its measure is between 150 and 250 miles ; stating

        the average at 200 miles, this portion has an area of 70,000

        square miles. Between 3-i° and 35° the Plain enlarges, and in

        the parallel of the Yellow Piver has a breadth of some 300

        miles from east to west ; while further south, along the course

        of the Yangtsz’, it reaches nearly 400 miles inland. Estimating

        the mean breadth of this portion at 400 miles, there are

        140,000 square miles, which, watli the northern part, make an

        area of about 210,000 square miles—a surface seven times as

        large as that of Lombardy, and about the same area as the

        plain of Bengal drained by the Ganges. The northern portion

        in Chihli up to the edge of the Plateau is mostly a deposit

        of the yellow loess and alluvial on the river bottoms;

        that lying near the coast in Kiangsu is low and swampy, covered

        by lakes and intersected by water-courses. This portion

        is extremely fertile, and furnishes large quantities of silk, tea,

        cotton, grain, and tobacco. The most interesting feature of this

        Plain is tlie enormous population it supports, which is, according

        to the census of 1812, not less than 177 millions of human

        beings, if the whole number of inhabitants contained in the six

        provinces lying wholly or partly in it be included ; making it

        by far the most densely settled of any part of the world of the

        same size, and amounting to nearly two-thirds of the whole

        population of Europe.(Penny Cydojwidia, Vol. VII., p. 74. McCulloch’s Oeographicul Dictionary, Vol. I., p. 596.)

        THE GREAT WALL 29

        The public works of China are probably unequalled in any land or by any people, for the amount of human labor bestowed upon them; the natural aspect of the country has been materially changed by them, and it has been remarked that the Great Wall is the only artificial structure which would arrest attention in a hasty survey of the surface of the globe. But their usefulness, or the science exhibited in their construction, is far inferior to their extent. The Great Wall, called Wan-li Chang Cheng (i.e., Myriad-mile Wall), was built by Qin Shi-huangdi, in order to protect his dominions from

        the incursions of the northern tribes. Some portions of it

        were already in existence, and he formed the plan of joining

        and extending them along the whole northern frontier to

        guard it. It was finished b.c. 204, having been ten years in

        building, seven of which were done after the Emperor’s death.

        This gigantic work was probably a popular one in the main,

        and still remains as its own chief evidence of the energy,

        industry, and perseverance of its builders, as well as their

        unwisdom and waste. Its construction probably cost less than

        the usual sums spent by Eui-opean States for their standing

        armies. It commences at Shanhai wei or Shanhai kwan (lat.

        40°, long. 119° 50′), a coast town of some importance as on

        the boundary between Child i and Shingking, and a place of

        considerable trade. Lord Jocelyu describes the wall, when

        observed from the ships, as ” scaling the precipices and topping

        the craggy hills of the country, which have along this

        coast a most desolate appearance.”

        It runs along the shore for several miles, and terminates on

        the beach near a long reef. Its course from this point is

        west, a little northerly, along the old frontiers of the province

        of Chihli, and then in Shansi, till it strikes the Yellow River,

        in lat. 394° and long. 111^°. This is the best built part, and

        contains the most important gates, where garrisons and trading

        marts are established. Within the province of Chihli there

        are two walls, inclosing a good part of the basin of the Sangkan

        ho west of Peking ; the inner one was built by an emperor of the Ming dynasty. From the point where it strikes the Yellow River, near Pau-teh, it forms the northern boundary of Shensf, till it tonches that stream again in lat. 37°, inclosing the country of the Ortous Mongols. Its direction from this point is north-west along the northern frontier of Kansnh to its termination near Kiavii kwan, through which the road passes leading to llami.

        From Tiear the eastern extremity of tlio AVall in the province of Ciiihh’, extending in a north-easterly direction, there was once a wooden stockade or palisade, forming the boundary between Liautung and Ivirin, which has been often taken from its representation on maps as a continuation of the Great Wall. It was erected by the Manchus, but has long since become decayed and disused.

        The entire length of the Great Wall between its extremities is 22^ degrees of latitude, or 1,255 miles in a straight line; but its turnings and doublings increase it to fully 1,500 miles.

        It would stretch from Philadelphia to Topeka, or from Portugal to Naples, on nearly the same latitude. The construction of this gigantic work is somewhat adapted to the nature of the country it traverses, and the material was taken or made on the spot where it was used. In the western part of its course, it is in some places merely a mud or gravel wall, and in others earth cased with brick.

        The eastern part is generally composed of earth and pebbles faced with large bricks, weighing from 10 to GO lbs, each, supported on a coping of stone. The whole is about 25 feet thick at the base, and 15 feet at the top, and varying from 15 to 30 feet high; the top is protected with bricks, and defended by a slight parapet, the thinness of which has been taken as proof that cannon were unknown at the time it was erected.

        There are brick towers at different intei’vals, some of them more than 40 feet high, but not built upon the Wall. These are independent structures, usually about 40 feet square at the base, diminishing to 30 at the top; at particular spots the towers are of two stories.

        The impression left upon the mind of a foreigner, on seeing this monument of human toil and unremunerative outlay, is respect for a people that could in any manner build it. Standing on the jK-ak at Kn-jxh Knu (Old North (late), one sees the cloud-<-a[)ped towers extending away over the declivities in single tiles both east and west, until dwarfed by miles and miles of sk}’-w:ird jiei-sj)e(‘ti\(> as they dwindle inf(» niiiinte piles, yet stand

        THE GRAND CANAL. 31

        with solemn stillness where they were stationed twenty centuries ago, as though condemned to wait the march of time till their builders returned. The crumbling dike at their feet may be followed, winding, leaping across gorges, defiles, and steeps, now buried in sonie chasm, now scaling the cliffs and slopes, in very exuberance of power and M’antonness, as it vanishes in a thin, shadowy line, at the horizon. Once seen, the Great Wall of China can never be forgotten.

        At present this remarkable structure is simply a geographical boundary, and except at the Gates nothing is done to keep it in repair. Beyond the Yellow River to its western extremity, the Great Wall, according to Gerbillon, is mostly a mound of earth or gravel, about fifteen feet in height, with only occasional towers of brick, or gateways made of stone.

        At Kalgan portions of it are made of porphyry and other stones piled up in a pyramidal form between the brick towers, difficult to cross but easy enough to pull down. The appearance of this rampart at Ivu-peh kau is more imposing; the entire extent of the main and cross walls in sight from one of the towers there is over twenty miles. In one place it runs over a peak 5,225 feet high, where it is so steep as to make one wonder as much at the labor of erecting it on such a cliff as on the folly of supposing it could be of any use there as a defence. The wall is most visited at Xan-kau (South Gate), in the Ku-yung Pass, a remarkable Thermopyla fifteen miles in length, which leads from the Plain at Peking up to the first terrace above it, and at one time was guarded by five additional walls and gates, now all in ruins. From this spot, the wall reaches across Shansi, and was built at a later period.

        The other great public work is the Grand Canal, or Chah ho (i.e., river of Flood-gates), called also Yim ho or ‘ Transit River,’ an enterprise which reflects far more credit upon the monarchs who devised and executed it, than does the Great Wall, and if the time in which it was dug, and the character of the princes who planned it, be considered, few works can be mentioned in the history of any country more admirable and useful. When it was in order, before the inflow of the Yellow River failed, by means of its connection with its feeders, an uninterrupted water communication across the country from Peking to Canton existed, and goods and passengers passed from the capital to nearly every hirge town in the basins of the two great rivers. The canal was designed by Kublai to reach from his own capital as far as HangZhou, the former capital of the Sung dynasty, and cannot be better described than in Marco Polo’s language : ” You must understand that the Emperor has caused a water communication to be made from this city [Kwa-chau] to Cambaluc, in the shape of a wide and deep channel dug between stream and stream, between lake and lake, forming as it were a great river on which large vessels can ply.” ‘ The northern end is a channel fourteen miles long, from Tung-chau up to Peking, which, passing under the city walls, finishes its course of some 600 miles at the palace wall, close by the British Legation ; here it is called Jl^ Ao, or ‘ Imperial River,’ but all boats now unlade at the eastern gate. An abridged account of Davis’s observations ” will afford a good idea of its construction and appearance.

        “Early on the 23d September, we entered the canal through

        two stone piers and between very high banks. The mounds

        of earth in the immediate vicinity were evidently for the purpose

        of effecting repairs, which, to judge from the vestiges of

        inundation on either side, could not be infrequent. The canal

        joins the Yu ho, which we had just quitted, on its eastern

        bank, as that river flows towards the Pei ho. One of the

        most striking features of the canal is the comparative clearness

        of its waters, when contrasted with that of the two rivers

        on which we had hitherto travelled ; a circumstance reasonably

        attributable to the depositions occasioned by the greater stillness

        of its contents. The course of the canal at this point

        was evidently in the bed of a natural river, as might be perceived

        from its winding course, and the irregularity and inartificial

        appearance of its banks. The stone abutments and

        flood-gates are for the purpose of regulating its waters, which

        at present were in excess and flowing out of it. As we proceeded

        on the canal, the stone flood-gates or sluices occurred at the rate of three or four a day, sometimes oftener, according as the inequalities in the surface of the country rendered them necessary

        • Yuk-‘s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p. KJG. ” Sketches of China, Vol. I., p. 245

        THE GRAND CANAL. 33

        ” As we advanced, the canal in some parts became narrower,

        and the banks had rather more of an artificial appearance than

        where we first entered it, being occasionally pretty high ; but

        still the winding course led to the inference, that as yet the

        canal was for the most part only a natural river, modified and

        regulated by sluices and embankments. The distance between

        the stone piers in some of the flood-gates was apparently so

        narrow as only just to admit the passage of our largest boats.

        The contrivance for arresting the course of the water through

        them was extremely simple ; stout boards, with ropes fastened

        to each end, were let down edgewise over each other through

        grooves in the stone piers. A number of soldiers and workmen

        alwaj’s attended at the sluices, and the danger to the boats

        was diminished by coils of rope being hung down at the sides

        to break tha force of l)lows. The slowness of our progress,

        which for the last week averaged only twenty miles a day,

        gave us abundant leisure to observe the country

        ” “We now began to make better progress on the canal than

        we had hitherto done. The stream, though against us, was

        not strong, except near the sluices, where it was confined. In

        the afternoon we stopped at Kai-ho chin (i.e., River-opening mart), so called, perhaps, because the canal was commenced near here. On the 28th we arrived at the influx of the Yun ho, where the stream turned in our favor, and flowed to the southward, being the highest point of the canal, and a place of some note. The Yun ho flows into the canal on its eastern side nearly at right angles, and a part of its waters flow north and part south, while a strong facing of stone on the western bank sustains the force of the influx. At this point is the temple of the Dragon King, or genius of the watery element, who is supposed to have the canal in his special keeping. This enterprise of leading in this river seems to have been the work of Sung Li, who lived under Hungwu, the first emperor of the Ming dynasty, about 1375. In his time, a part of the canal in Shantung became so impassable that the coasting passage by sea began to be most used. Tins was the very thing the canal had been intended to prevent ; Sung accordingly adopted the plan of an old man named Piying, to concentrate the waters of the Yun ho and neighboring streams, and bring them down upon the canal as they are at present. History states that Sung employed 300,000 men to carry the plan into operation, and that the work was completed in seven months.

        On both sides of ns, nearly level with the canal, were extensive swamps with a shallow covering of water, planted with the Keluml)ium ; they were occasionally separated by narrow banks, along which the trackers walked, and the width of the canal sometimes did not exceed twenty-five yards. On reaching the part which skirts the Tu-shan Lake, the left bank was entirely submertred, and the canal confounded with the lake. All within sight was swamp, coldness, and desolation—in fact, a vast iidand sea, as many of the large boats at a distance were hull down. The swamps on the following day were kept out of sight by some decent villages on the high banks, which from perpetual accunnilation assumed in some places the aspect of hills.

        ” A part of our journey on the first of October lay along a portion of the canal where the banks, particularly to the right, were elaborately and thoroughly faced with stone ; a precaution which seemed to imply a greater than ordinary danger from inundations. In fact, the lakes, or rather floods, seemed to extend at present nearly to the feet of the mountains which lay at a distance on our left. We were now approaching that part of China which is exposed to the disastrous overflowings of the Yellow River, a perpetual source of wasteful expenditure to the government, and of peril and calamity to the people ; it well deserves the name of China’s Sorrow. We observed the repairs of the banks diligently proceeding under the superintendence of the proper officer. For this purpose they use the natural soil in combination with the thick stalks of the gigantic millet.”

        THE GRAND CANAL. 35

        The canal reaches the Yellow River about TO miles from its mouth ; but before leaving the lakes in the southern part of Shantung, it used to run nearly parallel with that stream for more than a hundred miles, and between it and the New Salt River during a good part of this distance. It is hard to understand how, by natural causes, so powerful a river, as it is described to be by the historians of both the British enil^assies less than one hundred years ago, should have become so completely choked up. The difference of level near Kaifung is found to be so very little that the siltage there has been enough to turn the current into the river “Wei and elsewhere. When Amherst’s

        embassy passed, the boats struck right across the stream,

        and gained the opposite bank, about three-fourths of a mile

        distant, in less than an hour. They drifted about two miles

        down, and then slowly brought up against the current to the

        spot Avhere the canal entered. This opening was a sluice nearly

        a hundred yards across, and through it the waters rushed into

        the river like a mill-race ; the banks were constructed of earth,

        strengthened with sorghum stalks, and strongly bound with cordage.

        Sir John Davis remarks, with the instinct of a tradesman,

        as he commends the perseverance and industry which had

        overcome these obstacles, that if the science of a Brunei could

        be allowed to operate on the Yellow River and Grand Canal,” a

        benefit mio-ht be conferred on the Chinese that M^ould more

        than compensate for all the evil that M-e have inflicted with our

        opium and our guns.” The boats were dragged through and

        up the sluice close to the bank by ropes communicating with

        large windlasses worked on the bank, wdiich safely, though

        slowly, brought them into still water.

        The distance between the Yellow and Yangtsz’ rivers is about

        ninety miles, and the canal here is carried largely upon a raised

        w^ork of earth, kept together by retaining walls of stone, and

        not less that twenty feet above the surrounding country in

        some parts. This sheet of water is about two hundred feet wide,

        and its current nearly three miles an hour. South of the II%vang

        ho several large towns stand near the levees, below their level,

        whose safety wholly depends upon the care taken of the baidvs

        of the canal. Ilwai-ngan and Pauying lie thus under and near

        them, in such a position as to cause an involuntary shudder at

        the thought of the destruction which would take place if they

        should give way. The level descends from these towns to the Yangtsz’, and at ‘i’angeliau the canal is much below the houses on its sides. It also connects with every stream or lake whose waters can be led into it. There are two or three inlets into the Yangtsz’ where the canal reaches the northern bank, but Chinkiang, on the southern shore, is regarded as the principal defence and post of its crossing. The canal leaves the river east of that city, proceeds south-east to

        Sucliau, and thence southerly on the eastern side of lake Tai,

        with which it communicates, to Ilangchau in Chehkiang. This

        portion is by far the most interesting and picturesque of the

        whole line, owing to its rich and populous cities, the fertility

        and high cultivation of the banks, and the lively aspect imparted

        by the multitude of boats. Though Kublai has had the credit

        of this useful work, it existed in parts of its com-se long before his day. The reach between the two great rivers was opened in the 11 an dynasty, and repaired by the wise founder of the SuiChao dynasty (a.d. (500). The princes of the TangChao dynasty kept it (tpen, and when the Sung emperors lived at Ilangchau they made the extension up to Chinkiang the great highway which it is to this day. The work from Peking to the Yellow River Mas opened by the Mongols about 1289, in which they merely joined the rivers and lakes to each other as they now exist. The Ming and Tsing emperors have done all they could to keep it open throughout, and lately an attempt has been made to reopen the passage from Ilungtsih Lake north into the old bed, so that boats can reach Tientsin from Kwachau. Its entire length is about 650 miles, or not quite twice that of the Erie Canal, but it varies in its breadth and depth more than any important canal either of America or Europe.

        As a work of art, compared with canals now existing in western countries, the Transit river does not rank high ; but even at this day there is no work of the kind in Asia which can compare with it, and there was none in the world equal to it when first put in full operation. It passes through alluvial soil in every part of its course, and the chief labor was expended in constructing embankments, and not in digging a deep channel.

        CANALS. 37

        The junction of the Yun ho, about lat. 3(5° N., was probably taken as the summit level. From this point northward the trench was dug through to Liiitsing to join the Yu ho, and embankments thrown up from the same place southward to the Yellow River, the whole being a line of two hundred miles. In some places the bed is cut down thirty, forty, and even seventy feet, but it encountered no material obstacle. The sluices which keep the necessary level are of rude construction, and thick planks, sliding in grooves hewn in stone buttresses, form the only locks. Still, the objects intended are all fully gained, and the simplicity of the means certainly does not derogate from the merit and execution of the plan.’

        There are some other inferior canals in the empire. Kienlung

        constructed a waste-weir for carrying off the surplus waters

        of the Yellow River of about a hundred miles in length, by

        cutting a canal from Ifimg liien in llonan, to one of the principal

        affluents of lake Hungtsih. It also answered as a drain for

        the marshy land in that part, and has probably recently served

        to convey the Hoods from the main stream into the lake. In

        the vicinity of Canton and Sucliau are many channels cut

        through the plains, which serve both for irrigation and navigation,

        but they are not worthy the name of canals. Similar conveniences

        are more or less frequently met with in all parts of

        the provinces, notably those on the Plain and low coast-lands.

        The public roads, in a country so well provided with navigable

        streams, are of minor consequence, but these media of travel

        are not neglected. ” I have travelled near 600 leagues by land

        in China,” observes De Guignes, ^ and have found many good

        roads, most of them wide and planted with trees. They are

        not usually paved, and consequently in rainy weather are either

        channelled by the water or covered with nnid, and in dry weather

        so dusty that travellers are obliged to wear spectacles to protect

        their eyes. In Kwangtung transportation is perfornied almost

        wholly by water, the only roads being across the lines of navigation.

        ‘ Klaproth, Memoires, Tome III., p. 312 sqq. De Guignes’ Voyages a Peking. Tome II., p. 195. Davis’s Sketchets, Vol. I., passim.H8 almost nortlnv

        The pass across the Mei ling is paved or filled up with stones; at Kihngan, in Kiangsi, are paved roads in good condition, but beyond the Yangtsz’, in xSganhwui, they were impracticable, but became better as we proceeded ard, and in many places had trees on both sides. Beyond-the Hwang ho they were broader, and we saw crowds of travelers, carts, nudes, and horses.

        In Shantung and Chihli they were generally broad and shady, and very dusty. This is, no doubt, disagreeable, but we went smoothly over these places, while in the villages and towns we were miserably jolted on the pavements. I hope, for the sake of those who may come after me, that the Chinese will not pave their roads before they improve their carriages.

        Some of the thoroughfares leading to Peking are paved with thick slabs of stone. One feature of the roads through the northern provinces which attracts attention is the great miiiilxT that lie below the level of the country. It is caused by the wind sweeping along them, and carrying over

        A Rf ., I-Cut in thf Loess. runLic JioADS. 39

        the fields the dust made and raised by the carts. As soon as the pools left by the rains dry enough to let the carts pass, the earth is reduced to powder ; as the winds sweep through the passage and clear it out, the process in a few years cuts a defile through the loani often fifteen feet deep, which impedes travel by its narrow gauge, hindering the carts as they meet. The banks are protected by revetment Myalls or turf, if necessary. Those near I langchau, and the great road leading from Chehkiang into Kiangsi, are all in good condition. Generally speaking, however, as is the case with most things in China, the roads are not well repaired, and large holes are frequently allowed to remain unfilled in the path, to the great danger of those who travel by night.” ‘

        Mountain passes have been cut for facilitating the transit of goods and people over the high ranges in many parts of the empire. The great road leading from Peking south-west through Sliansi and Shensi, and thence to Sz’chuen, is carried across the Peli ling and the valley of the river Ilwai by a mountain road, ” which, for the difficulties it presents and the art and labor with which they have been overcome, does not appear to be inferior to the road over the Simplon.” * At one place on this route, called Li-nai, a passage has been cut through the rock, and steps hewn on both sides of the mountain from its base to the summit. The passage across the peak being only wide enough for one sedan, the guards are perched in little houses placed on poles over the pass. This road was in ancient times the path to the metropolis, and these immense excavations were made from time to time by different monarchs. The pass over the Mei ling, at Kan-ngan, is a work of later date, and so are most of the other roads across this range in Fuhkien and Ivwangtung.

        ^ Voyages a Peking, Vol. II., p. 214. Compare the letter of a Jesuit missionary (Annales de la Foi, Tome VII., p. 377), who describes houses of rest on the wayside. These singular road-gullies of the loess region have been very thoroughly examined by Baron von Richthofen, from whose work the cut above is taken.^ Penny Cyclopaedia, Vol. XXVIL, p. 656.

        The general aspect of the country is perhaps as much modified by labor of man in China as in England, but the appearance of a landscape in the two kingdoms is unlike. Whenever water is a\aihil)le, streams are led upon the rice fields, and this kind of cultivation allows few or no trees to grow in the plats.

        Such fields are divided by i-aised banks, which serve for pathways across the marshy enclosui-e, and assist in confining the water when let in upon the growing crop. The bounds of other fields are denoted by stones or other landmarks, and the entire absence of walls, fences, or hedgerows, makes a cultivated plain appear like a vast garden.

        The iireatest sameness exists in all the cities. A wall encloses all towns above a .s-^’ or township, and the suburbs are not unfrequently larger than their enceinte. The streets in large towns south of the Hwang ho are paved, and the sewers run under the cross slabs. What filth is not in them is generally in the street, as these drains easily become choked. The roadways arc not usually over ten feet wide, but the low houses on each side make them appear less like alleys than would be the case in western cities. Villages have a pleasant appearance at a distance, usually embowered among trees, between which the whitewashed houses look prettily ; but on entering them one is disappointed at their irregularit}’, dirtiness, and generally decayed look. The gardens and best houses are mostly walled in from sight, while the precincts of temples are the resort of idlers, beggars, and children, with a proportion of pigs and dogs.

        Elegance or ornament, orderly arrangement and grandeur of design, cleanliness, or comfort, as these terms are applied in Europe, are almost unknown in Chinese houses, cities, or gardens.

        GENERAL ASPECT AND RACE TYPES. 41

        Commanding or agreeable situations are chosen for temples and monasteries, which are not only the abode of priests but serve for inns, theatres, and other purposes. The terrace cultivation sometimes renders the acclivities of hills beautiful in the highest degree, but it does not often impart a distinguishing feature to the landscape. A lofty solitary pagoda, an extensive temple shaded by trees in the opening of a vale, a commemorative ^x«’-Z«i*, or boats inoving in every direction through narrow creeks or on broad streams, are some of the peculiar lin eanients of Chinese scenery. No imposing mansions with beautiful grounds are found on the skirts of a town, for the people huddle together in luunlets and villages for mutiuil aid and security.

        No tapering spires pointing out the rural chureli, nor towers, pillars, domes, or steeples in the cities, indicating buildings of public utility, rise upon the low level of dun-tiled roofs.

        No meadows or pastures, containing herds and tlocks, are visible from tlie hill-tops in China ; nor are coaches or railroad cars observed hurrying across its landscapes. Steamers have just begun to course through some of its rivers, and disturb, by theii whistles and wheels, the drowsy silence of past ages and the slow progress of unwieldy junks—the other changes have yet to come.

        The condition and characteristics of the various families of man inhabiting this great empire, render its study far more interesting than anything relating to its physical geography or public works. The Chinese forms the leading family, but the Miaotsz’, the Li-mu, the Kakyens, and other aborigines in the southern provinces, the Manchus, the Mongols, and various

        Tartar tribes, the Tibetans, and certain wild races in Kirin and

        Formosa, must not be overlooked. The sons of Ilan are indeed

        a remarkable race, whether regard be had to their antiquity,

        their numbers, their government, or their literature, and on

        these accounts deserve the study and respect of every intelligent

        student of mankind ; while their unwearied industry, their general

        peaceableness and good humor, and their attainments in

        domestic order and mechanical arts, connnend them to the notice

        of every one who sees in these points of character an earnest

        of their future position amid the great family of civilized

        nations when once they shall have attained the same.

        The physical traits of the Chinese may be described as being between the light and agile Hindu, and the muscular, fleshy European. Their form is well built and symmetrical ; their color is a brunette or sickly white, rather approaching to a yellowish than to a florid tint, but this yellow hue has been much exaggerated ; in the south they are swarthy but not black, ne\er becoming as dark even as the Portuguese, whose fifth or sixth ancestors dwelt near the Tagus. The shades of complexion differ much according to the latitude and degree of exposure to the -u-eather, especially in the females. The hair of the head is lank, black, coarse, and glossy; beard always black, thin, and deficient ; scanty or no whiskers ; and very little hair on the body. Eyes invariably black, and apparently oblique, owing to the slight degree in which the inner angles of the eyelids open, the internal canthi being more acute than in western races, and not allowing the whole iris to be seen ; this peculiarity in the eye distinguishes the eastern races of Asia from all other families of man. There is a marked difference between the features of the mixed race living south of the Mei ling, and the inhabitants of the Great Plain and in Shansi or further west ; the latter are the finer appearing. The hair and eyes being always black, a European with blue eyes and light hair appears strange to them; one reason given by the people of Canton for calling foreigners ‘yangguizi’ or ‘foreign devils,’ is, that they have sunken blue eyes, and red hair like demons.

        The cheek-bones are high, and the outline of the face remark ably round. The nose is rather small, much depressed, nearly even with the face at the root, and wide at the extremity ; there is, however, considerable difference in this respect, but no aquiline noses are seen. Lips thicker than among Europeans, but not at all approaching those of the negro. The hands are small, and the lower limbs better proportioned than among any other Asiatics. The height of those living north of the Yangtsz’ is about the same as that of Europeans. A thousand men taken as they come in the streets of Canton, will hardly equal in stature and weight the same number in Rome or New Orleans, while they would, perhaps, exceed these, if gathered in Peking;

        their nuiscular powers, however, would probably be less in

        either Chinese city than in those of Europe or America.

        In size, the women are smaller than European females ; antf

        in the eyes of those accustomed to the European style of beauty,

        the Chinese women possess little ; the broad upper face, low

        nose, and linear eyes, being quite the contrary of handsome.

        Nevertheless, the Chinese face is not destitute of beauty,

        and when animated with good humor and an expressive eye,

        and lighted by the glow of youth and health, the features lose

        much of their repulsiveness. Nor do they fade so soon and

        ABORIGINAL TRIBES. 43

        look as ugly and witliered wlien old as some travellers say, but

        are in respect to bearing children and keeping their vigor, more

        like Europeans than the Hindus or Persians.

        The mountainous regions in Yunnan, Kwangsi, and Ivweichau,

        give lodgement to many elans of the Miaotsz’ or ” children

        of the soil,” as the words may be rendered. It is singular that

        any of these people should have maintained their independence

        so long, when so lai’ge a portion of them have partially submitted

        to Chinese rule. Those who will not are called sang

        Miaots2\ i.e., wild or ‘ unsubdued,’ while the others are termed

        sh}ih or ‘ subdued.’ They present so many physical points of

        difference as to lead one to infer that they are a more ancient

        race than the Chinese around them, and the aborigines of

        Southern China. They are rather smaller in size and stature,

        have shorter necks, and their features are somewhat more

        angular. They are divided into many tribes, and have been

        described by Chinese travellers, who have illustrated their habits

        by paintings and sketches, from which a good idea can be

        obtained of their condition. Dr. Bridgman has translated such

        an account, written by a Chinese native traveller, in which he

        sketches the manners of eighty-two clans, especially those customs

        relating to worship and marriage, showing how little they

        have learned from their i-ulei’s or impi-oved from the savage

        state. An examination of their languages shows that those of

        the Miaotsz’ proper have strong affinities with the Siamese and

        Annamese, and those known as Lolo exhibit a decided likeness

        to the Burmese. The former of these are mentioned in Chinese

        histoi-y during 4,000 years ; the latter about a.d. 250, when a

        Shan nation came under Cliinese influence in Yunnan, and was

        the object of a warlike expedition. The same race still remain

        on the Upper Irrawadi and in Assam as Shans and Ivhamti, ami

        in the basins of the IMeinam and Mei-lung, all of them akin to

        the Tibetans and Burmese. They form together an interesting

        relic of the ancient peoples of the land, and further inquiries

        will doubtless develop something of their history and origin.’

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. XIV., p. 105. Shanghai Journal, No. III., 1859.Journal of Indian Archipelago, 1852. Missionary Recorder, Vol. III., pp. 33,02, 149, etc. T. T. Cooper, Travels of a Pioneer of Commerce, jiassim.

        An aboriginal race—the Li-mu—exists in the center of Hainan, an offset from the Miaotsz’, judging by the little that is known of their language. The natives of Formosa seem to have more affinity with their neighbors in Luzon and southwai-d than with the Chinese.

        The Mongol and Manchu races have been considered as springing from the same stock, but during centuries of separation under different ‘ circumstances they have altered much.

        The Mongols are essentially a nonuadic race, while the Manchus are an agricultural or a hunting people, according to the part of their country they inhabit. The Manchus are of a lighter complexion and somewhat larger than the Chinese, have the same conformation of the eyelids, but leather more beard, while their countenances indicate greater intellectual capacity. They seem to partake of both the Mongol and Chinese character, possessing more determination and largeness of plan than the latter, with much of the rudeness and haughtiness of the former.

        They have fair, if not florid, complexions, straight noses, and, in a few cases, brown hair and heavy beards. They are more allied to the Chinese, and when they ruled the northern provinces as the Kin dynasty, amalgamated with them. They may be regarded as the most improvable race in Central Asia, if not on the continent; and the skill with which they have governed the Chinese empire, and adopted a civilization higher than their own, gives promise of still further advances when they become familiar with the civilization of Christian lands.

        Under the term Mongols or Moguls a great number of tribes occupying the steppes of Central Asia are comprised. They extend from the borders of the Ivhirgis steppe and Kokand eastward to the Sialkoi Mountains, and it is particularly to this race that the name Tartars or Tatars is applicable. ‘ No such word is now known among the people, except as an ignominious epithet, by the Chinese, who usually write it with two characters—tah-tsz’—meaning ‘ trodden-down people.’ Klaproth confines the appellation of Tartars to the Mongols, Kalmucks, Kalkas, Eleuths, and Buriats, while the Kirghis, Usbecks, Cossacks, and Turks are of Kurdish and Ttirhrman origin.

        MANCIIUS AND MONGOLS. 46

        The Mongol tribes generally arc a stout, squat, swarthy, ill favored race of men, having high and broad shoulders, short, broad noses, pointed and prominent chins, long teeth distant from each other, eyes black, elliptical, and imsteady, thick, short necks, extremities bony and nervous, muscular thighs, but short legs, with a stature nearly or quite equal to the European.

        They have a written language, but their literature is limited and mostly religious. The same language is spoken by all the tribes, with slight variations and only a small admixture of foreign words. Most of the accounts of their origin, their wars, and their habits, were written by foreigners living or travelling among them ; but they themselves, as McCulloch remarks, know as little of these things as rats or marmots do of their descent.

        Yet it is not so easy to find the typical Mongol among the medley of nationalities in their towns. A crowd in a town like Yarkand exhibits all the varieties of the human race. The gaunt, almost beardless Manchu, with sunken eyes, high cheekbones, and projecting jowl, contrasts with the smooth face, pinky yellow, oblique eye, flat cheeks, and rounded jowl of the Chinese. The bearded, sallow Toork, the angular, rosy Kirghis, the coarse, hard Dungani, and thick-lipped, square-faced Eleuth, all show poorly with the tall, handsome Cashmerian, the swarthy liadakshi, and robust, intelligent Uzbek. The fate of the vast swarms of this race which have descended from the tal)le-land of Central Asia and overrun, in different ages, the plains of India, China, Syria, Egypt, and Eastern Europe, and the rise and fall of the gigantic empire they themselves erected under Genghis in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, are among the most remarkable episodes in the world’s history. They have always maintained the same character in their native wilds, their conquests have been exterminations rather than subjugations, their history a record of continual quarrels between clans.

        The last of the five races is the Tibetan, who partake of the physical characteristics of the Mongols and Hindus. They are short, squat, and broad-shouldered in body, with angular faces, wide, high cheek-bones, small black eyes, and scant beard. They are^ mild in disposition, have a stronger religious feeling than the Chinese, and have never left their own highlands either for emigration or conquest. Their civilization is fullj’ equal to that of tlie Siamese and Burmese, and life and property are more secure with them than among their turbulent neighbors in Butan, Lahore, or Cabul.

        It will be seen from this short survey that a full account of the geography, government, manners, literature, and civilization of so large a part of the world and its inhabitants requires the combined labors of many observers, all of them well acquainted with the languages and institutions of the people whom they describe. No one will look, therefore, for more than a brief outline of these subjects in the present work, minute enough, however, to enable readers to form a fair opinion of the people.

        It is the industry of the Chinese which has given them their high place among the nations of the earth. Not only has the indigenous vegetation been superseded wherever culture M-ould remunerate toil, but lofty hills have been tilled and terraced almost to their tops, cities have been built upon them, and extensive ranges of wall erected alone; their summits. They practise all the industrial arts whose objects are to feed, clothe, educate or adorn mankind, and maintain the largest population ever united under one system of rule. Ten centuries ago they were the most civilized nation on earth, and the incredulity manifested in Europe, five hundred years ago, at the recitals of Marco Polo regarding their condition, is the counterpart of the sentiments now expressed by the Chinese when they hear of the power and grandeur of western nations.

        Isolated by natural boundaries from other peoples, their civilization, developed under peculiar influences, must be compared to, ratlier than judged of, by European. A people from whom some of the most distinguishing inventions of modern Europe came (such as the compass, porcelain, gunpowder, and printing), and were known and practised many centuries earlier; who probably amount to more tlian three huTidred millions, united in one system of manners, letters, and polity; whose cities and capitals rival in numbers the greatest metropoles of any age; who have not only covered the earth, but the waters, with towns and streets—such a nation must occupy a conspicuous place in the history of mankind, and the study of their character and condition commend itself to every well-v/islier of his race.

        CIVILIZATION PAST AND FUTURK

        It lias been too much the custom of writers to overlook the influence of the Bible upon modern civilization ; but when a comparison is to be drawn between European and Asiatic civilization, this element forces itself upon the attention as the main cause of the superiority of the former. It is not the civilization of luxury or of letters, of arts or of priestcraft ; it is not the spirit of war, the passion for money, nor its exhibitions in trade and the application of machinery, that render a nation permanently great and prosperous. ” Christianity is the summary of all civilization,” says Chenevix ; ” it contains every argument which could be urged in its support, and every precept which explains its nature. Former systems of religion were in conformity with luxury, but this alone seems to have been conceived for the region of civilization. It has flourished in Europe, while it has decayed in Asia, and the most civilized nations are the most purely Christian.” Christianity is essentially the religion of the people, and when it is covered over with forms and contracted into a priesthood, its vitality goes out; this is one reason why it has declined in Asia. The attainments of the Chinese in the arts of life are perhaps as great as they can be without this spring of action, without any other motives to industry, obedience, and morality, than the commands or demands of the present life.

        A survey of the world and its various races in successive ages leads one to infer that God has some plan of national character, and that one nation exhibits the development of one trait, while another race gives prominence to another, and subordinates the first. Thus the Egyptian people were eminently a priestly race, devoted to science and occult lore ; the Greeks developed the imaginative powers, excelling in the fine arts ; the Romans were warlike, and the embodiment of force and law ; the Babylonians and Persians magnificent, like the head of gold in Daniel’s vision ; the Arabs predacious, volatile, and imaginative ; the Turks stolid, bigoted, and impassible ; the Hindus are contemplative, religious, and metaphysical ; the (yhinese industrious, peaceful, literary, atlieistic, and self-contained.’ The same religion, and constant intercommunication among European nations, has assimilated

        them more than these other races ever could have become ; but every one knows the national peculiarities of the Spaniards,

        Italians, French, English, etc., and how they are maintained,

        notwithstanding the motives to imitation and coalescence. The

        compai’ison of national character and civilization, M’ith the

        view of ascertaining such a plan, is a subject worthy the profound

        study of any scholar, and one which would orter new

        views of the human race. The Chinese would be found to

        iiave attained, it is believed, a higher position in general security

        of life and property, and in the arts of domestic life and

        comfort among the mass, and a greater degree of general literary

        intelligence, than any other heathen or Mohammedan nation

        that ever existed—or indeed than some now calling: themselves

        Christian, as Abyssinia. They have, however, probably done all they can do, reached as high a point as they can without the Gospel ; and its introduction, with its attendant intluences, will erelong change their political and social system. The rise and progress of this revolution among so mighty a mass of liuman beings will form one of the most interesting parts of the history of the world during the nineteenth century, and solve the problem whether it be possible to elevate a race without the intermediate steps of disorganization and reconstruction. ‘ For ol)Sprvations on the Chinese as compared witli other nations, see Sclilef^el’s Philoaifphy of llistuiy, p. 1 18, Bohu’s edition.

        CHAPTER II. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE EASTERN PROVINCES

        The provinces of China Proper are poll tloally subdivided in a scientific manner, but in the regions beyond them, these divisions are considerably modified. Manchuria is regarded as belonging to the reigning family, somewhat as Hanover once pertained to the kings of England, and its scanty population is ruled by a simple military organization, the higliev officials being appointed by his majesty himself. The khans ot the Mongols in Mongolia and 111, the Mohammedan begs in Turkestan, and the lamas in Tibet, are assisted in their rule by Chinese residents and generals who direct and uphold the government.

        The geography of foreign countries has not been studied by the Chinese ; and so few educated men have travelled even into the islands of the Indian Archipelago, or the kingdoms of Siam, Corea, or Burmah, that the people have had no opportunity to become acquainted with the countries lying on their borders, much less with those in remoter parts, whose names, even, they hardly know. A few native works exist on foreign geography, among which four may be here noticed. ”

        1. Researches in the East and West^ 6 vols. Svo. It was written about two centuries ago ; the first volume contains some rude charts intendea to show the situation and form of foreign countries.
        2. Notices of the Seas, 1 vol. Its author, Yang Ping-nan, obtained his information from a townsman, who, being wrecked at sea, wss picked up by a foreign ship, and travelled abroad for fourteen years; on his return to China he became blind, and was engaged as an interpreter in Macao.
        3. JVotiees of Things heard and seen in Foreign Countries^ 2 vols. 12mo ; written about a century ago, containing among other things a chart of the wholb Vol. I.—4 Chinese coast,
        4. The Memoranda of Foreign Tribes, 4 vols.Svo, published in the reign of Kienlung.”‘ A more methodical

        work is that of Li Tsing-lai, called ‘Plates Illustrative of tJie

        Ileavens^ being an astronomical and geographical work, mucl^

        of whose contents were obtained from Europeans residing iiv

        the country. But even if the Chinese had better treatises on

        these subjects, the information contained in them would be

        of little use until it was taught in their schools. The high officers

        in the government begin now to see the importance of a

        better acquaintance with general geography. Commissioner

        Lin, in 1841, published a partial translation of Murray’s Cydol)(

        jidia of Geogrcfjjhy, in 20 volumes ; Gov. Seu Ki-yu, in 1850,

        issued a compend of geographical notices with maps, and many

        others, more accurate and extensive, are now extant.

        However scarce their geographical works upon foreign countries

        may be, those delineating the topography of their own are

        hardly equalled in number and minuteness in any language :

        every district and town of importance in the empire, as well as

        every department and province, has a local geography of its

        own. It may be said that the topographical and statistical

        works form, after the ethical, the most valuable portion of

        Chinese literature. It would not be difficult to collect a library

        of 10,000 volumes of such treatises alone ; the topography of the

        city of Suchau, and of the province of Chehkiang, are each in

        40 vols., while the Kwamjtuncj Tung Chi, an ‘ Historical and

        Statistical Account of Kwangtung,’ is in 182 volumes. Xone

        of these works, however, would bear to be translated entii’c,

        such is the amount of legendary and unimportant matter contained

        in them ; but they contain many data not to be overlooked

        by one who undertakes to write a geography of China.

        The Climate of the Eighteen Provinces has been represented

        in meteorological tables sufficiently well to ascertain its general

        salubrity. Pestilences do not frequently visit the land, nor, as

        in Southern India, is it deluged with rain during one monsoon,

        and parched with drought during the other. The average temperature

        of the whole empire is lower than that of any other

        ‘ Bridgman’s Chinese Chrestomathy, p. 420. Macao, 1841.

        CLIMATE OF THE PROVINCES. ol

        country on the same latitude, and the coast is subject to the

        same extremes as that of the Atlantic States in America. The

        isothermal line of 70° F. as the average for the year, which

        passes south of Canton, runs hy Cairo and Xew Orleans, eight

        degrees north of it ; the line of 60° F. average passes from

        Shanghai to Marseilles, Raleigh, St. Louis, and north of San

        Francisco ; and the line of 50° F. average goes near Peking,

        thence on to Vienna, Dublin, Philadelphia, and Puget’s Sound,

        in lat. 52°. These various lines show that while Shanghai and

        Peking liave temperatures similar to Paleigh and Philadelphia,

        nearly on their own parallels, Canton is the coldest place on the

        globe in its latitude, and the only place within the tropics

        where snow falls near the sea-shore. One result of this projection

        of the temperate zone into the tropical is seen in the

        greater vigor and size of the people of the three southern pi-ovinces

        over any races on the same parallel elsewhere ; and the

        productions are not so strictly tropical. The isothermal lines

        for the year, as given above, are not so irregular as those for

        winter. The line of 00° F. runs by the south of Formosa and

        Hongkong, to Cairo and St. Augustine, a range of nine degrees

        ;

        but the winter line of 40° F. passes from Shanghai to Constantinople,

        Milan, Dublin, and Ealeigh, ending at Puget’s

        Sound, a range of twenty degrees. A third line of 32° for

        winter passes through Shantnng to X. Tibet and the Black

        Sea, Norway, Xew York, and Sitka—a range of twenty-five

        degrees.

        Peking (lat. 39° 55′ N.) exhibits a fair average of the climate

        in that part of the Plain. The extremes range from 104° to

        zero F., but the mean annual temperature is 52.3° F., or more

        than 9° lower than Kaples ; the mean winter range is 12° below

        freezing, or about 18° lower than that of Paris (lat. 48° 50′),

        and 15° lower than Copenhagen. The rainfall seldom reaches

        sixteen inches in a year, most of it coming in July and August

        the little snow that descends remains only two or three days on

        the ground, and is blown away rather than melted ; no one associates

        white with winter, but snow is earnestly prayed for as

        a purifier of the air against diphtheria and fevers. The winds

        from the Plateau cause the barouieter and thermometer to fall, r])ut the sky is clear. In the spring, as the heat increases, the winds raise the dust and sand over the country ; some of these sand-storms extend even to Shanghai, carrying millions of tons of soil from its original place. The dryness of the region has apparently increased during the last century, and constant droughts destroy the trees, which by their absence increase the desiccation now going on. Frost closes the rivers for three months, and ice is cheap. After the second crops fully start in August, the autumns become mild, and till the lOtli of December are calm and genial.’

        The climate of the Plain is generally good, but near the rivers and marshy grounds along the Grand Canal, agues and bowel complaints prevail. A resident speaks of the temperature of banking and the region around it : ” This vast Plain being only a marsh half drained, the moisture is excessive, giving rise to many strange diseases, all of them serious, and not unfrequently mortal. The climate affects the natives from

        other provinces, and Europeans. I have not known one of the

        latter who was not sick for six months or a year after his arrival.

        Every one who comes here must prepare himself for a

        tertian or quotidian. For myself, after suffering two months

        fi’om a malignant fever, I had ten attacks of a maladv the Chinese

        here call the sand^ from the skin being covered with little

        blackish pimples, resembling grains of dust. It is prompt and

        \iolent in its progi’ess, and corrupts the blood so rapidly that in

        a few minutes it staijnates and coae-ulates in the veins. The

        best remedy the people have is to cicatrize the least fleshy j^arts

        of the body with a copper cash. The first attack I experienced

        rendered all my limbs insensible in two minutes, and I expected

        to die before I could receive extreme unction. After recovering

        a little, great lassitude succeeded.” ^ The monsoons

        form an important element in the seaside climate as far north

        as latitude 31°. The dry and wet seasons correspond to the

        north-east and south-west monsoons, assuaging the heats of

        summer by their cooling showers, and making the winters

        ^Comijare an article in the China Review for September-October, 1881, byII. Fritsche : The Amount of Baiii and Snow in Pekinf/.Annates de la Foi, Tome XVI., p. 29^3.

        CLIMATE OF THE COAST TOWNS. 53

        bracing- and healthy. Above the Formosa Channel they are

        less regular in the summer than in winter.

        The inhabitants of Shanghai suffer from rapid changes in

        the autumn and spring months, and pulmonaiy and rheumatic

        complaints are connnon. The maximum of heat is 100° F.,

        and the minimum 2-i°, but ice is not common, nor does snow

        remain long on the ground. The average temperature of the

        sunnner is from 80° to 93° by day, and from G0° to 75.° by

        .night , the thermometer in winter ranges from 45° to 60° by

        day, and from 36° to 45° by night.

        Owing in some degree to the hills, the extremes are rather greater at Ningbo than Shanghai. The thermometer ranges from 24° to 107° during the twelvemonth, and changes of 20° in the course of two hours are not unusual, rendering it the most uidiealtliy station along the coast. There is a hot and cold season of three months each at this place. The cold is very piercing when the north-east winds set in, and fires are needed, but natives content themselves with additional clothing.

        The large brick beds {hang) common in Chihli are not often

        seen. Ice forms in pools, and is gathered to preserve fish.

        Snow frequently falls, but does not remain long. Occasionally

        it covers the hills in Chehkiang for several weeks to the depth

        of six inches. Fuhchau and Canton lie at the base of hills,

        Avithin a hundred miles of the sea-coast, and their climates exhibit

        greater extremes than Amoy and Hongkong. Frost and

        ice are common every winter at each of the former, and fires

        are therefore pleasant in the house. The extremes at Fuhchau

        are from 38° to 95°, with an average of 56° during December

        and 82° for August. Along this whole coast the most refreshing

        monsoon makes the summers very agreeable. The climate of

        Amoy is delightful, but its insular position renders a residetice

        somewhat less agreeable than on the main. Here the thermometer

        ranges from 40° to 96° during the year, without the

        rapid changes of Xingpo. The heat continues longer, though

        assuaged by breezes from the sea.

        Meteorology at Canton and its vicinity has been carefully studied ; on the whole, its climate, and especially that of Macao, may be considered more salubrious than in most other places situated between the tropics. The thermometer at Canton in July and August stands on an average at S0° to 88°, and in January and February at 50° to 60°. The highest recorded observation in 1831 was 94°, in July; and the lowest, 29° in January. Ice sometimes forms in shallow vessels a line or two in thickness, but no use is made of it. A fall of snow nearly two inches deep occurred there in February, 1835, which remained on the ground three hours. Having never seen any before, the citizens hardly knew what was its proper name, some calling \t falling cotton, and every one endeavoring to preserve a little for a febrifuge. Another similar fall occurred in the winter of 1861. Fogs are common during February and March, and the heat sometimes renders them very

        disagreeable, it being necessary to keep up a little fire to dry

        the house. Most of the rain falls in May and June, but there

        is nothing like the rainy season at Calcutta and Manilla in July,

        August, and September. The regular monsoon comes from

        the south-west, with frequent showers to allay the heat. In

        the succeeding months, northerly winds connnence, but from

        October to January the temperature is agreeable, the sky clear,

        and the air invigorating. Few large cities are more healthy

        than Canton ; no epidemics nor malaria prevail, notwithstanding

        the fact that much of the town is built upon piles.

        The climate of Macao and Hongkong has not so great a range

        as Canton, from their proximity to the sea. Few cities in Asia

        are more salntiferous than Macao, though it has been remarked

        that few of the natives there attain a great age. Themaxinnnn

        is 90°, with an average summer heat of 84°. The minimum is

        50°, and average winter weather 68°, with almost uninterrupted

        sunshine. Fogs are not often seen here, but on the river they

        prevail, being frequent at Whampoa. Korth-easterly gales

        are conmion in the spring and autumn, and have a noticeable

        periodicity of three days. The vegetation does not change its

        general aspect during the winter, the trees cease to grow, and the

        grass becomes brownish ; but the stimulus of the warm moisture

        in March soon makes a sinisilJe diffei’ence in the appearance of

        the landscape, and bright green leaves ra])idly replace the old.

        The reputed insalubrity of Hongkong, in early days, was owing

        RAIN-FALL ON CHINESE AND AMERICAN COASTS. 55

        to other causes than climate, and when it became a well-built and

        well-drained town, its unwholesomeness disappeared. The rainfall

        is greater than in Macao, owing to the attraction of the high

        peaks. During the rainy weather the walls of houses become

        damp, and if newlj plastered, drip with moisture.

        The Chinese consider the provinces of Kwangtung, Kwangsi,

        and Yunnan to be the most unhealthy of the eighteen, and for

        this reason employ them as places of banishment for criminals

        from the north-eastern districts. The central portions of the

        country are on some accounts the most bracing, not so liable to

        sudden changes as the coast, nor so cold as the western and

        northern districts. Sz’chuen and tweichau are cooler than

        Fuhkien and Chehkiang, owing to the mountains in and upon

        their borders.

        The marked contrast between the Chinese and American coasts in regard to rain is doubtless owing, in a great degree, to the outlying islands from Formosa to Sagalien on the former, whose high mountains arrest the clouds in their progress inland.

        The iLuro-siwo, being outside of them, allows a far greater mass of cold water between it and the shore on the Chinese, than is the case on the Atlantic coast, and renders it the colder of the two by nearly eight degrees of latitude, if isothermal lines alone are regarded. This mass of cold water, having less evaporation, deprives the maritime provinces of rain in diminishing supply as one goes north along the skirts of the Plain, until the Chang-peh shan are reached. The rains which fall in the western provinces and the slopes of the Bayan kara Mountains, coming up from the Indian Ocean during the south-west

        monsoon, fall in decreasing quantities as the clouds are driven

        north-east across the basins of the Yangtsz’ and Yellow rivers.

        In the western part of Kansuh the humidity covers the mountains

        with more vegetation than further east, toward the ocean.

        Snow falls as late as June, and frosts occur in every month of the

        year. The enormous elevation of the western side of China near

        Tibet, the absence of an expanse of water like the great lakes,

        and the bareness of the mountains north of the Mei ling, account

        for much of this difference between the United States and China f

        but more extended data are needed for accurate deductions.

        The fall of rain at Canton is 70 inches annually, which is the mean of sixteen years’ observation. JS^inety inches was registered during one of these years. Kearly one-half of the whole falls during May, June, and September. The average at Shanghai for four years was 36 inches. Ko observations are recorded for the valley of the Yangtsz Near the edge of the Plateau the rainfall averages 10 inches in the province of Chihli, and rather more in Shansi and Shantung, where moisture is attracted by the mountains. More than three fourths of the rain falls during the ten weeks ending August 31st. Snow seldom remains on the level over a fortnight.

        The increased temperature on the southern coast during the months of June and July operates, with other causes, to produce violent storms along the seaboard, called typhoons, a word derived from the Chinese taifeng, or ‘great wind.’ These destructive tornadoes occur from Hainan to Chusan, between July and October, gradually progressing northward as the season advances, and diminishing in fury in the higher latitudes. They annually occasion great losses to the native and foreign shipping in Chinese waters, more than half the sailing ships lost on that coast having suffered in them. Happily, their fury is oftenest spent at sea, but when they occur inland, the loss of life is fearful.

        In August, 18G2, and September 21, 1ST4-, the deaths reported in two such storms near Canton, Hongkong, and their vicinity, were upward of 30,000 each. In the latter instance the American steamer Alaska, of 3,500 tons, M’as lifted from her anchorage and quietly put down in five feet of water near the shore, from whence she was safely floated some months afterward.

        TYFOONS. 57

        Typhoons exhaust their force within a narrow track, which, in such cases as have been registered, lies in no uniform direction, other than from south to north, at a greater or less angle, along the coast. The principal i)heni)iiiena indicating their approach are the direction of the wind, which commences to blow in soft zephyj-s from the north, without, however, assuaging the heat or disturbing the stifling calm, and the falling barometer. The glass usually begins to fall several hours before the storm commences, and the rarefaction of the air is further shown by the heavy swell rolling in upon the beach, though the sea remains unrutfled. The wind increases as it veers to the north-east, and from that point to south-east blows with the greatest force in iitful gusts. The rain falls heaviest toward the close of the gale, when the glass begins to rise. The barometer not unfrequently falls below 28 in. Capt. Krusenstern in 1804 records his surprise at seeing the mercury sink out of sight.

        The Chinese have erected temples in Hainan to the Tjfoon

        Mother, a goddess whom they supplicate for protection against

        these hurricanes. They say “that a few days before a tyfoon

        comes on, a slight noise is heard at intervals, whirling round

        and then stopping, sometimes impetuous and sometimes slow.

        This is a ‘ tyfoon brewing.’ Then fiery clouds collect in thick

        masses ; the thunder sounds deep and heavy. Kainbows appear,

        now forming an unbroken curve and again separating, and the

        ends of the bow dip into the sea. The sea sends back a bellowing

        sound, and boils with angry surges ; the loose rocks dash

        against each other, and detached sea-weed covers the water;

        there is a thick, murky atmosphere ; the water-fowl fly about

        affrighted ; the trees and leaves bend to the south—the tyfoon

        has connnenced. When to it is superadded a violent rain and

        a frightful surf, the force of the tempest is let loose, and away

        fly the houses up to the hills, and the ships and boats are

        removed to the dry land ; horses and cattle are turned heels

        over head, trees are torn up by the roots, and the sea boils up

        twenty or thirty feet, inundating the fields and destroying vegetation.

        This is called tleh la, or an iron tcJurlwindr ‘ Those

        remarkable gusts which annually occur in the Atlantic States,

        called tornadoes, defined as local storms affecting a thread of

        surface a few miles long, are unknown in China. The healthy

        climate of China has had much to do with the civilization of its

        inhabitants. Xo similar area in the world exceeds it for general

        salubrity.

        The Chinese are the only people who have, by means of a

        ‘ Chinese Repository. Vol. VIII ., p. 230 ; Vol. IV., p. 197. See also Fritsche’a

        paper in Journal of N. C. Branch Royal Asiatic Society, No. XII., 1878, pp.

        127-385; also Appendix II. in No. X., containing observations taken at Zi-ka

        wei.

        term added to the name of a place, endeavored to designate ita

        relative rank. Three of the words used for this purpose, viz.,

        fa, chau, and Men, have been translated as ‘ first,’ ‘ second,’ and

        ‘ third ‘ rank ; but this gradation is not quite correct, for the terms

        do not apply to the city or town alone, but to the portions of

        country of which it is the capital. The nature of these and

        other terms, and the divisions intended by them, are thus

        explained

        :

        “The Eighteen Provinces are divided into fu, ting, clinu, and Men. A fu

        is a large portion or department of a province, under the general control of

        one civil officer immediately subordinate to the heads of the provincial government.

        A ting is a division of a province smaller than a fu, and either like it

        governed by an officer immediately subject to the heads of the provincial

        government, or else forming a subordinate part of a/?/. In the former case it

        is called chih-l%, i.e. under the ‘direct rule’ of the provincial government;

        in the latter case it is sim^jly called ting. A chaii is a division similar to a

        ting, and like it either independent of any other division, or forming part of

        a/H. The difference between the two consists in the government of a ting

        resembling that of a fu more nearly than that of a chau does : that of the chau is less expensive. The ting and chau of the class to which the term chih-li is attached, may be denominated in common with the fu, departments or prefectures ; and the term cMh-Vi may be rendered by tlie word independent.

        The subordinate ting and chau may both be called districts. A ?den, which is also a district, is a small division or subordinate part of a department, whether of a,fu, or of an independent chau or ting.

        “Each/w, ting, chau, and hien, possesses at least one walled town, the seat of its government, which bears the same name as the department or district to which it pertains. Thus Hiangshan is the chief town of the district Hiang-.shan hien ; and Shanking, that of the department Shanking fu. By European writers, the chief towns of the/w or departments liave been called cities of the first order ; tho.se of the chau, cities of the second order ; and those of the hien, cities of the third order. The division called ting, being rarely met with, lias been left out of the arrangement—an arrangement not recognized in

        China. It must be observed that the cliief town of a fu is always also the

        cliief town of a hien district ; and sometimes, when of considerable size and

        importanc-e, it and the country around are divided into two Iden districts, both

        of which have the seat of their government within the same walls: but this

        is not the case with the ting and chau departments. A district is not always

        subdivided ; instances may occur of a whole district possessing but one important

        town. But as there are often large and even walled towns not included in the number of chief or of district towns, consequently not the seat of a regular chau or hien magistracy, a subdivision of a district is therefore frequently rendered necessary ; and for the better government of such towns and the towns surrounding them, magistrates are appointed to them, secondary to the magi.strates of the departments or the districts in which they are

        PtJ, TING, CHAU, AND HIEN. 59

        comprised. Thus Fnlishan is a very large commercial town or mart called a

        chin, situated in the district of Nanhai, of the department of Kwangchau,

        about twelve miles distant from Canton. The chief officer of the department

        has therefore an assistant residing there, and the town is partly under his

        government and partly under that of the Nanhai magistrate, within whose

        district it is included, but who resides at Canton. There are several of these

        c?iin in the provinces, as Kingteh in Kiangsi, Siangtan in Hunan, etc. ; they are not inclosed by walls. Macao affords another instance : being a place of some importance, both from its size and as the residence of foreigners, an assistant

        to the Hiangshan hien magistrate is placed over it, and it is also under

        the control of an assistant to the chief magistrate of the fu. Of these assistant

        magistrates, there are two ranks secondary to the chief magistrate of a///,

        two secondary to the magistrate of a chaii, and two also secondary to the magistrate

        of a liien. Tiie places under the rule of these assistant magistrates are

        called by various names, most frequently chin and so, and sometimes also chai

        and wei. These names do not appear to have reference to any particular form

        of municipal government existing in them ; but the chai and the loei are often

        military posts ; and sometimes a place is, with respect to its civil government,

        the chief city of a fu, while with respect to its military position it is called

        icei. There are other towns of still smaller importance ; these are under the

        government of inferior magistrates who are called siun kien : a division of

        country under such a magistrate is called a sz’, which is best represented by

        the term township or commune. The town of Whampoa and country around it form one such division, called Kiautang sz’, belonging to the district of Pwanyu, in the depai’tment of Kwangchau.

        “In the mountainous districts of Kwangsi, Yunnan, Kweichau, and Sz’-

        chuen, and in some other places, there are districts called tu sz’. Among

        these, the same distinctions of fu, chau, and hien exist, together with the

        minor division «2′. The magistrates of these departments and districts are liereditary in their succession, being the only hereditary local officers acknowledged by the supreme government.

        “There is a larger division than any of the above, but as it does not prevail universally, it was not mentioned in the first instance. It is called tau, a cottrse or circuit, and comprises two or more departments of a province, whether fu, or independent ting or cJtnu. These circuits are subject to the government of officers called tau-tai or intendants of circuit, who often combine with political and judicial powers a military authority and various duties relating to the territory or to the revenue.”

        ‘The eighteen provinces received their present boundaries and divisions in the reign of Ivienhmg ; and the little advance which has been made abroad in the geography of China is shown by the fact, that although these divisions were established a hundred years ago, the old deniarkations, existing at’ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., p. 54.

        the time of the survey in 1710, are still found in many modern European geographies and maps. The following tahle shows their present divisions and government. The three columns under the head of JJepaiiiiieuts contain i\iQ fu, chUdl tiny^ and chihli chau, all of which are properly prefectures ; the three columns under the head of Districts contain the timj, cJiau, and Men.

        The province of CniiiLi is the most important of the whole. Qn foreign maps it is sometimes written Pechele {i.e., Korth vJhihii), a name formerly given it in order to distinguish it from Iviangnau, or Xaii-cUiJd’i, in which the seat of government w^as once located. This name is descriptive, rather than technical, and means ‘ Direct rule,’ denoting that from this province the supreme power which governs the empire proceeds; any province, in which the Emperor and court should be fixed, would therefore be termed Chihli, and its chief city King, ‘ capital,’ or King-ta or King-ss\ ‘ court of the capital.’ The surface of this province lying south of the Great Wall is level, excepting a few ridges of hills in the west and north, while the eastern parts, and those south to the Gulf, are among the flattest portions of the Great Plain.

        It is bounded on the north-east by Liautung, M’here for a short distance the Great AVall is the frontier line ; on the east by the Gulf of Pechele ; on the south-east and south by Shantung; on the south-west by llonan ; on the west by Shansi and north by Inner Mongolia, where the river Liau forms the boundary. The extensive region beyond the Wall, occupied mostly by the Tsakhar Mongols, is now included within the jurisdiction, and placed under the administration o*f officers residing at one of the garrisoned gates of the Great Wall ; the area of this part is about half that of the whole province. The chief department in the province, that of Shuntien, being both large and important, as containing the metropolis, is divided into four III or circuits, each under the rule of a sub-prefect, who issubordinate to the prefect living at Peking.

        Peking’ {i.e., Northern Capital) is situated upon a sandy’ This word shoixld not be written Pekin ; it is pronounced Pei-ching by the citizens, and by most of the people north of the Great River.

        TOPOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS OF CIIIXA PROPEPv, Gl 13 o) a o S 0′;’= so-e a ^ S to pc; Hfol o> ?s 2 5 _S S1^ S S ^ ^^3 « ^ig cs 2 ^ =3 “So g oO iD 3 Sfl £5tzT^ x’^cgO CIS3 O .a> cs> iio 2SC ” to *2 > ^2 o’ 2 ‘”‘ 6B;o -^ 5 o :5: cs £ 1: cs •-O c! CO BD^ 2u 5 ^OH C 2 SC3 M C4 *3 -3 c3

        plain, about twelve miles south-west of the Pei ho, and more than a hundred miles west-north-west of its month, in lat. 39° 54′ 36′ K., and long. 11(3° 27′ E., or nearly on the parallel of Samarkand, Naples, and Philadelphia. It is a city worthy of note on many accounts. Its ancient history as the capital of the Yen Kwoh (the ‘ Land of Swallows ‘) during the feudal times, and its later position as the metropolis of the empire for many centuries, give it historical importance ; while its imperial buildings, its broad avenues with their imposing gates and towers, its regular arrangement, extent, populousness, and diversity of costume and equipage, combine to render it to a traveler the most interesting and unique city in Asia. It is now ruinous and poor, but the remains of its former grandeur under Kienlung’s prosperous reign indicate the justness of the comparisons made by the Catholic writers with western cities one hundred and eighty years ago. The entire circuit of the walls and suburbs is reckoned by Ilyacinthe at twenty-five

        miles, and its area at twenty-seven square miles, but more accurate

        measurements of the walls alone give forty-one //, or

        14.25 miles (or 23.55 kilometers) for the Manchu city, including

        the cross-wall, and twenty-eight Z/, or ten miles, for the

        Chinese city on its south ; not counting the cross-wall, the circuit

        measures almost twenty-one miles. The suburbs near the

        thirteen outer gates altogether form a small pi-oportion to the

        whole ; the area within them is nearly twenty-six square miles.

        Those residents who have had the best opportunities estimate

        the entire population at a million or somewhat less ; no census

        returns are available to prove this figure, nor can it be stated

        what is the proportion of Manchus, Mongols, and Chinese, except

        that the latter outnumber all others. Du Ilalde reckoned it

        to be about three millions, and Klaproth one million three hundred

        thousand ; and each was probably true at some period,

        for the number has diminished with the poverty of the Government.

        Peking is regarded by the Chinese as one of their ancient

        cities, ])ut it was not made the capital of the whole empire

        until Kublai established his court at this spot in 1264. The

        Ming emperors who succeeded the Mongols held their court

        POSITION AND HISTORY OF PEKING. 63

        at Nanking until Yimgloh transferred the seat of government to Peking in 1411, where it lias since remained. Under the Mongols, the city was called Khan-haligh (*.<?., city of the Khan), changed into Cambalii in the accounts of those times; on Chinese maps it is usually called King-sz\ Peking has, during its history, existed under many different names ; after each disaster her walls have been changed and her houses rebuilt, so that to-day she stands, like the capitals of the ancient Roman and Byzantine empires, upon the debris of centuries of buildings. The most important renovations have been those by the Liao dynasty, in 937 A.D., who entirely rebuilt the city, and by the Kin rulers in 1151.

        It was at first surrounded by a single wall pierced by nine

        gates, whence it is sometimes called the City of Nine Gates.

        The southern suburbs were inclosed by Kiatsing in 1543, and

        the city now consists of two portions, the northern or inner

        city {JSFui ching), containing about fifteen square miles, where

        are the palace, government buildings, and barracks for troops; and the southern or Outer city ( Wai ching), where the Chinese live. The wall of the Manchu city averages fifty feet high, forty wide at top, and about sixty at bottom, most of the slope being on the inner face. That around the Outer city is no more than thirty in height, twenty-five thick at bottom, and about fifteen at top. The terre-plein throughout is pave^ with bricks weighing sixty pounds each ; a crenellated parapet runs around the entire town, intended only for archers or musketeers, as no port-holes for cannon exist. It is undoubtedly the finest wall surrounding any city now extant. Near the gates, of which there are sixteen in all, the walls are faced with stone, but in other places with these large bricks, laid in a concrete of lime and clay, which in process of time becomes almost as durable as stone. The intermediate space between facings is filled up with the earth taken from the ditch which surrounds the city. Square buttresses occur at intervals of sixty yards on the outer face, each projecting fifty feet, and every sixth one being twice the size of the others ; their tops furnish room for the troops posted there to resist side attacks. Each gate is surmounted with a brick tower of many stories, over a hundred feet high, built in galleries with port-holes, and giving a very imposing appearance to the city as one approaches it from the wide plain. The gates of the Mancliu city have a double entrance formed by joining their supporting bastions with a circular wall in which are side entrances, thus making an enceinte of several acres, in which the yellow-tiled temple to the tutelary God of War is conspicuous. The arches of all the gates are built solidly of granite; the massive doors are closed and barred every night soon after dark.

        At the sides of the gates, and also between them, are esplanades for mounting to the top ; this is shut to the common people, and the guards are not allowed to bring their women upon the wall, which would be deemed an affront to Kwanti. The moat around the city is fed from the Tunghwui River, which also supplies all the other canals leading across or through the city. The approach to Peking from Tung chau is by an elevated stone road, but nothing of the buildings inside the walls is seen ; and were it not for the lofty towers over the gates, it would more resemble an encampment inclosed by a massive wall than a large metropolis. No spires or towers of churches, no pillars or monuments, no domes or minarets, nor even many dw-ellings of superior elevation, break the dull uniformity of this or any Chinese city. In Peking, the different colored yellow or green tiles on official buildings,’ mixed with the brown roofs of common houses, impart a variety to the scene, but the chief objects to relieve the monotony are the large clumps of trees, and the flag -staffs in pairs near the temples.

        GENERAL ASPECT OF THE CAPITAL. 65

        The view from the walls impresses one with the grand ideas of the founders of the city ; and the palaces in the Forbidden City, towering above everything else, worthily exhibit their notions of what was befitting the sovereigns of the Middle Kingdom. The Bell and Clock Towers, the Prospect Hill, the dagobas, pagodas, and gate towers, and lastly the Temple of ‘ ” You woxald think them all made of, or at least covered with, piii’e gold enamelled in azure and green, so that the spectacle is at once majestic an^ channing.” Magaillans, Noavelln Dencriptioit dc Id Cliiiu\ p. 353.

        Heaven, are all likewise visible from this point, and render the scene picturesque and peculiar.*

        The plan of the city here given is reduced from a large Chinese

        map, but is not very exact. The northern portion occupies

        for the most part the same area as the Cambaluc of Marco

        Polo, which, however, extended about two miles north, where

        the remains of the old north wall of the Mongols still exist.

        On their expulsion Ilungwu erected the present northern wall,

        and his son Yungloh rebuilt the other three sides in 1419 on a

        rather larger scale ; but the ai’rangement of the streets and

        gates is due to the Great Khan. When taken possession of by

        the Manchus in 1611, they found a magnificent city ready for

        them, uninjured and strong, which they apportioned among

        their officers and bannermen ; but necessity soon obliged these

        men, less frugal and thrifty than the natives, to sell them, and

        content themselves with humbler abodes ; consequently, the

        greater part of tlie noi-thern city is now tenanted by Chmese.

        The innermost inclosure in the l!^ul Ching contains the palace

        and its surrounding buildings; the second is occupied by barracks

        and public offices, and by many private residences ; the

        outer one, for the most part, consists of dwelling-houses, with

        shops in the large avenues. The inner inclosui’e measures 6.3

        li^ or 2.23 miles, in circuit, and is called Ts£ Kin Ching, or

        ‘ Carnation Prohibited City ;

        ‘ the wall is less solid and high than the city wall ; it is covered with bright yellow tiles, guarded by numerous stations of bannermen and gendarmerie, and surrounded by a deep, wide moat. Two gates, the Tunghwa and Si-hiva, on the east and west, afford access to the interior of this habitation of the Emperor, as well as the space and rooms appertaining, which furnish lodgment to the guard

        c’afending the approach to the Dragon’s Throne ; a tower at

        each corner, and one over each gateway, also gi\’e accommodation

        to other troops. The interior of this inclosure is divided

        ‘ See also Ji’ Unwera Pittoresque, Chine Modern f, par MM. Pauthier et Bazin,

        Paris, 185:^, for a good map of Peking, with careful descriptions. Yule’s Murro

        Polo, passim. De Guigues, Voydr/cs, Tome I. Williamson, Journeys in North

        China, Vol. II. Dr. Rennie, Pckiny and tlixi Pekimjeae. Tour du Monde foi 1864, Tome II.

        A.

        B.

        C.

        D.

        E.

        F.

        G.

        H.

        1.

        J.

        K.

        K.

        L.

        M.

        N.

        O.

        P.

        Q.

        R.

        S.

        T.

        U.

        V.

        w.

        X.

        Y.

        Z.

        BEFEBENCES.

        The Meridian Gate.

        Gate of E.\tensive Peace.

        Hall of Perfect Peace.

        Hall of Secure Peace.

        Palace of Heaven—the Emperor’s.

        Palace of Earth’s Repose—the Empress’.

        Gate to Earth’s Repose, leads to a Garden.

        Ching-hwang miao.

        Temple of Great Happiness.

        Northern gate of Forbidden City.

        Nui Koh, or Privy Council Chamber, lies

        within the wall.

        Gate of Heavenly Rest.

        Hall of Intense Mental Exercises.

        Library, or Hall of Literary Abyis.

        Imperial Ancestral Hall.

        Hall of National Portrait-s.

        PrintinK Office.

        Court of Controllers of Imperial Clan.

        Marble Isle ; a marble bridge leads to it.

        Five Dragon Pavilion.

        Great Ancestral Temple.

        Altar to the Gods of Land and Grain.

        Artificial Mountain. The Russian school

        lies just north of the Eastern gate near N.

        A summer-houpc.

        Military Examination Hall.

        Plantain Garden, or Conservatory,

        A Pavilion.

        Medical College.

        Astronomical Board.

        Five of the Six Boards. The Hanlin Yu9n

        lies just above them.

        House of the Russian Mission.

        Colonial Office.

        Temple for Imperial worship.

        Imperial Observatory, partly on the wall-

        Hall of Literary Examination.

        Russian Church of the Assumption.

        Temple of Eternal Peace of the lamas.

        Kwoh Tsz’ Kien, a Manchii College.

        Temple of the God of the North Star.

        High Watch-tower and Police Office.

        Board of Punishments.

        Censorate.

        Mohammedan Mosque.

        I’ortugtiese Church.

        Elephant’s Inclosure.

        Principal Ching-hwang miau.

        Temple of Deceased Emperors of all ages.

        Obelisk covering a »cab of Buddha.

        Altar to Heaven.—Altar to Earth is on the

        north of the city.

        Altar to Ayriculture.

        Black Dragon Pool, and Temple of God ol

        Hain.

        Altar to the Moon.

        Altar to the Sun.

        PALACES OF THE PROHIBITED CITY. 67

        Into three parts by two walls running from south to north, and

        the whole is occupied by a suite of court-yards and halls, which,

        in their prrangenient and architecture, far exceed any other

        speciraer?. of the kind in China. According to the notions of a

        common Chinese, all here is gold and silver ; ” he will tell you

        of gold and silver pillars, gold and silver roofs, and gold and

        silver vases, in which swim gold and silver fishes.”

        The southern gate, called the Wu 3Idn, or ‘ Meridian Gate,’

        is the fourth in going north from the entrance opposite the

        Tsien. Mitii, and this distance of nearly half a mile is occupied

        by troops. The Wtc Ildn leads into the middle division, in

        which are the imperial buildings ; it is especially appropriated

        to the Emperor, and whenever he passes through it, a bell

        placed in the tower above is struck ; when his troops return in

        triumph, a drum is beaten, and the prisoners are here presented

        to him ; here, too, the presents he confers on vassals and ambassadors

        are pompously bestowed. Passing through this gate

        into a large court, over a small creek spanned by five marble

        bridges, ornamented with sculptures, the visitor is led through

        the Tai-ho Mdii into a second court paved with marble, and

        terminated on the sides by gates, porticos, and pillared corridors.

        The next building, at the head of this court, called the TaiheDian or ‘ Hall of Highest Peace,’ is a superb marble structure, one hundred and ten feet high, standing on a terrace that raises it twenty feet above the ground ; five flights of stairs, decorated with balustrades and sculptures, lead up to it, and five doors open through it into the next court-yard. It is a great hall of seventy-two pillars, measuring about two hundred feet by ninety broad, with a throne in the midst. Here

        the Emperor holds his levees on New Year’s Day, his birthdays,

        and other state occasions ; a cortege of about fifty household

        courtiers stand near him, while those of noble and inferior

        dignity and rank stand in the court below in regular grades,

        and, when called upon, fall prostrate as they all make the fixed

        obeisances. It was in this hall that Titsingh and Van Braam

        were banqueted by Kienlung, January 20, 1795, of which interesting

        ceremony the Dutch embassador gives an account, and

        since which event no European has entered the building. The three Tien in this iiiclosiire are the audience halls, and the sido buildings contain stores and treasures under the charge of the Household Board, with minor bureaus.

        Beyond it are two halls; the first, the CJmmjhe Dian, or ‘Hall of Central Peace,’ having a circular roof, that rests on columns arranged nearly four-square. Here the Emperor ‘jomes to examine the written prayers provided to be offered at the state worship. The second is the Baohe Dian, or ‘ Hall of Secure Peace,’ elevated on a high marble terrace, and containing nine rows of pillars. The highest degrees for literary merit are her6 conferred triennially by the Emperor upon one hundred and fifty or more scholars ; here, also, he banquets his foreign guests and other distinguished persons the day before New Year’s Day. After ascending a stairway, and passing the Iti-eii Tsing 2Idn, the visitor reaches the Kieii Tsing Jfiinj, or ‘Palace of Heavenly Purity’, into which no one can eiiter without special license. In it is the council-chamber, where the Emperor usually sits at morning audience up to eight o’clock, to transact business with his ministers, and see those appointed to office. The building is the most important as it is described to be the loftiest and most mao-nificent of all the palaces. In the court before it is a small tower of gilt copper, adorned with a great number of figures, and- on each side are large incense vases, the uses of which are no doubt religious.

        It Avas in this palace that Ivanghi celebrated a singular and

        unique festival, in 1722, for all the men in the enquire over

        sixty years of age, that being the sixtieth year of his reign.

        His grandson Ivienlung, in 1785, in the fiftieth year of his

        reign, repeated the ceremony, on which occasion the number

        of guests was about three thousand.’ Beyond it stands the

        ‘ Palace of Earth’s Bepose,’ where ‘ Heaven’s consort ‘ rules

        • ler niiniature court in the imperial harem ; there are numerous

        buildings of lesser size in this part of the inclosure, and

        adjoining the northern Avail of the Forbidden City is the imperial

        Flower Garden, designed for the use of its inmates. The

        gardens arc adorned with elegant pavilions, tenq)les, and. :

        ‘ Chinese liepobitory, Vol. IX., p. 259.

        IMPERIAL CITY. 69

        groves, and interspersed with canals, fountains, pools, and

        flower-beds. Two groves rising from the bosoms of small

        lakes, and another crowning the summit of an artificial mountain, add to the beauty of the scene, and afford the inmates of the palace an agreeable variety.

        In the eastern division of the Prohibited City are the otiices

        of the Cabinet, where its members hold their sessions, and the

        treasury of the palace. North of it lies the ‘Hall of Intense Thought,’ where sacrifices are presented to Confucius and other sages. Kot far from this hall stands the Wchi-//yen loA, or the Library, the catalogue of whose contents is published from time to time, forming an admirable synopsis of Chinese literature.

        At the northern end of the eastern division are numerous

        palaces and buildings occupied by princes of the blood, and

        those connected Avith them ; and in this quarter is placed the

        Fung Sien tien, a small temple where the Emperor comes to

        ‘ bless his ancestors.’ Here the Emperor and his family perform

        their devotions before the tablets of their departed progenitors;

        whenever he leaves or returns to his palace, the first

        day of a season, and on other occasions, the monarch goes

        through his devotions in this hall.

        The western division contains a great variety of edifices devoted

        to public and private purposes, among which may be

        mentioned the hall of distinguished sovereigns, statesmen, and

        literati, the printing-office, the Court of Controllers for the

        regulation of the receipts and disbursements of the court, and

        the Ching-Jncang Mlao^ or ‘Guardian Temple’ of the city.

        The number of people residing within the Prohibited City

        cannot 1)0 stated, .but probably is not large ; most of them are

        Manchus.

        The second inclosure, which surrounds the imperial palaces,

        is called Hwang Ching^ or ‘ Imperial City,’ and is an oblong rectangle

        about six miles in circuit, encompassed by a wall twenty

        feet high, and having a gate in each face. From the southern

        gate, called the Tlen-an Mdn^ or ‘ Heavenly Rest,’ a broad

        avenue leads up to the Kin Chiw/ ; and before it. outside of

        the M’all, is an extensive space walled in, and having one entrance

        on the south, called the gate of Great Purity, which 110 one is allowed to enter except on foot, unless by special permission. On the right of the avenue within the wall is a gateway leading to the TaiMiao, or ‘ Great Temple’ of the imperial ancestors, a large collection of buildings hiclosed by a wall 3,000 feet in circuit. It is the most honored of religious structures

        next to the Temple of Heaven, and contains tablets to princes

        and meritorious officers. Here offerings are presented before

        the tablets of deceased emperors and empresses, and worship

        performed at the end of the year by the members of the imperial

        family and clan to their departed forefathers. Across

        the avenue from this temple is a gateway leading to the Shie-

        Tsih tan, or altar of the gods of Land and Grain. These were

        originally Kaa-lung, a Minister of Works, b.c. 2500, and Hautsih,

        a remote ancestor of Chan Kung ; here the Emperor sacriiices

        in spring and autumn. This altar consists of two stories,

        each five feet high, the upper one being fifty-eight feet square; no other altar of the kind is found in the empire, and it would

        he tantamount to high treason to erect one and worship upon it.

        The north, east, south, and west altar are respectively black,

        green, red, and white, and the top yellow ; the ceremonies connected

        with the worship held here are among the most ancient practised among the Chinese.

        PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND BARKS. 71

        On the north of the palace, separated by a moat, and surrounded by a wall more than a mile in circuit, is the King Shan, or ‘ Prospect Hill,’ an artificial mound, nearly one hundred and fifty feet high, and having five summits, crowned with as many temples ; many of these show the neglect in which public edifices soon fall. Trees of various kinds border its base, and line the paths leading to the tops. Its height allows the spectator to overlook the whole city, while, too, it is itself a conspicuous object from every direction. The earth and stone in it were taken from the ditches and pools dug in and around the city, and near its base are many tanks of picturesque shape and appearance; so that altogether it forms a great ornament to the city. Another name for it is Mei Shan, or ‘ Coal Hill,’ from a tradition that a quantity of coal Avas placed there, as a supply in case of siege. The western part of this inelosure is chiefly occupied by the Si l”;<;6/<, or ‘Western Park,’ in and around which are found some of the most beautiful objects and spots in the uietropolis. An artificial lake, more than a mile long, and averaging a furlong in breadth, occupies the centre; it is supplied from the Western Hills, and its waters are adorned with the splendid lotus. A marble bridge of nine arches crosses it, and its banks are shaded by groves of trees, under which are well-paved walks. On its south-eastern side is a large summer-house, consisting of several edifices partly in or over the water, and inclosing a number of gardens and walks, in and around which are artificial hills of rock-work beautifully alternating or supporting groves of trees and parterres of flowers.

        On the western side is the hall for examining military candidates,

        where his majesty in person sees them exliibit their

        prowess in equestrian archery. At the north end of the lake is

        a bridge leading to an islet, wdiich presents the aspect of a hill

        of gentle ascent covered with groves, temples, and summerhouses,

        and surmounted with a tower, from which an extensive

        view can be enjoyed. On the north of the bridge is a hill on

        an island called Kiung-hwa tan^ capped by a white dagoba.

        Xear by is an altar forty feet in circuit, and four feet high,

        inclosed by a wall, and a temple dedicated to Yuenfi, the

        reputed discoverer of the silk-worm, where the Empress annually

        offers sacrifices to her ; in the vicinity a plantation of mulberry

        trees and a cocoonery are maintained. Xear the temple

        of ‘ Great Happiness,’ not far distant from the preceding, on

        the northern borders of the lake, is a gilded copper statue of

        Maitreya, or the coming Buddha, sixty feet high, with a hundred

        arms ; the temple is one of the greatest ornaments of the

        Park. Across the lake on its western bank, and entered

        through the first gate on the south side of the street, is the

        Ts^-kwamj Koh^ wdiere foreign ministers are received by the

        Emperor ; the inclosure is kept with great care, and numerous

        halls and temples are seen amidst groves of firs. The object

        kept in view in the arrangement of these gardens and grounds

        has been to make them an epitome of nature, and then furnish

        every part with conmiodious buildings. But however elegant

        the palaces and grounds may have appeared when new, it is to

        be feared that his majesty has no higher ideas of cleanliness and order tliuu lii.s subjects, and tluit the various public and private edifices and gardens in these two inelosures are despoiled of luilf their beauty bj dirt and neglect. The nundjer of the palaces in them both is estimated to be over two hundred, “each of which,” says Attinet, in vague terms, ” is suflSciently large to accommodate the greatest of European noblemen, with all his retijiue.*’

        Along the avenue leading south from the Imperial City to the division Avail, are found the principal government offices. Five of the ISix Boards have their bureaus on the east side, the Board of Punishments with its subordinate departments being situated with its courts on the west side; immediately south of this is the Censorate. The office attached to the Board of Itites, for the preparation of the Calendar, commonly called the Astronomical Board, stands directly east of this; and the Medical College has its hall not far off. The Ilanlhi l\en, or National Academy, and the Ll-fan Yuen., or Colonial Office, are also near the south-eastern corner of the Imperial City. Opposite to the Colonial Office is the Tang T)iz\ where the remote ancestors of the reigning family are worshipped by his majesty together with the princes of his family; when they come in procession to this temple in their state dresses, the Emperor, as high-priest of the family, performs the highest religious ceremony before his deified ancestors, viz., three kneelings and nine knockings. After he has completed his devotions, the attendant grandees go through the same ceremonies. The temple itself is pleasantly situated in the midst of a grove of fir and other trees, and the large inclosure around it is prettily laid out.

        BUDDHIST AND CONFUCIAN TEMPLES. 73

        In the south-eastern part of the city, built partly upon the wall, is the Observatory, which was placed imder the superintendence of the Komish missionaries by Ivanghi, but is now confided to the care of Chinese astronomers. The instruments are arranged on a terrace higher than the city wall, and are beautiful pieces of bronze art, though now antiquated and useless for practical observations. Nearly opposite to the Observatory stands the Ilall for Literary Examinations, Mdiere the candidates of the province assemble to write their essays. In the north-eastern corner of the city is the Bussian Mission and

        Astronomical Office, inclosed in a large compound ; near it live

        the converts. About half a mile west is the Yung-ho Kung, or

        ‘ Lamasar}’ of Eternal Peace,’ wherein alwut 1,500 Mongol and

        Tibetan priests study the dogmas of Buddhism, or spend their

        days in idleness, under the conti’ol of a Gegen or living Buddha.

        Their course of study comprises instruction in metaphysics, ascetic

        duties, astrology, and medicine ; their daily ritual is performed

        in several courts, and the rehearsal of prayers and chants

        by so many men strikes the hearer as very impressive. The I’ear

        building contains a wooden image, 70 feet in height, of Mait-

        •veya, the coming Buddha ; the whole establishment exhibits in its

        buildings, pictures, images, cells, and internal arrangemeuts for

        study, living, and worship, one of the most complete in the empire.

        Several smaller lamasaries occur in other parts of the city.

        Directly west of the Yimg-ho Kung^ and presenting the

        greatest contrast to its life and activity, lies the Confucian

        Temple, where embowered in a grove of ancient cypresses

        stands the imposing Wan Mlao^ or ‘ Literary Temple,’ in which

        the Example aiid Teacher of all Ages and ten of his great disciples

        are worshipped. The hall is 84 feet in front, and the lofty

        roof is supported on wooden pillars over 40 feet high, covering

        the single room in which their tablets are placed in separate

        niches, he in the high seat of honor. All is simple, quiet, and

        cheerless ; the scene liere presents an impressive instance of

        merited honors paid to the moral teachers of the people. Opposite

        and across the court are ten granite stones shaped like

        drums, which are believed to have been made about the eighth

        century b.c, and contain stanzas recording King Siien’s hunting

        expeditions. In another court are many stone tablets containing

        the lists of Tslii-sz’ graduates since the Mongol dynasty, many thousands of names with places of residence. Contiguous to this temple is the Pili-yung Kang^ or ‘Classic Ilall’, where the Emperor meets the graduates and literati. It is a beautiful specimen of Chinese architectural taste. Near it are 800 stone tablets on which the authorized texts of the classics are engraved.’

        ‘ Dr. Martin, The CJdnese (New York, 1881), p. 85.

        North of the Imperial City lies the extensive yamiui of fJie Tl-tuh, who has the police and garrison of the city under his control, and exercises great authority in its civil administration. The Drum and Bell Towers stand north of the Ti-ngan Mwi in the street leading to the city wall, each of them over a hundred feet high, and forming conspicuous objects ; the drum and bell are sounded at night watches, and can be heard throughout the city; a clepsydra is still maintained to mark time—a good instance of Chinese conservatism, for clocks are now in general use, and correct the errors of the clepsydra itself.

        SHRINES OF ALL KELIGIONS. 75

        Outside of the south-western angle of the Imperial City stands the Mohammedan mosque, and a large number of Turks whose ancestors were brought from Turkestan about a century ago live in its vicinity ; this quarter is consequently the chief resort of Moslems who come to the capital. South-%vest of the mosque, near the cross-wall, stands the Xan Tavy, or old For tugiiese church, and just west of the Forbidden City, inside of the Hwang Chlng, is the Peh 2’ang, or Cathedral; Loth are imposing edifices, and near them are large schools and seiiiinaries for the education of children and neophytes. There are religions edifices in the Chinese metropolis appropriated to many forms of religion, viz., the Greek, Latin, and Protestant churches, Islamism, Buddhism in its two principal forms, nationalism, ancestral worship, state worship, and temples dedicated to Confucius and other deified mortals, besides a great number in which the popular idols of the country are adored. One of the most worthy of notice is the Ti- Wang Miao, lying on the avenue leading to the west gate, a large collection of halls wherein all the tablets of former monarchs of China from remote ages are worshipped. The rule for admission into this Walhalla is to accept all save the vicious and oppressive, those who were assassinated and those who lost their kingdoms. This

        memorial temple was opened in 1522; the Manchus have even

        admitted some of the Tartar rulers of the Kin and Liao dynasties,

        raising the total number of tablets to nearly three hundred.

        It is an impressive sight, these simple tablets of men who once

        ruled the Middle Kingdom, standing .here side by side, wovshipped

        by their successors that their spirits may bless the state.

        This selection of the good sovereigns alone recalls to mind the

        custom in ancient Jerusalem of allowing wicked pi-inces no place

        in the sepulchres of the kings. Distinguished statesmen of all

        ages, called by the Chinese liroh cJiu, or ‘pillars of state,’ are

        associated with their masters in this temple, as not unworthy to

        receive equal honors.

        A little west of this remarkable temple is the Peli-ta sz\ or ‘White Pagoda Temple,’ so called from a costly dagoba near it erected about a.d. 1100, renovated by Kublai in the thirteenth century, and rebuilt in 1S19. Its most conspicuous feature is the great copper umbrella on the top. When finished, the dagoba was described as covered with jasper, and the projecting parts of the roof with ornaments of exquisite workmanship tastefully arranged. Around this edifice, which contains twenty beads or relics of Buddha, two thousand clay pagodas and five books of charms, are also one hundred and eight small pillars Oil which lamps are burned. The portion of the city lying south of the cross-wall is inhabited mostly by Chinese, and contains

        hundreds of /avui-kican, or club-liouses, erected by the gentry

        of cities and districts in all parts of the empire to accommodate

        their citizens resorting to the capital. Its streets are narrow

        and the whole aspect of its buildings and markets indicates the

        life and industry of the people. Hundreds of inns accommodate

        trayellers who lind no lodging-places in the Nul C/n’urj, and

        storehouses, theatres, granaries and markets attract or supply their customers from all parts. There is more dissipation and freedom from etiquette here, and the Chinese officials feel freer from their Manchu colleagues.

        Three miles south of the Palace, in the Chinese City, is situated the Tien Tan, or ‘ Altar to Ileayen,’ so placed because it was anciently customary to perform sacrifices to Heaven in the outskirts of the Emperor’s residence city. The compound is inclosed by more than three miles of wall, within which is planted a thick grove of locust {Sajj/iora), pine and fir trees, interspaced with stretches of grass. Within a second wall, which surrounds the sacred buildings, rises a copse of splendid and thickly growing cypress trees, reminding one of the solemn shade in the vicinity of famous temples in Ancient Greece, or of those celebrated shrines described in “Western Asia. The great South Altar, the most important of Chinese religious structures, is a beautiful triple circular terrace of white marble, whose base is 210, middle stage 150, and top 90 feet in width, each terrace encompassed by a richly caryed balustrade. A curious symbolism of the number three and its multiples may be noticed in the measurements of this pile. The uppermost terrace, whose height above the ground is about eighteen feet, is paved with marble slabs, forming nine concentric circles—the inner of nine stones inclosing a central piece, and around this each receding layer consisting of a successive multiple of nine until the square of nine (a favorite number of Chinese philosophy) is reached in the outermost row. It is upon the single nnind stone in the centre of the upper plateau that the Emperor kneels when worshipping Heaven and his ancestors at the winter solstice.

        THE TEMPLE OF HEAVEN”. 77

        Four lliglits of nine steps each lead from this elevation to the next lower stage, where are placed tablets to the spirits of the sun, the moon, the stars, and the Year God. On the ground at the end of the four stairways stand vessels of bronze in which are placed the bundles of cloth and sundry animals constituting part of the sacrilicial offerings. But of ^’astly greater importance than these in the matter of burnt-offering is the great furnace, nine feet high, faced with green porcelain, and ascended on three of its sides by porcelain staircases. In this receptacle, erected some hundred feet to the south-east of the altar, is consumed a burnt-offering of a bullock—entire and without blemish—at the yearly ceremony. The slaughter-house of the sacrificial bullock stands east of the North Altar, at the end of an elaborate winding passage, or cloister of 72 compartments, each 10 feet in length.

        Separated from the Altar to Heaven by a low wall, is a smaller though more conspicuous construction called Kl-l’iih Tan, or ‘ Altar of Prayer for Grain.’ Its proportions and arrangement are somewhat similar to those of the South Altar, but upon its upper terrace rises a magnificent triple-roofed, circular building known to foreigners as the ‘ Temple of Heaven.’

        This elaborate house of worship, whose surmounting gilded ball rests 100 feet above the platform, was originally roofed with blue, yellow and green tiles, but by Kienlung these colors were changed to blue. When, added to these brilliant hues, we consider the I’ichly carved and painted eaves, the windows shaded by Venetians of blue-glass rods strung together, and the I’ai’e symmetry of its proportions, it is no exaggeration to call this temple the most remarkable edifice in the capital—or indeed in the empire. The native name is Qi-Nian Dian, or ‘Temple of Prayer for the Year’. In the interior, the large shrines of carved wood for the tablets coiTespond to the movable blue wooden huts which on days of sacrifice are put up on the Southern Altar. Here, upon some day following the first of spring (Fel). G), the Emperor offers his supplications to Heaven for a blessing upon the year. In times of drought, prayer for rain is also made at this altar, the Emperor being obliged to proceed on foot, as a repentant suppliant, to the ‘ Hall of Peni tent Fasting,’ a distance of three miles. A green furnace for burnt-offerings lies to the south-east of this, as of the Korth Altar ; while in the open park not far from the two and seventy cloisters are seven great stones, said to have fallen from heaven and to secure good luck to the country.

        Across the avenue upon which is situated this great inclosure of the I’ien Tan, is the Sleii ^uny Tan, or ‘ Altar dedicated to Shinnung,’ the supposed inventor of agriculture. These precincts are about two miles in circumference, and contain four separate altars : to the gods of the heavens, of the earth, of the planet Jupiter, and to Shinnung, The worship here is performed at the vernal equinox, at which time the ceremony of ploughing a part of the inclosed park is performed by the Emperor, assisted by various officials and members of the Board of Rites, The district magistrates and prefect also plough their plats ; but no one touches the imperial portion save the monarch himself. The first two altars are rectangular ; that to the gods of heaven, on the east, is 50 feet long and 4^ feet high: four marble tablets on it contain the names of the gods of the clouds, rain, wind, and thunder. That to the gods of earth is 100 feet long by GO wide ; here the five marble tablets contain the names of celebrated mountains, seas, and lakes in China, Sacrifices are offered to these divinities at various times, and, with the prayers presented, are burned in the furnaces, thus to come before them in the unseen world ; the idea which runs through them partakes of the nature of homage, not of atonement, iS’ early one-half of the Chinese City is empty of dwellings, much of the open land being cultivated ; a large pond for rearing gold-fish near the T’ten Tan is an attractive place. West of this city wall is an old and conspicuous dagobain the Ti.enning sz\ nearly 200 feet high, and a landmark for the city gate. This part of Peking was much the best built when the Liao and Kin dynasties occupied it, west of the main city is the Temple of the Moon, and on the east side, directly opposite, stands the Temple to the Sun ; the T’l Tan, or ‘ Altar to Earth.’ is on the north over against the Altar to Heaven, just desciilicd.

        MONUMENT, OK TOPE, OF A LAMA. UWANG SZ’, PEKING.THE BELL TEMPLE AND HWANG SZ*. 79

        At all these the Emperor performs religious rites during the twelve months. The inciosure of the Altar to Earth is suuiller, and everything connected with the sacrifices is on an inferior scale to those conducted in the Altar to Heaven, The main altar has two terraces, each 6 feet high, and respectively lOG feet and 00 feet square ; the tablet to Imperial Earth is placed on the npper with those to the Imperial Ancestors, and all are adored at the summer solstice. The bullock for sacrifice is afterwards buried and not burned. Adjoining the terraced altar on the south is a small tank for Mater.

        About two miles from the Tl Tan, in a northerly direction, passing through one of the ruined gates of the Peking of Marco Polo’s time on the way, is found the Ta-chioig sz\ or ‘Bell Temple’, in which is hung the great bell of Peking. It was cast about 1406, in the reign of Yungloli, and was covered over in 1578 by a small temple. It is 14 feet high, including the nmbones, 34 feet in circumference at the lim, and 9 inches thick ; the weight is 120,000 lbs. av. ; it is struck by a heavy beam swung on the outside. The Emperor cast five bells in all, but this one alone was hung. It is covered with myriads of Chinese characters, both inside and out, consisting of extracts from the Fah-hwa King and TJng-yen King, two Buddhist classics. In some respects this may be called the most remarkable work of art now in China ; it is the largest suspended bell in the world. A square hole in the top prevents its fracture under the heaviest rinoino-.’

        ‘ Compare Kirclier, China Illustratn, where an engraving of it may be seen. A bell near Mandalay, mentioned by Dr. Anderson, is 13 feet high, 10 feet across tli3 lips, and weighs 90 tons—evidently a heavier monster than this in Peking. (Mandalay to Momien, p. 18.)

        A short distance outside the northern gate, Tah-shing Man, is an open ground for military reviews, and near it a Buddhist temple of some note, called Hwang sz\ containing in its enceinte a remarkable monument erected by Ivienlung. In 1779 the Teshu Lama started for Peking with an escort of 1,500 men; he was met by the Emperor near the city of Si-ning in Ivansuh, conducted to Peking with great honor, and lodged in this temple for several months. He died here of small-pox, November 12, 1780, and this cenotaph of white marble was erected to his nieinoi’v ; the body was inclosed in a <^old cuflin and sent to the Dalai Lama at Lliassa in 1781. The plinth of this beautiful work contains scenes in the })relate’s life carved on the panels, one of which represents a lion rubbing- his eyes with his paw as the tears fall for grief at the Lama’s death.

        The Summer Palace at Yiien-ming Yuen lies about seven miles from the north-west corner of Peking, and its entire circuit is reckoned to contain twelve square miles. The country in this direction rises into gentle hills, and advantage has been taken of the original surface in the arrangement of the different parts of the ground, so that ilie whole presents a great variety of hill and dale, woodlands and lawns, interspered with pools, lakes, caverns, and islets joined by bridges and walks, their banks thrown up or diversified like the free hand of nature. Some parts are tilled, groves or tangled thickets occur here and there, and places are purposely left wild to contrast the better with the cultivated precincts of a palace, or to form a rural pathway to a retired temple or arbor. Here were formerly no less than thirty distinct places of residence for various palace officials, around which were houses occupied by eumichs md servants, each constituting a little village.

        But all was swept away l)y the British and French troops in

        I860, and their ruins still i-cmain to irritate the officials and

        people of Peking against all foreigners. Xear the Summer

        Palace is the great cantomnent of llai-tien, where the Manchu

        garrison is stationed to defend the capital, and whose troops

        did their best in the vain effort to stay the attack in I860. As

        a contrast to the proceedings connected with this approach of

        the British, an extract fi-om Sir John Davis’s Chinese (chap, x.)

        will furnish an index of the changed condition of things.

        ” It was at a place called Jlai-tien, in the innnediate vicinity

        of these gardens, that the strange scene occurred which terminated

        in the dismissal of the embassy of 1816, On his arrival

        there, about daylight in the jnornii?g, with the coinmissioners

        and a few other gentlemen, tlie ambassador was drawn

        to one of the Emperor’s temporary residences by an invitation

        from Duke llo, as he was called, the imperial relative charged

        rt’ith the conduct of the negotiations. After passing through

        SUMMEIl PALACE AT YUEN-MING YUEN. 81

        an open court, where were assembled a vast number of grandees

        in their dresses of ceremony, they were shown into a WTetched

        room, and soon encompassed l)y a well-dressed crowd, among

        whom were princes of the blood by dozens, wearing yellow girdles.

        With a childish and unmannei-ly curiosity, consistent

        enough with the idle and disorderly life which many of them

        are said to lead, they examined the persons and dress of the

        gentlemen without ceremony ; while these, tired with their

        sleepless journey, and disgusted at the behavior of the celestials,

        turned their backs upon them, and laid themselves down to rest.

        Duke IIo soon appeared, and surpi’ised the ambassador hy urging

        him to proceed directly to an audience of the Emperor, who

        was waiting for him. His lordsliip iu vain remonstrated that

        to-morrow liad been fixed for the first audience, and that tired

        and dusty as they all were at present, it would be worthy

        neither of the Emperor nor of himself to wait on his majesty in

        a manner so unprepared. He urged, too, that he was unwell,

        and required innnediate rest. Duke llo became more and more

        pressiug, and at length forgot himself so far as to grasp the

        ambassador’s arm violently, and one of the others stepped up at

        the same time. His lordship immediately shook them oft’, and

        the gentlemen crowded about him ; while the highest indignation

        was expressed at such treatment, and a determined resolution

        to proceed to no audience this morning. The ambassador

        at leugth retired, with the appearance of satisfaction on the

        part of Duke Ho, that the audience should take place tomorrow.

        There is every reason, however, to suppose that this

        person had been largely bribed by the heads of the Canton

        local government to frustrate the views of the embassy, and

        prevent an audience of the Emperor. The mission, at least, was

        on its way back in the afternoon of the same day.”

        The principal part of the provisions recpiired for the supply of this iimnense city comes from the southern provinces, and from flocks reared beyond the wall. It has no important manufactures, horn lanterns, wall papers, stone snuff-bottles, and pipe mouth-pieces, being the principal. Trade in silks, foreign fabrics, and food is limited to supplying the local demand, inasmuch as a heavy octroi duty at the gates restrains all enterprise. No foreign merchants are allowed to carry on business here. The government of Peking differs from that of other cities in the empire, the affairs of the department being separated from it, and administered by officers residing in thvi four circuits into which it is divided. ” A minister of one of the Boards is appointed superintendent of the city, and subordinate to him is ^ fuyin, or mayor. Their duties consist in having charge of the metropolitan domain, for the purpose of extending good government to its four divisions. They have under them two district magistrates, each of Mhoni rules half the city; none of these officers are subordinate to the provincial governor, but carry affairs which they cannot determine to the Emperor. They preside or assist at many of the festivals observed in the capital, superintend the military police, and hold the courts which take cognizance of the offences committed there.”‘

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., p. 181.

        STREET SCENES AND FEATURES OF PEKING. 80

        The thoroughfares leading across Peking, from one gate to the other, are broad, unpaved avenues, more than a hundred feet wide, which appear still wider owing to the lowness of the buildings; the centre is about two feet higher than the sides. The cross-streets in the main city are generally at right angles with them, not over forty feet wide, and for the most part occupied with dwellings. The inhabitants of the avenues are required to keep them well sprinkled in summer; but in rainy weather they are almost impassable from the mud and deep jniddles, the level surface of the ground, and obstructed, neglected drains, preventing rapid drainage. The crowds which throng these avenues, some engaged in various callings, along the sides or in the middle of the way, and others busily passing and repassing, together with the gay appearance of the signl)oards, and. an air of business in the shops, render the great streets of the Chinese metropolis very bustling, and to a foreigner a most interesting scene. Shop-fronts can be entirely opened when necessary ; they are constructed of panels or shutters fitting into grooves, and secured to a row of strong posts which set into mortises. At night, when the shop is

        closed, nothing of it is seen from without ; but in the daytime,

        when the goods are exposed, tlie scene becomes more animated.

        The sign-boards are often broad planks, fixed in stone bases

        on each side of the shop-front, and reaching to the eaves, or

        above them ; the characters are large and of different colors,

        and in order to attract more notice, the signs are often hung

        with various colored flags, bearing inscriptions setting forth the

        excellence of the goods. The sliops in the outer city are frequently

        constructed in this manner, others are made more compact

        for warmth in winter, but as a whole they are not brilliant

        in their fittings. Their signs are, when possible, images of

        the articles sold and always have a red pennon attached ; the

        finer shop-fronts are covered with gold-leaf, brilliant when new,

        but shabby enough when faded, as it soon does. The aj^pearance

        of the main streets exhibits therefore a curious mixture ol

        decay and renovation, which is not lessened by the dilapidated

        temples and governmental buildings everywhere seen, all indicating

        the impoverished state of the exchequer. In many parts of

        the city are placed 2>(^i-lau, or honorary gateways, erected to

        mark the approach to the palace, and M^orthy, by their size and

        ornamental entablatures, to adorn the avenues and impress the

        traveller, if they were kept in good condition.

        The police of the city is connected with the Bannermen, and

        is, on the whole, efiicient and successful in preserving the peace.

        During the night the thoroughfares are quiet ; they are lighted

        a little by lanterns hanging before the houses, but generally are

        dark and cheerless. In the metropolis, as in all Chinese cities,

        the air is constantly polluted by the stench arising from private

        vessels and pul)lic reservoirs for urine and every kind of offal,

        which is all carefully collected by scavengers. By this means,

        although the streets are kept clean, they are never sweet ; but

        habit renders the people almost insensible to this as well as

        other nuisances. Carts, mules, donkeys and horses are to be

        hired in all the thoroughfares. The Manchu women ride

        astride ; their number in the streets, both riding and walking,

        imparts a pleasant feature to the crowd, which is not seen in

        cities further south. The extraordinary length and elaborateness

        of marriage and funeral processions daily passing through the avenues, adds a pretty feature to them, which other cities Avitli narrow streets catinot emulate.

        The environs beyond the suburbs are occupied with niausolea, temples, private mansions, hamlets, and cultivated fields, in or near which are trees, so that the city, viewed from a distance, appears as if situated in a thick forest. Many interesting points for the antiquarian and scientist are to be found in and around this old city, which annually attracts more and more tlic attention of other nations. Its population has decreased regularly since the death of Kienlung in 1707, and is now probably rather less than one million, including the immediate suburbs. The clinuite is healthy, but subject to extremes from zero to 104°; the dryness during ten months of the year is, moreover, extremely irritating. The poor, who resort thither from other parts, form a needy and troublesome ingredient of the population, sometimes rising in large mobs and pillaging the granaries to supply themselves with food, but more commonly perishing in great numbers from cold and hunger. Its peace is always an object of considerable solicitude with the imperial government, not only as it may involve the personal safety of the Emperor, but still more from the disquieting effect it may have upon the administration of the empire. The possession of this capital by an invading force is more nearly equivalent to the control of the country than might be the case in most European kingdoms, but not as much as it might be in Siam, Burmah, or Japan.

        The good influences which nuiy be exerted upon the nation from the metropolis are likewise correspondingly great, while the purification of this source of contamiiuition, and the liberalizing of this centre of power, now well begun in various ways, will confer a vast benefit upon the Chinese people.’

        ‘ Compare the Aiinales de la Foi, Tome X., p. 100, for interesting details concerning the Romish missionurios in Peking. Also Pautliier’s CIdne Moderne,pp. 8-;}(i (I’iiris, l.sr)2), containing an oxccllont map. Bretschneider’s Archeokxjical and Jliitt’iricti! Rencarches on Pddiig, etc., published in the Chinese Recorder, Vol. VI. (1875, passim). Memnirea .mncernaiit fllistoire, les Sciences, les Arts, les A/oeiirs, /<?.<( Usages, etc., des Chinois. par les Mit,si(»inaires de Pckiii ; 16 vols., Paris, 1797-1814. N. B. Dtjimys, Notes for T(>iV.rwts in the: North of China ; Hongkong, 18(5G.

        Chihli contains several other large cities, among which Tau-ting, the foniier residence of the governor-general, and Tientsin, are the most important. The former lies about eighty miles south-west of the capital, on the Yungting River and the great road leading to Shansi. The whole department is described as a thoroughly cultivated, populous region ; it is well M’atered, and possesses two or three small lakes.

        Tientsin is the largest port on the coast above Shanghai. Owing, however, to the shallowness of the gulf and the bar at the mouth of the Pei ho, over which at neap tide only three or four feet of water flow, the port is rendered inaccessible to large foreign vessels. 1 tti size and importance were formerly chiefly owing to its being t’le terminus of the Grand Canal, where the produce and taxes for the use of the capital were brought. Mr. Gutzlaff, who visited Tientsin in 1831, described it as a bustling place, comparing the stirring life and crowds on the water and shores outside of the walls of the city with those of Liverpool.

        The enormous fleet of grain junks carrying rice to the capital is supplemented by a still greater number of vessels which take the food up to Tung chau. Formerly the coast trade increased the shipping at Tientsin to thousands of junks, including all which lined the river for about sixty miles. This native trade has diminished since 1861, inasmuch as steamers arc gradually ousting the native vessels, no one caring to risk insurxince on freight in junks. The country is not very fertile between the city and the sea, owing to the soda and nitre in the soil; but scanty crops are brought forth, and these only after much labor ; one is a species of grass(Phragmites) much used in making floor-mats. Sometimes the rains cause the Pei ho and its affluents to break over their banks, at which periods their waters deposit fertilizing matter over large areas.

        The approach to Tientsin from the eastward indicates its importance, and the change from the sparsely populated country lying along the banks of the Pei ho, to the dense crowds on shore and the fleets of boats, adds greatly to the vivacity of its aspect. ” If flue buildings and striking localities are required to give interest to a scene,” remarks Mr. Ellis, ” this has no claims; but, on the other hand, if the gradual crowding of junks till they become innumerable, a vast population, buildings, though not elegant, yet reguhir and peculiar, careful and successful cultivation, can supply these deficiencies, the entrance to Tientsin will not be without attractions to the traveler.’”

        The stacks of salt along the river arrest the attention of the voyager; the innuense quantity of this article collected at this city is only a small portion of the amount consumed in the interior. Tientsin will gradually increase in wealth, and nt)\v perhaps contains half a million of inhabitants. Its position renders it one of the most important cities in the empire, and the key of the capital.

        Near the endjouehure of the river is Ta-ku, with its forts and gari’ison, a small town noticeable as the spot where the first interview between the Chinese and English plenipotentiaries was held, in August, IS^tO ; and for three engagements between the British and Chinese forces in 1858, 1859, and ISGO. The general aspect of the province is flat and cheerless, the soil near the coast unpi’o(lucti\e, but, as a whole, rich and well cultivated, though the harvests are jeopardized by frequent droughts.

        The port of Peking is Tung chau on the Pei ho, twelve miles from the east gate, and joined to it by an elevated stone causeway. All boats here unload their passengers and freight, which are transported in carts, wheelbarrows, or on mules and donkeys.

        The city of Tung chau presents a dilapidated appearance amidst all its business and trade, and its population depends on the transit of goods for their chief support. The streets are paved, the largest of them having raised footpaths on their sides. The houses indicate a prosperous community. A single pagoda towers nearly 200 feet above them, and forms a waymark for miles across the country. Tung chau is only 100 feet above the sea, fi-om which it is distant 120 miles in a direct line; consequently, its liability to floods is a serious drawback to its permanent prosperity.

        ‘ Jourtud of Lord AinhcrsVs Emba.sKy to China^ Cd ed., p. 22. Lundon, 1840

        DOLOX-XUli \:SD TOV.^’.S IX THE NORTH. 87

        Another city of note is Siuenhwa fu, finely situated between the branches of the Great Wall. Tindvowski remarks, “the crenfvted wall which surrounds it is thirty feet high, and puts one in mind of that of the Krendin, and resembles those of several towns in Uussia; it consists of two thin parallel brick walls, the intennediate space being filled with clay and saud. The Avail is flanked with towers. AVe passed through three gates to enter the city : the first is covered with iron nails; at the second is the guard-house ; we thence proceeded along a broad street, bordered with shops of hardware ; we went through several large and small streets, which are broad and clean ; but, considering its extent, the city is thinly peopled.” ‘

        The department of Chahar, or Tsakhar, lies beyond the Great Wall, north and west of the province, a mountainous and thinly settled country, chiefly inhabited by Mongol shepherds who keep the flocks and herds of the Emperor.”

        ‘ Travels of the Russian Mission through Mongolia to China, Vol. I., p. 293.London, 1837.•^ Williamson, Journeys in North China, Vol. II. , p. 90.

        In the north-east of their grounds lies the thriving town of Dolon-nor (I.e., Seven Lakes), or Lama-miao, of about 20,000 Chinese, founded by Kanghi. The Buddhist temples and manufactories of bells, idols, praying machines, and other religious articles found here, give it its name, and attract “the Mongols, whose women array themselves in the jewelry made here. It is in latitude 42° 16′ X., about ten miles from the Shangtu river, a large branch of the river Liao, on a sandy plain, and is approached by a road Minding among several lakes. North-west of Dolon-nor are the ruins of the ancient Mongolian capital of Shangtu, rendered more famous among English reading people by Coleridge’s exquisite poem—

        In Xanadu did Kubla Khan
        A stately pleasure-dome decree :
        Where Alpli, the sacred river, ran
        Through caverns measureless to man
        Down to a sunless sea.
        So twice five miles of fertile ground
        With walls and towers were girdled round

        —than by Marco Polo’s relation, which moved the poet to pen the lines. It was planned as Mukden now is, an outer and inner Avail inclosing separate peoples, and its tumuli will probably furnish many tablets and relics of the Mongol emperors, when carefully dug over. It was too far from Peking for the Manclm monarchs to rebuild, and the Ming emperors had no power there. It was visited in 1 872 by Messrs. Grosvenor and Bushell of the British Legation ; Dr. BusheH’s description corroborates Polo’s account and Gerbillon’s later notices of its size.’

        There are several lakes, the largest of which, the Peh hu, in

        the south-western part, connects with the Pei ho throngh the

        river Hli-to. The various bi-anches of the five rivers, whose

        miited waters disembogue at Ta-ku, afford a precarious water

        communication through the southern half of Chihli. Their headwaters

        rise in Shan si and beyond the Great AVall, bringing down

        much silt, which their lower currents only partially take out into

        the gulf; this sediment soon destroys the usefulness of the

        channels by raising them dangerously ncai’ the level of the banks.

        The utilization of their streams is a difficult problem in civil

        engineering, not only here but throughout the Great Plain.

        Kear the banks of the Lan ho, a large stream flowing south

        from the eastern slopes of the (Jhahar Hills, past Yungping fu

        into the gulf, and about one hundred and seventy-four miles

        north of Ta-ku, lies Chingpeli, or Jeh-ho, the Emperor’s country

        palace. The approach to it is through a pass cut out of the

        rock, and resembles that leading to Damascus. The imperial

        grounds are embraced by a high range of hills forming a grand

        amphitheatre, which at this point is extremely fine. This descent

        to the city presents new and captivating views at every

        turn of the road. The hunting grounds are inclosed by a high

        wall stretching twenty miles over the hills, and stocked with

        deer, elks, and other game. The Buddhist temples form the

        chief attraction to a visitor. The largest one is square and castellated,

        eleven stories high, and about two hundred feet on

        each of its sides ; the stories are painted red, yellow and green

        alternating. There are several similar but smaller structures

        below this one, and on each of the first two or three series is a

        row of small chinaware pagodas of a blue color ; their tiles are

        ‘ Journal of the Boy. Qeog. Foe, 1874. Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. I., pp. 263-26S. Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. I., p. 134. Gerbillon, Memoires concernant leu Vhinoin (Anih^y’^ cd.), Vol. IV., pp. 701-71(5. Joiiriuil AHutiqve,Ser. II., Tome XL, p. 345. Hue, Tiirtary, etc., Vol. I., p 34, 2d ed., London

        SHANDONG PROVINCE. 89

        likewise blue. In the bright sunlight the effect of these brilliant hands is very good, and the general neatness adds to the pleasing result of the gay coloring. Nearly a thousand lamas live about these shrines. The town of Re-he (I.e., Hot River) consists mostly of ons street coiling around the hills near the palace; its inhabitants are of a higher grade than usual in Chinese cities, the greater part being connected with the government.

        The road through Ku peh kau in the Great Wall from Peking to Jeh-ho is one of the best in the province, and the journey presents a variety of charming scenery ; its chief interest to foreigners is connected with the visit there of Lord Macartney, in 1793.’ This fertile prefecture is rapidly settling by Chinese, whose numbers are now not far from two millions.

        The principal productions of Chihli are millet and wheat, sorghum, maize, oats, and many kinds of pulse and fruits, among which are pears, dried and fresh dates(likamnus), apples and grapes ; all these are exported. Coal, both bituminous and anthracite, exists in great abundance ; one mode of using hard coal is to mix its dust with powdered clay and work them into balls and cakes for cooking and fuel. The province also furnishes good marble, granite, lime, and iron, some kinds of precious stones, and clay for bricks and pottery.

        ‘ Sir G. L. Staunton, Acconntof an KmhasRy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China. 3 vols. Lond., 179G.

        The province of Shandong (i.e., East of the Hills) has a long coast-line, its maritime border being more than half its whole circuit. It lies south of the Gulf of Pechele, south-east of Chihli, north of Kiangsu, and borders on Honan, where the Yellow River divides the two. Most of its area is level, the hilly part is the peninsula portion, where the highest points rise too high to admit of cultivation. The Grand Canal enters the province on its course from Tientsin at Lintsing chan in the north-west, passing in a south-easterly direction to the old Yellow River, and adds greatly to its importance. The shores of the promontory are generally l)old, and full of indentations, presenting several excellent harbors ; no important river disembogues within the province, and on each side of the peninsula the waters are shallow. Chifu, in the prefecture of Tangchau, has the hest harhor, and its trade will gradually draw toward it a large population. The hills along the shore have a reniarkahlj uniform, conical shape, resembling the bonnets worn by officers. The hilly regions are arranged in a series of chains running across the promontory, the longest and highest of which runs Avith the general trend of the coast in Tai-ngan fu, some peaks reaching over five thousand feet, but most of them being under three thousand feet high. Their intervales are highly cultivated. The soil is generally productive, except near the shores of the gulf, where it is nitrous. Two crops are aimually produced here as elsewhere in Northern China. The willow, aspen, ailantus, locust(Sop^ora), oak, mulberry, and conifera, are common trees; silk-worms fed on oak leaves furnish silk.

        This province is one of the most celebrated in Chinese history, partly from its having been the scene of many remarkable events in the early history of the people up to b.c. 200, but more particularly from its containing the birthplaces of Confucius and Mencius, wdiose fame has gone over the earth. The inhabitants of the province are proud of their nativity on this score, much as the woman of Samaria was because Jacob’s cattle had (huidv water at the well of Sychar.

        TAI SHAN, THE ‘ GREAT MOUNT,’ 91

        The high mountain called Taishan, or ‘great mount’, is situated near Tai-ngan fu in this province. This peak is mentioned in the Shu King as that where Shun sacrificed to Heaven (b.c.2254) ; it is accordingly celebrated for its historical as well as religious associations. It towers high above all other peaks in the range, as if keeping solitary watch over the country roundabout, and is the great rendezvous of devotees ; every sect has there its temples and idols, scattered up and down its sides, in which priests chant their prayers, and practise a thousand superstitions to attract pilgrims to their shrines. During the spring, the roads leading to the Tai shan are obstructed with long caravans of people coming to accomplish their vows, to supplicate the deities for health or riches, or to solicit the joys of heaven in exchange for the woes of earth. A French missionary mentions having met with pilgrims going to it, one party

        of whom consisted of old dames, who had with iulhiite fatigue

        and discomfort come from the south of llonan, about three

        hundred miles, to “‘remind their god of the long abstinence

        from flesh and fish thev had obsei’ved during the course of tlieir

        lives, and solicit, as a recompense, a happj transmigration for

        their souls.” The youngest of this party was 78, and the oldest

        90 years.’ Another traveller says that the pilgrims resort there

        during the spring, when there are fairs to attract tliem ; high

        and low, official and commoner, men and women,’ old and

        young, all sorts gather to worship and traffic. A great temple

        lies outside the town, whose grounds furnish a large and secure

        area for the tents where the devotees amuse themselves, after

        they have finished their devotions. The road to the summit is

        about five miles, well paved and furnished with rest-houses,

        tea-stalls, and stairways for the convenience of the pilgrims,

        and shaded with cypresses. It is beset with beggars, men and

        women with all kinds of sores and diseases, crippled and injured,

        besieging travellers with cries and self-imposed sufferings,

        frequently lying across the path so as to be stepped upon.

        A vast number of them live on alms thus collected, and have

        scooped themselves holes in the side of the way, where they

        live ; their numbers indicate the great crowds whose offerings

        support such a M’retched thi-ong on the hill.

        ‘ Annalcs de la Foi, 1844, Tome XVI., p. 421.

        The capital of the province is Tsinan, a well-built city of about 100,000 inhabitants. It was an important town in ancient times as the capital of Tsi, one of the influential feudal States, from b.c.1100 to its conquest by Chf Huangdi about 230 ; the present town lies not far east of the Ta-tsing ho, or new Yellow River, and is accessible by small steamers from sea. It has hills around it, and is protected by three lines of defence, composed of mud, granite, and brick. Three copious sprhigs near the western gate furnish pure water, which is tepid and so abundant as to fill the city moat and form a lake for the solace of the citizens whether in boats upon its bosom or from temples around its shores. Its manufactures are strong fabrics of wild silk, and ornaments of llit-ll, a vitreous substance like strass, of which pnuff-l)()ttlcp, bangles, cups, etc., are made in great variety, to reseuil)le serpentine, jade, ice, and other things. East of Tsinan is the prefect city of Tsing chau, once the provincial capital, and the centre of a populous and fertile region. Tsining chau is an opulent and flourishing place, judging from the gilded and carved shops, temples, and public offices in the suburbs, which stretch along the eastern banks of the Canal ; just beyond the town, the Canal is only a little raised above the level of the extensive marshes on each side, and further south the swamps increase rapidly : when Amherst’s embassy passed, the whole country, as far as the eye could reach, displayed the effects of a most extensive I’ecent inundation. Davis adds, ” The

        waters were on a level with those of the Canal, and there was

        no need of dams, which wei-e themselves nearly under water,

        and sluices for discharging the superfluous water were occasionally

        observed. Clumps of large trees, cottages, and towers, were

        to be seen on all sides, half under water, and deserted by the

        inhabitants ; the number of the latter led to the inference that

        they were provided as places of refuge in case of inundation,

        which must be here very frequent. Wretched villages t»ccuiTC(l

        frequently on the right-hand bank, along which the tracking

        path was in some places so completely undermined as to give

        way at every step, obliging them to lay down hurdles of reeds

        to afford a passage.” ‘

        Lin-tsing chau, on the Yu ho, at its junction with the Canal, lies in the midst of a beautiful country, full of gardens and cultivated grounds, interspersed with buildings. This place is the depot for produce brought on the Canal, and a rendezvous for large fleets of boats and baiges. ?sear it is a pagoda in good repair, about 150 feet high, the basement of which is built of granite, and the other stories of glazed bricks.

        ‘ SketcJies of CJu/ui, Yul. I., p. 257.

        CITIES AND CIIAnACTERISTICS OF SHANTUNG. 93

        The towns and villages of Shandong have been much ^•isited during the past few years, and tlu’ir inhabitants have become better acquainted with foreigners, with whom increased intercourse has developed its good and bad results. The productions of this fertile province comprise every kind of grain and vegetable finuid in Xoitlieni China, and its trade by sea and along the Canal opens many outlets for enterprising capital. Among its mineral productions are gold, copper, asbestos, galena, antimony, silver, sulphur, fine agates, and saltpetre ; the first occurs in the beds of streams. All these yield in real importance, however, to the coal and iron, which are abundant, and have been worked for ages. Its manufactures supply the common clothing and utensils of its people ; silk fabrics, straw braid woven from a kind of wheat, glass, cheap earthenware, and rugs of every pattern.

        Mr. Stevens, an American missionary who risited Wei-hai wei and Chifu in 1837, gives a description of the people, which is still applicable to most parts of the province : “These poor people know nothing, from youth to old age, but the same monotonous round of toil for a subsistence, ?nd never see, never hear anything of the world around them. Improvements in the useful arts and sciences, and an increase of the conveniences of life, are never known among them. In the place where their fathers lived and died, do they live, and toil, and die, to be succeeded by another generation in the same nuiimer.

        Few of the comforts of life can be found among them; their houses consisted in general of granite and thatched roofs, but neither table, chair, nor floor, nor any article of furniture could be seen in the houses of the poorest. Every man had his pipe, and tea was in most dwellings. They were industriously engaged, some in ploughing, others in reaping, some carrying out manure, and others bringing home produce; numbers were collected on the thrashing-floors, winnowing, sifting and packing wheat, rice, millet, peas, and in drying maize, all with the greatest diligence. Here, too, were their teams for ploughing, yoked together in all possible ludicrous combinations; sometimes a cow and an ass; or a cow, an ox and an ass; or a cow and two asses; or four asses; and all yoked abreast. All the women had small feet, and wore a pale and sallow aspect, and their miserable, squalid appearance excited an indelible feeling of compassion for their helpless lot. They were not always shy, but were generally ill-clad and ugly, apparently laboring in the fields like the men. But on several occasions, young ladies clothed in gay silks and satins, riding astride upon bags on donkeys, were seen. Ko prospect of melioration for either men or women appears but in the liberalizing and happy influences of Christianity.” ‘

        The province of ShanXxi (i.e., West of the Hills) lies between Ciiihli and Shensi, and north of HeNan ; the Yellow River bounds it on the west and partly on the south, and the Great Wall forms most of the northern frontier. It measures 55,2(38 square miles, nearly the same as England and Wales, or the State of Illinois. This province is the original seat of the Chinese people ; and many of the places mentioned and the

        scenes recorded in their ancient annals occurred within its borders.

        Its rugged surface presents a striking contrast to the level

        tracts in Chihli and Shantung. The southern portion of ShansI,

        including the region down to the Yellow River, in all an area

        of 30,000 square miles, presents a geological formation of great

        simplicity from Ilwai king a^ far north as Ping ting. The plain

        around the lirst-named cit)^ is bounded on the north by a steep,

        castellated raiige of hills which varies from 1,000 to 1,500 feet

        in height ; it has few roado ov streams crossing it. On reaching

        the top, an undulating table-land stretches northward, varying

        from 2,500 to 3,000 feet above the Plain, consisting of coal formation,

        above the limestone of the lower steep hills. About

        forty miles from those hills, there is a second rise like the first,

        up which the road takes one to another plateau, nearly 6,000

        feet above the sea. This plateau is built up of later rocks, sandstones,

        shales, and conglomerates of green, red, yellow, lilac,

        and brown colors, and is deeply eroded by branches of the Tsin

        Piver, which finally flow into the Yellow Piver. This plateau

        has its north-west boi-der in the Wu ling pass, beyond which

        besrins the descent to the basin of the Fan Piver. That basin

        is traversed near its eastern side by the Hob shan nearly to Taiyuen; its peaks rise to 8,000 feet in some places ; the rocks are granite and divide the coal measures, anthracite lying on its eastern side and bituminous on the west, as far as the Yellow.
        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., pp. 308-335. W. H. Medhurst’s China,chaps, xv.-xix.

        NAT- -HANSI. 95

        River, and nr \, On top of both plateaus is spread the loess deposi iu depth from ten to five hundred fe^ ” ‘ water-courses in every direction, Avhic’ ‘ ^ .nines.

        On the eastern side . Shansi the rocks are made up of ancient for Liatlons v»r deposits of the Sihirian age, presenting a series of peaks, piisses and ranges that render travel very difficult down to u’.j Plain. By these outlying ranges the province is isolated from Chihli, as no useful water communication exists. This coal and iron formation is probably the largest in the “world, and when railroads open it up to easy access it can be leadily -worked along the water-courses. The northern part of the province is drained through the rivers ending at Tientsin. This elevated region cannot be artificially irrigated, and when the rainfall is too small or too late, the people suffer from famine. The northern and southern prefectures exhibit great diversity in their animal, mineral, and vegetable productions. Some of the favorite imperial hunting-grounds are in the north; from the coal, iron, cinnabar, copper, marble, lapis-lazuli, jasper, salt, and other minerals which it affords, the inhabitants gain much of their wealth. The principal grains are wheat and millet, a large variety of vegetables and fruits, such as persimmons, pears, dates and grapes. The rivers are not large, and almost every one of them is a tributary of the Yellow River. The Fan ho, about 300 miles long, is the most important, and empties into it near the south-western corner of the province, after draining the central section. East of this stream, as far as the headwaters of those rivers flowing into Chihli, extends an undulating table-land, having a general altitude of 3,000 feet above the Plain. South of it runs the river Kiang, also an afiiuent of the Yellow River, and near this, in Kiai chau, is a remarkable deposit of salt in a shallow lake (18 miles long and 3 lu-oad), which is surrounded by a high wall. The salt is evaporated in the sun under government direction, the product bringing in a large revenue ; the adjacent town of Lung-tsiien, containing 80,000 inhabitants, is devoted to the business. Salt has been obtained from this region for two thousand years ; the water in some of the springs is only brackish, and used in culiiKiry operations. There are t\\ “> smaller lakes nearei” the Yellow River.

        The iron obtained in the lower puitean, ii: the sonth-east neaj Tsih chan, is from clay iron-ure and spathic ore with heniatite4 \vhich occurs in limestone strata at the bottom of the coal formations.

        It is extracted in a rude manner, but the produce is etpial to any iron in the world, while its price is only about two cents a pound. The working and transportation of coal and iron employ myriads of people, though they are miserably paid. The province barely supplies its own cotton, but woolen garments and sheepskins are produced to make up the demand for clothing.

        Taiyuen fu, the capital, lies on the northern border of a fertile plain, 3,000 feet above the sea level ; this plain extends about 2,000 square miles, and owes its existence to the gradual filling up of a lake there, the waters having cut their way out, and left the river Fan to drain the surplus. Across the IIo shan Range lies another basin of equal fertility and mineral wealth, in Ping-ting chau, where coal, iron, clay and stone exist in unlimited

        quantities. In the northern part of this province the Buddhist

        tenqjles at AVu-tai shan in Tai chau draw vast crowds of votaries

        to their shrines. The hills in which they are built rise

        jtroiuinently above the range, and each celebrated locality is

        memorialized by its own particular divinity, and the buildings

        where he is worshipped. The presence of a living Buddha, or

        G’egen, hei-e attracts thousands of Mongols from the north to

        adore him ; their toilsome journey adding to the worth of the

        \isit. Most of the lamas are from the noi-th and west. The

        region north of this seems to be gradually losing its fertility,

        owing to the sand which is drifted by north winds from the

        Ortous steppes ; and as all the hills are bare of trees, the whole

        of Shansi seems destined to increasing poverty and barrenness.

        Its inhabitants are shrewd, enterprising traders as well as frugal

        agriculturists ; many of the bankers in the Empire are from its

        cities.

        MOUNTAIN PASSES IN SFIANSl. 97

        The great roads from Peking to the south-west and west pass through all the chief towns of this province, and when new pi-()b:ibly (‘(|ualk'(l in eiiglneei’ing and construction anything o^ the kind ever biult by the Konuuis. The stones with which they are paved average 15 inches in thickness. Few regions can exceed in natural difficulties some of the passes over the loess-covered tracts of this province, where the road must wind the Loess-clefts from the Han-sing From Richthofen.

        through miles of narrow cuts in the light and tenacious soil, to emerge before a landscape such as that seen in the illustration.’

        The province of Henan (i.e. South of the River) comprises some of the most fertile parts of the Plain, and, on account of its abundance and central position, early received the name of

        ‘ Richthofen, China. Band I. S. 68. Ilcv. Arthur Smith, Glimpses of Travel in the Middle Kingdom. Shanghai, 1875.

        Chung Hwa T’l, or the ‘ Middle Flowery Land,’ afterwards enlarged into Chung Kicoh, or ‘ Middle Kingdom.’ Its form is an irregular triangle, and its size nearly the same as ISiiantmig ; it has iShansi and Cliihli on the north, ]S’ganliwui on the southeast, Ilupeh on the south and south-west, and Shensi on the west, bordering also on Shantung and Kiangsu. This area is divided into three basins, that of the Yellow River in the north, of the Hai River on the south, and the Han River on the south-west; the last two are separated by a marked range of mountains, the Fuh-niu shan, which is regarded as the eastern terminus of the Kwunlun Mountains ; it is about 300 miles long, and its eastern end is near Jii-ning fu. This range maintains an elevation of 4,000 to 6,000 feet, and is crossed at Xanchau, where a remarkable natural pass about 30 miles long, rising to 1,200 or 1,500 feet, affords the needed facilities for trade and travel between the central and northern provinces. The Peh and Tan rivers drain its southern slopes into the Ilan, and the eastern sides are abundantly watered by the numerous branches of the Hai River as they flow into Ilungtsih Lake. The northern portion of Henan along the Yellow River is level, fertile and populous, forming one of the richest portions of the province.

        For its climate, productions, literary reputation, historical associations, and variety of scenery, this province takes a prominent rank. The earliest records of the Black-haired race refer to this region, and the struggles for dominion among feudal and imperial armies occurred in its plains. Its’ present difficulty of access from the coast will ere long be overcome by railroads, when its capabilities may be further developed, and the cotton, hemp, iron, tutenag, silk and coal be increased for exportation.

        THE PKOVIXCE OF IIOXMST. 99

        The people at present consume their own food and manufactures, and only require a got)d demand to increase the quality and amounts and exchange them for other things. The three prefectures north of the Yellow River are low-lying; through these the waters of that river have recently found their way into the river Wei and thence to the (lulf of Pechele, at Mang-tsin or east of it ; the gradual rise of the l)ed renders their levels nearly the same, while it makes the main stream so broad and shallow that it is of little use for navigation. These plains are traversed by wheelbarrows and carts, whose drivers and trundlers form a vast body of stalwart men constantly going about in their employment from one city to another.

        Kaifung fu, or Pien-liang, the capital, is situated about a

        league from the southern bank of the Yellow Kiver, whose bed

        is here elevated above the adjacent country. It was the metropolis

        from A.D. 960 to 1120, and has often suffered from attacks

        of armies as well as from inundations. The dikes are mostly

        on the northern shore, and exhibit the industry and unavailing

        efforts of the people for scores of leagues. During the period

        of the Manchu conquest Kaifung was defended by a loyal general,

        who, seeing no other resource against the invaders, broke

        down the embankments to drown them, by which mantjeuvre

        upwards of 300,000 of the inhabitants perished. The city was

        rebuilt, but it has not attained to its ancient splendor, if credit

        can be given to the Statistics of Kaifumj^ in which work it

        is described as having been six leagues in circuit in the twelfth

        century, approached by five roads, and containing numerous

        palaces, gardens, and government houses. The valley of the

        Kiver Loll lies between the Yellow River and the Fuh-niu Mountains,

        a fertile, populous region wherein many of the remarkable

        events of Chinese history M’ere enacted. Loh-yang, near Honan,

        was the metropolis at three different intervals, and probably

        further researches here will bring to light many ancient relics; rock-cut temples and old inscriptions, with graceful bas-reliefs, near the natural gate of Lung-man, where the road crosses Sung slian, have already been seen. Owing to the direction of the roads leading through this region from the south and east, and the passes for travel towards the north-west, it will form a very important center of trade in the future of Central Asia and western China.

        The province of Iviangsu is named from the first syllable of the capital, Kiangning, joined to Su, part of the name of the richest city, Suchau. It lies along the sea-coast, in a northwesterly direction, having Shantung on the north, Xganhwnii on the west, and C’hehkiang on the south. The area is about 4:5,000 square miles, equaling Pennsylvania or a little less than England by it-self. It consists, with little interruption, of level tracts interspersed with lakes and marshes, through which How their two noble rivers, which as tliej are the source of the extraordinary fertility of this region, so also render it obnoxious to freshes, or cover the low portions with irreclaimable morasses.

        The region of Kiangnan is where the beauty and riches

        of China are most amply displayed ; ” and M-hether we considai*,”

        remarks Gutzlaff, speaking of this and the adjoining

        province, ” their agricultural resom-ces, their great manufactures,

        their various productions, their excellent situation on the

        banks of these t»vo large streams, their many canals and tributary

        rivers, these two provinces doubtless constitute the best

        territory of China.” The staple productions are grain, cotton,

        tea, silk, and rice, and most kinds of manufactures are here

        carried to the greatest perfection. The people have an exceptional

        reputation for intelligence and wit, and although the

        province has long ceased to possess a court, its cities still ])i’esent

        a ga^’er aspect, and are adorned W’ith better structures than

        any others in the empire. This province was the scene of the

        dreadful ravages of the Tai-ping rebellion, and large districts

        are still desolate, while their cities lie waste.

        Proljably no other country of equal extent is better watered

        than Kiangsu. The Great River, the Grand Canal, many

        smaller streams and canals, and a succession of lakes along the

        line of the canal, afford easy communication through everj’ part.

        The sea-coast has not been surveyed north of the Yangtsz’,

        where it is unapproachable in large vessels ; dykes have been

        constructed in some portions to prevent the in-flo\v of the

        ocean. The largest lake is the Ilungtsih, about two hundred

        miles in circumference. South of it lies Ivauyu Lake, and on

        the eastern side of the canal opposite is Pauying Lake, both of

        them broad sheets of water. Numerous small lakes lie around them. Tai hu, or ‘ Great Lake,’ lies partly in Jiangsu and partly in Zhejiang, and is the largest in the province. Its borders are skirted by romantic scenery, while its bosom is broken by numerous islets, affording convenient resort to the fishermen who get their subsistence from its waters.

        CITY OF NANKING. 10^

        Kiangning fu (better known abroad as Nanking), the capital

        of the province, is situated on the south sliore of tlie Yangtsz’,

        194 miles from Shanghai. It was the metropolis from a.d. 317

        to 582, and again for 35 years during the Ming dynasty (1368-

        1403). This city is the natural location of an imperial court,

        accessible by land and water from all cpiarters, and susceptible

        of sure defence. “When the Tai-pings were expelled in 1865,

        the city was nearly destroyed, and has since that date only

        slowly revived. When Hungwu made it his capital, he

        strengthened the wall around it, inclosing a great area, 35 miles

        in circuit, which was never fully covered with buildings, and at

        present has a most ruinous appearance. Davis remarks the

        striking resemblance between Home and Xanking, the area

        within the walls of both being partially inhabited, and ruins of

        buildings lying here and there among the cultivated fields, the

        melancholy remains of departed glory. Both of them, however,

        have now brighter prospects for the future.

        The part occupied by the Manchus is separated by a cross

        wall from the Chinese town. The great extent of the wall

        renders the defence of the city difficult, besides which it is

        overlooked from the hills on the east, from one of which, tlio

        Chung shan, a wide view of the surrounding country can be

        obtained. On this eastern face are three gates ; the land near

        the tM’o toward the river is marshy, and the gates are ap

        preached on stone causeys. A deep canal runs up from the

        river directly under the walls on the west, serving to strengthen

        the approaches on that side. Xanking is laid out in four

        rather wide and parallel avenues intersected by others of less

        width ; and though not so broad as those of Peking, are on the

        Mdiole clean, vrell-paved, and bordered Avith handsomely furnished

        shops.

        The only remarkable monuments of royalty which remain are

        several guardian statues situated not far from the walls. These

        statues form an avenue leading up to the sepulchre where the

        Emperor Hungwu was buried about 1398. They consist of

        gigantic figures like warriors cased in armor, standing on either

        side of the road, across which at intervals large stone tablets are

        extended, supported by great blocks of stone instead of pillars

        Situated at some distance arc a innnber of ]-ude colossal timires of horses, elephants, and other animals, all intended to repre eent the guardians of the mighty dead.’

        Nothing made Kanking more celebrated abroad than the

        Porcelain Tower, called Pao-nydn tah, or the ‘Recompensing

        Favor Monastery,’ which stood pre-eminent above all other

        similar buildings in China for its completeness and elegance,

        the material of which it was built, and the quantity of gikling

        with wliicli its interior was embellished. It was erected by

        Yungloh to recompense the great favor of her majesty the

        Empress, and occupied 19 years (1411-14:30) in its construction.

        It was maintained in good condition by the government, and

        three stories which had been thrown down by lightning in

        1801 were rebuilt. TheTai-pings blew it up and carried off the

        bricks in 1856, fearing lest its geomantic influences should work

        against the success of their cause. As to its dimensions : Its

        form was octagonal, divided into nine equal stories, the circumference

        of the lower story being 120 feet, decreasing gradually

        to the top. Its base rested upon a solid foundation of brickwork

        ten feet high, up which a flight of twelve steps led into

        the tower, whence a spiral staircase of 190 steps carried the

        visitor to the summit, 261 feet from the ground. The outer

        face was covered with slabs of glazed porcelain of various

        colors, principally green, red, yellow, and white, the body of

        the edifice being brick. At every story was a projecting roof,

        covered with green tiles ; from each corner and from the top of

        these roofs were suspended bells, numbering 150 in all.

        ‘ The curious reader can consult the article by Mayer, in Vol. XII. of the North China Jirnnch Royal Asiatic Societt/’s Journal, 1878, for the meaning of these various objects.

        ^ Five Years in China, Nashville, Tenn., 1860. See also Voyages of the Nemesis, pp. 450-452, for further details of this city in 1842 ; the Chinese Repository, Vols. I., p. 257, and XIII., p. 261, contain more details on the PagoJa

        PORCELAIl^ TOWEll OF NANKING. 103

        This beautiful structure was visited in 1852 by Dr. Charles Taylor, an American missionary, who has left a full account of his observations. It was to have been raised to an altitude of 329 feet and of thirteen stories, but only nine were built ; careful measurement gave 261 feet as its height, 8^ feet its thickness at top, and 12 feet at the base, wdiere it was 96 feet 10 inches in diameter. The facing was of bricks made of fine porcelain clay ; the prevailing color was green, owing to the predominance of the tiles on the nnnierous stories. The woodwork supporting these successive roofs was strong, curiously carved and richly painted. The many-colored tiles and bricks were highly glazed, giving the building a gay and beautiful appearance, that was greatly heightened when seen in the reflected sunlight.

        When new it had 140 lamps, most of them hanging outside; and a native writer says ” that when lighted they illumine the 33 heavens, and detect the good and evil among men, as well as forever ward off human miseries.” The destruction of a building like this, from mere fanciful ideas, goes far to explain the absence of all old or great edifices in China.

        Nanking has extensive manufactories of fiue satin and ci-upc, Nankeen cotton cloth, paper and ink of fine quality, and beautiful artificial flowers of pith paper. In distant parts of the empire, any article which is superior to the common run of workmanship, is said to be from Nanking, though the speaker means only that it was made in that region. It is renowned, too, for its scholars and literary character, and in this particular stands among the first places of learning in the country. It is the residence of the governor-general of three provinces, and consequently the centre of a large concourse of officials, educated men, and students seeking for promotion ; these, with its large libraries and bookstores, all indicating and assisting literary pursuits, combine to give it this distinguished position. In the monastery on Golden Island, near Chinkiang, a library was found by the English officers, but there was no haste in examining its contents, as they intended to have carried off the whole collection, had not peace prevented.

        The city of Suchau now exceeds Nanking in size and riches. It is situated on islands lying in the Ta hu, and from this sheet of water many streams and canals connect the city with most parts of the department. The walls are about ten miles in circumference; outside of them are four suburbs, one of which is said to extend ten miles, besides which there is an immense floating population. The whole space includes many canals and pools connected with the Grand Canal and the lake, and preeented in 1859 a scene of activity, industry, and riches whicieonJd not be surpassed elsewhere in China. The population probably then exceeded a million, including the suburbs. It lies north-west of Shanghai, the way passing through a continual range of villages and cities; the environs are highly cultivated, producing cotton, silk, rice, wheat, fruits, and vegetables. It was captured in 1860 by the rebels, and M’lien retaken in 1865 was nearly reduced to a heap of ruins. It is, however, rapidly reviving, as the loss of life was comparatively small.

        The Chinese regard this as one of their richest and most beautiful cities, and have a saying, ” that to be happy on earth, one must be born in Suchau, live in Canton, and die in Liauchau, for in the first are the handsomest people, in the second the most C(»8tly luxui-ies, and in the third the best coffins.”

        It has a high reputation for its Imildings, the elegance of its tombs, the picturesrpie scenery of its waters and gardens, the politeness and intelligence of its inhabitants, and the beauty of its women. Its manufactures of silk, linen, cotton, and works in iron, ivory, wood, horn, glass, lackered-ware, paper, and other articles, are the chief sources of its wealth and prosperity; the kinds of silk goods produced here surpass in variety and richness those woven in any other place. Vessels can proceed up to the city by several channels from the Yangzi jiang, but junks of large burden anchor at Shanghai, or Songjiang ; the whole country is so intersected by natural and artificial watercourses, that the people have hardly any need for roads and carts, but get about in barrows and sedans. Small steamers find their way to every large village at high tide.*

        THE CITIES OF SUCIIAU AND CIIIXKIANG. 105

        Chinkiang, situated at the junction of the Grand Canal with the Yangzi jiang, was captured by the British in July, 1842, at a great loss of life to its defenders ; the Manchu general Hailing, finding the city taken, seated himself in his office, and set fire to the house, making it his funeral pyre. Its position renders it the key of the country, in respect to the transport of produce, taxes and provisions for Peking, inasmuch as when the river and canal ai-e both blockaded, the supplies for the north and south are to a great extent intercepted. In times of peace the scenes at the junction afford a good e\hil)itinu of the Industry and trade of the people. BaiTow describes, in 1794, ” tlio multitude of ships of war, of burden and of pleasure, some glidin<^ down the stream, <^)thers sailing against it; some moving by oars, and others lying at anchor; the banks on either side covered with towns and houses as far as the eye could reach; as presenting a prospect more varied and cheerful than any that had hitherto occurred. Kor was the canal, on the opposite side, less lively. For two whole days we were contimially passing among fleets of vessels of different construction and dimensions.” ‘

        The country in the vicinity is well cultivated, moderately hilly, and presents a characteristic view of Chinese life and action. ” On the south-east, the hills broke into an undulating country clothed with verdure, and firs bordering upon small lakes. Beyond, stretched the vast river we had just ascended. In the other direction, the land in the foreground continued a low and swampy flat, leaving it difficult at a little distance to determine which of the serpentine channels was the main branch; there were imnnnerable sheets of water, separated by narrow mounds, so that the whole resembled a vast lake, intersected by causeways. Willows grew along their sides, and dwellings were erected on small patches somewhat higher than the common surface.” ” This whole country was the scene of dreadful fighting for many years. Between the Imperialists and Tai-pings the city was totally destroyed, so that in 1801 hardly a house was left. It is now roo-ainino- its natural trade and prosperity.

        Near the month of the Grand Canal is Kin shan, or Golden Island,’ a beautiful spot, covered with temples and monastic establishments. A pagoda crowns the summit, and there are many pavilions and halls, of various sizes and degrees of elegance, on its sides and at the base, many of them showing their imperial ownership by the yellow or green tiling. Since the river has been open to traffic, and the devastations of the Tai-pings have ceased, the priests have retui-ned in small munbers to their abodes, but the whole settlement is a pool mockery of its early splendor. A similar one, rather larger, is found at Siung shan, or Silv^er Island, below Chinkiang ; it is, however, on a less extensive scale, though in a beautiful situation.

        ‘ Travels in China. ‘^ Capt. G. G. Locli, Ecents in CMna, p. 74.^Mentioned by Marco Polo. Yule’s edition, Vol. II., p. 1<37.

        Priests are the only occupants; temples and palaces the principal buildings, surrounded by gardens and bowers. Massive granite terraces, decorated with huge stone monsters, are reached from the water by broad flights of steps; fine temples, placed to be seen, and yet shaded by trees, open pavilions, and secluded summer-houses, give it a delightful air of retreat and conifort, which a nearer inspection sadly disappoints.

        The banks of the Yangtsz’ during the 250 miles of its course through this province, are uniformly low, and no towns of importance occur close to them, as they would be exposed to the floods. The vast body of water, with its freight of millions of tons of silt goes on its way in a quiet equable current into the Yellow Sea. The dense population of the prefectures on the south bank, contrasted with the sparseness of the region between the Canal and seashore on the north side, indicate the comparative barrenness of the latter, and the difficulty of cultivating marshy lands so nearly level with the sea.

        SHANGHAI. 107

        The largest seaport in Jiangsu is Shanghai (i.e., Approaching the Sea), now become one of the leading emporia in Asia. It lies on the north shore of the Wusong River, about fourteen miles from its mouth, in lat. 31° 10′ N., and long. 121° 30′ E., at the junction of the Huangpu with it, and by means of both streams communicates with SuZhou, SongJiang, and other large cities on the Grand Canal ; while by the Yangzi’ it receives produce from Yunnan and Sichuan. In these respects its position resembles that of New Orleans.

        The town of Wusung is at the mouth of that river, here about a mile wide ; and two miles beyond lies the district town of Paushan. The wall of Shanghai is three miles in circuit, through which six gates open into extensive suburbs ; around the ramparts flows a ditch twenty feet wide. The city stands in a wide plain of extraordinary fertility, intersected by numerous streamlets, and aftoi-ding ample means of navigation and communication; its population is estimated to be at present over 500-000, but the data for this figure are rather imperfect. Since it was opened to foreign commerce in 1843, the growth of the town has been rapid in every element of prosperity, though subject to great vicissitudes by reason of the rebellion which devastated the adjoining country. Its capture by the insurgents in 1851, and their expulsion in February, 1853, with the destruction of the eastern and southern suburbs in 1800, have been its chief disasters since that date. The native trade has gradually passed from the unwieldy and unsafe junks which used to throng the Ilwang-pu east of the city, into steamers and foreign craft, and is now confined, so far as the vessels are concerned, to the inland and coast traffic in coarse, cheap articles.

        Shanghai city itself is a dirty place, and poorly built. The houses are mostly made of bluish square brick, imperfectly burned ; and the walls are constructed in a cellular manner by placing bricks on their edges, and covering them with stucco. The streets are about eight feet wide, paved with stone slabs, and in the daytime crowded with people. Silk and embroidery, cotton, and cotton goods, porcelain, ready-made clothes, beautiful skins and furs, bamboo pipes of every size, bamboo ornaments, pictures, bronzes, specimens of old porcelain, and other curiosities, to which the Chinese attach great value, attract the

        stranger’s notice. Articles of food form the most extensive

        trade of all ; and it is sometimes a difficult matter to get

        through the streets, owing to the iiwmense quantities of fish,

        pork, fruit, and vegetaUes, which crowd the stands in front of

        the shops. Dining-rooms, tea-houses, and bakers’ shops, are

        met with at every step, from the poor man who carries around

        his kitchen or bakehouse, altogether hardly worth a dollai-, to

        the most extensive tavern or tea-house, crowded with customers.

        ‘ Fortune’s Wanderings in China, p. 120.

        For a few cash, a Chinese can dine upon rice, fish, vegetables, and tea; nor does it matter much to him, whether his table is set in the streets or on the ground, in a house or on a deck, he makes himself merry with his chopsticks, and eats what is before him.’ The buildings composing the Cheng-huang miao, and the grounds attached to this establishment, present a good instance of Chinese style and taste in architecture. Large warehouses for storing goods, granaries, and temples, are common; but neither these, nor the public buildings, present any distinguishing features peculiar to this city alone.

        The contrast between the narrow, noisome and reeking parts of the native city, and the clean, spacious, well-shaded and well paved streets and large houses of the foreign municipalities, is like that seen in many cities in India. The Chinese are ready enough to enjoy and support the higher style of living, but they are not yet prepared to adopt and maintain similar improvements among themselves. The difficulty of being sure of the co-operation of the rulers in municipal improvements deters intelligent natives from initiating even the commonest sanitary enterprise of their foreign neighbors.

        The remaining cities and districts of Iviangsu present nothing worthy of special remark. The Grand Canal runs from north to south, and affords a safe and ample thoroughfare for multitudes of boats in its entire length. Tsing-kiang-pu and Ilwaingan, near the old Yellow River, receive the traffic from the north and Ilungtsih Lake, while Yangchau near the Yangtsz’ River, takes that going north. In this part of the channel, constant dyking has resulted in raising the banks ; the city of Ilwai-ngan, for example, lies below the canal which brings trade to its doors, and may one day be drowned by its benefactor. Salt is manufactured in the districts south of the Yellow River, where the people cultivate but rare patches of arable land.

        The island of Tsungming, at the mouth of the Yangtsz’, is about sixty miles long, and sixteen wide, containing over nine hundred square miles, and is gradually enlarging by the constant deposits from the river; it is flat, but contains fresh water. It is highly cultivated and populous, though some places on the northern side are so impregnated with salt, and others so marsh}’, as to be useless for raising food. This island produces a variety of kaoliang or sorghum (Holcus), which is sweet enough to furnish syrup, and is groMu for that purpose in the United States.

        POSITIOX AND TOWNS OF NGANIIWUI PllOVINCE, 109

        The pruvince of T^ganuwui was so named by condjining the rtrst words in its two large cities, Xgaiikiiig and llw uicliaii, and forms the south-western half of Kiangnan ; it is both larger and more uneven than Kiangsu, ranges of hills stretching along the southern portions, and between the River llwai and the Yangzi. It lies in the central and southern parts of the Plain, north of Kiangsi, west of Kiangsu and Chehkiang, and between them and IJonan and Ilupeh. Its productions and manufactures, the surface, cultivation of the country, and character of the people, are very similar to those of Kiangsu, but the cities are less celebrated. The terrible destruction of life in this province during the Tai-ping rule has only been partially remedied by immigration from other provinces ; it will require years of peace and industry to restore the prosperous days of Taokwang’s reign.

        The surface of the country is naturally divided into that portion which lies in the hilly regions around Ilwaichau and Ningkwoh connected with the Tsientang River, the central plain of the Yangtsz’ with its short affluents, and the northern portion which the River Ilwai drains. The southern districts are superior for climate, fertility, and value of their products to most parts of the Empire; and the numerous rivulets which irrigate and open their beautiful valleys to traffic with other districts, render them attractive to settlers. No expense has been spared in erecting and preserving the embankments along the streams, whose waters are thereby placed at the service of the farmers.

        The Great River passes through the south from south-west to north-east ; several small tributaries flow into it on both banks, one of which connects with Chao Hu, or Nest Lake, in Lu Zhou Fu, the principal sheet of water in the province. The largest section is drained by the River Huai and its branches, which flow into Hongze Lake ; most of these are navigable quite across to Ilonan. The productions comprise every kind of grain, vegetables, and fruit known in the Plain ; most of the green tea districts lie in the south-eastern parts, particularly in the Sunglo range of hills in ITwuichau prefecture. Silk, cotton, and hemp are also extensively raised ; but excepting iron, few metals are brought to market.

        The provincial capital, Xgaiikiiig or Anking, lies close to the northern shore of the Kiang. Davis describes the streets as very narrow, and the shops as unattractive ; the courts and gateways of many good dwelling-houses presented themselves as he passed along the streets. ” The palace of the governor we first took for a temple, but were soon undeceived by the inscriptions on the huge lanterns at the gateway. These official residences seldom display any magnificence. The pride of a Chinese officer of rank consists in his power and station, and as the display of mere wealth attracts little respect, it is neglected more than in any country of the world. The best shops that

        we saw were for the sale of horn lanterns and porcelaiu. They

        possess the art of softening horn by the application of a very

        high degree of moist heat, and extending it into thin laminse of

        any shape. These lamps are about as transparent as groundglass,

        and, M’hen ornamented with silken hangings, have an elegant

        appearance.” During the fifty years since his visit, this

        large city has been the sport of prosperous and adverse fortunes,

        and is now slowly recovering from its demolition during the

        Tai-ping rebellion. It is situated on rising ground near the base

        of a range of hills far in the north, the watershed of two basins.

        The banks of the river, between Kanking and Xganking, a

        distance of 300 miles, are well cultivated, and contain towns

        and villages at short intervals. The climate, the scenery, the

        bustle on the river near the towns, and the general aspect of

        peaceful thrift along this reach, makes it on ordinary occasions

        one of the bright scenes in China. AYuhu hien, about sixty

        miles above Xanking, lies near tlie mouth of the llwangchi, a

        stream connecting it with the back country, and making it the

        mart for much of that trade. It was next in importance to

        Chinkiang, but its sufferings between the rebels and imperialists

        nearly destroyed it. The revival in population and trade has

        been encouraging, and its former importance is sure to revive.

        Ilwuichau (or in Cantonese, Fychow) is celebrated, among

        other things, for its excellent ink and lackered-ware. Fung’

        yang (i.e., the Rising Phoenix), a town lying north-west of Thanking, on the River Huai, was intended, by Hongwu, the founder of the Ming dynasty, to have been the capital of the Empire instead of NanJing, and was thus named in anticipation of its future splendor.

        KIANGSf PROVINCE. Ill

        The province of IviAN<isi (/.<?., AVest of the River) lies south of Xganhwui and Ilupeh, between Chehkiaiig and Fuhkien on the east, and Ilunan on the west, reaching from the Yaugtsz’ to the Mei ling on the south. Its form is oblong, and its entire area is nuide up of the beautiful basin of the Kan kiang, including all the affluents and their minor valleys. The hilly portions form part of the remarkable series of mountainous ridges, which cover all south-eastern and southern China, an area of about 300,000 square miles, extending from Ningpo south-westerly to Annam. It is made up of ranges of short and moderate hills, cut up by a complicated net of water-courses, many of which present a succession of narrow defiles and gentle valleys with bottom lands from five to twelve miles wide. That part of this region in Kiangsi has an irregular watershed on the east, separating it from the Min basin, and a more definite divide on the west from Ilunan and its higher mountains. The province entire is a little larger than all New England, or twice the size of Portugal, but, in population, vastly exceeds those countries.

        The surface of the land is rugged, and the character of the inhabitants partakes in some respects of the roughness of their native hills. It is well watered and drained by the River Kan and its tributaries, most of which rise within the province; the main trunk empties into Poyang Lake by numerous mouths, whose silt has gradually made the country around it swampy. For many miles on its eastern and southern banks extends an almost uninhabitable marsh, presenting a dreary appearance. The soil, generally, is productive, and large quantities of rice, wheat, silk, cotton, indigo, tea, and sugar, are grown and exported. It shares, in some degree, the manufactures of the neighboring provinces, especially in Xankeen cloth, vast quantities of which are woven here, but excels them all in the quality and amount of its porcelain. The mountains produce camphor, varnish, oak, banian, fir, pine, and other trees ; those on the west are well wooded, but much of the timber has been carried away during the late rebellion, and left the hill-sides bare and profitless.

        Kancliang, the provincial capital, lies near the southern shore

        of the Poyang Lake ; the city walls are six miles in circuit, and

        accessible by water from all sides. The character of its population

        is not favorable among their countrymen, and owing to the

        difficulty of reaching it from the Yangtsz’, it escaped the ruin

        and rapine which befel Kiukiang. Small steamers can come

        up to its jetties, but as the tea and porcelain are shipped on the

        south-east side of the lake, Nanchang is not likely to become

        a large mart ; few of the cities above it can ever be reached l)y

        steamers. Barrow estimated that there were, independent of

        innumerable small craft, 100,000 tons of shipping lying before

        the place. The banks of the Kan kiang, near the lake, are flat,

        and not highly cultivated, but the scenery becomes more varied

        and agreeable the further one ascends the stream ; towns and

        villages constantly come in sight, and the cultivation, though

        not uiiiversal, is more extended. Among other sights on this

        river are the bamboo water-wheels, which are so built on the

        steep banksides, that the buckets lift their freight 20 or 25

        feet, and pour it out in a ceaseless stream over the fields. The

        flumes thrown out into the stieani to turn a stronger current on

        the wheel, often seriously interfere with navigation. Many

        pagodas are seen on eithei* bank of this water-course, some of

        them undoubtedly extremely old. As the voyager ascends the river, several large cities are passed, as Linkiang, Kih-ngan, Ivauchau, and Xan-ngan (all capitals of departments), besides numerous towns and villages; so that if the extent of this river and the area of the valley it drains be considered, it will probably bear comparison with that of any valley in the world for populousness, amount and variety of productions, and diligence of cultivation.

        Beyond Kihngan are the Shihpah tan, or ‘ Eighteen llapids,’ which are torrents formed by ledges of rocks running across the river, but not of such height or roughness as to seriously obstruct the navigation except at low water. The shores in their vicinage are exceedingly beautiful. The transparency of the stream, the bold I’ocks fringed with wood, and the varied forms of the mountains, call to mind those delightful streams that are discharged from the lakes and iioilh counties of England. The

        TOWNS AND PRODUCTIONS OF KIAN(iSI. 113

        hilly banks are in many places covered with the Camellia oleifera, whose white blossoms give them the appearance of snow, when the plant is in flower. Kanchan is the town where large boats are obliged to stop; but Nan-ngan is at the head of navigation, about three hundred miles from the lake, where all goods for the south are debarked to be carried across the Mei ling, or ‘ Plnm Pass.’

        Within the department of Janchan in Fanliang hien, east of Poyang Lake, are the celebrated porcelain manufactories of Ivingteh chin, named after an Emperor of the Sung dynasty, in whose reign, a.d. 1004, they were established. This mart still supplies all the fine porcelain used in the country, but was almost wholly destroyed during the rebellion, the kilns broken up, and the workmen dispersed to join the rebels or die from want. The million of workmen said to have been employed there thirty years ago are now only gradually resuming their operations, and slowly regaining their prosperity. The approach to the spot is announced by the smoke, and at night it appears like a town on fire, or a vast furnace emitting fiames from numerous vents, there. being, it is said, five hundred kilns constantly burning. Ivingteh chin stands on the river Chang in a plain flanked by high mountains, about forty miles north-east from Jauehau, through which its ware is distributed over the empire.

        Genius in China, as elsewhere, renders a place illustrious, and few spots are more celebrated than the vale of the white Deer in the Lii hills, near Kankang, on the west side of Lake Poyang, where Chu Hi, the great conniientator of Confucius, lived and taught, in the twelfth century. It is a secluded valley about seven miles from the city, situated in a nook by the side of a rivulet. The unpretending buildings are comprised in a number of different courts, evidently intended for use rather than show. In one of the halls, the White Deer is represented, and near by a tree is pointed out, said to have been planted by the philosopher’s own hand. This spot is a place of pilgrimage to Chinese literati at the present day, for his writings are prized by them next to their classics. The beauty and sublimity of this region arc lauded by Davis, and its praisea are frequent themes for poetical celebration among native scholars.”

        The maritime province of Ciiehkiang, the smallest of the eighteen, lies eastward of Kiangsi and ^N^ganhwui, and between Kiangsu and Fuhkein north and south, and derives its name from the river Cheh or ‘ Crooked,’ which runs across its southern part. Its area is 39,000 square miles, or nearly the same as Ohio; it lies south-east of the plain at the end of the Kan slian, and for fertility, numerous water-courses, rich and populous cities, variety of productions, and excellence of manufactures, is not at all inferior to the larger provinces. Baron Richthofen’s letter to the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce, July 25, 1871, contains a good account of its topography. The whole province produces cotton, silk, tea, rice, ground nuts, wheat, ‘indigo, vegetable tallow {stilUngia)^ and pulse, in abundance. It possesses within its limits every requisite for the food and clothing of its inhabitants, while the excellence of its manufactures insures it in exchange a supply of the luxuries of other regions.

        The rivers in Chehkiang rise in the province ; and, as might be inferred from the position of the hills, their course is generally short and the currents rapid. Fourteen principal streams are enumerated, of which the Tsientangis the most important.

        The main branch of this river rises in the southern districts in two head-waters, which join at Kiichau fu and run thence into Hangchau Bay. The bore which comes up into this river fifteen miles, as far as Hangchau, is the only one along the coast. As its wall of water approaches the city, the junks and boats prepare by turning their bows to meet it, and usually rise over its crest, G or 10 feet at times, without mishap.

        The basin of the Tsientang River measures nearly half of the province; by means of rafts and boats the people transport themselves and their produce for about 300 miles to its headwaters.

        ‘ Davis’s Sketches^ Vol. II., p. 55.

        NATURAL FEATURES OF CHEIIKIANG. 115

        The valley of Lanki is the largest of the bottom lands, 140 miles long and .5 to 15 wide, and passes north through a gorge 70 miles in length into the lower valley, where it receives the Sin-ngan River from the west in Xganhwui, and thus communicates with Tlwuichau at times of higli water. It is just fitted for the rafting navigation of the region, and by means of its tortuous channels each one of the 29 districts in its entire basin can be readied by water.

        The forest and fruit trees of Chehkiang comprise almost

        every vahiable species known in the eastern provinces. The

        larch, elcococcus, camphor, tallow, fir, mulberry, varnish, and

        others, are common, and prove sources of wealth in their timber

        and products. The climate is most salubrious ; the grains,

        vegetables, animals, and fishes, furnish food ; while its beautiful

        manufactures of silk are unrivalled in the world, and have found

        their way to all lands. Hemp, lackered- and bamboo-wares,

        tea, crockery, paper, ink, and other articles, are also exported.

        The inhabitants emulate those in the neighboring regions for

        wealth, learning, and refinements, with the exception of the

        hilly districts in the south bordering on Kiangsi and Fuhkien.

        The dwellers of these upland valleys are shut out by position

        and inclination, so that they form a singularly clannish race.

        Their dialects are peculiar and very limited in range, and each

        group of villagers suspects and shuns the others. They are sometimes rather turbulent, and in some parts the cultivation of the mountain lands is interdicted, and a line of military posts extends around them in the three provinces, in order to prevent the people from settling in their limits; though the interdiction does not forbid cutting the timber growing there.’

        HangZhou, the capital of the province, lies in the northern part, less than a mile from the Qiantang. The velocity of this stream indicates a rapid descent of the country towards the ocean, but it discharges very little silt ; the tide rises six or seven feet opposite the city, and nearly thirty at the mouth.

        >See Chinese Repository, Vol. FV., p. 488; Journal of N. C. Br. R. A. Society,Vol. VI., pp. 123-128; and Chinese Recorder, Vol. I., 1869, pp. 241-248. These people are relies of tribes of Miaotsz’.

        Only a moiety of the inhabitants reside within the walls of the city, the suburbs and the waters around them supporting a large population. A portion of the space in the north-western part is walled off for the accommodation of the Manchu garri-si)]i, which consists of 7,000 troops. The governor-general of Chehkiang and Fulikien has an official house here, as well, also, as the governor of the province, but since the increased importance of Fuhchan. he seldom resides in this city; these, with their courts and troops, in addition to the great trade passing through, render it one of the richest and most important cities in the empire. The position is the most picturesque of any of the numerous localities selected by the Chinese for their capital. It lies in full view of the ocean, and from the hill-top in the center a wide view of the plains south and east is obtained.

        ‘ Yule’s Marco Poh, Vol. IT., p. 145.

        IIANGCIIAU AND ITS ENVIKOISrS. 117

        The charming lake, Si Ilu, and the numerous houses on its shores, with the varied scenery of the hills, copses, glades, and river banks, all highly cultivated, within a radius of ten miles, fidly bear out the praises of the Chinese as to i’ts singular beauty. Marco Polo lavishes all his admiration upon its size, riches, manufactures, and government, from which it is to be inferred that it suffered little in the Mongolian conquest. He visited the place when governor of Yangchau in 1286, and enthusiastically describes it as ” beyond dispute the finest and the noblest in the world.” ‘ The Chinese have a proverb—-t^Ar^;?^yu. tlen tang : Hia ya Sa Hang—the purport of which is that Ilangchau and Suchau are fully equal to paradise ; but the comparison of the Venetian traveler gives one a poorer idea of the European cities of his day, than it does of the magnificence of the Chinese, to those who have seen them. The streets are well-paved, ornamented with numerous honorary tablets erected to the memoiy of distinguished individuals, and agreeably interrupting the passage through them. The long main street extending along the Grand Canal into and through the city, thence out by the Tsientang, was, before its ruthless demolition by the Tai-pings in 1S63, probably one of the finest streets in t’^? whole Empire. The shops and warehouses, in point of size and stock of goods contained in them, might vie with the best in London. In population, luxury, wealth, and influence this city rivals Suchau, and for excellence of manufactures probably exceeds the latter place. Were Ilangchau easily reached bji sea, and had it ample harbors, it would engross the trade of the eastern coast; but furious tides (running sometimes 11^ knots an hour) ; the bore jeoparding passage-boats and other small crafts ; sand banks and quick sands ;—these present insuperable difficulties to the commerce by the ocean.

        This city was the metropolis of the country during the nine latter princes of the Sung dynasty (1129 to 1280), when the northern parts were under dominion of the tribe of Kin Tartars. One cause of celebrity is found in the beauty of its environs, especially those near the Si llu, or West Lake, an irregular sheet of water about 12 miles in circuit. Barrow observes that ” the natural and artificial beauties of this lake far exceeded anything we had hitherto had an opportunity of seeing in China. The mountains surrounding it were lofty, and broken into a variety of forms that were highly picturesque ; and the valleys were richly clothed with trees of different kinds, among which three species were remarkably striking, not only by their intrinsic beauty, but also by the contrast they formed with themselves and the rest of the trees of the forest. These were the camphor and tallow trees, and the arl)or vitse. The bright, shining green foliage of the first, mhigled with the purple leaves of the second, and over-topped by the stately tree of life, of the deepest green, produced a pleasing effect to the eye ; and the landscape was rendered still more interesting to the mind by the very singular and diversified appearance of several thousand repositories of the dead upon the sloping sides of the inferior hills. Here, as well as elsewhere, the sombre and upright cypress was destined to be the melancholy companion of the tombs.

        ” Higher still, among the woods, avenues had been opened to admit of rows of small blue houses, exposed on white colonnades, which, on examination, were also found to be mansions of the dead. Xaked coffins, of extraordinary thickness, were everywhere Iving on the surface of the OTOund. The maro-ins of the lake w^ere studded with light aerial buildings, among W’hich one of more solidity and greater extent than the rest was said to belong to the emperor. The grounds were inclosed with brick walls, and mostly planted with vegetables and fruit trees; but in some there appeared to be collections of such shrubs and tiowers as are most esteemed in the country.” ‘

        Staunton speaks of the lake as a beautiful sheet of water, perfectly pellucid, full of fish, in most places shallow, and ornamented with a great number of light and fanciful stone bridges, thrown across the arms of the lake as it runs up into the hills.

        A stone tower on the summit of a projecting headland attracted attention, from its presenting a different architecture from that usually seen in Chinese buildings. This tower, called the Lui Fung t<(h, lit. ‘Tower of the Thunder Peak’ (not Thundering Wind, as Staunton renders it), from the hill being at first owned by Mr. Lui, was built about a.d. 050, and is to-day a solid structure, though much ruined. It has now four stories, and is about 120 feet high ; something like a regular order is still discernible in the moldering cornices. The legend of the White Snake is associated with this structure, and people constantly cany away pieces of its bricks as charms.

        An interesting corroboration of this account is given by Polo, who says, ” Inside the city there is a lake which has a compass of some 30 miles ; and all around it are erected beautiful palaces and mansions, of the richest and most exquisite structure that you can imagine, belonging to the nobles of the city. There are also on its shores many abbeys and churches of the idolaters. In the middle of the lake are two islands, on each of which stands a rich, beautiful and spacious edifice, furnished in such a style as to seem fit for the palace of an emperor. And when any one of the citizens desired to hold a marriage feast, or to give any other entertainment, it used to be done at one of these palaces.” ‘^

        • Travels ih China, p. 522. ‘^ Yule’s Murco Poh, Vol. II., p. 146.

        DESCRIPTION OF HANGZHOU. 119

        The splendor and size of the numerous Buddhist temples in and around HangZhou attracted travelers to the city more even than (lid its position; these shrines have, however, all been destroyed, and their thousands of priests driven away; the Taipings left no Iniilding untouched. The Yoh Miao stands near the north-west corner of the Si IIu, and contains the tombs of the patriot general ^’oh Pi of the Sung dynasty (a.d. 1125), and his son, who were unjustly executed as traitors. Two conical

        mounds mark their resting places, and separated bj a wall, but

        inside the inclosnre are four iron statues cast in a kneeling posture

        and loaded with chains,—on his right Qin Hui and his wife, on the left a judge and general, who subserved Qin Hui’s hatred of Yue Fei by their flagitious conduct. All four are here doing homage and penance to this just man whom they killed, and by the obloquy they receive serve as a warning to other traitors. In a temple, called Tmg-tHz’ s.z\ not far from the city, ths party of the Dutch embassy were well lodged, and attended by three hundred priests. The establishment was in good repair, and besides two guardian monsters more than thirty feet high, near the entrance, contained five hundred images of the Buddhist Arhans, with miniature pagodas of bronze, of beautiful workmanship.

        Ilangchau is better known abroad for manufactures of silk than for any other fabrics, but its position at the termination of the Canal may perhaps give its name to ujany articles which are not actually made there, for lluchau is now a greater depot for raw and woven silks. In the northern suburbs lies an irregular basin, forming the southern extremity of the Canal ; but between the river and the basin there is no communication, so that all goods brought hither nnist be landed. The city contains, among other public buildings, a mosque, bearing an iugcription in Arabic, stating that it is a ” temple for Mussnlmen, when travelling, who wish to consult the Koran,” ‘ It is higher than the adjacent buildings, and adorned with a cupola, pierced with holes at short intervals. It was spared in 1803, as not being an idolatrous temple. There are also several others in the city, it being a stronghold of Islamism in China. “Water communication exists between Ilangchau and Yiiyau, south-east through Shauhing, and thence to Ningbo, by means of which goods find their way to and from the capital. A good road also runs between the two former cities; indeed, elsewhere in the province the thoroughfares are very creditable; they are laid with broad slabs of granite and limestone, and lead over plains and hills in numberless directions.

        ‘ De Guigiies, Voyages a Peking, Vol. II., pp. 65-77.

        Ningbo fu (‘Peaceful AVave city*) is the next important city in Zhejiang, in consequence of its foreign relations. It is adniiiably situated for trade and intluence, at the junction of three streams, in hit. 20° 55′ ^”., and long. 121° 22’ E. ; the united river flows on to the ocean, eleven and a half miles distant, under the name of the Tatsieh. Opposite the city itself, there are but two streams, but the southern branch again subdivides a few miles south-west of Ningbo. Its population has been variously estimated from one-fourth to one-third of a million, and even more, including the subin-ban and floating inhabitants.

        This place was called Klng-yuen by the Sung, and received its present name from the Mongols. It was captured in 1862 by the insurgents, who were deterred from destroying it by the presence of foreign men-of-war ; the prosperity of the mart has since increased. When foreigners first resorted to China for trade, Ningbo soon became a centre of silk and other kinds of commodities; the Portuguese settled there, calling it Z/rt>/(^>o, “which is the same name. It is, moreover, an ancient city, and its Annals afford full information upon every point interesting to a Chinese antiquarian, though a foreigner soon tires of the numy insignificant details mixed up with a few valuable statements.’

        ‘ Compare R. M. Martin’s CJiiiui (Vol. II., ]>. 304), who gives considerable miscellaneous information about the open ports, jtrevious to 184(5; also Dennys’ Treaty Porta of (Jhiiut, 18(57, pp. ;52(5-:54!) ; Richthol’en’s Letlerx, No. T), 1871 ; Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p. 181 ; Mistsioaarij Recorder, 18(59, pp. 15(5,177.NINGPO. 121

        ” The plain in which Xingpo lies is a magnificent amphitheatre, stretching away from twelve to eighteen miles on one side to the base of the distant hills, and on the other to the verge of the ocean. As the eye travels along, it catches many a pleasing object. Turn landward, it will see canals and water-courses, fields and snug farm-houses, smiling cottages, family residences, hamlets and villages, family tombs, monasteries and temples. Turn in the opposite direction, and you perceive a plain country descending toward the ocean; but the river alive with all kinds of boats, and the banks studded with ice-houses, most of all attract the attention. From without the city, and while still

        Upon the ramparts, look within its walls, you. will be no less gratified. Here there is nothing European, little to remind you ut’ what you have seen in the west. The single-storied and the double-storied houses, the heavy prison-like family mansions, the family vaults and graveyards, the glittering roofs of the temples, the dilapidated official residences, the deserted literary and examination halls, and the prominent sombre Tower of Ningpo, are entirely Chinese. The attention is also arrested for a moment or two by ditches, canals, and reservoirs of water, with their wooden bridges and stone arches.” ‘ Two serious drawbacks to a residence here are the stifling heat of summer and the bad equality of the water.

        The circumference of the walls is nearly five miles ; they are

        about twenty-five feet high, fifteen feet wide at the top, and

        twenty-two at the base, built solidly, though somewhat dilapidated,

        and overgrown with grass. A deep moat partly surrounds

        them ; conimencing at the North gate, it runs on the west, south,

        and south-east side as far as Bridge gate, a distance of nearly

        thi’ee miles, and is in some places forty yards wide. Its constant

        use as a thoroughfare for boats insures its repair and proper

        depth ; the other faces of the city are defended by the river.

        There are six gates, and two sally-ports near the south and west

        approaches intended for the passage of the boats that ply on the

        city canals.

        On the east is Bridge gate, within which, and near the walls,

        the English factory was once situated. This opening leads out

        to the floating bridge ; the latter structure is two hundred yards

        long and five broad, made of planks firmly lashed, and laid

        upon sixteen lighters closely linked and chained together, but

        which can be opened. A busy market is held on the bridge,

        and the visitor following the lively crowd finds his way to an

        extensive suburb on the opposite side. Ferry boats ply across

        both streams in vast numbers, adding greatly to the vivacity of

        the scene. The custom-house is situated beyond the bridge,

        and this eastern suburb contains several buildings of a religious

        ‘ Milne, in Chinese Bepositorp, “Vol. XIII. , p. 22, and in liis Life in China, part second. London, 1857.

        :ind public cliaracter, lumber-yards, dock-yards, and rows of icelionses, inviting the notice of the traveler. The environs beyond the north gate are not so thickly settled as those across the rivers ; the well cultivated fields, divided and irrigated by numerous water-courses, with scattered hamlets, beguile the visitor in his rambles, and lead him onward.

        There are numerous temples and monasteries, and a large variety of assembly-halls, governmental offices, and educational establishments, but none of these edifices are remarkable in an architectural point of view. The assembly-halls or club-houses are numerous, and in their internal arrangements form a cm-ious feature of native society. It is the practice among residents or merchants from other provinces, to subscribe and erect on the spot where they are engaged in business, a temple, dedicated to the patron deity of their native province, in which a few priests are supported, and plays acted in its honor. Sometimes the building is put in charge of a layman, called a ” master of ceremonies,” and the cun-ent expenses defrayed by subscription.

        The club-houses are places of resort for travellers from the several provinces or districts, and answer, moreover, to European coffee-houses, in being points where news from abroad is heard and exchanged.

        The streets are well paved, and interrupted here and there

        by honorary portals of considei*able size and solidity, which also

        give variety to an otherwise dull succession of shops and signboards,

        or dead walls. Two small lagoons afford space for

        some aquatic amusements to the citizens. One called Sun Lake

        is only a thousand yards in circuit ; the other, called Moon

        Lake, is near the AVest gate, and has three times its perimeter.

        ]3oth are supplied by sluices passing through the city gates,

        while many canals are filled from them, which aid in irrigating

        the suburbs. Some of the pleasantest residences of the city are

        built on their banks.

        NINGPO, CHI.HIIAI, AND THE ARCHIPELAGO. 12B

        Among interesting edifices is the Tien-fung tah {i.e., Heavenconferred pagoda), a hexagonal seven-storied tower upward of 100 feet high, which, according to the Aanah of Ningbo, was first erected 1100 years ago, though during that period it has been destroyed and rebuilt several times. Upon the authority of this work, the tower was constructed before the city itself, and its })reservation is considered as connected with the good hick of the place. The visitor mounts to the summit by a flight of narrow stone steps, ascending spirally within the walls.

        The most elegant and solid building of the city lies on the water’s edge outside the walls, between the East and Bridge gates ; it is a temple dedicated to the marine goddess Ma Tsupu, and was founded by Fuhkien men in the 12th century, but the present structure was erected in IGSO, and largely endowed.

        Its ornaments are elaborate and rich, and its appearance on festival days, gay and animated in an unusual degree. The lanterns and scrolls hanging from the ceiling attract attention by the curious devices and beautiful characters written and drawn on them in bright colors, while the walls are concealed by innumerable drawings.

        Chinhai, at the mouth of the river, is so situated by nature and fortified by art, that it commands the passage. Its environs were the scene of a severe engagement between the Chinese and English in October, 1841, on which occasion great slaughter was committed npon the imperial troops. The town lies at the foot of a hill on a tongue of laud on the northern bank of the river, and is partly sheltei-ed from the sea on the north by a dyke about three miles long, composed of large blocks of hewn granite, and proving an admirable defence in severe weather. The walls are twenty feet high and three miles in circumference, but the suburbs extend along the water, attracted by, and for the convenience of, the shipping. Merchant ships report here when proceeding up the river, along whose banks the scenery is diversified, wdiile the water, as usual in China, presents a lively scene. Numerous ice-houses are seen constructed of thick stone walls twelve feet high, each having a door on one side and an incline on the other for the removal and introduction of the ice, and protected by straw and a heavily thatched roof.

        The Chusan archipelago forms a single district of which Tinghai is the capital ; it is divided into thirty-four chwang or townships, whose officers are responsible to the district magistrate.

        The southern limit of the group is Quesan or the Iviu shan islands, in lat. 29° 21′ X., and long. 121° 10′ E., consist ing of eleven islets, the nortlierninost of which is False Saddle Island ; their total number is over a hundred. Tinghai city lies on the southern side of Chau shan or Boat Island, which gives its name on foreign maps to the whole group. It is twenty miles long, from six to ten wide, and fifty one and a half in circumference. The archipelago seems to be the highest portion of a vast submarine plain, geologically comiected with the Kan shan range on the Continent and the mountains in Kiusiu and Nippon; it is a pi\’ot for the changes in weather and temperature observed north and south of this point along the coast.

        The general aspect of these islands and the mainland, is the same beautiful alternation of hills and narrow valleys, everywhere fertile and easily irrigated, with peaks, cascades, and woodlands interspersed. In Chusan itself the fertile and well watered valleys usnally reach to the sea, and are furnished with dykes along the beach, which convert them into plains of greater or less extent, through which run canals, used both for irrigation and navigation. Rice and barley, beans, yams, sweet potatoes, etc., are grown ; every spot of arable soil being cultivated, and terraces constructed on most of the slopes. The view from the tops of the ridges, looking athwart them, or adown their valleys, or to seaward, is highly picturesque. The prevailing rocks belong to the ancient volcanic class, comprising many varieties, but principally clay-stone, trachj^te, and compact and porphyritic felspar. The brief occupation of this island by the British forces in 1841 led to no permanent improvement in the condition of the people, and it has neither trade nor minerals sufficient to attract capital thither. Owing in part, perhaps, to this poverty, Tinghai escaped the ravages of the Tai-pings, and has now recovered from the damage sustained by its first capture.

        PUTO ISLAND AND ITS TEMPLES. 125

        Puto and a few smaller islands are independent of civil jurisdiction, being ruled by the abbot of the head monastery. This establishment, and that on Golden Island in the Yangtsz’ are among the ‘ richest and best patronized of all the bhiddhist monasteries in China ; both of them have been largely favored by emperors at diffirent periods.

        Puto is a narrow islet, 3^ miles long, and lies 1^ miles from the eastern point of Cliusan. Its surface is covered with sixty monasteries, pavilions, temples, and other religious buildings, besides grottos and sundry monuments of superstition, in which at least 2,000 idle priests chant the praises of their gods. One visitor describes his landing and ascending ” a broad and well beaten pathway which led to the top of one of the hills, at every: 5rag and turn of which we encountered a temple or a grotto, an inscription or an image, with here and there a garden tastefully laid out, and walks lined with aromatic shrubs, which diffused a grateful fragrance through the air. The prospect from these heights was extremely delightful; numerous islands, far and near, bestudded the main, rocks and precipices above and below, here and there a mountain monastery rearing its head, and in the valley the great temple, with its yellow tiles indicative of imperial distinction, basked like a basilisk in the noonday-sun. All the aid that could be collected from nature and from Chinese art, was here concentrated to render the scene enchanting. But to the eye of the Christian philanthropist it presented a melancholy picture of moral and spiritual death. The only tliuig we heard out of the mouths of the

        priests was Ometo Full ; to every observation that was made,

        re-echoed Ometo Full ; and the reply to every inquiry was

        Ometo Full. Each pi-iest was furnished with a rosary which

        lie was constantly counting, and as he counted repeated the

        same senseless, monotonous exclamation. These characters met

        the eye at every turn of the road, at every corner of the temples,

        and on every scrap of paper; on the bells, on the gateways,

        and on the walls, the same words presented themselves; indeed the whole island seemed to be under the spell of this talismanic phrase, and devoted to recording and re-echoing Ometo Full.” ‘ The pristine glory of these temples has become sadly dimmed, many of the buildings present marks of decay, and some of the priesthood are obliged to resort to honest labor in order to gain a living. Deaths in their number are supplied by purchasing youths, who are taught nothing but re-‘ Mcdhurst’s China, its State and Prospects, p. 393.

        Jigious literature, a tit training to stunt their minds to pursue the dull niunnuery of singing Onieto Full. The two inipeiial temples present good specimens of Chinese architecture ; but they as well as all other things to be seen at Puto are dilapidated and effete.

        Temples were erected on this island as early as a.d. 550, and since it became a resort for priests it seems to have enjoyed the patronage of the government. The goddess of Mercy is said to have visited this spot, and her image is the principal object of worship. No females are allowed to live on the island, nor any persons other than the priests, unless in their employ. The revenues are derived from rent of the lands belong-ino; to the temples, from the collection of those priests who go on begging excursions over the Empire, and from the alms of pilgrims who resort to this agreeable locality. It appears like one of the most beautiful spots on the earth when the ti’aveller lands, just such a place as his imagination had pictured as exclusively belonging to the sunny East, and so far as nature and art can combine, it is really so : but liere the illusion ends. Idleness and ignorance celibacy and idolatr}-, vice, dirt, and dilapidation, in the inmate! or in their habitations, form a poor back-ground for the well dressed connnunity, and gay, variegated prospect seen when stepping ashore.

        A town of considerable importance in this province is Chapu,

        about fifty miles north-west from Chinhai, across Ilangchau

        Pay, and connected with that city through a luxuriant plain by

        a well-paved causeway about thirty miles long. Chapu was the

        port of Ilangchau, and when it possessed the entii-e trade with

        Japan, boasted of being the largest mai’t on the seacoast of Chehkiang.

        The town lies at the bottom of a bay on the westei’n

        face of some hills fc)rming its eastern point ; and at low tide

        the mud extends a long way from the lowland. The suburbs

        are situated near a small headland ; the walled town stands

        about half a mile ])ehin(l. When attacked by the British in

        !^^ay, ]S42, the walls were found in ])()or condition, but the

        Manchu garrison stationed here upheld their ancient reputation

        for bravery. This body of troops occupies a separate division

        of the city, and their cantonment is j)lanned on the model of a

        CHAPU AND CAN FIT. 127

        camp. The outer defences are numerous, but most of tlie old

        fortifications are considerably decayed. The country in tlu;

        vicinity is highly cultivated, and possesses an unusual number

        of finely constructed, substantial houses.

        South-west from Chapu lies the old town of Canfu (called

        Kanpu by the Chinese), which was once the port of Ilangchau,

        but now deserted, since the stream on which it is situated has

        become choked with sand. This place is mentioned in the voyages

        of two Arabian travellers in the ninth century, as the chief

        port of China, where all shipping centred. The narrow entrance

        between Buffalo Island and Ivitto Point is probably the

        Gates of China mentioned by them ; and Marco Polo, in 1290,

        says, ” The Ocean Sea comes within 25 miles of the city at a

        place called Ganfu, where there is a town and an excellent

        haven, with a vast amount of shipping which is engaged in the

        traffic to and from India and other foreign parts. . . . And a

        great river flows from the city of Kinsay to that sea-haven, l)y

        which vessels can come up to the city itself.” ‘ Marsden erroneously

        supposes Kanpu to be Xingpo, If this was in fact the

        only port allowed to be opened for foreign trade, it shows that,

        even in the Tang dynasty, the same system of exclusion was

        maintained that has so recently been broken up ; though at that

        date the Emperors in Shansi had very little authority along the

        southern coasts. The changes in the Bay of Ilangchau have

        been more potent causes for the loss of trade, and Yule reasonably

        concludes that the upper part of it is believed to cover now

        the old site in Polo’s time.

        ‘ Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p. 149. Cathay and the Way Thither, p.cxciii. Reinaud, Relations den Voyages faits par les Arabea dans VTnde et d la Chine, etc. (Paris, 1845), Tome I., p. 19.

        The province of Fujian (i.e. Happily Established) is bounded on the north by Zhejiang, north-west and west by Iviangsf, south-west by Ivwangtung, and east by the channel of Formosa. Its western borders are determined, for the most part, by the watershed of the basins of the rivers Min and Kan; a rugged and fertile region of the Xan shan. The line of seacoast is bold, and bordered with a great number of islands, whose lofty granitic or trappean peaks extend in precipitous,

        Larreu headlands from Xaiiioli as far as tlie Cliusan archipelago.

        Ill the general features of its surface, the islands on its

        coasts, and its position with reference to the ocean, it resembles

        the region lying east of Xew Hampshire in the United States ;

        including Formosa, it about equals Missouri in size.

        The Itiver Min is formed by the union of three large streams

        at Yenping fu ; it drains all the country lying east of the AVu-i

        (Bohea) hills, or about three-fourths of the province. It is

        more than three hundred miles long, and owing to its regular

        depth, is one of the most useful streams in China ; twenty-seven

        walled towns stand on its banks. The tide rises eighteen or

        twenty feet at the entrance, and this, with the many islands and

        reefs, renders the approach difficult. At Min-ngan hien, about

        fourteen miles from the mouth, the stream is contracted to less

        than half a mile for about three miles, the water being from

        twelve to twenty-five fathoms deep ; the hills on each side rise

        from fifteen hundred to two thousand feet. One traveller speaks

        of the walls of its forts and batteries, in this part, as affording

        a sort of stairs for the more convenient ascent of the hills on

        which they are situated. From the top, ” the view embraces a

        beautiful scene ; nothing can be more picturesque than the little

        plats of wheat and barley intermixing their yellow crops on the

        acclivities with bristling pines and arid rocks, and crowned with

        garden spots, or surrounded with rice fields and orchards of

        oranges. The valley of the Min, viewed from the summit of

        the fortress, is truly a beautiful sight.” ‘ The scenery on this

        river, though of a different character, will bear comparison with

        that of the Hudson for sublimity and beauty ; the hills are,

        however, much higher, and the country less fruitful, on the

        Min.

        * Borget, L(i Chine Ouverte, p. 13G.

        AVATKll-COUllSES OF FUIIKIEN ri:()VIX(n<:. 129

        Beyond Pagoda Anchorage the passage is too shallow for large vessels, and this obstacle tends to prevent Fuhchau from becoming a place of commerce in keeping with its size and geographical advantages. From the city upwards the river is partially obstructed with rocks and banks, rendering the navigation troublesome as far as Mintsing hien, about thirty miles above it, beyond which the strong rapids render the passageto Yenping extremely tedious,—in high water impossible even with trackers. The banks are steep, and the tow-rope is sometimes taken 50 to 70 feet above the water.

        Mr. Stevens says of this river, that ” bold, high, and romantic

        hills giA^e a uniform yet ever varying aspect to the country ;

        l)ut it partakes so much of the mountainous character, that it

        may be truly said that beyond the capital we saw not one plain

        even of small extent. Every hill was covered with verdure

        from the base to the summit. The less rugged were laid out in

        terraces, rising above each other sometimes to the number of

        thirty or forty. On these the yellow barley and wheat were

        waving over our heads. Here and there a laborer, with a bundle

        of grain which he had reaped, was bringing it down on his

        shoulder to thrash out. Orange, lemon, and mulberry, or other

        trees, sometimes shaded a narrow strip along the banks, half

        concealing the cottages of the inhabitants.” ‘

        Next in size is the Lung kiang, which flows by Changchau, and disembogues near Amoy after a course of two hundred miles. A large number of small islands lie on the coast of Fuhkien, the first of which, on the west, is Naraoh or ]^an-au, about thirteen miles long. Amoy and Quemoy are the largest islands of a group lying off the estuary of the Lung kiang.

        Chimmo Bay is north-east of Amoy, and is the entrance of the passage up to Chinchew, or Tsiuenchau fu, the Zayton * of Marco Polo, and still celebrated for the commercial enterprise of its inhabitants. Before the introduction of steamers into the oasting trade, the harbors and creeks along the provinces of Fuhkien and Kwangtung were infested with numerous fleets of pirates, which used to ” sneak about like rats,” and prey upon the peaceful traders.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. IV., p. 93.’Yule’s Mnrco Poh, Vol. II., pp. 183-185, etc. A Turkish geography,printed at Constantinople, describes this port under the name of Zeitouii.Compare Klaproth, Memoires sur VAsie, Tome II., p. 208. See further,CJdnese Recoider, Vol. III., p. 87; Vol. IV., p. 77; Vol. V., p. 327, and Vol VI., p. 31, sqq.Vol. I.—9

        The grain raised in Fujian is hardly enough to support its population, especially on the sea-board, and large quantities of rice are brought from Siani, Formosa, and elsewhere. Black tea, camphor and other woods, sugar, chinaware, and grass cloth, are the principal exports.

        The city of Fuzhou(i.e., Happy City), or Ilokchiu, as it is called by the inhabitants, lies in lat. 26° 5′ north, and long. 119° 20′ east, on the northern side of the Min, thirty -four miles from its mouth, and nine from Pagoda Island. The city lies in a plain, surrounded by hills, forming a natural and most magnificent amphitheatre of vast dimensions, whose fertility emulates and adds to its beauty. Suburbs extend from the walls three miles to the banks, and stretch along on both sides the stream.

        They are connected with each other, and a small islet in the

        river, by a stone bridge built in the eleventh century. The

        scenery is bold, and such parts of the surrounding hills as are not

        cultivated or used for graves, are covered with pines ; some of

        the hills north of the city are three thousand feet high. Opposite

        Fuhchau the land is lower, and the suburb is built upon an

        island formed by the division of the main channel, seven miles

        above the city ; the branches reunite at Pagoda Island. This

        island, and the plain on each side, forms a large basin, about

        twenty miles long by fifteen wide. The river is crowded with

        floating habitations, ferry-boats, and trading craft, rendering its

        surface an animated and noisy scene. The flowers grown in

        pots on the boats, and those usually worn by the boatwomen in

        their hair, all assist in imparting a pleasing aspect to the lively sight.

        The city walls ai-e about thirty feet high and twelve wide at the top. The gates, seven in number, are overlooked by high towers ; smaller guard-houses stand upon the walls at short intervals, in which a few soldiers lodge, and where two or three cannon indicate their object. The city is divided into wards and neighborhoods, each of which is under its own police and headmen, who are resjxnisible for the peace of their respective districts.

        APPEARANCE OF FUHCIIAU. 131

        From the Wu-shih slum, an eminence on the south of the city, the view is extensive, and presents a great diversity of charming objects. The square battlements of the wall are seen extending in a devious and irregular circuit for more than eight miles, and inclosing most of the buildings, except on the south.

        On the south-east, a hill rises abruptly more than two hundred feet, its sides built up with interspersed dwellings ; and another on the extreme north of the cit}’, surmounted by a “watch-tower,

        closes the prospect in that dii-ection. Two pagodas within, and

        fantastic looking watch-towers upon the walls, large, regularbuilt

        granaries, and a vast number of flag-staffs in pairs indicating

        temples and offices, contribute to relieve the otherwise dull

        monotony, which is still further diversified by many large trees.

        Several lookout houses are placed over the streets, or upon the

        roofs of buildings, for the accommodation of watchmen, one of

        M’hich immediately attracts the attention of the visitor, from

        its height, and its clock-dial with Koman letters. Few vacant

        spaces occur within the walls of the city, which is everywhere

        equally well built.

        Serpentine canals divide the country round about into plats of greater or less extent, of every form and hue ; while they help drain the city and provide channels for boats coming from the river. These parts of the landscape are dotted with hamlets and cottages, or, where the ground is higher, with graves and tombstones. To one seated on this eminence, the confused hum of mingling cries ascending from the town below,—the beating of gongs, crackling of fireworks, reports of guns, vociferous cries of hucksters and coolies, combining with the barking of dogs and other domestic sounds, as well as those from the crows, fish-hawks, and magpies nearer by,—inform him in the liv^eliest manner that the beautiful panorama he is looking down upon is filled with teeming multitudes in all the tide of life. On the western side of the city is a sheet of water, called Xi Hu, or West Lake, with a series of unpretending buildings and temples lying along its margin, a bridge crossing its expanse, and fishing-nets and boats floating upon its bosom. The watch-tower, on the hill in the northern part of the city, is upon the wall, which here runs near a precipice two hundred feet high ; it is a most conspicuous object when approaching the place.

        The Manchus occupy the eastern side of the city, and number altogether about 8,000 persons; the natives gcncrall}- are not allowed to enter their precincts. They live under their own officers, in much the same style as the Chinese, and, .not having any regular occupation, give no little trouble to the provincial authorities. Though vastly larger than Ningpo, the number of temples and substantial private residences in Fuhchau is much less, and as a whole it is not so well built. The streets are full of abominations, for which the people seem to care very little.

        Before foreign trade attained importance, paper money used to be issued by native mercantile iirms in the city, varying in denomination from forty cents to a thousand dollars, and supplying all the advantages with few of the dangers of bank notes.

        The blue, red, and black colors, which are blended on these promissory bills, present a gay appearance of signatures and eudorsings. The name of the issuing house, and a number of characters traced around the page, in briglit blue ink, form the original impression. The date of issue, and some ingeniously Avrought cyphers, for the recej^tion of signatures and prevention of forgeries, are of a deep red ; while the entry of the sum, and names of the partners and receiver, stand forth in large blade characters. On the back are the endorsements of various individuals, through whose hands the bill has passed, in order to facilitate the detection of forgeries, but not rendering the writer at all liable. These bills have now nearly disappeared, and bank bills from Hongkong are gradually coming into use. The streets usually are thronged with craftsmen and hucksters, in the fashion of Chinese towns, where the shopmen, in their desire to attract buyers, seem to inuigine, that the more they get in their customers’ way, the more likely they are to sell them something. The shops are thrown ojien so widely, and display such a variety of articles, or expose the M’orkmeii so plainly, that the whole street seems to be leather the stalls of a nuirket, or the aisle in a manufactory, than the town-thoroughfare.

        BUILDINGS AND TYPES OF INirABITANTS. 133

        The chief civil and military dignitaries of the province reside here, besides the profect and the magistrates of ]\rin and llaukwan districts. The (li’iiKj-lmxing mUio is one of the largest religious edifices in the place, and the temples tif the goddess of Mercy, and god of War, the most frequented. The KiuSien shan, or ‘ Hill of the Nine Genii,’ on the southern side of the town, is a pretty object. The city wall runs over it, and on its sides little houses are built upon rocky steps ; numerous inscriptions are carved in the face of the rocks. Near the eastern gate, called Tang Men., or ‘ Bath gate,’ is a small suburb, where Chinese and Manchus live together, and take care of many hot wells filled from springs near by ; the populace resort hither in large crowds to wash and amuse themselves.

        The citizens of Fuhchau bear the character of a reserved, proud, rather turbulent people, imlike the polite, affable natives further north. They are better educated, however, and plume themselves on never having been conquered by foreigners. Their dialect is harsh, contrasting strongly with the nasal tones of the patois of Amoy, and the melliflnous sounds heard at Ningpo. There are few manufactures of importance in the city, its commerce and resources depending almost wholly on the trade with the interior by the River Min. Many culprits wearing the cangue are to be seen in the streets, and in passing none of the hilarious merriment which is heard elsewhere greets the eai”. There is also a general lack of courtesy between acquaintances meeting in the higlnvay, a circumstance quite unusual in China. Beggars crowd the thoroughfares, showing both the poverty and the callousnesj of the inhabitants. One half the male population is supposed to be addicted to the opium pipe, and annually expend millions of dollars for this noxious gratification.

        The population of the city and suburljs is reckoned at rather over than under a million souls, including the boat people; it is, no doubt, one of tlie chief cities in the Empire \\\size, trade, and iidluence.

        The island in the river is settled by a trading p()])ulati(jii, a great part of whom consist of sailors and boatmen. The country-women, who bring vegetables and poultry to market, are a robust race, and contrast strikingly with the sickly-looking, little-footed ladies of the city, Fishing-boats are numerous in the river, many of which are furnished with cormorants.’

        Chinese liejwsitary, Vol. TSV., pp. 185, 225.

        Amoy is the best known port in the province, and 150 years ao-Q was the seat of a large foreign coniinercc. It lies in tha district of Tung-ngan, within the prefecture of Tsiuenchau, in lat. 2i° 4U’ X., and long. 118° 20′ E., upon the south-western corner of the island of Amoy, at the mouth of the Lung Kiang. The island itself is about forty miles in circumference, and contains scores of large villages besides the city. The scenery within the bay is picturesque, caused partly by the numerous islands which define it, some of them surmounted by pagodas or temples, and partly by the high hills behind the city, and

        crowds of vessels in the liarbor in the foreground.’ There is

        an outer and inner city, as one approaches it seaward—or more

        properly a citadel and a city—divided by a ridge of rocky hills

        having a fortified wall along the top. A paved road connects

        the two, which is concealed from the view of the beholder as

        he comes in from sea, until he has entered the Inner harbor.

        The entire circuit of the city and suburbs is about eight miles,

        containing a population of 185,000, while that of the island is

        estimated at 100,000 more.

        The harbor of Amoy is one of the best on the coast ; the tide

        rises and falls from fourteen to sixteen feet. The western side

        of the harbor is formed by the island of Kulang su, the batteries

        upon it completely commanding the city. It is about a

        mile long and two and three-quarters around, and maintains a

        large rural population, scattered among four or five hamlets.

        The foreign residences scattered over its hills add measurably

        to the charm of its aspect when viewed from the harbor. Eastward

        of Amoy is the island of Quemoy (/.6\, Golden harbor), whose low, rice grounds on the south-west shore produce a very different effect as opposed to the high land on Amoy ; its population is, moreover, much less.

        ‘ The Boston Missionary Herald for 1845 (p. 87) coutaius a notice of tha ” WfeHe Deer Cavern,” in tliu neighborhood.

        AMOY AND ITS ENVIRONS. 135

        The country in this part of Fuhkien is thickly settled and highly cultivated. Mr. Abeel, describing a trip toward TungngaTi, says, ” For a few miles up, the hills wore the same rugged, barren aspect which is so common on the southern coast of China, but fertility and cultivation grew upon us as we advanced ; the mountains on the east became hills, and these were adorned with fields. The villages were numerous at intervals; many of them were indicated in the distance by large groves of trees, but generally the landscape looked naked. Well-sweeps were scattered over the cultivated hills, affording evidence of the need and the means of irrigation.”

        In the other direction, toward Changchau, the traveller, beyond Pagoda Island, enters an oval bay ten or twelve miles long, bounded by numerous plains rising in the distance into steep barren mountains, and upon which numerous villages are found ; twenty-three were counted at once by Mr. Abeel, and the boatmen said that all could not be seen. Several large towns, and ” villages uncounted ” are visible in every direction, as one proceeds up the river toward Changchau, thirty-five miles from Amoy. This city is well built, the streets paved with granite, some of them twelve feet wide, and intolerably offensive. A bridge, about eight hundred feet long, spans the river, consisting of beams stretching from one abutment to another, covered with cross pieces. From the hill- top behind a temple at the north-western corner of the city, the prospect is charming.

        ” Imagine an amphitheatre,” says Mr. Lowrie, ” thirty miles in length and twenty in breadth, hemmed in on all sides by bare pointed hills, a river running through it, an immense city at our feet, with fields of rice and sugar-cane, noble trees and

        numerous villages stretching away in every direction. It was

        grand and beautiful beyond every conception we had ever

        formed of Chinese scenery. Beneath us lay the city, its shape

        nearly square, curving a little on the river’s banks, closely built,

        and having an amazing number of very large trees within and

        around. The guide said that in the last dynasty it had numl)

        ered 700,000 inhabitants, and now he thought it contained a

        million—probably a large allowance. The villages around also

        attracted our attention. I tried to enumerate them, but after counting thirty-nine of large size distinctly visible in less than half the field before us, I gave over the attempt. It is certainly Avithhi the mark to say that within the t-ircuit of thi.- immense plain there are at least one hundred villages, some of them small, but many numbering Inmdreds and even thousands of inliabitants.” ‘

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. XI., p. 506.

        ChangZhou was the last city in the eastern provinces held by the Tai-pings, a small remnant of their forces having come across the country after the loss of NanJing. They were expolled in 1806, after the town had suffered much from the contending forces. Traces of this destruction have not yet entirely disappeared from the vicinity.

        Shilima, or Chiohbe, is a place of some trade, extending a

        mile along the shore, and larger than Ilaitang hien, a district

        town between it and Amoy. Large numbers of people dwell

        in boats on this river, rendering a voyage up its channel somewhat

        like going through a street, for the noise and bustle.

        The city of Chinchew (or Tsiuenchau), north of Amoy, w’as

        once the larger of the two. It is described by Marco Polo, who

        reached it after iive days’ journey from Fuhchau, meeting with

        a constant succession of flourishing cities, towns and villages.

        “At this city is the haven of Zayton, frequented by all the

        ships from India, . . . and by all the merchants of Manzi, for

        hither is imported the most astonishing quantity of goods and

        of precious stones and pearls. . . . For it is one of the two

        greatest havens in the world for connnerce.”^ It was gradually

        forsaken for Amoy, which was more accessible to junks.

        ‘ Chinesie Rejmiton/, Vol. XIT., p. T^•.^0^, Fortune’s Tea Districts, chaps, xiv and XV.=” Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p. IbG.

        THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA. 137

        From Zayton, Ivublai Khan’s expedition to Java and Japan sailed, and here the men from Egypt and Arabia traded for silks, sugar, and spices long after the Portuguese reached China. The department of Ilinghwa, situate on the coast between Tsiuenchau and Fuhchau, is exceedingly populous, and its dialect differs distinctly from both of the adjoining prefectures. Its people have a bad reputation, and female infanticide prevails here to a greater degree than elsewhere. At Yenping, on the Min River, the people speak the dialect of banking, showing their origin of not many scores of years past ; there are many patois in these hilly parts of Fnhkien, hirI tlio province as a whole exhibits probably greater discrepancies in its dialects than any other. Its produce is exported north and west, as well as coastwise, and this intcirconrse tends to assimilate the speech of the inhabitants with their neighbors. The natural scenery in the ranges near the Bohea Hills in the borders of Kiangsi attracts visitors from afar. Fortune describes the picturesque grouping of steep rocks, lonely temples on jutting ledges and hidden adits, alternating with hamlets, along the banks of the stream which carries the boats and produce away to a market. The rocks and cliffs here have furnished Chinese artists with many subjects for pen and pencil, while the valley in addition to its natural beauty brings forth the best of teas.

        The island of Formosa, lying 90 miles west of Amoy, together with the Pescadore group, forms a department called Taiwan. The former is a fertile, well-watered region, possessing a salubrious climate, and meriting in every respect its name Formosa—a descriptive term first given by the Portuguese to their settlement at Kilung in 1590, and extended afterward to the entire island. Its total length is about 235 miles, while the width at the centre is not far from 80 miles ; the limits of Chinese jurisdiction do not, however, end)race more than the western or level portion, leaving to untamed aborigines the

        thickly wooded districts beyond the ]\f((h htii sJkdk a lofty

        rantj-e of mountains runnino; north and south and formino- the

        backbone of the island. The western coast presents no good

        harbors, and vessels lying a long distance oft” shore are exposed

        to the double inconvenience of a dano-erons anchoraije and an

        inhospitable reception from the natives ; the eastern side is still

        less inviting, owing to its possession by savage tribes. From

        recent reports it appears, moreover, that the whole coast line is

        rising with unusual persistence and regularity, and that the

        streams are being choked up at their mouths.

        The aborigines of this island are, in those districts that lemain uncontaminated by mixture with Chinese settlers, a remarkably well-built, handsome race, strong, large of eye, bold, and devoted to hunting and ardent spirits (when the latter is procurable), after the manner of wild people the world over; no written language exists among them, nor do they employ any fixed method of reckoning time. They and the inhabitants of Lewchew and neighboring islands are probably of the same race with the Philippine Tagalas, though some have supposed them to be of Malay or Polynesian origin. Like the North American Indians they are divided into numerous clans,

        whose mutual feuds are likely to last until one party or another

        is exterminated ; this turbulence restrains them from any

        united action against the Chinese, whose occupation of the

        island has always been irksome to the natives. Their social

        condition is extremely low ; though free from the petty vices

        of thieving and deception, and friendly toward strangers, the

        principle of blood-requital holds among them with full force,

        and family revenge is usually the sole object of life among the

        men. I^o savage is esteemed who has not beheaded a Chinaman,

        while the greater the number of heads brought home from a fray, the higher the position of a brave in the comnumity.

        The women are forced to attend both to house and field, but share the laziness of their masters, insomuch that they never cut from the growing rice or millet more than enough for the day’s provision. ” Although these people have men’s forms,” observes a Chinese writer in the peculiar antithetical style common to their literary productions, ” they have not men’s natures. To govern them is impossible; to exterminate them not to be thought of; and so nothing can be done with them. The only thing left is to establish troops with cannon at all the passes through which they issue on their raids, and so overawe them, b^^ military display, from coming out of their fastnesses. The savage tracks lie only through the dense forests, thick with underbi’ush, where hiding is easy.

        PRODUCTIONS OF FORMOSA. 139

        When they cut off a head, they boil it to separate the flesh, adorn the skull with various ornaments, and hang it up in their huts as evidence of their valor.” In addition to a few native clans who have submitted to the rulers from the mainland and dwell in the border region between the colonists and :i])oi-igines proper, a peculiarly situated race, called Ilahhas^ maintains a neutral position between the hill tribes and the Cliinese. These people were formerly industrious but per«secuted inhabitants of Kwangtung province, who, in order to better their lot, emigrated to Formosa and established close communication with the natives there, making themselves indispensable to them by procuring arms, powder, and manufactured goods, while owing to their industry they were able in time to monopolize the camphor trade. Though retaining the Chinese costume and shaving their heads, they practically ignore Chinese rule, paying tribute and intermarrying with the mountaineers, from whom they have also obtained large tracts of land.

        Maize, potatoes, fruits, tobacco, indigo, sugar, rice, and tea, are all grown on this island, the three latter in rapidly increasing quantities for purposes of export. Of natural products salt, coal, sulphur, petroleum, and camphor are of the first importance.

        The vast coal basins have hardly been opened or even explored, the only mines now worked being those in the northern part, near Kilung. Native methods of mining are, however, the only ones employed thus far, and it is not surprising, considering their extreme simplicity, that they have not been able to extract coal from remote districts, where the natural difficulties encountered are greatest. Hand labor alone is used, and draining a pit unheard of—compelling a speedy abandoning of the mines when pierced to any great depth in the mountain side. The cost of the coal at the mouth of the pit is about 65 cents per ton for the first qualities, which price improved methods might reduce a third. The presence of volcanoes on this island will, nevertheless, present a serious obstacle to the employment of western mining machinery, especially along the coast, where the measures appear to be excessively dislocated and the work of draining is rendered more difficult. Petroleum is abundant in certain tracts of northern Formosa, flowing plentifully from crevices in the hills, and used to some extent for burning and medicinal purposes by the natives, but not exported. The possibilities of a large sulphur trade are much more important. It is brought from solfatarae and geysers at Tah-yu kang, near Kilung, where it is found in a nearly pure state, as well, too, as a great quantity of sulphurous acid which might with profit be used in the sugar refineries on the island. The manufacture of sidphur is, however forbidden by treaty, though its exportation goes on in small quantities, the contractors taking on themselves all risk of seizure. Camphoi”, perhaps the greatest source of wealth to Formosa, is obtained here by saturating small sticks of the wood with steam, not by boiling as in Japan. The crystals of camphor condense in a receiv-er placed above the furnace ; during the process of distillation an es-^ential oil is produced, which when chemically treated with nitric acid becomes solid camphor. The trees from which the wood is cut grow^ in the most inaccessible tracts of the island, and are, according to all descriptions, of innnense extent, though chopped down by the natives without discrimination or idea of encouraging a second growth.

        Among the most interesting natural phenomena of this district are the so-called volcanoes, whoso occasional eruptions have been noticed by many, Mr. Le Gendre, United States Consul at Amoy in 1869, upon a visit to Formosa took occasion to examine more closely into this subject. It appears from his report ‘ that a gas is constantly issuing from the earth, and when a hole to the depth of a few inches is made it can be lighted.

        It is most likely, he continues, that from time to time gas jets break forth at points of the hills where they had not been observed before, rushing through its long grass and forests of linge trees, and the rock oil which as a general thing flows in their vicinity. As they are apt to spontaneously ignite in contact with the atmosphere, they must set fire to these materials and cause a local conflagration, that gives to the many peaks of the chain the appearance of volcanoes.

        FORMOSA AND THE PESCADORES. 141

        Previous to the first half of the fifteenth century the Chinese had little knowledge of Formosa, nor was their sway established over any part of it until 1GS3. It was never really colonized, and became a misooverned and refractorv region from the earliest attempts at subjection. A great emigration is constantly going on from the main, and lands are taken up by capitalists, who not only encourage the people in settling there, but actually purchase large numbers of poor people to occupy these districts. Taiwan fu, the seat of local government, is the ‘ Commercial Relations between the U. S. and Voreign ‘iS(ttiiinx. lS(iO.

        largest place on the island ; other harbors or places of importance are Ku-sia and Takow, some miles south of Taiwan, the latter, with Tamsui, on the north-west coast, being one of the recently opened ports of trade. Kihmg possesses a good harbor and is the entrepot of goods for the northern end of the island. Snice the opening (in 1861) of these three towns to foreign intercourse, and the more careful examination of the neutral territory at the foot of the mountains, the resources, peoples, and condition of this productive isle have become better known.

        It may be of interest to refer, before leaving Formosa, to the extraordinary fabulous history of the island by one George Psalmanazar, the nam de lylmiie of a remarkable impostor of the commencement of the eighteenth century, who pretended to be a Japanese convert to CJhristianity from Formosa, and who created a profound sensation in Europe by the publication in Latin of a iictitious notice of that country.’

        About twenty-five miles west of Formosa, and attached to Taiwan fu, is the district of Pdvghu ting or Pescadore Islands, consisting of a group of twenty-one inhabited islets, the largest of which, called Panghu, is eighty-four miles in circumference; none of them rise three hundred feet above the sea. The two largest, called Prmgliu and Fisher Islands, ai-e situated near the centre of the cluster, and have an excellent harbor between them. The want of trees, and the absence of sheltered valleys, give these islands a barren appearance. Millet, ground-nuts, pine-apples, sweet potatoes, and vegetables are grown, but for most of their supplies they depend upon Formosa. The population of the group is estimated at ‘6()()(^^ of M’hom a large part are fishermen. The Dutch seized these islands in 1G22, and attempted to fortify them by forced Chinese laborers, but removed to Formosa two years after at the instance of the governor of Fuhkien.
        ‘ ” An nistoricrd and GeograpJdcal Description of Formosa, an Island subject to the Emperor of Japan, ^^ etc. YiXii^voili {MemoiressiirVAsie, Tome I., p. 321) translates an accovint of this island from Chinese sources. E. C. Taintor, The Aborigines of Northern /’l^’/w^Avn!—Shanghai, 1874—read before the North China branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Chinese Repository, Vol. II., p408, and Vol. V., p. 480.”

        CHAPTER III. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE WESTERN PROVINCES

        The central provinces of llnpeli and Hunan formerly constituted a single one under the name of Hukwang {i.e. Broad Lakes), and they are still commonly known by this appellation. HuPEH {i.e. Korth of the Lakes) is the smaller of the two, but contains the most arable land. It is bounded north by Honan, east by Kganhwui and Kiangsi, south by Hunan, and west by Sz’chuen and Shensi. Its area is about T0,000 square miles, or slightly above that of Kew England.

        The Great Tliver flows through the south, where it connects with all the lakes on both its shores, and nearly doubles its volume of water. The Han kiang, or Han shui rises in the southwest of Shensi, between the Fuh-niu shan and Tapa ling, and drains the south of that province and nearly the whole of Hupeh, joining Yangtsz’ at AVuehang. It is very tortuous in its course, flowing about 1300 miles in all, and is navigable only a portion of the year, during the freshes, as far as Siangyang, about 300 miles. Boats of small size come down, however, at all times from Sin-pu-wan, near its source in Shensi.

        THE PROVINCE OP IIUPEH. 143

        The mouth is not over 200 feet broad, but the bed of the river as one ascends soon widens to 400 and 500 feet, and at Shayang, 168 miles from Hankow, it is half a mile wide. The area of its whole basin is about the same as the province. The extraordinary effects of a large body of melted snow poured into a number of streams converging on the slopes of a range of hills, and then centering in a narrow valley, bringing their annual deposit of alluvial and silt are seen along the River Han. The rise of this stream is often fifty feet where it is narrowest, and the shores are high ; at Iching the channel varies from 300 to 1500 feet at different seasons, but the i-iverbed from 2000 to 9000 feet, the water rising 18 feet at the fresh. In these wide places, the river presents the aspect of a broad, winding belt of sand dunes, in which the stream meanders in one or many channels, l^avigation, therefore, is difficult and dangerous, since moving sands shift the deep water from place to place, and boats are delayed or run aground. In high water the banks are covered, but the current is then almost as serious an obstacle as the shallows are in winter.

        The southeastern part of Ilupeh is occupied by an extensive depression filled with a succession of lakes. The length and breadth of this plain are not far from two hundred miles, and it is considered the most fertile part of China, not being subject to overflows like the shores of the Yellow River, while the descent of the land allows its abundance of water to be readily distributed. Every spot is cultivated, and the surplus of productions is easily transported wherever there is a demand.

        The portions nearest the Yangtsz’ are too low for constant cultivation. The Ax Lake, Millet Lake, Red Horse Lake, and Mienyang Lake, are the largest in the province. The remaining parts of both the Lake provinces are hilly and mountainous ; the high range of the Ta-peh shan (‘ Great White Mountains ‘), commencing far into Shensi, extends to the west of Ilupeh, and separates the basins of the Great River from its tributary, the Han Jiang, some of its peaks rising to the snow line. The productions of Ilupeh are bread-stuffs, silk, cotton, tea, fish, and timber; its manufactures are paper, wax, and cloth. The climate is temperate and healthy.

        The favorable situation of “Wuchang, the provincial capital,

        lias drawn to it most of the trade, which has caused in the

        course of years the settlement of Hanyang and Hankow on the

        northern bank of the Yangtsz’ and River Han. The number

        of vessels gathered here in former years from the other cities

        on these two streams was enormous, and gave rise to exaggerated

        ideas of the value of the trade. The introduction of steamers has destroyed much of this native commerce, and the cities themselves suffered dreadfully Ijv the Tai-pings, from Mliicli thev are rapidly recovering, and oti a surer foundation. The cities ‘lie in lat. 30° 33′ X. and long. 114° 20’ E., 582 geographical miles distant from Shanghai.

        Wuchang is the residence of the provincial officers, the

        Manchu garrison, and a literary population of influence, while

        the working part depends mostly on Hankow for employment.

        Its walls are over twelve miles in circuit, inclosing more vacant

        than occupied surface, whose flatness is relieved by a range of

        low hills that extend bevond Ilanvano; on the other side of

        the liver. The narrow streets are noisome from the offal,

        and in summer are sources of malaria, as the drainage is had.

        AYhen Haidvow was opened to foreign trade in 1801, it presented

        AvucHAXd a:vd Hankou. 145

        a most ruinous appearance, but the sense of security inspired by the presence of the men and vessels from far lands rapidly drew the scattered citizens and artisans to rebuild the ruins. The foreigners live near the river side, east of Hankow and west of the River Han, where the anchorage is very favorable, and out of the powerful current of the Yangtsz’. The difference in level of the great stream is about forty feet in the year. In the long years of its early and peaceful trade up to 1850, this region had gathered probably more people on a given area than could be found elsewhere in the world ; and its repute for riches led foreigners to base great hopes on their share, which have been gradually dissipated. The appearance of the city as it was in 1845 is given by Abbt’^ Hue in a few sentences: ” The night had already closed in when we reached the place where the river is entirely covered with vessels, of every size and form, congregated here from all parts. I hardly think there is another port in the world so frequented as this, which passes, too, as among the most commercial in the empire. We entered one of the open ways, a sort of a street having each side defined by floating shops, and after four hours’ toilsome navigation through this difficult labyrinth, arrived at the place of debarkation. For the space of five leagues, one can only see houses along the shore, and an infinitude of beautiful and strange looking vessels in the river, some at anchor and others passing up and down at all hours.” ‘

        The coup d’a’il of these three cities is beautiful, their environs being highly cultivated and interspersed with the mansions of the great ; but he adds, “If you draw near, you will find on the margin of the river only a shapeless bank worn away with freshets, and in the streets stalls surmounted with palisades, and workshops undermined by the waters or tumbling to pieces from age. The open spots between these ruins are filled with abominations which diffuse around a suffocating odor. No regulation.s respecting the location of the dwellings, no sidewalks, no place to avoid the crowd which presses upon one, elbowing and disputing the passage, but all get along pell-mell, in the midst of cattle, hogvS, and other domestic animals, each protecting himself as he best can from the filth in his way, which the Chinese collect with care for agricultural uses, and carry along in little open buckets through the crowd.”

        Above Hankow, the towns on the Yangtsz’ lie n’earer its

        banks^lfsHiey are not so exposed to the freshets. The largest

        trading places in this part of Ilupeli on the river, are Shasi,

        opposite Kinchau fu, and Ichang near the borders of Sz’chuen,

        respectively 293 and 363 miles distance. From the first settlement

        there is a safe passage by canal across to Shayang, forty

        miles away on the iliver Han ; the travel thence goes north

        to Shansi. The other has recently been opened to foreign

        trade. It is the terminus of navigation for the large vessels

        used from Shanghai upward, as the rapids commence a few

        miles beyond, necessitating smaller craft that can be hauled by

        trackers. These two marts are large centres of trade and travel,

        and were not made desolate by the Tai-pings, as were all other

        towns of importance on the lower Yangtsz’.

        ‘ Annnles de la Fci. i845, Tome XVII., pp. 287, 290. See also Hue’s TravreU in the Chinese Empire, Harper’s Ed., 1855, Vol. II., pp. 142-144. Fnmpelly, pp. 224-22G ; Blakiston’s Yanrjtsze, p. 65 ; Treaty Ports of China, 1867,Art. Hankow.

        The portion of the Yangzi in this province, between Yichang and the Sichuan border, exhibits perhaps some of the most Jiiagnificenl- glunpse^,_.M_scenery in the world. Breaking through the limestone foundations that dip on either side of the granite core of the rapids, the river first penetrates the AVu shan, Mitan, and Lukan gorges on the one side, then the lono- defile of Ichang on the other. At various points between and beyond these the stream is broken by more or less formidable rapids. Among these grand ravines the most impressive, though not the longest, is that of Lukan, whose vertical walls rise a thousand feet or more above the narrow river. Nothing can be more striking, observes Blakiston, than suddenly coming upon this huge split in the mountain mass ” by which the river escapes as through a funnel,” The eastern portions of llupch are rougher than the southern, and were overrun during the rebellion by armed bands, so that their best towns were destroyed. Siangyang fu and Fanching, near the northern borders, arc important places in the internal commerce of this region. Its many associations with leading events in Chinese early and feudal history render it an interesting region to native scholars. A large part of the southwestern prefecture of Shingan is hilly, and its mountainous portions are inhabited by a rude, illiterate population, many of whom are partly governed by local rulers.

        The province of Hunan is bounded north by Ilupeh, east by Kiangsi, south by Kwangtung and Kwangsi, w.est by Ivweichau and Sz’chuen. Its area is reckoned at 84,000 square miles—equal to Great Britain or the State of Kansas. It is drained by four rivers, whose basins comprise nearly the whole province, and define its limits by their terminal watersheds. The largest is the Siang, which, rising in the hills on the south and east in numerous navigable streams, affords facilities for trade in small boats to the borders of Kiangsi and Kwangtung,

        the traffic concentring at Siangtan ; this fertile and populous

        basin occupies well-nigh half of the province. Through the

        western part of Hunan runs the Yuen kiang, but the rapids

        and cascades occur so frequently as to render it far less useful

        than the Siang. Boats are towed up to the towns in the southwest

        with great labor, carrying only four or five tons cargo;

        these are exchanged for mere scows at Ilangkia, 200 miles

        above Changteh, in order to reach Yuenchau. The contrast

        ‘UKAN GOKGE, YANGZI RlVER. NATURAL AND POLITICAL FEATURES OF HUNAN. 147

        between the two rivers as serviceable channels of intercourse is

        notable. Between these two main rivers runs the Tsz’ kiang,

        navigable for only small batteaux, which nnist be pulled up so

        many rapids that the river itself has been called Tan ho, or

        ‘ Rapid River ; ‘ its basin is narrow and fertile, and the produce

        is carried to market over the hills both east and west. The

        fourth river, the Li shui, empties, like all the others, into the

        Tungting Lake, and drains the northwestern portion of the

        province ; it is navigable only in its lower course, and is almost

        useless for travel. These rivers all keep their own chaimels

        through the lake, which is rather a cesspool for the overflow of

        the Yangtsz’ during its annual rise than a lake fed by its own

        springs and aflluents. At Siangyin, on the River Siang, the

        banks are 35 feet above low water, and gradually slope down

        to its mouth at Yohchau, or near it. The variation of this

        lake from a large sheet of water at one season to a marsh at

        another, must of course affect the whole internal trade of the

        province, inasnnich as the rivers running through it are in a

        continual condition of flood or low water—either extreme

        cannot but seriously interfere with steam vessels.

        The productions of Ilunan do not represent a very high development

        of its soil or mines. Tea and coal are the main exports; tea-oil, ground-nut and tun/j oils, hemp, tobacco, and rice, with iron, copper, tin, and coarse paper make up the list.

        The coal-fields of southern Hunan contain deposits equal to those in Pennsylvania ; anthracite occurs on the River Lui, and bituminous on the River Xiang, both beds reaching over the border into Kwangtung. The timber trade in pine, fir, laurel, and other woods is also important. The population of Hunan was somewhat reduced during the Tai-ping rebellion ; its inhabitants have in general a bad reputation among their countrymen for violence and rudeness. The hilly nature of the country tends to segregate them into small communities, which are imperfectly acquainted with each other, because travelling is difficult ; nor is the soil fertile enough to support in many districts a considerable increase of population.

        The capital of Hunan, Changsha, lies on the River Xiang, and is one of the most iofluentialj as it is historically one of the most interesting, cities in the central })urt of China ; the festival of the Dragon Boats originated here. Siangtan, at the confluence of the Lien kf, nioie than 200 miles above Yohchan, is one of the greatest tea-marts in China. Its population is reckoned to he a million, and it is a centre of trade and banking for the products of this and other legions ; it extends for three miles along the west bank, and nearly two miles inland, with thousands of boats lining the shores. Its return to prosperity since the rebellion has been marvellously rapid. The city of Changteh on the Yuen River is the next important town, as it is easily reached from Yohchan on the Yangzi; large amounts of rice are grown in the prefecture.

        Hunan has a high position for letters, the people are well dressed, healthy, and usually peaceable. The boating population is, however, exceptionally lawless, and forms a difficult class for the local authorities to control. Aboriginal hill-tribes exist in the sonthwestern districts, mIucIi are still more unmanageable, probably through the imjust taxation and oppression of the imperial officers set over them. In addition to these ungovernable elements a large area is occupied by the Yao-Jin, who have possessed themselves of the elevated territory lying between Ynngchau and Kweiyang, in the southern point of the province, and there barricaded the mountain passes so that no one can ascend against their will.

        MOUNTAINS AND HIVEKS OF SIIENSl. 140

        The province of SnENsi (i.e., Western Defiles) is bounded north by Inner Mongolia, from which it is divided by the Great Wall, cast by Shansi and Ilonan, southeast by Ilupeh, south by Sz’chuen, and west by Ivansuh. Its area is not far from 70,000 square miles, which is geologically and politically most distinctly marked by the Tsingling shan, the watershed between the Wei and Ilan I’ivers. There is only one good road across it to Ilanchung fu near its southern part ; another, farther east, goes from Si-ngan, by a natural pass between it and the Fuh-niu shan, to Shang, on the Tan ho, in the Ilan basin. This part conijM’ises about one-third of Shensf. The other portion includes the basins of the Wei, Loh an<l Wu-ting, and some smaller tributaries of the Yellow River, of which the Wei is the mo.-^t important. This I’iver joins tiie Yehow at the lowest point of its basin, the Tung-kwaii pass, where the larger stream breaks thj-ongh into the lowlands of llonan, and divides eastern and southern Cliina from the northwestern regions.

        The whole of this part presents a loess formation, and the beds of the streams are cut deep into it, the roads across them being few. The Wei basni is the most fertile part of the province; the history of the Chinese race has been more connected with its fortunes than with any other portion of their possessions. Its productiveness is shown in the rapid development and peopling of the districts along the banks and affluents.

        On the north, the Great Wall separates Shensi from the Ordos -Mongols, its western end reaching the Yellow River at Ninghia—the largest and only imjx^rtant city in that region. All the connections with this region are through Shensi and by Kwei-hwa-ching, l)ut the configuration of the ranges of hills prevents direct travel. Isone of the rivers in this region are serviceable to any great degree for navigation, and but few of them for irrigation ; the crops depend on the rainfall. The climate is more equable and mild than in Shansi, and not so wet as in many parts of Kansuh. The harvests of one good year here furnish food for three poor ones. The chief dependence of the people is on wheat, but rice is grown wherever water can be had; sorghum, millet, pulse, maize, barle}^ ground-nut, and fruits of many sorts fill up the list. Cotton, hemp, tobacco, rapeseed, and poppy are largely cultivated, but the surplus of any crop is not enough in average years to leave much for export.

        The ruthless civil war recently quenched in the destruction of the Mohannnedans in the province has left it quite desolate in many parts, and its restoi’ation to former prosperity and population must be slow.

        The travel between Shensi and Sz’chuen is almost wholly confined to the great road reaching from Si-ngan to Chingtu. It passes along the River Wei to Hienyang liien on the left bank, where the road north into Kansuh diverges, the other continuing west along the river through a populous region to Paoki hien, where it recrosses the Wei. During this portion, the Tai-peh Mountain, about eleven thousand feet high, with its white summit, adds a prominent feature to the scenery. At Paoki, the crossing at the Tsingliiig slian commences, and occupies seven days of difficult travel through a devious road of 163

        miles to Fung hien on the confines of Kansnh. It crosses successive

        ridges from C>,OUO to 9,000 feet higli, and is carried along

        the sides of hills and down the gorges in a manner reflecting

        nnich credit on the engineers of the third centuiy a.d. who

        made it. These mountainous regions ai-e thinly settled all the

        M’ay down to Paoching, near Ilanchung ; hut upon gaining the

        Kiver Ilan, one of the most beautiful and fertile valleys in

        China is reached. Its western watershed is the Kiu-tiao shan,’

        running southwesterly into Sz’chuen on the west side of the

        Kialing River.

        The city of Si-ngan is the capital of the northwest of China, and next to Peking in size, population, and importance. It surpasses that city in historical interest and records, and in the long centuries of its existence has upheld its earlier name of Chang-cm^ or ‘ Continuous Peace.’ The approach to it from the east lies across a bluff, whose eastern face is filled with houses cut in the dry earth, and from whose sunnnit the lofty towers and imposing walls are seen across the plain three miles away.

        These defences Avere too solid for the Mohammedan rebels, and protected the citizens while even their suburbs were burned. The population occupies the entire enciente, and presents a heterogeneous sprinkling of Tibetans, Mongols and Tartai’s, of whom many thousand Moslems are still spared because they were loyal. Si-ngan has been taken and retaken, rebuilt and destroyed, since its establishment in the twelfth century b.c. by the Martial King, but its position has always assured for it the control of trade between the central and western provinces and Central Asia. The city itself is picturesquely situated, and contains some few remains of its ancient importance, while the

        ‘ Usually known as the Ta-pa ling ; but Baron von Eiclithofen found that the natives of that region “call those mountains the Kiu-tiao shan, that is the ‘ nine mountain ridges,’ designating therewith the fact that the range is made up of a number of parallel ridges. This name should be retained in preference to the other.” Letter on the Promncc>< of Chihl’i, Shansi, Shenx’t, etc Shanghai, 1872. See also his CMim, Band II. S. SCJJ-STti ; Alex. Wylie, Notes of a Journey from Chin<jtoo to Hankow^ Journ. Roy. Qeoy. Sac. Vol XIV., p. 108.

        St-I^GA?^ ITS CAPITAL. 151

        neighborhood promises better returns to the sagacious antiquarian

        and explorer than any portion of China. The principal

        record of the Xestorian mission work in China, the famous tablet

        of A.D. 781, still remains in the yard of a temple. Some miles to

        the northwest lies the temple Ta-fu-sz’, containing a notable

        colossus of Buddha, the largest in China, said to have been cut

        by one of the Emperors of the Tang in the ninth century.

        This statue is in a cave hewn out of the sandstone rock, being

        cut out of the same material and left in the construction of the

        grotto. Its height is 56 feet ; the proportions of limbs and

        l)ody of the sitting figure are, on the whole, good, the Buddha

        being represented with right hand npraised in blessing, and the

        figure as well as garments richly covered with color and gilt.

        Before the god stand two smaller colossi of the Schang-hoa,

        Buddha’s favorite disciples ; their inferior art and workmanship,

        however, testify to a later origin. The cave is lighted from

        above, after the manner of the Pantheon, by a single round

        opening in the vaulting. Sixty feet over the rock temple rises

        a tile roofing, and upon the hillside without the cavern are a

        nimiber of minor temples and statues.’

        Next to this city in importance is Ilanchnng, near the bordor of Sz’chuen ; it was much injured by the Tai-pings, and is only slowly recovering, like all the towns in that valley which were exposed ; none of these rebels crossed the Tsingling Mountains. Yu-lin (‘Elm Forest’) is an important city on the Great Wall in the north of Shensi, the station of a garrison which overawes the Mongols. Several marts carrying on considerable trade are on or near the Wei and Han Rivers.

        Gold mines occur in Shensi, and gold is collected in some of the streams ; other metals also are worked. The climate is too cold for rice and silk ; wheat, millet, oats, maize, and cotton supply their places ; rhubarb, nuisk, wax, red-lead, coal, and nephrite are exported. The trade of Si-ngan is chiefly that of bartering the produce of the eastern provinces (reaching it by the great pass of Tung-kwan) and that from Tibet, Kansuh, and 111. Wild animals still inhabit the northern parts, and the number of horses, sheep, goats, and cattle raised for food and service is large compared with eastern China.

        ‘ See Kreituer, Tmfernen Osten, p. 504. Wien, 1881.

        The iniineiise province of Kansuh (/.(\, A^oluntary Reverence,

        made by uniting the names of Kanchaufu and ISuh chau) belonged

        at one time to Shensi, and extended no farther westtlian Kiayii

        kwan; but since the division by Ivienlung, its limits have been

        stretched across the desert to the confines of Songaria on the

        northwest, and to the borders of Tibet on the west. It is

        bounded north and northeast by Gobi and the Dsassaktu

        khanate, east by Shensi, south by Sz’chuen, southwest by Kokonor

        and the desert, and northwest by Cobdoand lli. Its entire

        area cannot be much under 400,000 square miles, the greater

        part of which is a barren waste ; it extends across twelve degrees

        of latitude and twenty-one degrees of longitude, and comprises

        all the best part of the ancient kingdom of Tangut, M’hich

        was destroyed by Genghis.

        The topography of this vast region is naturally divided into

        two distinct areas by the Kiayii kwan at the end of the Great

        Wall ; one a fertile, well-watered, populous country, differing

        toto cwlo from the sandy or mountainous wildernesses of the

        other. The eastern portion is further partitioned into two sections

        by the ranges of mountains which cross it nearly from

        south to north in parallel lines, dividing the basins of the AVei

        and Yellow Rivers near the latter. The passage between them

        is over the Fan-shui ling, not far from the Tao ho and by the

        town of Tihtao, leading thence up to Lanchau. This part of

        the province, watered by the Wei, resembles Shansi in fertility

        and productions, and its nearness to the elevated ranges of the

        Bayan-kara induces comparatively abundant rainfall. The

        streams in the extreme south flow into Sz’chuen, but furnish

        few facilities for navigation. The affluents of the Yellow River

        are on the whole less useful for irrigation and navigation, and

        the four or five which join it near Lanchau vary too nmch in

        their supply of water to be depended on.

        JIAiSSUII PROVINCE. 153

        The peculiar feature of Kansuh is the narrow strip projecting like a wedge into the Tibetan plateau, reaching from Lanchau northwesterly between the Ala shan and Kilien shan to the end of the Great Wall. This strip of territory commands the passage between the basin of the Tarini River and Central Asia and China Proper ; its passage nearly controls trade and power throughout the northern provinces. The Ta-tnng River flows on the south of the Kilien Mountains, but the travel goes near the Wall, where food and fuel are abundant, a long distance beyond its end—even to the desert. The roads from Si-ngan to Lanchan pass up the King River to Pingliang and across several ranges, or else go farther up the River Wei to Tsin chau; the distances are between 500 and 600 miles. From Lanchau one road goes along the Yellow River down to Ninghia, a town inhabited chiefly by Mongols. Another leads 90 miles west to Sining, whither the tribes around Koko-nor repair for trade. The most important continues to Suhchau, this being an easier journey, while its trade furnishes employment to denizens of the region, whose crops are taken by travellers on passage ; this road is about 500 miles in length. Its great importance from early days is indicated by the erection of the Great Wall, in order to prevent inroads along its sides, and by the fortress of Kiayii, which shuts the door upon enemies.

        The climate of Kansuh exhibits a remarkable contrast to that

        of the eastern provinces. Prejevalsky says it is damp in three

        of the seasons; clear, cold winds blowing in winter, and alternatiug

        witli calm, warm weather ; out of 92 days up to September

        3(>, he registered 72 rainy days, twelve of them snowy.

        The highest temperature was 8S° F. in July. Snow and hail

        also fall in May. Xorth of the Ala slian, which divides this

        moist region from the desert, everything is dry and sandy; their peaks attract the clouds, which sometimes discharge their

        contents in torrents, and leave the northern slopes dry ; a marsh

        appears over against and only a few miles from a sandy waste.’

        ‘ Prejevalsky’s Travels in Mongolia, Vol. II., pp. 256-266.

        The country east of the Yellow River is fertile, and produces wheat, oats, barley, millet, and other edible plants. Wild animals are frequent, wdiose chase affords both food and peltry; large flocks and herds are also maintained by Tartars living within the province. The mountains contain metals and minerals, among which are copper, almagatholite, jade, gold, and silver. The capital, Lanchau, lies on the south side of the Yellow River, where it turns northeast ; the valley is narrow, and defended on the west Ly a pass, through which the road goes westward. At Sming fii, about a hundred miles east of Qing Hai, the superintendent of Koico-nor resides ; its political importance has largely increased its trade within the last few yeais. Xinghia fu, in the northeast of the province, is the larofest tow’n on the borders of the desert. The destruction of life and all its resources during the recent JNIohannjiedan rebellion, which was crushed out at Suhchau in October, 1873, is not likely to be repeated soon, as the rebels were all destroyed ;’ their Toorkish origin can even now be traced in their features.” Ko relialjle desci’iption of the t(nvns belonging to Kansuh in the districts around Barkul, since the pacificatioTi of the country by the Chinese, has been made.

        The province of Sz’cuuen (‘ Four Streams ‘) was the largest of

        the old eighteen before Kansuh was extended across the desert,

        and is now one of the richest in its pi-oductions. It is bounded

        north by Kansuh and Shonsi, east by Ilupeh and Ilunan, south

        by Kweichau and Yunnan, west and northwest by Tibet and

        Koko-nor; its area is 1G0,S00 square miles, or double most of

        the other provinces, rather exceeding Sweden in supei-ticies, as it

        falls below California, while it is superior to both in navigable

        I’ivers and productions. The emperors at Si-ngan always de-

        ])ended upon it as the main prop of their power, and in the

        third century a.d. the After Hans I’uled at its capital over the

        west of China.

        ‘7)//). Cor., ^S7i, p. 251.

        • That this insurroction was not unprccodented we learn from a notice of a similar Moliammedan revolt here in 1784. NouveUes Lcttrcs h\lijiantes des MissiiiitK de Ik (‘}iini\ Tome II., p. 2;3.

        TOPOGKAPTIY 01″ SZ’CHUEN PROVINCE. lf).1

        Sz’chuen is naturally divided by the four great rivers which run from north to south into the Yangtsz’, and thus form parallel basins ; as a whole these comprise about half of the entire area, and all of the valuable portion. The western part beyond the Min Hiver belongs to the high table lands of Central Asia, and is little else than a series of mountain ranges, sparsely populated and unfit for cultivation, except in small spaces and bottom lands. The eastern portion is a triangular sluiped I’egion surrounded with high niountaiiis composed of Silurian and Devonian formations with intervening deposits, mostly of red clayey sandstone, imparting a peculiar brick color, which has

        led Baron von Richthofen to call it the Red Basin. The ranges

        of hills average about 3,500 feet high, but the rivers have cut

        their channels through the deposits from 1,500 to 2,500 feet

        deep, making the travel up and down their waters neither rapid

        nor easy. The towns which define this triangular red basin are

        Kweichau on the Yangtsz’, from which a line runnhig south

        of the river to Pingshan hien, not far from Siichau at its

        confluence with the Min, gives the southern border ; thence

        taking a circuit as far west as Yachau fu on the Tsing-i River,

        and turning northwesterly to Lung-ngan fu, the western side is

        roughly skirted, while the eastern side returns to Kweichau

        along the watershed of the River Ilan. Within this area, life,

        industry, wealth, prosperity, are all found; outside of it, as a

        rule, the rivers arc unnavigable, the country uncultivable, and

        the people wild and insubordinate, especially on the south and

        west.

        The four chief rivers in the province, flowing into the Yangtsz’,

        are the Kialing, the Loh, the Min, and the Yalung, the

        last and westerly beiiig regarded as the main stream of the

        Great River, which is called the Kin-sha kiang, west of the

        Min. The Kialing rises in Kansuh, and retains that name

        along one trunk stream to its mouth, receiving scores of tributaries

        from the ridges between its basin and the Ilan, until it

        develops into one of the most useful watercourses in China,

        coming perhaps next to the Pearl River in Kwangtung. Chungking,

        at its embouchure, is the largest dej^ot for trade west of

        Icliang, and like St. Louis, on the Mississippi, will grow in importance

        as the country beyond develops. The River Fo Loh

        (called Fa-sang by Blakiston) is the smallest of the four, its

        headwaters being comiected with the Min al)Ove Chingtu ; the

        town of Lu chau stands at its mouth ; through its upper part it

        is called Chuno; kiani>;. The Min River has its fountains near

        those of the Kialing in Koko-nor, and like that stream it gathers

        contributions from the ranges defining and crossing its basin; as it descends into the plain of Cliingtu, its waters divide into a dozen channels below 1 1 wan hien, and after ruiuiing more than a hundred miles reunite above ^Afei hien, forming a deep and picturesque riv n* down to Siichau, a thousand miles and more from the source. At its junction, the Min almost doubles the volume of water in summer, when the snows melt. The Ya-Innc River is the only large affluent between the Min and the main trunk ; it comes from the I>ayan-kara mountains, between the headwaters of the Yellow and Yangzi Rivers, and leceives no important tributaries in its long, solitary, and unfnictuous course. The Abbe Hue speaks of crossing its rapid channel near Makian-Dsung just before reaching Tatsienlu, the frontier town ; it takes three luimes in its course.

        From Chingtu as a centre, many roads radiate to the other

        large towns in the province, by which travel and trade find free

        course, and render the connections with other provinces safe

        and easy. The roads are paved with flagstones wide enough

        to allow passage for two pack-ti’ains abreast ; stairs are made

        on the inclines, up and down which mules and ponies travel

        without risk, though most of the goods and passengers are

        carried by coolies. In order to facilitate travel, footpaths are

        opened and paved, leading to every handet, and wherever the

        traffic will afford it, bridges of cut stone, iron chains or wii-e,

        span the torrent or chasm, according as the exigency’ requires ;

        towns or hamlets near these structures take pride in keeping

        them in repair.

        chIjStgtu a]nd the mix valley. 157

        The products of this fertile region are varied and abundant. nice and wheat alternate each other in summer and winter, but the amount of land producing food is barely sufficient for its dense population ; pulse, barley, maize, ground-mits, sorghum, sweet and connnon potatoes, buckwheat and tobacco, are each raised for home consumption. Sugar, hemp, oils of several kinds, cotton, and fruits complete the list of plants mostly grown for home use. The exports consist of raw and woven silk, of which more is sent abroad than from any province ; salt, opium, musk, croton (tun//) oil, gentian, rhubarb, tea, coal, spelter, copper, iron, and insect wax, are all grown oi* made for other regions. The peace which S//chuen enjoyed while other provinces were ravaged by rebels, has tended to develop all its products, and increase its abundance. The climate of this region favors the cultivation of the hillsides, which are composed of disintegrated sandstones, because the moist and mild winters bring forward the winter crops ; snow remains only a few days, if it fall at all, and Mdieat is cut before May. The summer rains and freshets furnish water for the rice fields by filling the streams on a thousand hills. This climate is a great contrast to the dry regions further north, and it is subject to less extremes of temperature and moisture than Yunnan south of it. When this usual experience is altered by exceptional dry or wet seasons, the people are left without food, and their wants cannot be supplied by the abundance of other provinces, owing to the slowness of transit. Brigandage, rioting, cannibalism, and other violence then add to the misery of the poor, and to the difficulty of government.

        Chingtu, the capital, lies on the River Min, in the largest plain in the province, roughly measuring a hundred miles one way, and fifty the other, conspicuous for its riches and populousness.

        The inhabitants are reckoned to number 3,500,000 souls. This city has been celebrated from the earliest days, but received its present name of the ‘Perfect Capital ‘ when Liu Pi made it his residence. Its population approaches a million, and its walls, shops, yamuns, sti-eets, warehouses, and suburbs, all indicate its wealth and political importance. Marco Polo calls it Sindafu, and the province Acbalec Manzi, describing the fine stone bridge, half a mile long, M’ith a roof resting on marble pillars, under Mhich “trade and industry is carried on,” ‘ which spans the Kian-suy, i.e.^ the Yangtsz’, as the Min is still often termed. The remarkable cave houses of the old iidiabitants still attract the traveler’s notice as he journeys up to Chingtu, along its banks.

        > Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p. 23.

        M. David, who lived at this city several months, declares it to be one of the most beautiful towns in China, placed in the midst of a fertile plain watered by many canals, which form a network of great solidity and usefulness. The number of honoraiy gateways in and near it attract the voyager’s eye, and their variety, size, inscriptions, and age furnish an interesting field of in(]iiiry. Many statues cut in fine stone are scattered about the city or used to adoi-n the cemeteries.

        The city of Chungking, on the Yangzi, at the mouth of the Jialing River, 725 miles from Hankow, is the next important city in Sichuan, and the center of a great trade on both rivers. The other marts on the Great River are also at the mouths of its affluents, and from Kwaichau to Siichau and Pingslian hien, a distance of 41)0 miles, there is easy and safe communication within the province for all kinds of boats; steam vessels will also liere find admirable opportunities for their employment.

        In the western half of Sz’clmen, the people are scattered over intervales and slopes between the numberless hills and mountains that make this one of the roughest parts of China; they are governed by their own local rulers, under Chinese superintendence. They belong to the Lolos race, and have been inimical and insubordinate to Chinese rule from earliest times, preventing their own progress and destroying all desire on the part of their rulers to benefit them. Yachau fu, Tatsieidu, and Datang are the largest towns Avest of Chingtu, on the road to Tibet. On the other side of the province, at

        Fungtu hien, occur the fire-wells, where great supplies of

        petroleum gas are used to evaporate the salt dug out near by.

        The many topics of interest in all parts of Sz’chuen, can only

        be referred to in a brief sketch, for it is of itself a kingdom.’

        ‘ Chinese Repository, “Vol XIX., pp. 317 and .394 Annnles de la Foi, Tome III., pp. :Ui9-:}81, and Tome IV., pp. 40!)-4ir>. J^ter by Baron Hiclithofen oit the Provinces of ChlM’i, Shdiisl, Sheiis’t, Sz’chueiiy etc. Shanghai, 1872-Krt’itiicr, Tiafcriien Onteit, pp. 780-829.

        THE PROVINCE OF KWAXGTUNG. 150

        The province of Kwangtuno {i.e., Broad East), from its having been for a long time the only one of the eighteen to which foreigners have had access, has almost become synonymous with (vhina, although but little more is really known of it than of the others—except in the vicinage of Canton, and along the course of the Peh kiang, from Xanhiung down to that city. It is bounded north by Kiangsi and llunan, northeast by Fuh-kieu, south by the ocean, and west and northwest hy Kwangsi; with an area about the same as that of the United Kingdom. The natural facilities for internal navigation and an extensive coasting trade, are unusually great ; for while its long line of ‘coast, nearly a thousand miles in length, affords many excellent harbors, the rivers communicate with the regions on the west, north, and east beyond its borders.

        The Xan shau runs along the north, between it and Kiangsi

        and Ilunan, in a northeasterly and southwesterly direction^

        presenting the same succession of short ridges, with bottom

        lands ‘and clear streams between them, which are seen in Fuhkien.

        These ridges take scores of names as they follow one

        another from Kwangsi to Fuhkien, but no part is so well known

        as the road, twenty-four miles in length, which crosses the Mei

        ling [i.e. Plum ridge), between Xan-ngan and Xanhiung. The

        elevation here is about a thousand feet, none of the peaks in

        this part exceeding two thousand, but rising higher to the west.

        Their summits are limestone, with granite underlying; granite

        is also the prevailing rock along the coast. Li-nm ridge in

        Hainan has some peaks reaching nearly to the snow-line. The

        bottoms of the I’ivers are wide, and their fertility amply repays

        the husbandman. Fruits, rice, silk, sugar, tobacco, and vegetables,

        constitute the greater part of the pi-oductions. Lead,

        iron, and coal, are abundant.

        The Zhu Jiang, or Pearl River, which flows past Canton, takes this name only in that short portion of its course ; it is however preferable to employ this as a distinctive name, comprehending the whole stream, rather than to confuse the reader by naming the numerous branches. It is formed by the union of three rivers, the West, Korth, and East, the two first of which unite at Sanshwui, west of the city, while the East River joins them at Whampoa. The Si kiang, or AVest Iliver, by far the largest, rises in the eastern part of Yunnan, and receives tributaries throughout the whole of Kwangsi, along the southern acclivities of the Xan shan, and after a course of 500 miles, passes out to sea through numerous mouths, the best known of which is the Boeca Tigris. The Peh kiang, or North Piver, joins it after a course of 200 miles, and the East Piver is nearly the same length; these two streams discharge the surplus waters of all the northern parts of Kwangtung. The country drained by the three cannot benmch less than 150,000 square miles, and most of their channels are navigable for boats to all the large towns in this and the province of Kwangsi. The Han kiang is the only river of importance in the eastern end of Kwangtung; the large town of Chauchau lies near its mouth. There can hardly be less than three hundred islands scattered along the deeply indented coast line of this province between Namoh Island and Annani, of which nearly one-third belong to the department of Kwangchau.

        Canton,, or Kwangchau fu (i.e. Broad City), the provincial capital, lies on the north bank of the Pearl River, in lat. 23° 7’10” K., and long. 113° 11:’ 30″ E., nearly parallel with Havana, Muskat, and Calcutta ; its climate is, however, colder than any of those cities. The name Canton is a corruption of Kwangtung, derived in English from Kamtoin, the Portuguese mode of writing it ; the citizens themselves usually call it Kicangtung Sling chinij, i.e. the provincial capital of Kwangtung or simply sdny cJilny. Another name is Yang-ching, or the ‘City of Rams,’ and a third the City of Cienii, both derived from ancient legends. It lies at the foot of the White Cloud hills, along the banks of the river, about seventy miles north of Macao in a direct line, and ninety northwest of Hongkong ; these distances are greater by the river.

        SIZE AND SITUATION OF CANTON. 161

        The delta into which the West, JSTorth, and East Rivei’S fall might be called a gulf, if the islands in it did not occupy so much of the area. The whole forms one of the most fertile parts of the province, and one of the most extensive estuaries of any river in the world,—being a rough triangle about a hundred miles long on each side. The bay of Lintin—so called from the islet of that name, where opium and other store ships formerly anchored—is the largest sheet of water, and lies below the principal embouchure of the river, called Fu, 3ft(.n, i.e. Bocca Tigi-is, or Bogue. Few rivers can be more completely protected by nature than this ; their defences of walls and guns at this spot, however, have availed the Chinese but little against the skill and power of their enemies. Ships pass through it up to the auchorage at Whainpoa, about thirty miles, from whence Canton lies twelve miles nearly due west. The approach to it is indicated by two lofty ]3agodas within the walls, and the multitude of boats and junks thronging the river, amidst which the most pleasing object to the ” far- travelled stranger” is the glimpse he gets through their masts of the foreign houses on Sha-meen, and the flagstaifs bearing their national ensigns.

        The part of Canton inclosed by walls is about six miles in circumference ; having a partition wall running east and west, which divides it into two unequal parts. The entire circuit, including the suburbs, is nearly ten miles. The population on land and water, so far as the best data enable one to judge, cannot be less than a million of inhabitants. This estimate has been doubted ; and certainty npon the subject is not to be attained, for the census affords no aid in determining this point, owing to the fact that it is set down hy districts, and Canton lies partly in two districts, Kanhai and Pwanyii, which extend beyond the walls many miles. Davis says, ” the whole circuit of the city has been compassed within two hours by persons on foot, and cannot exceed six or seven miles ;

        ”—-which is true, but he means only that portion contained within the walls ; and there are at least as many houses without the walls as within them, besides the boats. The city is constantly increasing, the western suburbs present many new streets entirely built up within the last ten years. The houses stretch along the river from opposite the Fa ti or Flower grounds to French Folly, a distance of four miles, and the banks are everywhere nearly concealed by the boats and rafts.

        The situation of Canton is one w^hich would naturally soon attract settlers. The earliest notices of the city date back two centuries befoi-e Christ, but traders were doubtless located here prior to that time. It grew in importance as the country became better settled, and in a.d. 700, a regular market was opened, and a collector of customs appointed. AYhenthe Manchus overran the country in 1650, this city resisted their ntmost efforts to reduce it for the space of eleven months, and was finally carried by treachery. Martini states that a hundred thousand men were killed at its sack ; and the whole number who lost their lives at the final assault and during the siege was 700,000—if the native accounts are trustworthy.’ Since then, it has been rebuilt, and has increased in prosperity until it is regarded as the second city in the empire for numbers, and is probably at present the first in wealth.

        The foundations of the city Avails are of sandstone, their upper

        part being brick ; they are about twenty feet thick, and from

        twenty-five to forty feet high, having an esplanade on the inside,

        and pathways leading to the i-aiiipart, on three sides. The

        houses are built near the wall on both sides of it, so that except

        on the north, one hardly sees it when walking around the

        city. There are twelve outer gates, four in the partition wall,

        and two water gates, through which boats pass, into the moat,

        from east to west. A ditch once encompassed the walls, now

        dry on the northern side ; on the other thi’cc, and within the

        city, it and most of the canals arc filled by the tide, which as it

        runs out does nmch to cleanse iUp city from its sewage. The

        gates are all shut at night, and a guard is stationed near them to

        preserve order, but the idle soldiers themselves cause at times

        no little disturbance. Among the names of the gates are Gfeat-

        Peace gate, Eternal-Rest gate, Five-Genii gate, Bainhoo- Wiehet

        gate, etc.

        The appearance of the city when viewed from the hills on the north is insipid and uninviting, compared with western cities, being an expanse of reddish roofs, often concealed by frames for drying or dyeing clothes, or shaded and relieved by a few large trees, and interspersed with high, red ])olcs used for flagstaffs. Two pagodas shoot up within the walls, far above the watch towers on them, and with the five-storied tower on Kwanyiji shan near the northern gate, form the most conspicuous objects in the prospect.

        ‘ The French bishop Palafox gives still another accoimt of the capture of Canton ; his statement contains, however, one or two glaring errors. Vid. Iliitoire de la Conquete de la Chine par lea Tartares^ pp. 150 ff.

        SIGHTS OF CANTON CITY. 163

        To a spectator at this elevation, the river is a prominent feature in the landscape, as it shines out covered with a great diversity of boats of different colors aiul sizes, some stationary others moving, and all resounding with the mingled hum of laborers, sailors, musicians, hucksters, children, and boatwonien, pursuing their several sports and occupations. On a low sandstone ledge, in the channel off the city, once stood the Sea Pearl(Hai Zhu) Fort, called Dutcli Folly by foreigners, the cpiietude reigning witliin which contrasted agreeably with the liveliness of the waters around. Beyond, on its southern shore, lie the suburb and island of Ilonam, and green fields and low hills are

        seen still farther in the distance ; at the western angle of this

        island the Pearl Piver divides, at the Peh-ngo tan or Macao

        Passage, the greatest body of water flowing south, and leaving a

        comparatively narrow channel before the city. The hills on the

        north rise twehe hundred feet, their acclivities for miles being

        covered with graves and tombs, the necropolis of this vast city.

        The streets are too narrow to be seen from such a spot.

        Among their names, amounting in all to more than six hundred,

        are Dragon street, Martial Dragon street, l\’arl street. Golden

        Fknver street, I^ew Green Pea street, Physic street, SjKctaele

        street, Old Clothes street, etc. They are not as dirty as those

        of some other cities in the empire, and on the whole, considering

        the habits of the people and surveillance of the government,

        which prevents almost everything like public spirit, Canton has

        been a well governed, cleanly city. In these respects it is not

        now as w^ell kept, perhaps, as it was before the war, nor was it

        ever comparable to modern cities in the West, nor should it be

        likened to them : without a coi’poration to attend to its condition,

        or having power to levy taxes to defray its unavoidable

        expenses, it cannot be expected that it should be as wholesome.

        It is more surprising, rather, that it is no worse than it is. The houses along the waterside are built upon piles and those portions of the city are subject to inundations. On the edge of the stream, the water percolates the soil, and spoils all the wells.

        The temples and public buildings of Canton are numerous. There are two pagodas near the west gate of the old city, and one hundred and twenty-four temples, pavilions, halls, and other religious edifices within the circuit of the city. The Kwang tah or ‘Plain pagoda,’ was erected by the Mohammedans (who still reside near it), about ten centuries ago, and is rather a minaret than a pagoda, though quite unlike those structures of Turkey in its style of architecture ; it shoots up in an angular, tapering tower, to the height of one hundred and sixty feet. The other is an octagonal ])agoda, of nine stories, one hundred and seventy feet high, first erected more than thirteen hundred years ago. The geoniancei’S say that the whole city is like a junk, these two pagodas are her masts, and the iive-storied tower on the northern wall, her stern sheets.

        Among the best known monuments to foreigners visiting this city was the monastery of ChorKj-shoin ^z\ ‘ Temple of Longevity,’ founded in 1573, and occupying spacious grounds. “In the iirst pavilion are three Buddhas ; in the second a sevenstory, gilt pagoda, in which are TO images of Buddha. In the third pavilion is an image of Buddha reclining,, and in a merry mood. A garden in the rear is an attractive place of resort, and another, on one side of the entrance, has a numher of tanks in which gold fish are reared. In the space in front of the temple a fair is held every morning for the sale of jade ornaments and other articles.” ‘ This temple was destroyed in Novemher, 1881, hy a mob who were incensed at the alleged jnisbehaviour of some of the priests toward the female devotees—an instance of the existence in China of a lively popular sentiment regarding certain matters. Near this compound stands the ‘Temple of the Five Hundred Genii,’ containing 500 statues of various sizes in honor of Buddha and his disciples.

        ‘Dr. Kerr, Cttntoiu (Inidc,

        BUDDHIST TEMPLES IN CANTON. 165

        The TTaJ-cJiwang sz\ a Buddhist temple at Ilonam usually known as the Plonam Joss-house, is one of the largest in Canton. Its grounds cover about seven aci-es, surrounded by a wall, and divided into courts, garden-spots, and a burial-gromid, where are deposited the ashes of priests after cremation. The buildings consist mostly of cloistei’s or apartments surrounding a court, within which is a temple, a pavilion, or a hall ; these courts are overshadowed by bastard-banian trees, the resort of thousands of birds. The outer gateway leads up a gravelled walk to a high portico guarded by two huge demoniac figures, through which the visitor enters a small inclosure, separated from the largest one by another spacious porch, in which are four colossal statues. This conducts him to the main temple, a low building one hundred feet square, and surrounded by pillars; it contains three wooden gilded images, in a sitting posture, called San Pao Fah, or the Past, Present, and Future Puddha, each of them about twenty-five feet high, and surrounded by numerous altars and attendant images. Daily prayers are chanted before them by a large chapter of priests, all of whom, dressed in yellow canonicals, go through the liturgy. Beyond this a smaller building contains a marble carving somewhat resembling a pagoda, under which is preserved a relic of Puddha, said to be one of his toe-nails. This court has other shrines, and many rooms for the accommodation of the priests, among which are the printing-office and library, both of them respectable for size, and containing the blocks of books issue by them, and sold to devotees.

        There are about one hundred and seventy-five priests connected with the establishment, only a portion of whom can read. Among the buildings are several small temples dedicated to national deities whom the Puddhists have adopted into their mythology. One of the houses adjoining holds the hogs (not hiKjs, as was stated in one work) offered by worshippers who feed them as long as they live.

        •Two other shrines belonging to the Buddhists, are both of them, like the Honam temple, well endowed. One called Kivanghiao s.i\ or ‘ Temple of Glorious Filial Duty,’ contains two hundred priests, who are supported from glebe lands, estimated at three thousand five hundred acres. The number of priests and nuns in Canton is not exactly known, but probably exceeds two thousand, nine-tenths of whom are Puddhists. There are only three temples of the Pationalists, their numbers and influence being far less in this city than those of the Puddhists.

        The Cluntj-liioang miao is an important religious institution in every Chinese city, the temple, being a sort of palladium, in which both rulers and people offer their devotions for the mcIfare of the city. The superintendent of that in Canton pays $4,000 for his situation, which sum, with a large profit, is obtained again in a few years, by the sale of candles, incense, etc., to the worshippers. The temples in China are generally cheerJJess and gloomy abodes, well enough fitted, however, for the residence of inanimate idols and the perfurmance of unsatisfying ceremonies. The entrance courts are usually occupied by liucksters, beggars, and idlers, who are occasionally driven off to give room for the mat-sheds in which theatrical performances got up by priests are acted. The principal hall, where the idol sits enshrined, is lighted only in fictnt, and the altar, drums, bells, and other furniture of the temple, are little calculated to enliven it ; the cells and cloisters are inhabited by men almost as senseless as the idols they serve, miserable beings, whose droning, useless life is too often only a cloak for vice, indolence, and crime, which make the class an opprobrium in the eyes of their countrymen.

        Canton is the most intluential city in Southern China, and its

        reputation for riches and luxury is established throughout the

        central and northern provinces, owing to its formerly engrossing

        the entire foreign trade np to 1843, for a period of about one

        hundred years. At that time the residence of the governorgeneral

        Avas at Shao-king fu, west of Canton, and his official

        guard of 5,000 troops is still quartered there, as the Manchii

        garrison is deemed enougli for the defence of Canton. He and

        the lloppo, or collector of customs, once had their yamuns in the

        Xew City, but a llomish C^athedral lias been built on the ^te

        of the former’s office since its capture in 1857. The governor,

        treasurer, Manchu commandant, chancellor, and the lower local

        magistrates (ten in all), live in the Old City, and with their official

        retinues compose a large body of underlings. Some of these

        establishments occupy four or five acres.

        The KanyYuenoY Examination Hall, lies in the southeastern corner of the Old City, similar in size and arrangement to these edifices in other cities. It is 1,330 feet long, 583 wide, and covers over sixteen acres. The wall surrounding it is entered at the east and west corners of the south end, where door-keepers are stationed to prevent a crowd of idlers. The cells are arranged in two sets on each side of the main passage^ which is paved and lined with trees: they are further disposed in rows of 57 and 63 cells each—all reached through one side door.

        The total is 8,653 ; each cell is 5 feet 9 inches deep, by 3 feet 8 inches wide ; grooves are made in the wall to admit a planlc, serving as a table by day and a bed by night. Once within, the students arc contined to their several stalls, and the outer gate is sealed. A single roof covers the cells of one range, the ranges being 3 feet 8 inches apart. The northern portion includes about one-third of the whole, and is built over with the lialls, courts, lodging-rooms, and guard or eating-houses of the highest examiners, their assistants and copyists, with thousands of waiters, printers, underlings, and soldiers. At the biennial examination the total number of students and others in the Hall reaches nearly twelve thousand men.

        THE THIRTEEN HONGS OR FACTORIES. 167

        There are four prisons in the city, all of them large establish- v^

        ments ; all the capital offenders in the province are brought to Canton for trial before the provincial officers, and this regulation makes it necessary to provide spacious accommodations for them. The execution-ground is a small yard near a pottery manufacture between the southern gate and the river side, and unless the ground is newly stained with blood, or cages containing the heads of the criminals are hung around, has nothing about it to attract the attention. Another public building, situated near the governor’s palace, is the Wan-s/iao Jiung, or ‘ Imperial Presence hall,’ where three days before and after his majesty’s birthday, the officers and citizens assemble to pay him adoration.

        The various guilds among the people, and the clubs of scholars

        and merchants from other provinces, have, each of them, public

        halls which are usually called consoo houses by foreigners, from

        a corruption of a native term hung-sz\ i.e., public hall ; but the

        usual designation is houi kwan or ‘ Assembly Hall.’ Their

        total number must be quite one hundred and fifty, and some of

        them are not destitute of elegance.’

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. II., pp. 145, 191, &c.

        The former residences of foreigners in the western suburbs were known as Shisan Hang or ‘ Thirteen Hangs,’ “” and for nearly two centuries furnished ulniust theonlv (!\hll)ition to the Chinese people of the Yangren or ‘ocean-men’. Here the fears and the greed of the rulers, landlords, and traders combined to restrain foreigners of all nations “within an area of about fifteen acres, a large part of this space being the Garden or licyxnidxiii’ta

        – This word is derived from the Chinese hong or hang, meaning a row or series, and is applied to warehouses because these consist of a succession of rooms. The foreign factories were built in this manner, and therefore the Chinese called each block a hong; the old security-merchants were dubbed liong-merchants, because they lived in such establishments.

        “Walk on the baidv of the river. All these houses and out-houses covered a space scarcely as great as the base of the Great Pyramid ; its total population, including native and foreign servants, was upwards of a thousand souls. The shops and nuirkets of the Chinese were separated from them only a few feet, and this greatly increased the danger from fire, as may be inferred from the sketch of the street next on the west side.

        VIEW OF A STKEET IN CANTON.ENVIKOXS OF CANTOX. 169

        In 1S50, the number of hongs was reckoned to be 16, and the local calendar for that A’ear contained 317 names, not including women and children. Besides the 16 Hangs, four native streets, boidered with shops for the sale of fancy and silk goods to their foreign customers, ran between the factories. This latter name was given to them from their being the residences of factors, for no handicraft was carried on here, nor were many goods stored in them. Fires were not unusual, which demolished jwrtions of them ; in 1822 they were completely consumed; another conflagration in 1843 destroyed two hongs and a street of shops ; and in 1842, owing to a sudden riot, connected with paying the English indemnity, the British Consulate was set on fire. Finally, as if to inaugurate a new era, they were all simultaneously burned by the local authorities to drive out the British forces, in December, 1856, and every trace of this interesting spot as it existed for so long a time in the annals of foreign intercourse obliterated. Since the return of trade, a new and better site has been fomned at Shameen, west of the old spot, by building a solid stone wall and filling in a long, marshy low-tide bank, formerly occupied by boats, to a height of 8 or 10 feet, on which there is room for gardens as well as houses. This is surrounded by water, and thereby secure from fire and mobs t() which the old hongs were exposed. Besidences are obtainable anywhere in the city by foreigners, and the common sight in the olden times of their standing outside of the Great Peace Gate to see the crowd pass in and out while

        they themselves could not enter, is no longer seen. A very

        good map of the enciente was made by an American missionary,

        Daniel Vrooman, by taking the angles of all the conspicuoni

        buildings therein, with the highest points in the suburbs ; he

        then taught a native to pace the streets between them, compass

        in liand (noting courses and distances, which he fixed by the principal gates), until a complete plan was filled out. When the city was opened four years afterwards this map was foundto need no important corrections.

        The trades and manufactories at Canton are mainly connected

        with the foreign commerce. Many silk fabrics are woven at

        Fatshan, a large town situated about ten miles west of the city ;

        fire-crackers, paper, mat-sails, cotton clotli, and other articles,

        are also made there for exportation. The number of persons

        engaged in M’eaving cloth in Canton is about 50000, including

        embroiderers ; nearly 7000 barbers and 4200 shoemakers are

        stated as the number licensed to shave the crowns and shoe the

        soles of their fellow-citizens.

        ^lie opposite suburb of Ilonam offers pleasant walks for recreation, and the citizens are in the habit of going over the river to saunter in its fields, or in the cool grounds of the great temple ; a race-course and many enjoyable rides on horseback also tempt foreigners into the country. A couple of miles up the river are the Fa ti or Flower gardens which once supplied the plants carried out of the country, and are resorted to bypleasure parties ; but to one accustomed to the squares, gardens, and esplanades of M’estern cities, these grounds appear mean in

        the extreme.y Foreigners randjle into the country, but rowing

        upon the river is their favorite reci-eation. Like Europeans in

        all parts of the East, they retain their own costume and modes

        of living, and do not espouse native styles ; though if it were

        not for the shaven crown, it is not unlikely that many of them

        would adopt the Chinese dress.

        The Cantonese enumerate eight remarkable localities, called

        l>ah hhuj^ which they consider worth}’ the attention of the

        stranger. The first is the peak of Yuehsiu, just within the

        walls on the north of the city, and commanding a fine view of

        the surrounding country. The Vi-])a Tah^ or Lyre pagoda at AVhampoa, and the ‘Eastern Sea Fish-pearl,’ a rock in the Pearl

        River off the city, on wliich the fort ah-eady referred to as

        the ‘ Dutch Folly ‘ was formerly situated, are two more ; the

        pavilion of the Five Genii, with the five stone rams, and print

        of a man’s foot in the rock, ” always filled with water,” near

        by ; the rocks of Yu-shan ; the lucky wells of Faukiu in the

        western suburbs ; cascade of Si-tsiau, forty miles west of the

        city ; and a famous red building in the city, complete the eight

        ” lions.”

        The foreign shipping all anchored, in the early days, at “Whampoa, but this once important anchorage has been nearly deserted since the river steamers began their trips to the outer waters. There are two islands on the south side of the anchorage, called French and Danes’ islands, on which foreigners are buried, some of the gravestones marking a century past. The prospect from the summit of the hills hereabonts is picturesque and charming, giving the spectator a high idea of the fertility and industry of the land and its people. The town of Whanipoa and its pagoda lie north of the anchorage; between this and Canton is another, called Lob creek pagoda, both of them uninhabited and decaying.

        MACAO AND HONGKONG. 171

        Macao (pronounced Mal’ov) is a Portuguese settlement on a small peninsula projecting from the south-eastern end of the large island of Iliangshan. Its Chinese inhabitants have been governed since 1S49 by the Portuguese authorities somewhat differently from their own people, but the mixed government has succeeded very well. The circuit of this settlement is about eight miles ; its position is beautiful and very agreeable ; nearly surrounded with water, and open to the sea breezes, having a good variety of hill and plain even in its little territory, and a large island on the west called Tul-vtien shan or La})a Island, on which arc pleasant rambles, to be reached by equally pleasant boat excursions, it offers, moreover, one of the healthiest residences in south-eastern Asia. The population is not far from 80,000, of whom more than ‘7,000 are Portuguese and other foreigners, living under the control of the Portuguese authorities. The Portuguese have refused to pay the former annual ground-rent of 000 taels to the Chinese Government, since the assassination of their governor in 1849, and now control all the inhabitants living within the Barrier wall, most of M’lioni have been born therein. The houses occupied by the foreign population aie solidly built of brick or adobie, large, roomy, and open, and from the rising nature of the ground on which they stand, present an imposing appearance to the visitor coming in from the sea.

        There are a few notable buildings in the settlement ; the most imposing edifice, St. Paul’s church, was burned in 1835.

        Three forts on connnanding eminences protect the town, and others outside of the walls defend its waters ; the governor takes the oaths of office in the Monte fort ; but the government offices are mostly in the Senate house, situated in the middle of the town. Macao was, up to 1813, the only residence for the

        families of merchants trading at Canton. Of late the authorities

        are doing much to revive the prospei-ity of the place, by making

        it a free port. The Typa anchorage lies’ between the islands

        Mackerara and Typa, about three miles off the southern end

        of the peninsula ; all small vessels go into the Inner harbor on

        the west side of the town. Ships anchoring in the Roads are

        obliged to lie about three miles off in consequence of shallow

        Mater, and large ones cannot come nearer than six or seven miles.’

        Since the ascendancy of Hongkong, this once celebrated poi-t

        has fallen away in trade and importance, and for many years

        had an infamous reputation for the protection its rulers afforded

        the coolie trade.

        Eastward from Macao, about, forty miles, lies, the English colony of Hongkong, an island in lat. 22° 16^’ K., and long. Ill” 8^’ E., on the eastern side of the estuary of the Pearl River. The island of Hongkong, or Xianggang (i.e., the Fragrant Streams), is nine miles long, eight broad, and twenty-six in circumference, presenting an exceedingly uneven, barren surface, consisting for the most part of ranges of hills, with narrow intervales, and a little level beach land. Victoria Peak is 1825 feet. Probably not one-twentieth of the surface is available for a<^riciiltural purposes. The island and harbor were first ceded to the Crown of England by the treaty made between Captain Elliot and Kishen, in January, 1841, and again by the treaty of Nanjing, in August, 1842 ; lastly, by the Convention of Peking, October 24, ISCO, the opposite peninsula of Ivowlung M’as added, in order to furnish space for quartering troops and storehouse room for naval and military supplies. The town of Victoria lies on the north side, and extends more than three miles along the shore. The secure and convenient harbor has attracted the settlement here, though the nne\en nature of the ground compels the inhabitants to stretch their warehouses and dwellings along the beach.

        ‘ Cldnese Rejwsitory, passim. An Historical Sketch of the Portwjxiese Settlements in China. Bj Hir A. Ljungstedt. Boston, 188(>.

        The architecture of most of the buildings erected in Victoria is eu})erior to anything heretofore seen in (^liina. Its population is now estimated at 130,000, of whom five-sixths are Chinese tradesmen, craftsmen, laborers, and boatmen, few of whom lune their families. • The government of the colony is vested ^’n a governor, chief-justice’, and a legislative council of five, assisted by various subordinate officers and secretaries, the M’liole forming a cumbrous and expensive machinery, compaied “with the needs and resources of the colony The Bishop of Victoria has an advisory control over the missions of the establishment in the southern provinces of China, and supervises the schools in the colony, where many youths are trained in English and Chinese literature.

        The supplies of the island are chiefly brought from the mainland where an increasing population of Chinese, under the control of the magistrate of Kowluiig, find ample demand for all the provisions they can furnish.

        Three newspapers are published in English, and two in Chinese. The Seaman’s and Military hospitals, the chapels and schools of the London and Church Missionary Society, St. John’s Cathedral, Tioman Catholic establishment, the government house, the magistracy, jail, the ordnance and engineer departments.

        TOWNS OF KWAXGTUNG PROVINCE. 173

        Exchange, and the Club house, are among the principal edifices. The amount of money expended in buildings in this colony is enormous, aiid most of them are substantial stone or brick houses. The view of the city as seen from the harbor is only excelled in beauty by the wider panorama spread out before the spectator on Victoria Peak. During the forty-odd years of its occupation, this colony lias slowly advanced in commercial importance, and become an entrepot for foreign goods designed for native markets in Southern China. Every facility has been given to the Chinese who resort to its shops to carry away their purchases, by making the port free of every impost,

        and preventing the imperial revenue cutters from interfering

        with their junks while in sight of the island. The arrangements

        of this contested point so that the Chinese revenue shall

        not suffer have not satisfied either party, and as it is in the similar

        case of Gibraltar, is not likely to soon be settled. Smugglers

        must run their own risks with the imperial officers. The

        most valuable article leaving Hongkong is opium, but the

        greatest portion of its exports pay the duties on entering China

        at the five open ports in the province of Kwangtung. As the

        focus of postal lines of passenger steamers, and the port where

        mercantile vessels come to learn markets, Ilonofkono; exerts a

        greater influence on the southeast of Asia than her trade and

        size indicate. The island of Shangclmen or San9ian, where Xavier

        died, lies southwest of Macao about thirty miles, and is sometimes

        visited by devout persons from that place to reverence his tomb, which they keep in repair.

        The city oi Shauchau in the northern part of the province lies at the fork of the river, which compels a change of boats for passengers and goods ; it is one of the largest cities after Canton, and a pontoon bridge furnishes the needed facilities for stopping and taxing the boats and goods passing through.

        Shanking, west of Canton, is another important town, which held out a long time against the Manchus ;* it was formerly the seat of the provincial authorities, till they removed to Canton in 1630 to keep the foreigners under control. It stretches along six miles of the river bank, a well-built city for China, in a beautiful position. Some of its districts furnish green teas and matting for the Canton market, and this trade has opened the way for a large emigration to foreign countries. Among other towns of note is Xanhiung, situated at the head of navigation on the North River, where goods cross the Mei ling.

        ‘ Palafox, Conquete de la CJdne, p. 172.

        Before the coast was opened to trade, fifty thousand porters obtained a livelihood by transporting packages, passengers, and merchandise to and from this town and Xan-ngan in Kiangsi. It is a thriving place, and the restless habits of these industrious carriers give its population somewhat of a turbulent character. Many of them are women, who usually pair off by themselves and carry as heavy burdens as the men.

        Not far from Yangshan hien is a fine cavern, the JV^iu Yen or ‘ Ox Cave,’ on a hillside near the North River. Its entrance is like a grand hall, with pillars TO feet high and 8 or 10 feet thick. The finest part is exposed to the sun, but many pretty rooms and niches are revealed by torches ; echoes 2-esound through their recesses. The stalactites and stalagmites present a vast variety of shapes—some like immense folds of di-apery, between which are lamps, thrones and windows of all shapes and sizes, while others hang from the roof in fanciful forms.

        ‘ Embassy (of Lord Amherst) to Cldna, Moxon’s ed., 1840, p. 98.

        THE ISLAND OF HAINAN. 175

        The scenery along the river, between Xanhiung and Shauchau, is described as wild, rugged, and barren in the extreme; the summits of the mountains seem to touch each other across the river, and massive fragments fallen from their sides, in and along the river, indicate that the passage is not altogether free from danger. In this mountainous region coal is procured by opening horizontal shafts to the mines. Ellis ‘ says, it was brought some distance to the place where he saw it, to be used in the manufacture of green vitriol. Many pagodas are passed in the stretch of 330 miles between Xanhiung and Canton, calculated to attract notice, and assure the native boatmen which swarm on its waters, of the protection of the two elements he has to deal with—wind and water. One of the most conspicuous objects in this part of the river are five rocks, which rise abruptly from the banks, and are fancifully called Wt(-7na-tao, or ‘Five-horses’ heads.’ The formation of this part of the province consists of compact, dark-colored limestone, overlying sandstone and breccia. Nearly halfway between Shauchau and Canton is a celebrated mountain and cavern temple, dedicated to Kwanjnn, the goddess of Mercy, and most charmingly situated amid waterfalls, groves, and fine scenery, near a hill about 1850 feet high. The cliff has a sheer descent of five hundred feet; the temple is in a fissure a hundred feet above the water, and consists of two stories; the steps leading up to them, the rooms, walls, and cells, are all cut out of the rock. Inscription;; and scrolls hide the naked walls, and a few inane priests inhabit this somewhat gloomy abode. Mr. Barrow draws a proper comparison between these men and the inmates of the Cork Convent in Portugal, or the Franciscan Convent in Madeira, who had likewise ” chained themselves to a rock, to be gnawed by the vultures of superstition and fanaticism,” but these last have less excuse.

        The island of Hainan constitutes a single department, Kiungchau,

        but its prefect has no power over the central and mountainous

        parts. In early European travels it is named Aynao, Kainan

        and Aniam. It is about one hundred and fifty miles long and

        one hundred broad, being in extent nearly twice the size of

        Sicily. It is separated from the main by Luichau Strait, sixteen

        miles wide, whose shoals and reefs render its passage uncertain.

        The interior of the island is mountainous, and well wooded, and the inhabitants give a partial submission to the Chinese ; Ihey are identical in race with the mountaineers in Kweichau. This ridge is called Li-mu ling; a remarkable peak in the centre of the southern half, Wuzhi Shan or ‘ Fivefinger Mountain,’ probably rises 10,000 feet. The Chinese inhabitants are mostly descendants of emigrants from Fuhkien, and are either trading, agricultural, marine, or piratical in their vocation, as they can make most money. The lands along the coast are fertile, producing areca-nuts, cocoa-nuts, and other tropical fruits, which are not found on the main. Kiungchau fu lies at the mouth of the Li-mu River, opposite Luichau. The port is Hoiliau, nineteen miles distant, but the entrance is too shallow for most vessels, and the trade consequently seeks a better market at Pakhoi, a town which has recently risen to importance as a treaty port on the mainland. All the thirteen district towns are situated on the coast, and within their circuit, on Chinese maps, a line is drawn, inclosing the centre of the island, within which the Li viin^ or Li people live, some of whom are acknowledged to he independent. They are therefore known as wild and civilized Li, and are usually in a state of chronic irritation from the harsh treatment of the rulers. It is prohahle that they originally came from the Malayan Peninsula (as their features, dress, and habits indicate their atiinity with those tribes), and have gradually withdrawn themselves into their recesses to avoid oppression. In 1202, the Emperor Kublai gave twenty thousand of them lands free for a time in the eastern parts, but the Ming sovereigns found them all intractable and l)elligerent. The population of the island is about a million. Its productions are rice, sweet potatoes, sugar, tobacco, fruits, timber, and insect wax.’

        The province of Guangxi(l.e. Broad West) extends westward of Guangdong to the borders of Annam, occupying the region on the southwest of the Xan ling, and has been seldom visited by foreigners, mIioso journeys have been up the Kwai Jiang: or ‘Cassia River’ into Hunan. The banks of the rivers sometimes spread out into plains, more in the eastern parts than elsewhere, on which an abundance of rice is grown. There are mines of gold, silver, and other metals, in this province, most of which are worked under the superintendence of government, but no data are accessible from whicli to ascertain the produce.

        Among the commercial productions of Guangxi, are cassia, cassia-oil, ijik-stones, and cabinet-woods; its natural ivsources supply the prin(;i})al articles of trade, for there are no manufactures of importance. IMany partially subdued tribes are found within the limits of this province, who are ruled by their own hereditary governors, under the supervision of the Chinese authorities; there are twenty-four vhau districts occupied by these people, the names of whose head-men are given in the lied

        ‘ E. C. Taintor, OeogrnpMeal Skelcit of the Mnnd of JTnlnnn, with map.

        (Canton. 18«8. Journal N. G. Br. R. A. S., No. VII., Arts. I., 11., and IN.C’/iiTKi li/anew, Vols. I., p. 124, and II., p. 382. N. B. Dennys, Report on thtnetoly-^jpeiied porta of Kiangchow {UoUkiu) in JIi<iu((n, <ind lldiphong in. Tonqidn. Ilouij’koug, 1878.

        THE PROVINCE OF KWANGSI. 177

        Book, and their position marked in the statistical maps of the

        empire, but no information is furnished in either, concerning

        the numbers, hmguage, or occupations, of the inhabitants.

        Guangxi is well watered by the west lliver and its branches, which enable traders to convey timber and surplus produce to Canton, and receive from thence salt and other articles. The mountains on the northwest are occasionally covered with siK)w; many of the western districts furnish little besides wood for buildings and boats. The basin of the West River is subdivided by ranges of hills into three large valleys, through which flow many tributaries of the leading streams, and as they each usually drop the old name on receiving a new affluent, it is a confusing study to follow them all. On the south the river Yiih rises near Yunnan, and deflects south to Kan-ning near

        the borders of Kwangtung, joining the central trunk at Sinchau,

        after a course of five hundred miles. On the north the

        river Lung and the Hiing-shui receive the surplus drainage

        of the northern districts and of Kweichau, a region where the

        Miaotsz’ have long kept watch and ward over their hilly abodes.

        The waters are then poured into the central trench a few miles

        west of Sinchau. This main artery of the province rises in

        Yunnan and would connect it by batteaux with Canton City if the channel were improved ; it is called Sz’ ho, and ranks as the largest tributary of the Pearl River.

        The capital, Guilin (i.e., Cassia Forest), lies on the Cassia River, a branch of the West River, in the northeast part of the province ; it is a poorly built city, surrounded by canals and branches of the river, destitute of any edifices wortliy of notice and having no great amount of trade. During the Tai-ping rebellion, this and the next town were nearly destroyed between the insurgents and imperialists.

        Wuchau fu, on the same river, at its junction with the Long Jiang, or ‘Dragon River’, where they unite and form the West River, is the largest trading town in the province. The independent chau districts are scattered over the southwest near the frontiers of Annam, and if anything can be inferred from their position, it may be concluded that they were settled by Laos tribes, who had been induced, by the comparative security of life and property within the frontiers, to acknowledge the Chinese sway.’

        The province of Kweichau (*.<?., Koblc Region) is on the whole the poorest of the eighteen in the character of its inhabitants, amount of its products, and development of its resources.

        A range of mountains passes from the northeast side in a southwesterly course to Yunnan, forming the watershed between the valleys of the Yangtsz’ and Siang rivers, a rough but fertile region. The western slopes are peopled by Chinese tillers of the soil, a rude and ignorant race, and rather turbulent; the eastern districts are largely in the hands of the Miaotsz’, who are considered by the officials and their troops to be lawful objects

        of oppression and destruction. The climate of the province

        is regarded as malarious, owing to the quantity of stagnant

        water and the impurity of that drawn from wells. Its productions

        consist of rice, wheat, musk, insect wax, tobacco, timber,

        and cassia, with lead, copper, silver, quicksilver, and iron. The

        quicksilver mines are in Kai chau, north of the provincial capital,

        and apparently exceed in extent and richness all other

        known deposits of this metal ; they have been worked for centuries.

        Cinnabar occurs at various places, about lat. 27°, in a

        belt extending quite across the province, and tei’minating near

        the borders of Yunnan. Two kinds of silk obtained from the

        worms which feed on the mulberry and oak, furnish material

        for clothing so cheaply that cotton is imported from other provinces.

        Horses and other domestic animals are reared in larger quantities than in the eastern provinces. •

        The largest river is the AVu, which drains the central and northern parts of the province, and empties into the Yangtsz’, through the river Kien near Chungking. Other tributaries of that river and West River, also have their sources in this province, and by means of batteaux and rafts are all more or less available for traffic. The natural outlet for the products of Ivweichau is the river Yuen in Ilunan, whose various branches flow into it from the eastern prefectures, but their unsettled condition prevents regular or successful intercourse.

        ‘ Chinese Repodtory, Vol. XIV., pp. 171 ff.

        KWEICHAU PROVINCE AND THE MIAOTSZ 179

        The capital, Kweijang, is situated among the mountains ; it is the smallest provincial capital of the eighteen, its walls not being more than two miles in circumference. The other chief towns or departments are of inferior note. There are many military stations in the southern prefectures at the foot of the mountains, intended to restrain the unsubdued tribes of Miaotsz’ who inhabit them.

        Miaotsz’ Types.

        This name Miaotsz’ is used among the Chinese as a general term for all the dwellers upon these mountains, but is not applied to every clan by the people themselves. They consist of eighty-two tribes in all (found scattered over the mountains in Kwangtung, ITunan, and Kwangsi, as well as in Kweichau), speaking several dialects, and diifering among themselves in their customs, government, and dress. The Chinese have often described and pictured these people, but the notices are confined to a list of their divisions, and an account of their most striking peculiarities. Their language dift’ei’s entirely from the Chinese, but too little is known of it to ascertain its analogies to other tonj^ues; its affinities are most likely with the Laos, and those

        tribes between Burmah, Siam, and China. One clan, inhabiting

        Lipo hien in the extreme south, is called Yau-jin, and

        although they occasionally come down to Canton to trade, the

        citizens of that place firmly believe them to be furnished with

        short tails like monkeys. They carry arms, are inclined to live

        at peace with the lowlanders, but resist eveiy attempt to penetrate

        into their fastnesses. The Yau-jin first settled in Kwangsi,

        and thence passed over into Lien chau about the twelfth century, where they have since maintained their footing. Both sexes wear their hair braided in a tuft on the top of the head—but never shaven and tressed as the Chinese—and dress in loose garments of cotton and linen ; earrings are in imiversal use among them. They live at strife among themselves, which becomes a source of safety to the Chinese, who are willing enough to liarass and oppress, but are ill able to resist, these hardy mountaineers. In 1832, they broke out in active hostilities, and destroyed numerous parties of troops sent to subdue them, but were finally induced to return to their retreats by offers^of pardon and largesses granted to those who submitted.

        A Chinese traveler among the Miaotsz’ says that some of them live in huts constructed upon the branches of trees, others in mud hovels ; and one tribe in clift” houses dug out of the hillsides, sometimes six hundred feet up. Their agriculture is rude, and their garments are obtained Ijy barter from the lowlanders in exchange for metals and grain, or wov^en by themselves.

        The religious observances of these tribes are carefully noted, and whatever is connected with nuirriages and funerals.

        THE PROVINCE OF YUNNAN. 181

        In one tribe, it is the custom for the father of a new-born child, as soon as its mother has become strone^ enouoh to leave her couch, to get into bed himself and there receive the congratulations of his acquaintances, as he exhibits his offspring—a custom which has been found among the Tibetan tribes and elsewhere. Another class has the counterpart of the may-pole and its jocund dance, which, like its corresponding game, is availed of by young men to select their mates.’

        The province of Yunnan {i.e., Cloudy South—south of the Yun ling, or ‘Cloudy Mountains”‘) is in the southwest of the empire, bounded by north Sz’chuen, east by Kweichau and Kwangsi, south by Annam, Laos, and Siam, and west by Burmah.

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. I., p. 29; Vol. XIV., pp. 105-117; G. T. Lay,Chinese as They Are, p. 316 ; Journal of N’. C. Branch of Royal Asiatic Society,No. III., 1H59, and No. VI., 1869. Chinese Recorder, Vols. 11., p. 265, and III., pp. 33, 74, 96, 134 and 147. Peking Gazette for 1872. China Rei-ietc,Vol. v., p. 92.- Known as Widiharit in Pali records. Chinese Recorder, Vol. III., pp. 33,74, sqq. ; see also pp. 62, 93, 126, for the record of a visit.

        Its distance from the central authority of the Empire since its partial conquest under the Ilanjhjnasty has always made it a weak point, and the uneducated, mixed character of the inhabitants has given an advantage to enterprising leaders to resist Chinese rule. It was recovered from the aborigines by the Tang Emperors, who called it Jung chau, or the region of the Jung tribes, from which the name Karajang, i.e.. Black Jung, which Marco Polo calls it, is derived; Kublai Khan himself led an army in 1253 thither before he conquered China, and sent the Venetians on a mission there about the year 127S, after his establishment at Peking. A son of the Emperor was his Yiceroy over this outlying province at that time. The recent travels of Margary, Baber, and Anderson, of the British service, with Monhot and Garnier of the French, have done much to render this secluded province better known. The central portion is occupied by an extensive plateau, ramifying in various directions and intersected with valley-plains at altitudes of 5,000 to 6,000 feet, in Mdiich lie several large lakes and the seven principal cities in the province. These plains are overtopped by the ridges separating them, which, seen from the lower levels, appear, as in Sliansi, like horizontal, connected summit-lines. All are built up of red sandstone, like the basin in Sz’chuen, through which rivers, small and large, have furroM’ed their beds hundreds and thousands of feet, rendering communication almost impossible in certain directions as soon as one leaves the plateau. In the east and northwest, the defiles are less troublesome, and in this latter portion of the province are some peaks rising far above the snow line. These are called on Col. Yule’s map the Goolan Sigon range. The climate is cooler than in Sz’chuen, owing to this elevation, and not very healthy ; snow lies for weeks at Yunnan fu, and the summers are charming.

        The Yangtsz’ enters the province on the northwest for a short distance. The greatest river in it is the Lantsan, which rises in Tibet, and runs for a long distance parallel with and between the Yangzi and Xu Kivers till the three break through the mountains not far from each other, and take different courses,—the largest turning to the eastward across China, the Lantsan southeast throngh Ynnnan to the gulf of Siani, under the name of the Meikon or river of Cambodia, and the third, or Salween, westerly through Burmah. The Meikon receives many large tributaries in its course across the province, and its entire length is not less than 1500 miles. The Lungehuen,

        a large affluent of the Irrawadi, runs a little west of the

        Salween. The Meinam rises in Yunnan, and flows south into

        Siam under the name of the Xanting, and after a course of nearly

        eight hundred miles, empties into the sea below Bangkok.

        East of the Lantsan are several important streams, of which

        three that unite in Annam to form the Sangkoi, are the largest.

        The general course of these rivers is southeasterly, and their

        upper waters are separated by mountain lidges, between which

        the valleys are often reduced to very narrow limits. There are

        two lakes in the eastern part of the province, south of the capital,

        called Sien and Tien ; the latter is about seventy miles

        long by twenty wide, and the Sien hu {I.e., ‘ Fairy Lake ‘) about

        two-thirds as large. Another sheet of water in the northwest,

        near Tali fu, coiinnunicating with the Yangtsz’ kiang, is called

        Urh hai or Uhr sea, which is more* than a hundred miles long,

        and about twenty in width.

        INHABITANTS AND PRODUCTIONS OF YUNNAN. 183

        The capital, Yunnan, lies u})ou the north shore of Lake Tien, and is a town of note, having, moreover, considerable political importance from its trade with other parts of the country through the Yangtsz’, and with Burmah. The city was seriously injured in 1834, by an earthquake, which is said to have lasted three entire days, forcing the inhabitants into tents or the open fields, and overthrowing every important building.’

        The traffic between this province and Burinah centres at the fortified post of Tsantah, in the district of Tangjneh, both of them situated on a branch of the Irrawadi. The principal part of the commodities is transported upon animals from these depots to Bhamo, upon the Iri-awadi, the largest market-town in this part of Chin-India. The Chinese participate largely in this trade, which consists of raw and manufactured silk to the amount of §400,000 annualh’, tea, copper, carpets, orpiment, quicksilver, vermilion, drugs, fruits, and other things, carried from their country in exchange for raw cotton to the amount of $1,140,000 annually, ivory, wax, rhinoceros and deer’s horns, precious stones, birds’ nests, peacocks’ feathers, and foreign articles.

        The entire traffic is probably $2,500,000 annually, and for a few years past has been regularly increasing. There is considerable intercourse and trade on the southern frontiers with the Lolos, or Laos and Annamese,” partly by means of the head-waters of the Meinam and Meikon—which are supposed to communicate with each other by a natural canal—and partly by caravans over the mountains. Yunnan fu was the capital of a Chinese prince about the time of the decadence of the Ming dynasty, who had rendered himself independent in this part of their empire by the overthrow of the rebel Li, but having linked his fortunes with an imbecile scion of that house, he displeased his officers, and his territories gradually fell under the sway of the conquering Manchus.

        ‘ A/males de la Foi, Tome VIII. , p. 87.
        ‘ Two thousand Chinese families live in Amerapura.

        The southern and western districts of the province are inhabited by half-subdued tribes who are governed by their own rulers, under the nominal sway of the Chinese, and pass and repass across the frontiers in pursuit of trade or occupation. The extension of British trade from Bangoon toward this part of China, has brought those hill tribes more into notice, and proved in their present low and barbarous condition the accuracy of the ancient description by Marco Polo and the Boman Catholic missionaries. Colonel Yule aptly terms this wide region an “Ethnological Garden of tribes of various race and in every stage of uncivilization.” The unifying influence of the Chinese written language and literary institutions has been neutralized among these races by their tribal dissensions and inaptitude for study of any kind. Anderson gives short vocabularies of the Kakhyen, Shan, Ilotha Shan, Le-san and Poloung languages, all indicating radical differences of origin, the existence of which would keep them from mingling with each other as Avell as from the Chinese.’

        The mineral wealth of Yunnan is greater and more varied than that of any other province, certain of the mines having been worked since the Sung dynasty. Coal occurs in many places on the borders of the central plateau ; some of it is anthracite of remarkable solidity and uniformity. Salt occurs in hills, not in wells as in Sz’chuen ; the brine is sometimes obtained by diving tunnels into the hillsides. Metalliferous ores reach from this province into the three neighboring ones. Copper is the most abundant, and the mines in Kingyuen fu, in the southwestern ‘part of Sz’chuen, have supplied both copper and zinc ores during the troubles in Yunnan. The copper at Ilwuili chau in that prefecture is worked by companies which pay a royalty of two taels a pecul to the government, and furnish the metal to the mine owners for $S per pecul. The pehtaiKj or argentan ores are mixed with copper, tin, or lead, by the manufacturers according to the uses the alloys are put to.

        Silver exists in several places in the north, and the exploitation of the mines was successful until within 30 years past ; now they cannot be safely or profitably worked, in consequence of political disturbances. Gold is obtained in the sand of some rivers but not to a large extent; lead, iron, tin, and zinc occur in such plenty that they can be exported, but no data are accessible as to the entire product or export.
        ”’ Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien.” rroced. Roy. Geog. Soc, Vols. XIII., p. 392, XIV.’, p. 335, XV., pp. 1G3 and 343. Col. Yule, Trade Routes to Westeru CJdiia—The Geo(jiuq,hic<d Mitynzine,April, 1875. Riclithofen, Recent Attoiipts to find a direct Trade-Road toSonthtDCstern China—Shoiif/fiai Budget, March 2(i, 1874. Journey of A. R.Margary from Shaiighae to Bhamo. Loudon, 1875. Col. H. Browne in Blue Books, Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 (1870-77).

        CHAPTER IV. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF MANCHURIA, MONGOLIA, ILi, AND TIBET

        The portions of the Chinese Empire beyond the limits of the Eighteen Provinces, though of far greater extent than China Proper, are comparatively of minor importance. Their vast regions are peopled by different races, whose languages are nnitually unintelligible, and whose tribes are held together under the Chinese sway rather by interest and reciprocal hostilities or dislike, than by force. European geographers have vaguely termed all that space lying north of Tibet to Siberia, and east of the Tsung ling to the Pacific, Chinese Tartary ; while the countries west of the Tsung ling or Belur tag, to the Aral Sea, have been collectively called Inde2}endtnt Tartary. Both these

        names have already become nearly obsolete on good maps of

        those regions ; the more accurate knowledge brought home by

        recent travellers having ascertained that their inhabitants are

        neither all Tartars (or Mongols) nor Turks, and further that

        the native names and divisions are preferable to a single comprehensive

        one. Such names as Manchuria, Mongolia, Songaria,

        and Turkestan, derived from the leading tribes dwelling in

        those countries, are more definite, though these are not permanent,

        owing to the migratory, changeable habits of the people.

        From their ignorance of scientific geography, the Chinese have

        no general designations for extensive countries, long chains of

        mountains, or devious rivers, but apply many names where, if

        they were better informed, they would be content with one.

        The following table presents a general view of these countries,

        giving their leading divisions and forms of government.

        EXTENT OF Manchuria. 187

        They cannot be classed, however, in the same manner as the provinces, nor are the divisions and capitals here given to be regarded as definitely settled. Their nnited area is 3,951,130 square miles, or a little more than all Europe ; their separate areas cannot be precisely given. Manchuria contains about 400,000 square miles ; Mongolia between 1,300,000 and 1,500,000 square miles ; III about 1,070,000 square miles ; and Tibei from 500,000 to 700,000 square miles.

        MANcnuRi.v is so termed from the leading race who dwell there, the 3IandJu/’s or Manclius ^ it is a word of foreign origin, the Chinese having no general appellation for the viceroyalty ruled from Mukden. It comprises the eastern portion of the high table land of Central Asia, and lies between latitudes 39° and 52° X., and longitudes 120° to 134° E. These points include the limits in l^otli directions, giving the region a rectangular shape lying in a north-east and sonth-west direction; roughly speaking, its dimensions are 800 by 500 miles. It is

        bounded on the south by the Gulf of Pechele, and the highlands

        of Corea on the north bank of the Yalnli River ; on the east

        by a line running from the Russian town of Possiet northerly

        to the River ITsuri, so as to include Ilinka Lake ; thence from

        its headwaters to its junction Nvith the Anmr. This river forms

        the northern frontier ; its tributary, the River Argun, together

        with the large lakes llurun and Puyur, lie on the west ; from

        the latter lake an artificial line stretching nearly due east for

        six degrees in lat. 47° strikes the town of Tsitsihar on the

        River Xonni. The rest of the western border follows the rivers

        Konni and Songari to the Palisade. This obsolete boundary

        commences at Shan-hai kwan on the Gulf of Liatung and runs

        north-easterly ; it nominally separates the Mongols from the

        Manchus for neai’ly 300 miles, and really exists only at the

        passes where the roads are guarded by military.

        But a portion of this region has yet been traversed by Europeans, and most of it is a wilderness. The entire population is not stated in the census of 1812, and from the nature of the country and wandering habits of the people, many tribes of whom render no allegiance to the Emperor, it would be impossible to take a regular census. Parts of Manchuria, as here defined, have been known under many names at different periods.

        LiaiUung (‘East of the River Lian’) has been applied to the country between that river, Corea, and the Sea of Japan ; Tungking(‘Eastern Capital’) referred to the chief town of that region, under the Ming dynasty ; and Kwantung (‘ East of the Pass ‘), denoting the same country, is still a common designation for the whole territory.

        Manchuria is now chiefly comprised in the valleys between the ITsuri and Nonni Rivers, up to the Amur on the north, while the basin of the Liau on the south embraces the rest. There are three principal mountain chains. Beginning nearly a hundred miles east of Mukden, in lat. 43°, are the Long White Mountains’ (Chang-bai Shan of the Chinese, or Kolmin-shanguin alin of the Manchus), which form the watershed between the Songari and Yaluh Rivers and serve for the northern frontier of Corea as far as Russian territory. There it divides

        and takes the name of Sih-hih-teh, or Sihoti Mountains, for the

        eastern spur which runs near the ocean, east of the River ITsuri; and the name of Hurkar Mountains for the western and lower

        spurs between that river and the Ilurkar. One noted peak,

        called Mount Chakoran, rising over 10,000 feet, lies south-east

        of San-sang on the Amur. On the plain, north of Ivirin,

        numerous buttes occur, sometimes isolated, and often in lines

        fifteen or twenty miles apart ; most of them are wooded.

        In the western part of Tsitsihar lies the third great range of

        mountains in Manchuria, called the Sialkoi Mountains, a continuation

        of the Inner Iling-an range of Mongolia, and separating

        the Argun and Nonni basins. The Sialkoi range extends over

        a great part of Mongolia, commencing near the bend of the Yellow

        River, and reaching in a north-easterly direction, it forms

        in Manchuria three sides of the extensive valley of the Xonni,

        ending between the Amur and Songari Rivers at their junction.

        These regions are more arid than the eastern portions, and

        the mountains are rather lower ; but our information is vague

        and scanty. As a whole, Manchuria should be called hilly

        rather than mountainous, its intervales alone repaying cultivation.

        ‘ Klaproth {Memoires Relatifs d PAsie, Tome I., Paris, 1834) has translated from the Manchu a narrative of a visit made in 1(577 by one of the grandees of Kanghi’s court to a summit in this range. Chlneise lieposilvry, Vol. XX. , p. 29G.

        THE AMUR AND ITS AFFLUENTS. 189

        The country north of the Chang-bai Shan as far as the Stanovoi Mountains is drained by one river, viz., the Sagalien, Amur, Kwantung, or Hehlung kiang (for it is known by all these names), and its affluents ; Scujalieii ula in Manchu and Heilong Jiang in Chinese, each mean ‘Black’ or ‘Black Dragon River’. The Amur drains the north-eastern slope of Central Asia by a circuitous course, aided by many large tributaries. Its source is in lat. 50° N. and long. 111° E., in a spur of the Daou-]”ian Mountains, called Kenteh, where it is called the Onon.

        After an east and north-east course of nearly five hundred miles,

        the Onon is joined in long. 115° E. by the Ingoda, a stream

        coming from the east of Lake Baikal, where it takes its rise by a

        peak called Tshokondo, the highest of the Yablonsi Khrebet

        Mountains. Beyond this junction, under the Bussian name of

        Shilka, it flows about two hundred and sixty miles north-east

        till it meets the Argun. The Argun rises about three degrees

        south of the Onon, on the south side of the Kenteh, and under

        the name of Kerlon runs a solitary north-east course for four

        Imndred and thirty miles to Lake Hurun, Kerlon, or Dalai-nur; the Kalka here comes in from Lake Buyur or Fir, and their waters leave Lake Hurun atUst-Strelotchnoi (the Arrow’s Mouth) under the name of the Argun, flowing north nearly four hundred miles to the union with the Shilka in lat. 53° ; from its exit as the Argun and onward to the entrance of the Usuri, it forms the boundary between China and Russia for 1,593 versts, or 1,062 miles.

        Beyond this town the united stream takes the name of the

        Amur (/.(‘., Great River) or Sagalien of the Manchus, running

        nearly east about 550 miles beyond Albazin, when its course is

        south-east till it joins the Songari. Most of the affluents are on

        the north bank ; the main channel grows wider as its size increases,

        having so many islands and banks as seriously to interfere

        with navigation. The valley thus watered possesses great

        natural advantages in soil, climate, and productions, which are

        now gradually attracting Russian settlers. In lat. 47^° the Songari River {Sung-hwa kiang of the Chinese) unites with the Amur on the right bank, 950 miles from Ust-Strelotchnoi,

        bringing the drainings of the greater portion of ]\ranehuria,

        and doubling the main volume of water. The headwaters of

        this stream issue from the northern slopes of the C”liang-peh

        shan ; quickly combined in a single channel, these waters tlow

        past the town of Ivirin, scarcely a hundred miles from the

        mountains, in a river twelve feet deep and 900 M-ide. Xear Petune

        the Iliver Xonni joins it from Tsitsihar, and their united

        stream takes the Chinese name of Kwantung (‘ Mingled Union ‘);

        it is a mile and a half wide here and only three or four feet

        deep, a sluggish river full of islands. Then going east b}- north,

        growing deeper by its affluents, the Ilurka, Mayen, Tunni,

        llulan, and other smaller ones, it unites with the Amur at

        at Changchu, a hundred miles west from the Usuri. All accounts

        agree in giving the Songari the superiority. At Sansing,

        it is a deep and rapid river, but further down islands and

        banks interfere with the navigation. The Ilurka drains the

        original country of the Manchus.’

        The district south-east of the desert, and north of the Great

        Wall, is drained and fertilized by the Sira-nniren, or Liau

        Iliver, which is nearly valueless for navigation. Its main and

        western branch divides near the In shan Mountains into the

        Hwang ho and Lahar; the former rises near the Pecha peak,

        a noted point in those mountains. The Sirainuren runs

        through a dry region for nearly 400 miles before it turns south,

        and in a zigzag channel reaches the Gulf of Liautung, a powerful stream carrying its quota of deposit into the ocean ; the M’idtli at Yingtsz’ is C50 feet. The depth is IG feet on the bar at high tide. The Yaluh kiang, nearly three hundred miles long, runs in a very crooked channel along the northern frontiers of Corea. iJut little is known about the two lakes, Ilurun and Pir, except that their waters are fresh and full of fish ; the river Urshun unites them, and several smaller streams run into the latter.

        ‘ Voyage Down the Amur, by Perry McD. Collins, in 1857. New York,1860, cliaps. xxxii.-lx., passim. Ravenstein’s Arnur. Chinese Repository,Vol. XIX., p. 289. Rev. A. Williamson, Journeys in North China, Vol. II.,eliap.s. x.-xiii.

        NATURAL RESOURCES OF MANCHURIA. 191

        The larger part of Manchuria is covered by forests, the

        abode of wild animals, whose capture affords employment,

        clothing, and food to their hunters. The rivers and coasts

        abound in fish ; among which carp, sturgeon, salmon, pike, and

        other species, as well as shell-fish, are plenty ; the pearl-fishery

        is sufficiently remunerative to employ many fishermen ; the

        Chinese Government used to take cognizance of their success,

        and collect a revenue in kind. The argali and jiggetai are

        found here as well as in Mongolia ; bears, wolves, tigers, deer,

        and numerous fur-bearing animals are hunted for their skins.

        The troops are required to furnish 2,4:00 stags annually to the

        Emperor, who reserves for his own use only the fieshy part of

        the tail as a delicacy. Larks, pheasants, and crows of various

        species, with pigeons, thrushes, and grouse, abound. The condor

        is the largest bird of prey, and for its size and fierceness rivals

        its congener of the Andes.

        The greater half of Shingking and the south of Ivirin is cultivated; maize, Setaria wheat, barley, pulse, millet, and buckwheat are the principal crops. Ginseng and rhubarb are collected by troops sent out in detachments under’ the charge of their proper officers. These sections support, moreover, large herds of various domestic animals. The timber which covers the mountains will prove a source of wealth as soon as a remunerative market stimulates the skill and enterprise of settlers; even now, logs over three feet in diameter find their way up to Peking, brought from the Liau valley.

        Manchuria is divided into three provinces, Shhujhing, Kirin,

        and Tsltnlhar. The province of Shingking includes the ancient

        Liautung, and is bounded north by Mongolia ; north-east and

        east by Kirin ; south by the Gulf of Liautung and Corea, from

        which latter it is separated by the Yaluh Eiver ; and west by

        Chahar in Chihli. It contains two departments, viz., Fungtien

        and Kinchau, subdivided into fifteen districts; there are also

        twelve gai-risoned posts at the twelve gates in the Palisade,

        whose inmates collect a small tax on travellers and goods. Manchuria

        is under a strictly military government, every male above

        eighteen being liable for military service, and being, in fact,

        enrolled under that one of the eight standards to which by Liith he belongs. The administration of Shingking is partl;yuivil and partly military ; that of Iviriu and Tsitsihar is entirely military.

        The popnlation of the province has been estimated by T. T.

        Meadows ‘ at twelve millions, consisting of Manclms and Chinese.

        The coast districts are now mostly occupied and cultivated

        by emigrants from Shantung, who are pushing the Manchus

        toward the Amur, or compelling them to leave their hunting

        and take to farming if they wish to stay where they ^vere born.

        The conquerors are being civilized and developed by their subjects,

        losing the use of their own meagre language, and becoming

        more comfortable as they learn to be industrious. But few

        aboriginal settlements now remain who still resist these influences.

        The inhabitants collect near the river, or along the great

        roads, where food or a market are easiest found.

        The capital of Shingking is usually known on the spot as

        Shin-yang, an older name than the Manchu Mukden, or the

        Chinese name Fungtien. As the metropolis of Manchuria, it is

        also known as Shingking (the ‘ Affluent Capital ‘), distinguished

        from the name of the province by the addition oi jjuti-chiny, or

        ‘head-garrison.’ It lies in lat. 41° 50^’ X. and long. 123° 30′ E., on the banks of the Shin, a small brancli of the Liau, and is reckoned to be five hundred miles north-east from Peking. The town is surrounded by a low mud wall about ten miles in circuit, at least half a mile distant from the main city wall, whose eight gates have double archways so that the crowd may not interfere in passing ; this wall is about three miles around, and its towers and bastions are in good condition. It is 35 or 40 feet high, and 15 feet wide at the top, of brick throughout ; a crenulated parapet protects the guard. But for its smaller scale, the walls and buildings here are precisely similar to those at Peking.

        ‘ The Chinese and their Rebdliona. Loudon, 1856.

        THE PROVINCE OF SHINGKING. 193

        The streets are wide, clean, and the main business avenues lined with large, well built shops, their counters, windows, and other arrangements indicating a great trade. This capital contains a large proportion of governmental establishments, yai/uins^ and nearly all the officials belong to the ruling race. Main streets run across the city from gate to gate, with narrow roads or ku-tung intersecting them. The palace of the early Manchn sovereigns occupies the center; while the large warehouses are outside of the inner city. Everywhere marks of prosperity and security indicate an enterprising population, and for its tidy look, industrious and courteous population, Mukden takes high rank among Chinese cities. Its population is estimated to be under 200,000, mostly Chinese. The Manchu monarchs made it the seat of their government in 1631, and the Emperors have since done everything in their power to enlarge and beautify it. The Emperor Kienlung rendered himself celebrated among his subjects, and made the city of Mukden better known abroad, by a poetical eulogy upon the city and province, which was printed in sixty-four different forms of Chinese writing. This curious piece of imperial vanity and literary effort was translated into French by Amyot.

        The town of Ilingking,’ sixty miles east of it, is one of the favored places in Shingking, from its being the family residence of the Manchu monarchs, and the burial-ground of their ancestors.

        It is pleasantly situated in an elevated valley, the tombs being three miles north of it upon a mountain called Tsz’yun shan. The circuit of the walls is about three miles. Ilingking lies near the Palisade which separates the province from Ivirin, and its officers have the rule over the surrounding country, and the entrances into that province. It has now dwindled to a small handet, and the guards connected with the tombs comprise most of the inhabitants.

        Ivinchau, fifteen leagues from Mukden, carries on considerable

        trade in cattle, pulse, and drugs. Gutzlaff ‘ describes the

        harbor as shallow, and exposed to southern gales ; the houses

        in the town are built of stone, the environs well cultivated and

        settled by Chinese from Shantung, while natives of Fuhkien

        conduct the trade. The Manchus lead an idle life, but keep

        on good terms with the Chinese. When he was there in 1832,

        ‘Also called Yertden ; Klaprcth, Meinoire.% Tcvme T., p. 446. Remusat

        informs us that this name formerly included all vf Kirin, or that which was placed under it.- Voyages Along the Coast of China. New York, 1833»Vol. I.— 18

        the authorities had ordered all the females to seclude themselves

        in order to put a stop to debauchery among the native

        sailors. Horses and camels are numerous and cheap, but the

        carriages are clumsy. Kaichau, another port lying on the east

        side of the gulf, possesses a better liarboi-, but is not so much

        frequented.

        Since the treaty of 1858 opened the port of Xiuchwang or

        Yingts//, on the Iliver Liau, to foreign trade, the development

        of Shingking has rapidly increased. The trade in pulse and

        bean-cake and oil employs many vessels annually. Opium,

        silk, and paper are prepared for export thi’ough this mart, besides

        foreign goods. Fung-hwang ting, lying near the Yaluh

        liiver, commands all the trade with Corea, which must pass

        through it. There are many restrictions upon this intercourse

        by both governments, and the Chinese forbid their subjects

        passing the frontiers. The trade is conducted at fairs, under

        the supervision of officers and soldiers ; the short time allowed

        for concluding the bargains, and the great numbers resorting to

        them, render these bazaars more like the frays of opposing clans

        than the scenes of peaceable trade. There is a market-town in

        Corea itself, called Ki-iu w^an, about four leagues from the

        frontier, wliei’e the Chinese ” supply the Coreans with dogs,

        cats, pipes, leather, stags’ horns, copper, horses, mules, and

        asses ; and receive in exchange, baskets, kitchen utensils, rice,

        corn, swine, paper, mats, oxen, furs, and small horses.” Merchants

        are allowed not more than four or five hours in which

        to conduct this fair, and the Corean officers under whose charge

        it is placed, drive all strangers back to the frontier as soon as

        the day closes.’

        The borders of the sea consist of alluvial soil, efflorescing

        a nitrous white salt near the beach, .but very fertile inland,

        well cultivated and populous. Beyond, the hill-country is extremely

        picturesque. Ever-changing views, torrents and fountains,

        varied and abounding vegetation, flocks of black cattle

        grazing on the hillsides, goats perched on the overhanging crags,

        liorses, asses, and sheep lower down in the intervales, numerous

        ‘ Annales de la Foi, Tome XVIII., 1840, p. 302.

        TRADE AND CLIMATE OF MANCHURIA. 195

        well-built Iiamlets, eveiywliere enliven the scene. The department

        of Kinchau lies along the Gulf of Liautung, between the

        Palisade and the sea, and contains four small district towns,

        with forts, around whose garrisons of agricultural troops have

        collected a few settlers. On the south, toward Chilili and the

        “Wall, the country is better cultivated.

        The climate of Manchuria, as a whole, is healthy and moderate,

        far removed from the rigor of the plateau on its west, and

        not so moist as the outlying islands on the east. In summer

        the ranges are TO” to 90° F., thence down to 10° or 20° below

        zero. The rivers remain frozen from December nearly to

        April, and the fall of snow is less than in Eastern America.

        The seasons are really six weeks of spring, five months of summer,

        six weeks of autumn and four months of winter ; the last

        is in some respects the enjoyable period, and is used l)y the

        farmers to l)ring produce to market. If the houses were

        tighter, their inmates would suffer little during the cold season.

        Hue speaks of hail storms which killed tlocks of sheep in Mongolia,

        near’Chahar. Darwin (^N^aturalisfs Yoymje, 2d ed., 1845,

        p. 115) corroborates the possibility of his statement by a somewhat

        similar experience near Buenos Ayres. He here saw many

        deer and other wild animals killed by ” hail as large as small

        apples and extremely hard.’” Of the denuded country, near the

        Liau River, Abbe Hue says : ” Although it is uncertain where

        God placed paradise, we may be sure that he chose some other

        country than Liautung ; for of all savage regions, this takes a

        distinguished rank for the aridity of the soil and rigor of the

        climate. On his entrance, the traveller remarks the barren

        aspect of most of the hills, and the nakedness of the plains,

        where not a tree nor a thicket, and hardly a slip of a herb is to

        be seen. The natives are superior to any Europeans I have

        ever seen fof their powers of eating ; beef and pork abound on

        their tables, and I think dogs and horses, too, under some other

        name ; rich people eat i-ice, the poor are content with boiled

        millet, or with another grain called hac-ham,, about thrice the

        size of millet and tasting like wheat, which I never saw elsewhere.

        The vine is cultivated, but must be covered from October to April ; the grapes are so watery that a hundred liters of juice produce by distillation only forty of poor spirit. The leaves of an oak are used to rear wild silkworms, and this is a considerable branch of industry. The people relish the worms as food after the cocoons have been boiled, drawing them out with a pin, and sucking the whole until nothing but the pellicle is left.” ‘ Another says, the ground freezes seven feet in Kirin, and about three in Shingking ; the thermometer in winter is thirty degrees below zero. The snow is raised into the air by the north-east winds, and becomes so fine that it penetrates the clothes, houses, and enters even the lungs. When travelling, the eyebrows become a mass of ice, the beard a large flake, and the eyelashes are frozen together ; the wind cuts and pierces the skin like razors or needles. The earth is frozen during eight months, but vegetation in summer is rapid, and the streams are swollen by the thawing drifts of snow.

        The province of Kikin, or Girin, comprises the country northeast

        of Shingking, as far as the Annir and Usuri, which bound

        it on the north and east, while Corea and Shingking lie on the

        south-east (better separated by the Chang-peh shan than any

        political confine) and Mongolia on the west. All signs of the line

        of palisades have disappeared (save at the Passes) in the entire

        trajct between the Songari and Shan-hai kwan. The region is

        mountainous, except in the link of that river after the Xonni

        joins it till the Usuri comes in, measuring about one-fourth of

        the M’hole. This extensive region is thinly inhabited by Manchus

        settled in garrisons along the bottoms of the rivers, by

        Goldies, Mangoons, Ghiliaks, and tribes having afiinity with

        them, mIio subsist principall}^ by hunting and fishing, and acknowledge

        their fealty by a tribute of peltry, but who have no

        officers of government placed over them. Du llalde calls them

        Kicking Tatse^ Yuj)i Tatse^ and other names, which seem, indeed,

        to have been their ancient designations. The Y^u-jn TdJifs’i,

        or ‘Fish-skin Tartars,’^ are said to inhabit the extensive valley

        of the Usuri, and do not allow the subjects of the Emperor to

        ‘ AnnaleR de la Foi, Tomo XVI. , p. ‘^i’iO.

        – The inhabitants of ancient Gedrosia, now Beloochi.stan, are said to have

        clothed themselves in lish-skins. Heereu, Historical Researches among Asiatic

        Nations^ Vol. I., p. 175.

        TOWNS AND PRODUCTIONS OB’ KIRIN PROVINCE. 197

        live among them. In winter they nestle together in kraals like

        the Bushmen, and subsist upon the products of their summer’s

        tishing, having cut down fuel enough to last them till warm

        weather. Shut out, as they have been during the past, from all

        elevating influences, these people are likely to be ei-e long amalgamated

        and lost, as well among liussian and other settlers coming

        in from the north, as amid the Chinese immigrants who occupy

        their land in the south. The entire population of this province

        cannot be reckoned, from present information, as high as three

        millions, the greater part of which live along the Songari valley.

        Kirin is divided into three ruling tlmj departments or commanderies,

        viz., Kirin ula, or the garrison of Kirin, Petune or

        Pedne, and Changchun ting. Kirin, the largest of the three, is

        subdivided into eight garrison districts. The town, called

        Chaen Chwang, or ‘ Navy Yard,’ in Chinese, is finely situated

        on the Songari, in lat. 43” 45′ N., and long. 127° 25′ E., at the

        foot of encircling hills, where the river is a thousand feet wide.

        The streets are narrow and irregular, the shops low and small,

        and much ground in the city is unoccupied. Two great streets

        cross each other at right angles, one of them running far into

        the river on the west supported by piles. The highways are

        paved with wooden blocks, and adorned with flowers, gold fish,

        and squares ; its population is about 50,000.

        The four other important places in Kirin are Petune, Larin,

        Altchuku, or A-shi-ho, and Sansing, the latter at the confluent of

        the Sono-ari and Ilurka. Altchuku is the largest, and Petune

        next in size, each town having not far from 35,000 inhabitants

        ;

        Larin is perhaps half as lai’ge, and like the others steadily increasing

        in numbers and importance. jS inguta on the river Ilurka

        has wide regions under its sway where ginseng is gathered ; near

        the stockaded town is a subterranean body of water that furnishes

        large fish. A great and influential portion of the Chinese

        population is Moslem, but no Manchus reside in the place.

        The former control trade and travel in every town.

        Petune, in lat. 45° 20′ X., and long. 125° 10′ E., is inhabited

        by troops and many persons banished from C’hina for their

        crimes. Its favorable position renders it a place of considerable

        trade, and during the suunner ujonths it is a busy mart for

        198 TlIK MIDDLE KINCiDOM.

        these tliiiilj peopled regions. It consists of two main streets,

        with the chief market at their crossing. .\. large mosque attracts

        attention. The third commandery of Changchun, west

        of Kirin and south of Petunc, just beyond the Palisade, is a

        mere post for overseeing the Manchus and Mongols passing to

        and fro on the edge of the steppe.

        The resources of this wide domain in timber, minerals, metals,

        cattle and grain Ivaxq not yet been explored or developed. The

        hills are wooded to the top, the bottoms bring forth two crops

        anmially, and the rivers take down timber and grain to the

        llussian settlers. Sorghum, millet, barley, maize, pulse, indigo,

        and tobacco are the chief crops ; and latterly opium, wdiicli has

        rapidly extended, because it pays well. Oil and whiskey are extensi\’

        ely manufactured, packed in wicker baskets lined with

        paper and transported on Avheelbarrows. The wild and domestic

        animals are numerous. ^Vmong the latter the hogs and mules,

        more than any other kind, furnish food and transportation ;

        while tigers, panthers, and leopards, bears, wolves, and foxes

        reward the hunters for their pains in killing them.

        The province of Tsi-tsi-hak, or Ilehlung kiang, comprises the

        northwest of Manchuria, extending four hundred miles from

        east to west, and about five hundred from north to south. It is

        bounded north by the Amur, from Sliilka to its junction with

        the Songari ; east and southeast by Ivirin, from which the

        Songari partly separates it ; southwest by Mongolia, and west

        by the lliver Argun, dividing it from Russia. The greatest part

        of it is occupied by the valley of the Noimi, jSToun or IS^iin ; its

        area of about two hundred thousand square miles is mostly an

        iminhabited, mountainous wilderness. It is divided into six

        commanderies, viz. : Tsitsihar, Ilulan, Putek, Merguen, Sagalien

        ula, and Ilurun-pir, whose officers have control over the

        tribes within their limits; of these, Sagalien or Igoon is the

        chief town in the northeast districts, and is used by the government

        of Peking as a penal settlement. The town stands on a

        plain but a rood or so above the river, Avhich sweeps off to the

        mountains in the distance. Here is posted a large force of officers

        and men, their extensive barracks indicating the importance

        attached to the place. The garrison has gradually attracted a

        THE PROVINCE OF TSI-TSI-IIAR. 199

        population of natives and Chinese from the south, who live by

        fishing and hunting, as well as farming.

        Tsitsihar, the capital of the province, lies on the River

        ]^onni, in lat. 47° 20′ N., and long, 124° E., and is a place of some

        trade, resorted to by the tribes near the river. Merguen, Hurunpir,

        and Ilulan are situated upon rivers, and accessible when

        the waters are free from ice. Tsitsihar was built in 1692 by

        Kanghi to owerawe the neighboring tribes. It is inclosed hy a

        stockade and a ditch. The one-stoi-ied houses are constructed

        of logs, or of brick stuccoed, where timber is dear, and warmed

        by the brick beds ; the tall chimneys outside the main buildings

        give a peculiar appearance to villages. Pulse, maize, tobacco,

        millet, and wheat, and latterly poppy are common crops. The

        valley of the Nonni is cultivated by the Taguri Manchus, among

        whom six thousand six hundred families of Yakutes settled in

        1687, when they emigrated from Siberia. The Korchin Mongols

        occupy the country south and west of this valley. Some

        of its streams produce large pearls. The region lying between

        the Sialkoi Mountains and the River Argun is rough and sterile,

        presenting few inducements to agriculturalists. Fish abound

        in all the rivers, and furs are sought in the hills. Pasturage is

        excellent in the bottoms. Fairs, between the natives and Cossacks,

        are constantly held at convenient places on the Argun

        and other rivers. The racial distinction between the Mongols

        and Manchus is here seen in the agricultural labors of the latter,

        so opposed to the nomadic habits of the former. This

        region has, within the last half century, attracted Chinese settlers

        from Shantung and Chihli. These colonists are fast filling

        up the vacant lands along the rivers, dispossessing the Manchus

        by their thrift and industry, and making the country far more

        valuable. They will in this way secure its possession to the

        Peking Government, and bring it, by degrees, under Chinese

        control, greatly to the benefit of all. In early days the policy

        of the Manchus, like that of the E. I. Company in India towardg

        British immigration, discountenanced the entrance of Chinese

        settlers, and in both cases to the disadvantage of the ruling

        power.

        The administration of Manchuria consists of a supreme civil

        200 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        government at Mukden, and three provincial military one.’-,

        though Shingking is under both civil and military. There are

        live Boards, each under a president, whose duties are analogous

        to those at Peking. The oversight of the city itself is under a

        fiiyia or mayor, superior to the prefect. The three provinces

        are under as many marshals, whose subordinates rule the conimanderies,

        and these last have garrison officers subject to them,

        whose rank and power correspond to the size and importance of

        their districts. These delegate part of their power to ” assistant

        directors,” or residents, who are stationed in every town ; on

        the frontier posts, the officers have a higher grade, and report

        directly to the marshals or their lieutenants. All the officers,

        both civil and military, are Manchus, and a great portion of

        them belong to the imperial clan, or are intimately connected

        with it. By this arrangement, the Manchus are in a measure

        disconnected with the general government of the provinces,

        furnished wnth offices and titles, and induced to recommend

        themselves for promotion in the Empire by their zeal and fidelity

        in their distant posts.’

        Mongolia is the first in order of the colonies, by which are

        meant those parts of the Empire under the control of the Ll-fan

        Yaen, or Foi’eign Office.” According to the statistics of the

        Empire, it comprises the region lying between lats. 35° and 52°

        X., and from long. 82° to 123° E. ; bounded north by the

        Russian governments of Trans-Baikalia, L’kutsk, Yeniseisk,

        Tomsk, and Semipolatinsk ; northeast and east by Manchuria

        ;

        south by the provinces of Chihli and Shansi, and the Yellow

        River ; southwest by Kansuh ; and west by Cobdo and Ili.

        These limits are not very strictly marked at all points, but the

        lengtli from east to west is about seventeen hundred miles,

        and one thousand in its greatest breadth, inclosing an area of

        ‘ Rev. Alex. Williamson, Travels in Northern China. London, 1870.

        Vol. II., Chaps. I. to XIV. ; Chinene Reposltorij, Vols. IV., p. 57 ; XV., p. 454 -,

        Phinene Itecorder, Vol. VII., \HH\, ” The Ris« and Progress of the Maujows,”

        by J. Ross, pp. 155, 2;}5, and ;515.

        ” Compare Niebuhr’s Flistori/ of Rome, Vol. II., Sect. “Of the Colonies,”

        where can be observed the essential differences between Roman settlements

        abroad and those of the Chinese ; and still greater differences will be fonnd in

        contrasting these with the offsets of Grecian States.

        CLIMATE AXU DIVISIOXS OF MONGOLIA. 201

        1,400,000 square miles, supporting an estimated population uf

        two millions. This elevated plain is almost destitute of wood

        or water, inclosed southward by the mountains of Tibet, and

        northward by offsets from the Altai range. The central part

        is occupied by the desert of Gobi, a barren steppe having an

        average height of 4,000 feet above the sea level, and destitute

        of all running water. Owing to its elevation, extremely vari.:-

        l)le climate, and the absence of oases, it may be considered quite

        as terrible as Sahara, although the sand-waste liere is, perhaps,

        hardly as unmitigated.

        The climate of Mongolia is excessively cold for the latitude,

        arising partly from its elevation and dry atmosphere, and, on

        the steppes, to the want of shelter from the winds. But this

        has its compensation in an unclouded sky and the genial rays of

        the sun, which support and cheer the people to exertion when

        the thermometer is far below zero. The air has been drained of

        its moisture by the ridges on every side ; day after day the

        sun’s heat reaches the eartli with smaller loss than obtains in

        moister regions in the same latitudes. Otherwise these wastes

        would support no life at all at such an elevation. In the districts

        bordering on Chihli, the people make their houses partly

        under ground, in order to avoid the inclemency of the season.

        The soil in and upon the confines of this high land is unfit for

        agricultural purposes, neither snow nor rain falling in suflicient

        quantities, except on the acclivities of the mountain ranges ;

        but millet, barley, and wheat might be raised north and south

        of it. The nomads rejoice in their freedom from tillage, however,

        and move about with their herds and possessions Avithin

        the limits marked out by the Chinese for each tribe to occupy.

        The space on the north of Gobi to the confines of Russia,

        about one hundred and fifty miles wide, is warmer than the

        desert, and supports a greater population than the southern

        sides. Cattle arc numerous on the hilly tracts, but none are

        found in the desert, where wild animals and birds hold undisputed

        possession. The thermometer in winter sinks to thirty

        and forty degrees below zero (Fr.), and sudden and great

        changes are frequent. Xo month in the year is free from snow

        or frost ; but on the steppes, the heat in summer is almost

        202 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        intolerable, owing to the radiation from the sandy or stony

        surface. The snow does not fall very deep, and even in cold

        weather the cattle find food under it ; the flocks and herds are

        not, however, large.

        The principal divisions of Mongolia are four, viz. : 1, Inner

        Mongolia, lying between the Wall and south of the desert ; 2,

        Outer Mongolia, between the desert and the Altai Mountains,

        and reaching from the Inner Iling-an to the Tien shan ; 3, the

        country about Koko-nor, between Kansuh, Sz’chuen, and Tibet

        ;

        and, 4, the dependencies of Uliasutai, lying northwestward of

        the Kalkas khanates. The whole of this region has been included

        under the comprehensive name of Tartary, and if the

        limits of Inner and Outer Mongolia had been the bounds of Tartary,

        the appellation would have been somewhat appropriate.

        But when Genghis arose to power, he called his own tribe

        Kitkai Mongol^ ‘ Celestial People,’ and designated all the

        other tribes Tatars^ that is ‘ tributaries.’ ‘ The three tribes of

        Kalkas, Tsakhars, and Sunnites, now constitute the great body

        of Mongols under Chinese rule.

        Inner Mongolia, or Nui MunyJcu, is bounded north by

        Tsitsihar, the Tsetsen khanate, and Gobi, their frontiers being

        ‘ Abulgasi-Bayadui-clian (lIi»toire Genenlogique des Tatars, traduite du

        Manuscript Tartare ; Leyde : 172G), gives another derivation for these two

        names. ” Alanza-chan eut deux lils jumeaiix I’un appelle Tatar and I’autre

        Mogull oil pour bien dire Muiig’l, entre les quels il partagea ses Estates lorsqu’il

        se vit sur la fin de sa vie.” It is the first prince, he adds, from whom

        came the name Tartar—not from a river called Tata, as some liave .stated—

        wliile of the second : ” Le terme Mung’l a ests change par une corruption generale

        en Mogull ; Mung vent dire trMe on un homme triste, et i)aroeque ce

        prince estoit naturellement d’une humeur fort triste, il porta ce nom dans la

        verite”—(pp. 27-29). But Visdelon (D’Herbelot, ed. 1778, Tome IV., p. 327)

        shows more acquaintance with their history in producing proofs that the name

        Tatar was applied in the eightli century by the Chinese to certain tribes living

        north of the in shan, Ala shan, and River Liau. In the dissensions following

        upon the ruin of the Tang dynasty, some of them migrated eastwards beyond

        the Songari, and there in time rallied to subdue the northern provinces,

        under the name of Nu-cldh. These are the ancestors of the Manchus. Another

        fraction went north to the marshy banks of Lakes Hurun and Puyur,

        where they received the name of Moungul Tahtsz\ i.e., Marsh Tatars. This

        tribe and name it was that the warlike Genghis afterwards made conspicuous

        The sound Mogul used in India is a dialectal variation.

        TRIBES OF INNER MONGOLIA. 203

        almost luidefinable ; east by Ivirin and Sliingking ; south hy

        Chihli and Shansi ; and west by Kansuli. Wherever it runs

        the Wall is popularly regarded as the boundary between China

        and Mongolia. The country is divided into six m/’nj or clialkans^

        like our corps, and twenty-four aimahs ‘ (tribes), which are

        again placed under forty-nine standards or Ihochoun^ each of

        which generally includes about two thousand families, commanded

        l)y hereditary princes, or dsassaks. The principal

        tribes are the Kortchin and Ortous. The large tribe of the

        Tsakhars, which occupies the region north of the Wall, is governed

        by a tatanfj, or general, residing at Kalgan, and their

        pasture gi-ounds are now nominally included in the province of

        Chihli. The province of Shansi in like manner includes the

        lands occupied by the Toumets, who are under the control of a

        general stationed at Suiyuen, beyond the Yellow E-iver. In the

        pastures northwest from Kalgan, in the vicinity of Lakes

        Chazau and Ichi, and reaching more than a hundred miles from

        the Great Wall, lie the tracts appropriated to raising horses for

        the ” Yellow Banner Corps.” Excepting such grazing lands or

        the vast hunting grounds near Jeh-lio, reserved in like manner

        by the government, small settlements of Chinese are continually

        squatting over the plains of Inner Mongolia, from whence they

        have already succeeded in driving many of the aboriginal Mongol

        tribes off to the north. Those natives who will not retire

        are fain to save themselves from starvation or absorption by

        cultivating the soil after the fashion of their neighbors, the

        Chinese immigrants. It was, indeed, this influx of settlers

        which led Ivanghi to erect the southern portion of Inner Mongolia

        into prefectures and districts like China Proper. This

        alteration of habits among its population seems destined, ere

        long, to modify the aspect of the country.

        Most of the smaller tribes, except the Ortous, live between

        the western frontiers of Manchuria, and the steppes reaching

        north to the Sialkoi range, and south to Chahar. These tribes

        are peculiarly favored by the Manchus, from their having joined

        them in their conquest of China, and their leading men are

        ‘ Abulgasi (p. 8:’) fviniislies a notice of these aiinaks and their origin.

        204 thp: middle kingdom.

        often promoted to liigh stations in the government of the

        country.

        OcjTEK Mongolia, or Wal Muivjhu^ is the wild tract Iving

        north of the last as far as Russia. It is bounded north bv

        Russia, east by Tsitsihar, southeast and south by Inner Mongolia,

        southwest by Bai’kul in Kansuli, west by Tarbagatai,

        and northwest by Cobdo and Uliasutui. The desert of CJobi

        occupies the southern half of the i-egion. It is divided into

        four lu^ or circuits, each of which is governed by a khan or

        prince, claiming direct descent fi’om Genghis, and superintending

        the internal management of his own khanate. The Tsetseu

        khanate lies west of Ilurun-pir in Tsitsiliar, extending from

        Russia south to Inner Mongolia. West of it, reaching from

        Siberia across the desert to Inner Mongolia, lies the Tuchetu

        (or Tut<letii of Klaproth’) khanate, the most considerable of the

        four ; the road fi’om Iviakhta to Ivalgan lies within its borders.

        “West of the last, and bounded south by Gobi and northeast

        by Uliasutai, lies the region of the Kalkas of Sainnoin ; and on

        its northwest li(3S the Dsassaktu khanate, south of Uliasutai,

        and reaching to Barkul and Cobdo on the south and west. All

        of them are politically under the control of two IManchu residents

        stationed at I’rga, who direct the mutual interests of the

        Mongols, Chinese, and Russians.

        Ilrga, or Ivuren, the capital, is situated in the Tuchetu khanate,

        in lat. 48° 20′ X., and long. 1()T^° E., on the Tola River, a

        branch of the Selenga. It is the largest and most important

        place in Mongolia, and is divided into ^fahiia’i cJi’tn, the Chinese

        quartei’, and Jhxjdo-Iviu’c’ii^ the Mongol settlement, nearly

        three miles from the other. Its total population is estimated at

        30,000, the Chinese inhabitants of M’hich are forbidden by law

        to live with their families ; of the Mongols here, by far the larger

        part is composed of lamas. In the estimation of these people

        Ilrga stands next to Il’lassa in degree of sanctity, being the seat

        of the third person in the Tibetan 2)atriarchate. According to

        the Lama doctrine this dignitary—the Kutuktu—is the terrestrial

        impersonation of the Godhead and never dies, but passes.

        ‘ Meinoires, Tome I., p. 3.

        OUTER MONGOLIA. 205

        after lils apparent decease, into the body of some newly born

        boy, who is songlit for afterwards according to the prophetic

        indications of the Dalai-lania in Tibet. Tliis holy potentate,

        thongh of limited education and entirely nnder the control of

        the attendant lamas, exercises an nnbonnded influence over the

        Kalkas. It is, indeed, by means of him that the Chinese officials

        control the native I’aces of Mongolia. His wealth, owing to

        contributions of enthusiastic devotees, is enoi-mous ; in and

        about Urga he owns 150,000 slaves, an abundance of worldly

        goods, and the most pretentious palace in Mongolia. Outside

        of its religious buildings, Urga is disgustingly dirty ; the filth

        is thrown into the streets, and the habits of the people are

        loathsome. Decrepid beggars and starving dogs infest the

        Avays ; dead bodies, instead of being interred, are flung to birds

        and beasts of prey ; Imts and liovels afford shelter for both rich

        and poor.*

        The four khanates constitute one ahaah or tribe, subdivided

        into eighty-six standards, each of which is restricted to a certain

        territory, within which it wanders about at pleasure. There

        are altogether one hundred and thirty-five standards of the

        Mongols. The Kalkas chiefiy live between the Altai Mountains

        and Gobi, but do not cultivate the soil to much effect.

        They are devoted to Buddhism, and the lamas hold most of the

        power in their hands through the KatfiMu. They render an

        annual tribute to the Emperor of horses, camels, sheep, and

        other animals or their skins, and receive presents in return of

        many times its value, so that they are kept in subjection by

        constant bril)ing ; the least restiveness on their part is visited

        by a reduction of presents and other penalties. An energetic

        government, however, is not wanting in addition. The supreme

        tribunal is at Urga ; it is the yaiiiKii, par excellence, and has

        both civil and military jurisdiction. The decisions are subject

        to the revision of the two Chinese residents, and sentences

        are usually carried into execution after their confirmation.

        The punishments are horribly sev^ere ; but only a decided

        ‘ Prejevalsky, Monrjolia, Vol. I. ; Pumpelly, Across America, pp. 382-385 ;

        Michie, Across Siberia.

        206 THE MIDDLE KINGDOM.

        and cruel hand over these wild tribes can keep them from constant

        strife.

        Letters are encouraged among them by the Manchus, but

        Avith little success. Many Buddhist books have been translated

        into Mongolian by order of the Emperors ; nor can we wonder

        at the indifference to literature when this stuff is the aliment

        ])rovided them. Their tents, or yu/’ts, are made of wooden

        laths fastened together so as to form a coarse lattice-work ; the

        framework consists of several lengths securer! with ropes, leaving

        a door about three feet square. The average size is twelve

        feet across and ten feet high ; its shape is round and the conical

        roof admits light where it emits smoke. The poles or rafters

        are looped to the sides, and fastened to a hoop at the top.

        Upon this framework sheets of heavy felt are secured according

        to the season. A hearth in the centre holds the fire which

        heats the kettle hanging over it, and warms the inmates squatted

        round, who usually place only felt and sheepskins under

        them. The felt protects from cold, rain, snow, and heat in a

        wonderful manner. A first-class yiwt is by no means an uncomfortable

        dwelling, with its furniture, lining, shrine, and hot

        kettle in the centre. A carpet for sleeping and sitting on is sometimes

        seen in yurts of the wealthier classes; in these, too, the

        walls are lined with cotton or silk, and the floors are of wood.

        The lodges of the rich Kalkas have several apartments, and are

        elegantly furnished, but destitute of cleanliness, comfort, or

        airiness. Most of their cloths, utensils, and arms ai’o procured

        from the Chinese. The Sunnites are fewer than the Kalkas,

        and roam the wide wastes of Gobi. Both derive some revenue

        fi’om conducting caravans across their counti-y, but depend for

        their livelihood chiefly upon the produce of their herds and

        hunting. Their princes are obliged to reside in Urga, or keep

        hostages there, in order that the residents nuiy direct and restrain

        their conduct ; but their devotion to the Katitktu^ and

        the easy life they lead, are the strongest inducements to remain.

        The trade with Tlussia formerly all passed through Iviakhta,

        a town near the frontier, and was carried on by special agents

        and officials appointed by each nation. The whole business

        was managed in the interest of the govermnent, and its ramiK-

        IAKHTA AND THE TRADE WITH RUSSIA. 207

        fications furnished employment, position, and support to so

        many persons as to form a bond of union and guaranty of peace

        between them and their subjects. Timkowski’s jonrney with

        the decennial mission to Peking in 1820-21 furnishes one of

        the best accounts of this trade and intercourse now accessible,

        and with Klaproth’s notes, given iti the English translation

        published in 1827, has long been the chief reliable authority

        for the divisions and organization of the Mongol tribes. Since

        the opening of the Suez Canal, through which Russian steamers

        carry goods to and fro between Odessa and China, the largest

        portion of the Chinese produce no longer goes to Kiakhta.

        That which is required for Siberia is sent from Hankow by way

        of Shansi’, or from Kalgan and Tientsin, under the direction of

        Russian merchants at those places. Furs, which once formed

        the richest part of this produce, are gradually diminishing in

        quality and quantity wdth the increase of settlers. In 1843 the

        export of black tea for Russian consumption was only eight

        millions of pounds, besides the brick tea taken by the Mongols.

        Cottrell states the total value of the trade, annually, at that

        period, at a hundred millions of rubles, reckoned then to be equal

        to $20,830,000, on w^hich the Russians paid, in 1836, about

        $2,500,000 as import duty. The data respecting this trade of

        forty years ago are not very accurate, probably ; the monopoly

        was upheld mostly for the benefit (.>f the officials, as private

        traders found it too much burdened.

        Kiakhta is a haudet of no importance apart from the trade.

        The frontier here is marked by a row of granite columns ; a stockade

        separates it from Maimai chin. Pumpelly says : ” One

        can hardly imagine a sharper line than is here drawn. On the

        one side of the stockade wall, the houses, churches, and people

        are European, on the other, Chinese. With one step the traveller

        passes really from Asia and Asiatic customs and language,

        into a refined European society.’” The goods pay duty at the

        Russian douane in a suburb of fifty houses, near Kiakhta. The

        Chinese town is also a small place, numbering between twelve

        and fifteen hundred men (no women being allowed in the settlement)

        who lived in idleness most of the year. This curious

        haudet has two principal streets crossing at right angles, and gates at the four ends, in the wooden muU which surrounds it.

        These streets are badly paved, while their narrowness barely allows the passage of two camels abreast. The one-storied houses are constructed of wood, roofed Avith turf or boards, and consist of two small rooms, one used as a shop and the other as a bedroom. The windows in the rear apartment are made of oiled paper or mica, but the door is the only opening in the shop.

        The dwellings are kept clean, the furniture is of a superior description, and considerable taste and show are seen in displaying the goods. The traders live hixuriously, and attract a great crowd there during the fair in February, when the goods are exchanged. They are under the control of a Manchu, called the dzargneh’i, who is appointed for three years, and superintends the police of the settlement as Mell as the commercial proceedings. There are two Buddhist temples here served by lamas, and containing five colossal images sitting cross-legged, and numerous smaller idols.’

        The western portion of Mongolia, between the meridians of

        84^ and *JG^ E., extending from near the western extremity of

        Kansuh province to the confines of Russia, comprising Uliasutai

        and its dependencies, Cobdo, and the Kalkas and Tom–gouths of the Tangini JNEountains, is less kiunvn than any other part of it. The residence of the superintending officer of this province is at [Tliasutai (i.e., ‘ Poplar drove ‘), a tt»wn lying northwest of the Seleuira, in the khanate of Sainnoin, in a wiill cultivated and pleasant valley.

        Conno, according to the ( 1iin(\se ma])s, lies in the northwest of Mongolia ; it isbounded north and west by the government Yeniseisk, northeast by I’lianghai, and southeast by the Dsassakt.i khanate, south by Kansidi, and west by Tarbagatai. The part occupied by the Ulianghai or Fi-iyangkit tribes of the Tangmi ^lountains lies northeast of ( ‘olxlo, and nctrth of the Sainnoin and Dsassaktu khanates, and separated from Kussia by the Altai.

        These tribes are allied to the Samoj^eds, and the i ule over th(Mn is ^CoiirAV?, Recollections of Sibena, Chap. IX., p. 314; Timkowski’s T/aveU, Vol. I., ])p. 4-91, 1821 ; PumpHlly, Acnm America and Asia, p. ;]S7, 1871 ; Klapi-oth, Memoires, Toiuu I., p. (Jo ; Kittor, J),’e Erdkuiule run Asien, Bd. II., l>l.. 11)8-1220.

        THE PROVINCE OF COBDO. 200

        administered bv twenty-five siiljordinate military officers, subject

        to the resident at Uliasutai. This city is said to contain

        about two tliousand liouses, is regularly built, and carries on

        some trade with Urga ; it lies on the Iro, a tributary of the

        Jabkan. Cobdo comprises eleven tribes of Kalkas divided into

        thirty-one standards, whose princes obey an amban at Cobdo

        City, himself subordinate to the resident at Uliasutai. The

        Chinese rule over these tribes is conducted on the same principles

        as that over the other IVLjngols, and they all render fealty to

        the Emperor through the chief resident at Uliasutai, but liow

        much obedience is really paid his orders is not known. The

        Kalkas submitted to the Emperor in 1688 to avoid extinction in

        their war with the Eleuths, by whom they had been defeated.

        Cobdo contains several lakes, many of which I’eceivc rivers without having any outlet. The largest is Upsa-nor, which receives from the east the Kiver Tes, and the Iki-aral-nor into which the Jabkan runs. The Hiver Irtysh falls into Lake Dzaisang.

        The existence of so many rivers indicates a more fertile country north of the Altai or Ektag Mountains, but no bounties of nature would avail to induce the inhabitants to adopt settled modes of living and cultivate the soil, if such a clannish state of society exists among them as is described by M. Levchine to be the case among their neighbors, the Kirghis.

        The tribes in Cobdo resemble the American Lidians in their habits, disputes, and modes of life, more than the eastern Kalkas, who approximate in their migratory character to the Arabs.

        The province of Qinghai, or Koko-nor (called Tsok-gumbam by the Tanguts), is not included in Mongolia by European geographers, nor in the Chinese statistical works is it comprised within its borders ; the inhabitants are, however, mostly Mongols, both Buddhist and Moslem, and the government is conducted on the same plan as that over the Kalkas tribes further north.

        This region is known in the histories of Central Asia under the names of Tangout, Sifan, Turfan, etc. On Chinese maps it is politically called Qinghai(‘Azure Sea’), but in their books is named Si Tn or Si Yi/t, ‘ western Limits.’ The borders are now limited on the north by Kansuh, southeast by Sz’chuen, south by Anterior Tibet, and west by the desert, comprising about four degrees of latitude and eleven of longitude. It includes within its limits several large lakes, which receive rivers into their bosoms, and many of them having no outlets.

        The Azure Sea is the largest, lying at an altitude of 10,500 feet and overlooked by high mountains, which in winter are covered with snow, and in summer form an emerald frame that deepens the blueness of the Avater. . It is over 200 miles in circuit, and its evaporation is replaced by the inflowing waters of eight large streams ; oue small islet contains a monaster}’, whose inmates are freed from their solitude only when the ice makes a bridge, as no boat is known to have floated on its salt

        water. The wide, moist plains on the east and west furnish

        pasturage for domestic and wild animals, and constant collisions

        occur between the tribes resorting there for food. The travels

        of Abbe Hue and Col. Prejevalsky furnish nearly all that is

        known concerning the productions and inhabitants of Koko-nor.

        The country is nominally divided into thirty-four banners, and

        its Chinese rulers reside at Si’ning, east of the lake ; but they

        have more to do in defending themselves than in protecting

        their subjects. The Avhole country is occupied by the Tanguts

        of Til)etan origin, who are brigands by profession, and roam

        over the mountains around the headwaters of the Yangtsz’ and

        Yellow Kivers ; by the Mohammedan Dunganis, who have latterly

        been nearly destroyed in their recent rebellion ; and by

        tribes of Mongols under the various names of Eleuths, Kolos,

        Kalkas, Surgouths, and Koits. The Chinese maps are filled

        with names of various tribes, but their statistical accounts are as

        meagre of information as the maps are deficient in accurate and

        satisfactory delineations.

        THE PROVINCE AND LAKE OF KOKO-NOR. 211

        The topographical features of this region are still imperfectly known, and its inhospitable climate is rendered more dangerous by man’s barbarity. High mountain masses alternate with narrow valleys and a few large depressions containing lakes ; the country lying south of the Azure Sea, as far as Burmah, is exceedingly mountainous. “West and southwest of the lake extends the plain of Chaidamu, which at a recent geological age has been the bed of a huge lake; it is now covered with morasses, shaking bogs, small rivers, and sheets of water—the most considerable of the latter bemg Lake Kara, in the extreme western portion.

        The saline argillaceous soil of this region is not adapted to vegetation. Large animals are scarce, due in part to the plague of

        insects which compels even the natives to retreat to the mountains

        with their herds during certain seasons. Its inhabitants

        are the same as those of Eastei-n Koko-nor ; thej are divided

        into five banners, and number about 1,000 yurts^ or 5,000 souls.

        The Burkhan-buddha range forms the southern boundary of

        this plain, and the northernmost limit of the lofty plateau of

        Tibet. Its length from east to west is not far from 130 miles,

        its eastern extremity being near the Yegrai-ula (the near sources

        of the Yellow Eiver) and Toso-nor. The range has no lofty

        peaks, and stretches in an unbroken chain at a height of 15,000

        to 16,000 feet ; it is terribly barren, but does not attain the

        line of perpetual snow. The southern range, which separates

        the headwaters of the Yellow and Yangtsz’ Rivers, is called the

        Bayan-kara Mountains ; that northw^est of this is called on

        Chinese maps, Kilien shan and Kan shan, and bounds the desert

        on the south. On the northern declivities of the T^an shan

        range are several towns lying on or near the road leading across

        Central Asia, which leaves the valley of the Yellow Eiver at

        Lanchau, in Kansuh, and runs X.X.W. over a rough country to

        Liangchau, a town of some importance situated in a fertile and

        populous district. From this place it goes northwest to Kanchau,

        noted for its manufactures of felted cloths which are in

        demand among the Mongol tribes of Koko-nor, and where large

        quantities of rhubarb, horses, sheep, and other commodities are

        procured. Going still northwest, the traveller reaches Suhchau,

        the last large place before passing the Great Wall, which renders

        it a mart for provisions and all articles brought from the

        west in exchange for the manufactures of China. This city

        was the last stronghold of the Dungani Moslems, and when

        they were destroyed in 1873 it began to revive out of its ruins.

        About fifty miles from this town is the pass of Kiayii, beyond

        which the road to Hami, Urumtsi, and 111 leads directly across

        the desert, here about three hundred miles wide. This route

        has been for ages the line of internal communication between the west of China and the regions lying around and in the basins of the Tarini river and the (‘asi)ian.’ A better idea of the security of traffic and caravans within the Empire, and consequently of the goodness of the Chinese rule, is obtained by comparing the usually safe travel on this route with the hazards, robberies, and poverty formerly met with on the great roads in ]5okhara, and the regions south and west of the Belur tag.

        The productions of Koko-nor consist of grain and other vegetables raised along the bottoms of the rivers and margins of the lakes ; sheep, cattle, horses, camels, and other aninuds. Alpine liares, wild asses,’ wild yaks, vultures, lammergeiers, pheasants, antelopes, wolves, mountain sheep, and wild camels are among the denizens of the wilds. The Chinese have settled among the tribes, and Mohammedans of Turkish origin are found in the large towns. There are eight corps between Koko-nor and

        Iliasutai, comprising all the tribes and banners, and over which

        are placed as many supreme generals or commanders appointed

        from Peking. The leading tribes in Ivoko-nor are Eleuths,

        Tanguts, and Tourbeths, the former of M’hom are the remnants

        of one of the most powerful tribes in Centi-al Asia. Tangout

        submitted to the Emperor in 1G90, and its population since the

        incorporation has greatly increased. They iidiabit the hilly region

        of Kansuh, Ivoko-nor^ Eastern Tsaidam, and the basin of

        the Upper Yellow Kiver. They resemble gipsies, being above

        the average in height, with thick-set features, broad shoulders,

        liair and whiskers, black, dark eyes, nose straight, lips thick

        and protruding, face long and never flat, skin tawny. Unlike

        the Mongols aiul Chinese they have a strong growth of beard

        and whiskers which, however, they always shave. They wear

        no tail, Ijut shave their heads; their dress consists of furs and

        cloths made into long coats that reach to the knees. Shirts or

        trowsers are not made use of ; their upper logs are generally

        left bare. Women dress like the men. Their habitations are wooden huts or black cloth tents. The Tangut is cunning,

        ‘Compare Richthofen, China, Band I., 2or Thoil. ; Yulo, Cathaij and t/ie Way Thither, passim.

        •The wild ass is called by Prejevalsky the most remarkable animal of these steppes. Compare Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. I., p. 220 (2d edition).

        THE TANGUTS AND NOMADS OF KOKO-NOR. 218

        stingy, lazy, and sliiftless. His sole occupation that of tending

        cattle (yaks). He is even more zealous a Buddhist than are the

        Mongols, and extremely superstitious.” The trade at Sining is

        large, but not equal to that between Yunnan and Burniah at

        Tall and Bhamo ; dates, rhubarb, chowries, precious stones, felts,

        cloths, etc., are among the commodities seen in the bazaar. It

        lies about a hundred miles from the sea, at an elevation of

        V,800 feet, and near it is the famous laraasary of Ivunibum,

        where MM. Hue and Gabet lived in 1845. The town is well

        situated upon the Sining ho, and though constructed for the

        most part of wood, presents a fine appearance owing to the

        number of official buildings therein. The population numbers

        some 00,00(1 souls.”

        ‘ For a notice of the Ouigours, who formerly ruled Tangout, consult Klaproth, Memmres, Tome II., p. 301, if. See also Remusat, Nouveaux Melanges Asiati’ques, Tome II., p. 61, for a notice of the Ta-ta tung’o, who applied their letters to write Mongolian.

        * Chinese Repository, Vol. IX., p. 113; Vol. I., p. 118. Penny Cyclopaedia, Arts. Bayan Kara, Tangut. Kreitner, Imfemen Osten, p. 703. Hue, Tr^i*-els, passim.

        The towns lying between the treat Wall and ill, though politically belonging to Xansuh, are more connected with the colonies in their form of government than with the Eighteen Provinces. The first town beyond the Kiayii Pass is Yulimim, distant about ninety miles, and is the residence of officers, who attend to the caravans going to and from the pass. It is represented as lying near the junction of two streams, which flow northerly into the Purunki. The other district town of Tunhwang lies across a mountainous country, upwards of two hundred miles distant. The city of Xgansi chau has been built to facilitate the communication across the desert to Hami or Kamil, the first town in Songaria, and the depot of troops, arms, and munitions of Avar. “With the town of Hami,” says an Austrian visitor in these regions, ” the traveller comes upon the southern foot-hills of the Tien shan, and the first traces of Siberian civilization. Magnificent mountain scenery accompanies him on his way toward the west to the Pussian line. In the government of Semipolatinsk are the express mail-wagons wliicli stand ready at his order to carry him at furious speed to the town of the same name, then to the right bank of the River Irtjsh, and so to Omsk.” ‘ This route and that stretching towards the southwest bring an important trade to llanii ; the country around it is cuUivated by poor Mongols.” Barkul, or Chinsi fu, in hit. 43° 40′ ]X., and long. 93° 30’ E., is the most important place in the department ; the district is called Iho hien. A thousand Manchus, and three thousand Chinese, guard the post. The town is situated on the south of Lake Barkul, and its vicinity receives some cultivation, llami and Turfan each form a ihi(j district in the southeast and west of the department. The trade at all these places consists mostly of articles of food and clothing.

        Urumtsi, c)r Tih-hwa chau (the Bivh-halih of the Ouigours in 1100 % in hit. 43° 45′ N., and long. 89° E., is the westernmost department of Kansuh, divided into three districts, and containing many posts and settlements. In the war with the Eleuths in 1770, the inhabitants around this place were exterminated, and the countiy afterwards repeopled by upwards of ten thousand troops, with their families, and by exiles; emigrants from Kansuh were also induced to settle there. The Chinese accounts

        speak of a high monntain near the city, always covered

        with ice and snow, whose base is wooded, and abounding with

        pheasants ; coal is also obtained in this region. The cold is

        great, and snow falls as late as July. Many parts produce

        grain and vegetables. All this department formerly constituted

        a portion of Songaria. The policy of the Chinese government

        is to induce the tribes to settle, by placing large bodies of troops

        with their families at all important points, and sending their

        exiled criminals to till the soil ; the Mongols then find an increasing demand for their cattle and other products, and are induced to become stationary to meet it. So far as is known, this policy had succeeded well in the regions beyond the Wall, and those around Koko-nor ; but the rebellion of the Dunganis, who arose in these outlying regions at the moment when the energies of the Peking government were all directed to suppressing the Tai-ping insurrection, destroyed these improvements, and frustrated, for an indefinite period, the promising development of civilization among the inhabitants.

        ‘ Lieut. Krcitner, Imfernen Osten.

        ” In Remusat’s Ilii^toire de la VUle de Khotun (p. 70) there is an account of a journey made in the lOth century between Kanchan and Klioten.

        ^ Remusat calls it PciUiUope. Nouveaux MelamjeSy Tome I., p. 5.

        DIVISIONS AND BOUNDARIES OF ILI. 215

        That part of the Empire called Ili is a vast region lying on

        each side of the Tien shan, and including a tract nearly as large

        as Mongolia, and not much more susceptible of cultivation. Its

        limits may be stated as extending from lat. 36° to 49° K., and

        from long. 71° to 96° E., and its entire area, although difficult

        to estimate from its irregularity, can hardly be less than 900,000

        square miles, of which Songaria occupies rattier more than onethird.

        It is divided into two Lu^ or ‘ Circuits,’ viz., the Tien

        shan Pell Lu, and Tien shan Nan Lu, or the circuits north and

        south of the Celestial Mountains. The former is commonly

        designated Songaria, or Dzungaria, from the Songares or

        Eleuths, who ruled it till a few scores of years past, and the latter

        used to be known as Little Bokhara, or Eastern Turkestan.

        tli is bounded north by the Altai range, separating it from

        the Kirghls ; northeast by the Irtysh Piver and Outer Mongolia

        ; east and southeast by ITrumtsi and Barkul in Ivansuh ;

        south by the desert and the Ivwanlun range ; and west by the

        Belur-tag, dividing it from Badakshan and Russian territory.’

        ‘ The recent treaty between Russia and China (ratified in 1881), marks the boundaries between Ili and Russian territory in the following sections: Art. VII. A tract of country in the west of Ili is ceded to Russia, where those who go over to Russia and are thereby dispossessed of their land in tli may settle. The boundary line of Chinese tli and Russian territory will stretch from the Pieh-chen-tao [Bedschin-tau] Mountains along the course of the Hocrh-kwo-ssU [Yehorsos] River, to its junction with the Ili River, thence across the 111 River, and south to the east of the village of Kwo-li-cha-ti”‘ [Kaldschatl on the Wu-tsung-tau range, and from this point south along the old boundary line fixed by the agreement of Ta-Cheng [Tashkend] in the year 1864.

        Art. VIII. The boundary line to the east of the Chi-sang lake, fixed iu the year 1864 by the agreement of Ta-Cheng [Tashkend], having proved unsatisfactory, high officers will be specially deputed by both countries jointly to examine and alter it so that a satisfactory result may be attained. That there may be no doubt what part of the Kliassak country belongs to China and what to Russia, the boundary will consist of a straight line drawn from the Kwei Tung Mountains across the Hei-i-erh-te-shih River to the Sa-wu-crh range, and Ill lenoftli, the Northern Circuit extends about nine hundred miles, and the width, on an average, is three hundred miles. The Southern Circuit reaches nearly twelve hundred and fifty miles from west to east, and varies from three hundred to five hundred in breadth, as it extends to the IvM’unhm range on the south. There is probably most arable land in the Northern Circuit.

        Ili, taken north of the Tarim basin, may be regarded as an

        inland isthmus, extending southwest from the south of Siberia,

        off between the Gobi and Caspian deserts, till it reaches the

        Hindu Kush, leading down to the valley of the Indus. The

        former of these deserts incloses it on the east and south, the

        other on the west and northwest, separated from each other by

        the Belur and Muz-tag ranges, which join with the Tien shan,

        that divide the isthmus itself into t\\o parts. These deserts

        united are equal in extent to that of Sahara, l)ut are not as arid

        and tenantless.

        This region has some peculiar features, among which its great

        elevation, its isolation in respect to its water-courses, and the

        character of its vegetation, are the most remarkable. Songaria

        is especially noticeable for the many closed river-basins which

        occur between the Altai and Tien shan, among the various

        liiinor ranges of hills, each of which is entirely isolated, and

        containing a lake, the receptacle of its drainage. The largest

        of these singular basins is that of the Kiver 111, which runs

        about three hundred miles westward, from its rise in the Tien

        shan (lat. 85°) till it falls into Lake Balkash, which also receives

        some other streams ; the superficies of the whole basin is about forty thousand square miles. The other lakes lie northeastward of Balkash ; the largest of them are the Dzaisang, which receives the Irtysh, the Kisilbasli, into which the ITrungu the liigli of Beors deputed to settle the boundiuy will fix the iit>\v boundary .along such straight line which is within the old bounchxry.

        Art. IX. As to the boundary on the west, between the Province of Fei-rrhkan[Ferghana], which is subject to Russia, and Chinese Kashgar, officials will be deputed V)y both countries to examine it, and they will fix the boundary line between the territories at present actually under the jurisdiction of either country, and they will erect boundary stones thereon.

        TOPOGRAPHY OF ILI. 217

        flows, and four or five smaller ones between them, lying north

        of the city of III. Lake Tenmrtu, or Issik-kul, lies now just

        beyond the southwestern part of this Circuit, and was until

        recently contained therein. This sheet of water is deep and

        never freezes ; it is brackish, but full of fish ; the dimensions

        are about one liundred miles long, and thirty-five wide ; its

        superabundant waters flow oif through the Chu ho into the

        Xirghis steppe.

        The Ala-tau range defines the lake on the north shore. Says

        a Hussian traveller in describing this region, ” It M^ould be difl[icnlt

        to imagine anything more splendid than the view of the

        Tien shan from this spot. The dark blue surface of the Issikkul,

        like sapphire, may M’ell bear comparison with the equally

        blue surface of Geneva Lake, but its expanse—five times as

        great—seeming almost unlimited, and the matchless splendor of

        its background, gives it a grandeur which the Swiss lake does

        not possess. The unbroken, snowy chain liere stretches away

        for at least 200 miles of the length of the Issik-kul ; the sharp

        outlines of the spurs and dark valleys in the front range are

        softened by a thin mist, which hangs over the water and

        heightens the clear, sharp outlines of the white heads of the

        Tien shan giants, as they rise and glisten on the azure canopy

        of a central Asian sky. The line of perpetual snow connnences

        at three-fifths of their slope up, but as one looks, their snowless

        base seems to sink the deeper in the far east, till the waves of

        the lake seem to wash the snowy crests of Ivhan-Tengse.” Forty

        small rivers flow into it, but its size is gradually lessening.’

        Little is known concerning the topography, the productions,

        or the civilization of the tribes who inhabit a large part of Songaria,

        but the efforts of the Chinese government have been

        systematically directed to developing its agricultural resources,

        by stationing bodies of troops, who cultivate the soil, there, and

        by banishing criminals thither, who are obliged to work for and

        assist the troops. It gives one a higher idea of the rulers of

        China, themselves wandering nomads originally, when they are

        seen carrying on such a plan for extending the capabilities of

        these remote parts of their Empire, and teaching, partly by force, partly by bribes, and partly by example, the Mongol tribes under them the advantages of a settled life.

        ‘ Compare also Schuyler, Turkistan, Vol. II., pp. 137 ff

        The productions of Songaria are nnmerons. Wheat, barley,

        rice and millet, are the chief corn stuffs ; tobacco, cotton, melons,

        and some fruits, are grown ; herds of horses, camels, cattle, and

        sheep, afford means of locomotion and food to the people, while

        the mountains and lakes supply game and fish. The inhabitants

        are composed mostly of Eleuths, with a tribe of Tourgouths,

        and remnants of the Songares, together with Mongols, Manchus,

        and Chinese troops, settlers and criminals.

        TiEN-SHAN Peh Lu is divided by the Chinese into three commanderies, llh, on the west, Tarhagatai on the north, and Kurkara usu on the east, between Ili and the west end of Kansuh.

        The government of the ISTorth and South Circuits is under the control of Manchu military officers residing at Ili. This city, called by the Chinese Ilwuiyuen ching, and Gouldja (orlvuldja) and Kuren by the natives, lies on the north bank of the Ili River, in lat. 43° 55′ K., and long. 81^° E. ; it contains about fifty thousand inhabitants, and carries on considerable trade with China through the towns in Ivansuh. The city was defended by six strong fortresses in its neighborhood, and tho solidity of the stone walls enabled it to resist a vigorous assault in the Dungani rebellion. Its circuit is nearly four miles, and two wide avenues cross its centre, dividing it into four equal parts, through each of which run many lanes. Its houses indicate the Turkish origin of its builders in their clay or adobe walls and flat roofs, and this impression is increased by the Junnna mosque of the Taranchis, and the Dungan mosque, outside of the walls. The last has a wonderful minaret built of small roofed pavilions one over another; both of them affect the Chinese architecture in their roofs, and their walls are faced with diamond-shaped tiles. The Buddhist temple has hardly been rebuilt since the city has returned to Chinese rule. The supply of meats and vegetables is constant, and the variety and quality exceed that of most other towns in the region. The population is gradually increasing with the return of peace and trade, but is still under twenty thousand, of which not one-fifth are Chinese and Manchus : the Taranchis constitute half of the whole, and Dunganis are the next in number. The province is the richest and best cultivated of all this reijion of fli : its coal, metals, and fruits are sources of prosperity, and with its return to Chinese sway under new relations in respect to Russian trade, its future is promising.

        TIEN-SHAlSr PEU LU AXD THE TOWX OF KULDJA. 219

        The destruction of life was dreadful at the capture of Kuldja and other towns, which were then left a heap of ruins.’

        Schuyler estimates that not more than a hundred thousand people remained in the province, out of a third of a million in 1860. It is stated in Chinese works that when Amursana, the discontented chief of the Songares, applied, in 1775, to Kienlung for assistance against his rival Tawats or Davatsi, and was sent back with a Chinese army, in the engagements which ensued, more than a million of people were destroyed, and the whole country depopulated. At that time, Knldja was built by

        Kienlung, and soon became a place of note. Outside of the

        town are the barracks for the troops, which consist of Eleuths

        and Mohammedans, as well as ]\[anchus and Chinese. Coal is

        found in this region, and most of the inland rivers produce

        abundance of fish, wliile wild animals and birds are numerous.

        The resources of the country are, however, insufficient to meet

        the expenses of the military establishment, and the presents

        made to the begs, and the deficit is supplied from China.”

        ‘ 175,000 perished in Kuklja alone.
        ” The question of the existence of volcanoes in Central Asia, especially on the Knldja frontier, has always been a matter of doubt and discussion among geologists and Russian explorers. The Governor of Semiretchinsk, General Kolpakofsky, was, in 1881, able to report the discovery of the perpetual fires in the Tien shan range of mountains. The mountain Bai shan was found twelve miles northeast of Kuldja, in a basin surrounded by the massive Ailak mountains ; its fires are not volcanic, but proceed from burning coal. On the sides of the mountain there are caves emitting smoke and sulphurous gas. Mr. Schuyler, in his Turkistan, mentions that these perpetual fires in the mountains, referred to by Chinese historians, were considered by Severtzofif, a Russian, who explored the region, as being caused by the ignition of the seams of coal, or the carburetted h^’drogen gas in the seams. The same author further mentions that Captain Tosnofskey, another Russian explorer, was told of a place in the neighborhood from which steam constantly rose, and that near this crevice there had existed, from ancient times, three pits, where per sons afflicted with rheumatism or skin diseases were in the habit of bathing.

        Subordinate to the control of the commandant at Knldja are nine garrisoned places situated in the same valley, at each of which are bodies of Chinese convicts. The two remaining districts of Tarbagatai and Ivur-kara usu are small compared with 111 ; the first lies between Cobdo and the Kirghis steppe, and is inhabited mostly by emigrants from the steppes of the latter, who render merely a nominal subjection to the gari’isons placed over them, but are easily governed through their tribal rulers. The Tourgouths, who emigrated from Kussia in 1772, into China, are located in this district and Cobdo, as well as in the valleys of the Tekes and Kunges rivers. They have become more or less assimilated with other tribes since they were placed here. In the war with the Songares, many of the people fled from the valley of IK to this region, and after that country was

        settled, they submitted to the Emperor, and partly returned to

        111. The chief town, called Tuguchuk by the Kirghis, and

        Suitsing cliing by the Chinese, is situated not far from the

        southern base of the Tarbagatai Mountains, and contains about

        six hundred houses, half of which belong to the garrison. It

        is one of the nine fortified towns under the control of the commandant

        at Kuldja, and a place of some trade with the Kirghis.

        There are two residents stationed here, with high powers to oversee

        the trade across the frontier, but their duties are inferior

        in importance to those of the officials at Ilrga. 2,500 Manchu

        and Chinese troops remain at this post, and since the conquest

        of the country in 1772 by Kienhmg, its agricniltural products

        have gradually increased under the industry of the Chinese.

        The tribes dwelling in this distant province are restricted within

        certain limits, and their obedience secured by presents. The

        climate of Tarbagatai is changeable, and the cold weather

        comprises more than half the year. The basin of Lake

        Aladvul, or Alaktu-kul, occupies the southwest, and part of the

        Trtysh and Lake Dzaisang the northeast, so that it is well

        watered. The trade consists chiefiy of domestic animals and

        cloths.

        POSITION OF TIEN-SHAN NAN LU. 221

        The town of Kur-kara usu lies on the Ttiver Kur, northeast from Kuldja and oti the road between it and TTrumtsi ; it ia called Kingsui ching by the Chinese. The number of troops stationed at all these posts is estimated at sixty thousand, and the total population of Songaria under two millions.

        The TiEN-SHAN Kan Lit, or Southern C^ircuit of Ili,the territory

        of ‘ the eight Mohammedan cities,’ was named Sin

        Kiang (‘ New Frontier ‘) by Kienlung. It is less fertile than

        the T^orthern Circuit, the greatest part of its area consisting of

        ruffo-ed mountains or barren wastes, barelv affordino; subsistence

        for herds of cattle and goats. The principal boundaries are the

        Kwanlun Mountains, and the desert, separating it from Tibet on

        the south ; Cashmere lies on the southwest, and Badukshan and

        Kokand are separated from it on the west and northwest by

        the Belur-tag, all of them defined and partitioned by the mountain

        ranges over which the passes 12,000 to 16,000 feet high

        furnish both defence and travel according to the season.

        The greater part of this Circuit is occupied with the basin of

        the Tarim or Ergu, which flows from the Belur range in four

        principal branches ‘ (called from the towns lying upon their

        banks the Yarkand, Kashgar, Aksu, and Khoten Rivers), and

        running eastward, receives several affluents from the north and

        south, and falls into Lake Lob in long. 89^ E., after a course,

        including windings, of between 1,100 and 1,300 miles. Of the

        river system from which this stream flows Baron Ilichthofen

        says, ” the region which gives birth to this river is on a scale of

        grandeur such as no other river in the world can boast. It is

        girt round by a wide semicircular collar of mountains of the

        loftiest and grandest character, often rising in ridges of 18,000

        to 20,000 feet in height, while the peaks shoot up to 25,000 and

        even 28,000 feet. The basin which fills in the horse-shoe shaped

        space encompassed by these gigantic elevations, though deeply

        depressed below them, stands at a height above the sea varying

        from 6,000 feet at the margin to about 2,000 in the middle,

        and formed the bed of an ancient sea. From its wall-like sides

        on the south, west, and north, the waters rush headlong down,

        and though the winds blowing from all directions deposit most

        of their moisture on the remoter sides of the surrounding

        ‘ Wood, Jmirney to the Source of the River Oxus, p. 356. From the hills that encircle Lake Sir-i-kol rise some of the principal rivers in Asia : the Yarkand, Kashgar, Sirr, Kuner, and Oxus.

        ranges, viz., the southern foot of the Himalayas, the west side

        of the Paniii-, and the northern slope of the Tien shan, the

        streams formed thereby windhig through the cloud-capped lofty

        cradle-land, and breaking tlirough the mountain chains, reach

        the old ocean bed onlj^ partly well watered. The smallest of

        them disappear in the sand, others flow some distance before

        expanding into a level salt basin and are there absorbed. Only

        the largest, whose munber the Chinese estimate at sixty, unite

        with the Tarim, a river 1,150 miles long, and therefore in

        length between the Khine and Danube, but far surpassing both

        in the massiveness of surrounding mountains, just as it exceeds

        the Daimbe in the extent of its basin. Its tributaries foi-m

        along the foot of the mountains a number of fruitful oases, and

        these by means of artificial irrigation have been converted into

        flourishing, cultivated states, and have played an important part

        in the history of these regions.” ‘ Col. Prejevalsky’s explorations

        in this totally unknown country have brought out a multitude

        of facts pregnant with interest both for histoi’ical and geographical

        study. Among the most important results of his discoveries is the location of Lob more than a degree to the south of its position on Chinese maps, and a consequent bend of the Tarim from its due eastern course before it reaches its outlet.

        This lake, consisting of two sheets of water, the Kara-buran

        and Kara-kurc’hin (or Chon-kul), lies on the edge of the deseit,

        in an uniidiabited region, and surrounded by great swamps,

        which extend also northwest along the Tarim to its junction

        with the Kaidu. It is shallow, overgrown with weeds, and is

        for the most part a morass, the water being fresh, despite the sail

        marshes in the vicinity. The people living near it speak a language

        most like that of Ivhoten ; they are Moslems. Lake Lob is elliptical, 90 to 100 versts long and 20 wide, 2,200 feet above the sea. Enormous flocks of birds come from Khoten on the southwest, as they go north, and make Lob-nor their stopping-place. The desert in this region is poor and desolate in the extreme.

        ‘ RicJitJioferi’ s Bemarks in Prejevalsky’s Loh-nor, p. i;?8. London, 1879.

        THE RIVER TARIM AND LOB-NOR. 223

        Its southern side is formed by the Altyn-tag range, a spur of the Kwanlun Mountains that rises about 14,000 feet in a sheer wall. Wild camels are found in its ravines, whose sight, hearing, and smell are marvellously acute. No other river basins of any size are found within the Circuit, except a large tributary called the Kaidu, which, draining a parallel valley north of Lobnor, two hundred miles long, runs into a lake nearly as large, called Bostang-nor, from which an outlet on the south continues it into the Tarim, about eighty miles from its mouth.

        The tributaries of this river are represented as much more serviceable for agricultural purposes than the main trunk is for navigation. The plain through which the Tarim flows is about two hundred miles broad and not far from nine hundred miles long, most of it unfit for cultivation or pasturage. The desert extends considerably west of the two lakes. The climate of this region is exceedingly dry, and its barrenness is owing, apparently, more to the want of moisture than to the nature of the soil. The western parts are colder than those toward Kansuh, the river being passable on ice at Yarkand, in lat. 38°, for three months, while frost is hardly known at Hami, in lat. 43°.

        The productions of the valley of the Tai’im comprise most of the grains and fruits found in Southern Europe ; the sesamum is cultivated for oil instead of the olive. Few trees or shrubs cover the mountain acclivities or plains. All the domestic animals abound, except the hog, which is i-eared in small numbers by the Chinese. The camel and yak are hunted and raised for food and service, their coats affording both skins and hair for garments. The horse, camel, black cattle, ass, and sheep, are found wild on the edge of the desert, where they find a precarious subsistence. The mountains and marshes contain jackals, tigers, bears, wolves, lynxes, and deer, together with some large species of birds of prey. Gold, copper, and iron are brought from this region, but the amount is not large, and as articles of trade they are less important than the sal-ammoniac, saltpetre, sulphur, and asbestos obtained from the volcanic region in the east of the Celestial Mountains. The best specimens of the yuh or nephrite, so highly prized by the Chinese, are obtained in the Southern Circuit.

        The present divisions of this Circuit are regulated by the position of the eight Mohammedan cities. The western departments of Kansnh naturally belong to the same region, and the cities now pertaining to that province are inhabited by entirely

        similar races, and governed in the same feudal manner, with

        some advantages in consideration of their early submission to

        Kienlung. The first town on the road, of note, is Ilami ; Turfan

        and Pidshan are less important as trading posts than as

        garrisons. The eight cities are named in the Statistics of the

        Empire in the following order, beginning at the east : Harashar,

        Kuche, Ushi (including Sairim and Bai), Aksu, Khoten,

        Yarkand, Kashgar, and Yingkeshar or Yangi Hissar. The

        superior officers live at Yarkand, but the Southern Circuit is

        divided into four minor governments at Ilarashar, Ushi, Yarkand,

        and Khoten, each of whose residents reports both to Kuldja

        and Peking. There is constant restiveness on the part of the

        subject races, who are all Moslems, arising from their clannish

        habits and feuds ; they have not the elements of substantial

        progress and national growth, either under their own rulers or

        Chinese. They have lately thrown off the Peking Government,

        but they have generally regretted the rapines and waste caused

        by the strifes and change, and Avould probably receive the

        Kitai (so they term the Chinese) back again. The latter are

        not hard masters, and bring trade and wealth the longer they

        remain. One of the IJsbek chiefs under Yakub khan gave

        the pith of the situation between the two, when he replied to

        Dr. Bellew’s remark that he talked like a Chinese himself,

        ” Ko, I hate them. But they were not bad rulers. “We had

        everything then ; we have nothing now. We never see any

        signs of the Kitai trade, nor of the wealth they brought here.”‘

        Ilarashar (or Karashar) lies on the Kaidu River, not far from

        Lake Bagarash or Bostang, about two hundred and ninety miles

        west of Turfan, in lat. 42° 15′ N., and long. 87° E. It is a

        large district, and has two towns of some note within the jurisdiction

        of its officers—namely, Korla and Bukur. Ilarashar is

        fortified, and from its being a secure position, and the seat of

        the chief resident, attracts considerable trade. The embroidery

        is superior ; but the tribes living in the district are more addicted

        to hunting than disposed to sedentary trades. Korla lies

        TOWNS OF THE SOUTheRISr CIIiCUIT. 225

        southwest of llarasliar on the Kaidii, between lakes Bostany;

        and Lob, and the productions of the town and its vicinity indi

        cate a fertile soil ; the Chinese say the Mohammedans who live

        here are fond of singing, but have no ideas of ceremony or

        Virbanity. Bukur lies two hundred miles Avest of Korla and

        ” might be a rich and delicious country,”” says the Chinese account,

        ” but those idle, vagrant Mohannnedans only use their

        strength in theft and plunder ; the Avomen blush at nothing.”

        The town formerly contained upward of ten thousand inhal)-

        itants, but Kienlung nearly destroyed it ; the district has been

        since resettled by Iloshoits, Tourbeths, and Turks, and the people

        carry on some trade in the produce of their herds, skins, copper,

        and agates.

        Kuche, about eighty miles west from Bukur, hit. 41° 3T’ X.,

        and long. 83° 20′ E., is a larger an<l more important city than that

        t)f Ilarashar, for the road which crosses the Tien shan l)y the

        pass Muz-daban to Ili, here joins tliat coming from Aksu on

        the west and Ilami on the east. It is three miles in circuit, and

        is defended by ten forts and three hundred troops. The

        bazaars contain grain, fruits, and vegetables, raised in the vicinity

        by great labor, for the land requires to be irrigated by hand

        from Avells, pools, and streams. Copper, sulphur, and saltpeti’e

        are carried across to 111, for use of government as well as traffic,

        being partly levied from the inhabitants as taxes ; linen is

        manufactured in the town, and sal ammoniac, cimiabar, and

        quicksilver are procured fi’oni the mountains. Kuche is considered

        the gate of Turkestan, and is the chief town, politically

        speaking, between Ilami and Yarkand. The district and town

        of Shayar lie south of Kuche, in a marshy valley producing

        abundance of rice, melons, and fruit ; the pears are particularly

        good. Two small lakes, Baba-kul and Sary-kamysch, lie to the

        east of this town, and are the only bodies of water between

        Bostang-nor and Issik-kul. The population is about four thousand,

        ruled by hegs subordinate to the general at Kuche.

        The valley of. the Aksu contains two large towms, Aksu and Ushi or Ush-turfan, besides several posts and villages. Between the former and Kuche, lie the small garrisons and districts of Bai and Sairim. The first contains from four to five hundred families, ruled by their own chiefs. Sairim or Ilanlemuli is siiboi-dinate to Ushi in some degree, but its productions, climate, and inhabitants are like those of Kuche. ” Their manners are simple,” remarks a Chinese writer, speaking of the people; ” they are neither cowards nor rogues like the other Mohammedans; they are fond of singing, drinking, and dancing, like those of Kuche.” Aksu is a large commercial and manufacturing

        town, containing twenty thousand inhabitants, situated,

        like Kuche, at the termination of a road leading across the Tien

        slian to til, and attracting to its market traders from Siberia,

        i)okhara, and Kokand, as well as along the great road. Its manufactures

        of cotton, silk, leather, harnesses, crockery, precious

        stones, and metals are good, and sent abroad in great numbers.

        The country produces grain, fruits, vegetables, and cattle in perfection, and the people are more civilized than those on the east and north; “they are generous and nol)lo, and both slug and ] idieulc the oddities and niggardliness of the other jMobammedans.”

        The Chinese garrison consists of three thousand soldiers, and the officers are accountable to those at Ushi. Ushi lies al)Out TO miles due west of Aksu, in lat. 41° 15′ N. and long. 79° 40′ E., and is stated to contain ten thousand inhabitants.

        ^ CiilU’d aho Pourouts. Compare Klaproth {Memoircs, Tome III., p. 332), who has a notice of these tribes.

        THE GOVERNMENT AND TOWN OF KASJIGAR. 227

        The Chinese name is Yung-ning ching(ie. ‘City of Eternal Tranquillity’). The officers stationed here report to the commandant at Ili, but they communicate directly with Peking, and receive the Emperor’s sanction to their choice of begs, and to the envoys forwarded to the capital with tribute. Copper money is cast here in ingots, somewhat like the ingots of sycee in the provinces. There are six forts attached to Uslif, to keep in order the wandering tribes of the Kii’ghis, called I’ruth l\irghi’s,’ which roam over the fi’ontier regions between Ushi and ^’arkand. They pay homage to the officers at Ushi, but give no tribute. Those who do pay tribute are taxed a tenth, but the Kii-ghis on this frontier are usually allowed to roam where they like, provided they keep the peace. This region was nearly depopulated by Kienlung’s generals, and at present supports a sparse population compared with its fertility and resources.

        The government of Kashgar, known, at the time of the Arab conquest, as Klehlh Bul’hara, presents a vast, undulating plain, of which the slope is very gradual toward the east, and of which the general elevation maybe reckoned at from three to four thousand feet above the sea. The aspect of its surface is mostly one of unmitigated waste—a vast spread of bare sand and gloomy salts, traversed in all directions by dunes and banks of gravel, with the scantiest vegetation, and all but absence of animal life. Such is the view that meets the eye ajid joins the horizon everywhere on the plain immediately beyond the river courses and the settlements planted on their banks.’ The population of this whole district is considerably less than a million

        and a half. The natural mineral productions hei’e are of great

        value, and it is a knowledge of this fact which has induced the

        Chinese to persevere in retaining so expensive and turl)ulent a

        frontier province. The gold and jade of Ivhoten, silver and

        lead of Cosharab, and copper of Khalistan, have given abundant

        employment to Chinese settlers ; while coal, iron, sulphur,

        alum, sal ammoniac, and zinc, though worked in unimportant

        quantities before the insurrection of Yakub khan (Atalik

        Gliazi), furnished the inhabitants with supplies for domestic

        use. An important hinderance to building villages in many sections

        of this territory is the prevalence of sand dunes here.

        Solitary houses and even whole settlements lying in the path of

        these moving hills are suddenly overwhelmed and oftentimes

        totalh’ effaced.

        The town of Kashgar is situated at the northwestern angle

        of the Southern Circuit, on the Kashgar River, a branch of the

        Tarim, in lat. 39° 25′ X., and long. 76° 5′ E., at the extreme

        west of the Empire. Several roads meet here. Going in a

        northw^est direction, one leads over the Tien shan to Kokand ; a

        second passes south, through Yarkand and Khoten, to Leh and

        Cashmere ; a third, the great caravan route, from China through

        1 H. W. Bellew, Kashmir and Kashgar. A Narrative of the Journey of the Embassy to Kashgar in 1873-4, p. 2.

        Uslii, iiiav be said to end liere ; and the fourth and most frequented,

        leads off northwest over the Tien shan through the

        llowat Pass, and along the western banks of Lake Issik-kul to

        111. Kashgar was the capital of the Oigours for a long time, and

        its ruler forced his people, as far east as llanii, to accept Islaniisni

        about the year lUCiO. They then came under Genghis’

        sway, and this city increased its iuiportance. but when Abubahr

        JMiza took Yarkand, he razed Kashgar to the ground. Under

        Chinese rule it became one of the richest marts in Central

        Asia, and its future im])ortance is secured by its position. The

        city is enclosed with high and massive walls, supported by buttress

        bastions, and protected by a deep ditcli on three sides, the river flowing under the fourth. There are but two gates ; the area within is about fifty acres. Around it are populous suburbs.

        In the middle of the town is a large s(piare, and four bazaars

        branch from it through to the gates ; the gari-ison is placed

        without the wall^. The nuinufactures of Kashgar excel those

        of any other town in the two Circuits, especially in jade, gold,

        silk, cotton, gold and silver cloths, and carpets. The country

        around produces fruit and grain in abundance; “the manners

        of the people have an appearance of elegance and politeness,”

        says the Chinese geographer ;

        ” the women dance

        and sing in fanuly parties ; they fear and respect the officers,

        and have not the M’ild, uncultivated aspect of those in

        Ushi.” This judgment is in a measure confirmed by Bellew,

        who credits the people with being singularly free from prejudice

        against the foreigners, quite indifferent on any score of his

        nationality or religion, and content so long as lie pays his way

        and does not offend the customs of the natives. Sevei-al towns

        arc subordinate to Kashgar, because of its oversight of their

        I’ulers, and consumption of their products. Southwest lies Tashl)

        alig, and on the road leading to Yarkand is Yangi Tlissar, both

        of them towns of some importance ; the whole distance from

        Kashgar presents a succession of sandy or saline tracts, alternating

        with fertile bottoms wherever water runs. Small villages

        and post houses serve to connect the larger towns, but the soil

        does not reward the cultivators with much produce.

        THE CITY OF YARKAND. 229

        Tarkand, or Yerkiang, is the political capital of the Southern

        Circuit, as the highest militaiy officers and strongest force

        are stationed liere. It is situated on the Yarkand Itiver, in hit.

        36° 30′ X., and long. 77° 15′ E., in the midst of a sand-girt

        oasis of great fertility. The environs are ai)undantlv su])plied

        with water by canals. The stone walls are three miles in circumference,

        but its suburbs are nuicli larger ; the houses are

        built of dried bricks, and the town has a more substantial appearance

        than others in III. There are njanj mosques and colleges,

        which, with the public buildings occupied by the government

        and ti’oops, add to its consideration. Yarkand is one of

        the ancient cities of Tartary, and was, in remote times, a royal

        residence of Turk princes of the Afrasyab dynasty. In modern

        times it owes its rank as a well-built city chiefly to Abubahr

        Miza, whose short-lived sway from Aksu to Wakhan left its

        chief results in the mosques and bazaars erected or enlarged by

        him. By means of quarrying jade in the Karakash valley, and

        W’orking the bangles, ear-rings and other articles in the city,

        thousands of families found employment under Chinese rule.

        With the overthrow of that sway and then of Yakub khan in

        its restoration, all this industry disappeared. In the destruction

        ensuing on these long struggles for supremac}^, one learns the

        explanation of the barbarism which has succeeded the downfall

        of mighty empires all over AYestern ^isia. The city has no important

        manufactures ; it enjoys a local reputation for its

        leather, and boots and shoes made here are esteemed all over

        the province. Among other articles of trade are horses, silk,

        and wool, and fabrics made from them ; but everything found

        at Ivashgar is sold also at this market. In a Chinese notice of

        the city, the customs at Yarkand are stated to have yielded over

        $45,000 annually ; the taxes are 35,400 sacks of grain, 57,569

        pieces of linen, 15,000 lbs. of copper, besides gold, silk, varnish,

        and hemp, part of which are carried to 111. Jade is obtained

        from the river in large pieces, yellow, white, black, and reddish,

        and the articles made from it are cariied to China. The Chinese

        authorities have no olqection to the resorting thither of

        natives of Kokand, Badakshan, and other neighboring states,

        many of whom settle and marry.

        Klioten is situated on the southern side of the desert, and the

        district embraces all the country south of Aksu and \ arkand,

        alono- the northern base of the Kwanlun Mountains, for more

        tlian three hundred miles from east to west. The capital is

        called Ilchi on Chmese maps, and lies in an extensive plain on

        the Khoten Kiver in lat. 37° N., and long. 80^ E. The town

        of Karakash (meaning ‘Black Jade’)’ lies in lat. 37° 10′, long.

        80″ 13′ 30″, a few miles northwest in the same valley, and is

        said by traders to be the capital rather than Ilchi ; it is located

        on the road to Yarkaud, distant twelve days’ journey. On

        this road the town of (iumnu is also placed, whose chief had in

        his possession a stone supposed to have the power of causing

        rain. Kirrea lies five days’ journey east of Ilchi, near the pass

        across the mountains into Tibet and Ladak ; a gold mine is

        M’orked near this place, the produce of which is monopolized by

        the Chinese. The three towns of Karakash, tlchi, and Kirrea,

        are the only places of importance between the valley of the

        Tarim and Tibet, but none of them have been visited for a long

        time by Europeans.* The population of the town or district is

        unknown ; one notice ‘ gives it a very large number, approaching

        three millions and even more, which at any rate indicates

        a more fertile soil and genial climate than the regions north and

        south of it. Dr. Morrison, in his Yieia of China, puts it at

        44,630 inhabitants ; and although the former includes the whole

        district, and is probably too large, the second seems to be nnich

        too small.

        Khoten is known, in Chinese books, by the names of Yu-tu’/i,

        Ilwan-na, KleuAan, and Klu,-sa-tan-na—the last meaning, in

        Sanscrit, ” Breast of tiie Earth.” * Its eastern part is marshy,

        i)ut that the country nnist have a considerable elevation is

        manifest from the fact that the river which drains and connects

        it with the Tarim runs quite across the desert in its

        course. The country is governed by two high officei-s and a

        ‘ But Remusat says that Karakash is a river and no town.

        ‘” Wood {Journey to the Oxuk, p. 279) refers to a frontier town by the name

        of Ecla.

        ‘ Penny Ci/clopcedia, Art. Tuian Shan nan lu.

        * Rdmusat, Ilis’oire de Hhotan, p. 35.

        KHOTEN DISTRICT. 2^1

        detachment of troops ; there are six towns under their jurisdiction,

        the inhabitants of which are ruled in the same manner as

        the other Mohammedan cities. The people, however, are said

        to be mostly of the JJuddhist faith, and the Chinese give a good

        accoimt of their peacefulness and industi-y. The trade with

        Leh and ll’lassa is carried on by a road crossing the Kwunlun

        over the Kirrea Pass, beyond which it divides. The productions

        of Khoten are fine linen and cotton stuffs, jade ornaments,

        amber, copper, grain, fruits, and vegetables ; the former for exportation,

        the latter for use. It was in this region that Col.

        Prejcvalsky discovered (in 1879) a new variety of wild horse, a

        specimen of which has been stuffed and exhibited in St. Petersburg.

        The animal in question, though belonging undoubtedly

        to the genus J^quus, presents, in many respects, an intermediate

        form between the domestic horse and the wdld ass.

        Remusat published, in 1820, an account of this country,

        drawn from Chinese books, in wdiich the principal events in its

        histoiy are stated, commencing with the Han dynasty, before

        the Christian era, down to the Manchu conquest. In the early

        part of its history, Khoten was the resort of many priests from

        India, and the Buddhist faith was early established there. It

        was an independent kingdom most of the time, from its earliest

        mention to the era of Genghis khan, the princes sometimes extending

        their sway from the Iviayii pass and Koko-nor to the

        Tsung ling, and then being obliged to contract to the valley now

        designated as Khoten. After the expulsion of the Mongols

        from China, Khoten asserted its independence, but afterward

        fell under the sway of the Songares and Eleuths, and lost many

        of its inhabitants. The Manchus conquered it in 1770, when

        the rest of the region between the Tien shan and Kwanlun fell

        under their sway, but neither have they settled in it to the same

        extent, nor made thereof a penal settlement, as in other parts

        of 111.-

        The government of Ili differs in some respects from that of

        Mongolia, where religion is partly called in to aid the state. In

        ‘ Concerning the nomenclature of this region compare Remusat, Histoire de

        Khotan, p. 66. See, moreover, ib., p. 47 ff., the legend of a drove of desert

        rats assisting the king of this land against the army of his enemies.

        the Northern Circuit, the authority is strictly military, exercised

        by means of residents and generals, with bodies of troops under

        their control. The supreme connnand of all Hi is intrusted by

        the colonial office to a Manchu UiaH(jl(an,ov military governorgeneral

        at Kuldja, who has under him two coimcillors to take

        cognizance of civil cases, and thirty -four residents scattered

        about in both Circuits. This governor has also the control of

        the troops stationed in the three western departments of Kansuh,

        but has nothing to do M’ith the civil jurisdiction of those

        towns. The entire number of soldiers under his hand is stated

        at 60,000, most of whom have families, and add agricultural,

        mechanical, or other labors to the profession of arms. The

        councillors are not altogether sul)ordhiatc to the general, but report

        to the Colonial Office.

        In the Northern Circuit, there is a deputy appointed for every village and town, invested with military powers over the troops and convicts, and civil supervision over the native jpiko or chieftains, who are the real rulers acknowledged by the clans.

        The character of the inhabitants north of the Tien shan is rendered

        unlike that of those dwelling in the Southern Circuit, not

        more by the diversity in their language and nomadic habits,

        than by the sway religious rites and allegiance have over them.

        Through this latter motive, the government of Mongolia and

        the Xorthern Circuit is rendered far easier and more effectual

        for the distant court of Peking than it otherwise Avould be.

        The appointment of the native chieftains is first announced to

        the general at Kuldja and the Colonial Office, and they succeed

        to their post when confirmed, which, as the station is in a measure

        hereditaiy, usually follows in course.

        The inhabitants of the Southern Circuit are Mohammedans

        and acknowledge a less Milling subjection to the Emperor than

        those in the Xorthern, the differences in race, religion, and language

        being probably the leading reasons. The government

        of the whole rejjrion is divided amoni»; the Manchu residents or

        aiiihatin at the eight cities, who are nominally responsible to the

        general at Ili, and independent of each other, but there is a

        gradation in rank and power, the one at Yarkaiid having the

        priority. The begs are chosen by the tribes themselves, and

        GOVERNMEXT OF IlI 233

        exercise authority in all petty cases arising among the people,

        without the interference of the Chinese. The troops are all

        Manchu or Chinese, none of the Turks being enrolled in separate

        bodies, though individuals are employed with safety.

        There is considerable difference in the rank and inliuence of

        the begs, which is upheld and respected by the amhcDis. The

        allowances and style granted them are regulated in a measure

        by their feudal importance. The revenue is derived from a

        monthly capitation tax on each man of about half a dollar, and

        tithes on the produce ; there are no transit duties as in China,

        but custom-houses are established at the frontier trading towns.

        The language generally used in the Southern Circuit is the

        Jaghatai Turki of the Kalmucks ; the Usbecks constitute the majority

        of the people, but Eleuths and Kalmucks are everywhere

        intermixed. The Tibetans have settled in Khoten, or more

        probably, remnants still exist there of the former ijihabitants.

        The history of the vast region constituting the present government

        of 111 early attracted the attention of oriental scholars,

        and few portions of the world have had a more exciting historj’.

        After the expulsion of the Mongols from China by

        Hungwu, A.D. 1366, they found that they, as a tribe, were inferior

        in power to the westei’u triljes, but it was not till about

        1680 that the Eleuths, noi-th of the Tien slian under the Galdan,’

        began to attack the Kalkas, and drive them eastward.

        The Sunnites, Tsakhars, and Solons, portions of the Eastern

        Mongols, had already joined the Manchus ; and the Kalkas, to

        avoid extermination, submitted to them also, and besought their

        assistance against the Eleuths. Kanghi received their allegiance,

        and tried to settle the difficulties peaceably, but was

        obliged to send his troops against the Galdan, and drivj him

        from the territory of the Kalkas to the westward of Lob-nor

        and Barkul. The Emperor was materially aided in this enterprise

        by the secession from the Eleuths of the Songares,

        whose khan had taken offence, and drawn his hordes off to the

        south. The khans of the Kalkas and their vast territory thus

        ‘ “Galdan, better kuown by his title of Contaisch “—Remusat, Nouveaux

        Melanges, Tome II., p. 29, See also Scliuyler’s TurkiMan, Vol. II., p. 168.

        became subject to the Chinese. The Galdan lost all his forces,

        and expired bj poison, in 1697, his power dying with him, and

        his tribe having already become too weak to resist.

        Upon the ruins of his power arose that of Arabdan, the khan

        of the Songares. lie subjugated the ]S’orthern Circuit, passed

        over into Turkestan, Tangout, and Khoten, and gradually reduced

        to his sway nearly all the elevated region of Central Asia

        M’est of Kansuh. lie expelled the Tourgouths from their possessions

        in Cobdo, and compelled them to retreat to the banks

        of the Volga. Ivanghi expelled the Songares from the districts

        about Koko-nor, but made no impression upon their authority

        in Songaria. After the death of Arabdan, about 1720, his

        throne was disputed, and the power weakened by dissensions

        among his sons, so that it Avas seized by two usurpers, Amursana

        and Tawats, Avho also fell out after their object was gained.

        Annn-sana repaired to Peking for assistance, and with the aid

        of a Chinese army expelled Tawats, and took possession of the

        throne of Arabdan. But he had no intention of becoming a

        vassal to Ivienlung, and was no sooner reinstated than he resisted

        him ; he defeated two Chinese armies sent against him,

        but succumbed on the third attack, and fled to Tobolsk, -where

        he died in 1757.

        The territory of Arabdan then fell to Ivienlung, and he pursued

        his successes with such cruelty that the Northern Circuit

        was nearly depopulated, and the Songares and Eleuths became

        almost extinct as distinct tribes. The banished tribe of Tourgouths

        was then invited by the Emperor to retui-n from Russian

        sway to their ancient possessions, which they accepted in

        1772; the history of the Chinese embassy to them, and their

        disastrous journey back to Cobdo over the Ivirghis steppe and

        through the midst of their enemies, is one of the most remarkable

        instances of nomadic wanderings and unexampled suffering

        in modern times.’ Chinese troops, emigrants, exiles, and

        nomadic tribes and families, M^ere sent and encouraged to come

        ‘ Compare Remusat (Nouvrnvx Melanges, Tome II., p. 102), who lias compiled

        a brief life of their leader Ubusha. De Quincey’s essay, The Flight of a

        Tartar Tribe. Ritter, Asien, Bd. V. pp. 531-58:^ : Welthistorischer Einflusa

        des chinenicheu lieichs auf Central- tinU West-Asien.

        HISTORY AND CONQUEST OF ILI 235

        into the vacant territory, so that erelong it began to resume its

        former importance. In the period which has since elapsed, the

        Manchus have been enabled to prevent any combination among

        the clans, and maintain their own authority by a mixed system

        of coercion and coaxing which they well know how to practise.

        The agricultural and mineral resources of the country have

        been developed, many of the nomads induced to attend to agriculture

        by making their chieftains emulous of each others prosperity,

        and by exciting a spirit of traffic among all.

        There have been some disturbances from time to time, but no

        master spirit has arisen ^v]lo has been able to unite the tribes

        against the Chinese. In 1825, there “svas an attempt made

        from Kokand by Jehangir, grandson of the l:ojeh or prince of

        Kashgar, to regain possession of Turkestan ; the khan of Kokand

        assisted him with a small army, and such was their dislike

        of the Chinese, that as soon as Jehangir appeared, the Mohammedans

        arose and drove the Chinese troops away or put them

        to death, opening the gates to the invader, lie took possession

        of Tarkand and Kashgar, and advanced to Aksu” where the

        winter put a stop to the campaign. In the next year, the khan

        of Kokand, seeing the disposition of the people, thought he

        would embark himself in the same cause, and made an incursion

        as far as Aksu and Khoten, reducing more than half the

        Southern Circuit to himself, but ostensibly in aid of Jehangir.

        The kojeh, beginning to fear his aid, withdrew ; and the khan,

        having suffered some reverses from the Chinese troops, made his

        peace on very favorable terms, and returned to his own country.

        Jehangir went to Khoten fi-om Yarkand, but his conduct there

        displeasing the people, the Chinese troops, about 60,000 in

        number, had no difficulty in dispersing his force, and resuming

        their sway. The adherents of the kojeh fled toward Badakshan,

        while he himself repaired to Isaac, the newly appointed kojeh

        of Kashgar, by whom he was delivered up to the Chinese with

        his family, and all of them most barbarously destroyed.

        The kojeh was rewarded with the office of prince of Kashgar,

        but having been accused of treasonable designs he was ordered

        to come to Peking for trial ; the charges were all disproved,

        and he returned to Kashgar after several years’ residence at the capital of the Empire. The country was gradually reduced

        by Changliiig, the general at Ili, but Kashgar suffered so nuich

        by the war and removal of the chief authority to Yarkand,

        that it has not since regained its Importance. During this war,

        the dislike of the Mohammedans to the Chinese sway M’as exhibited

        in the large forces Jehangir brought into the field ; and

        if he had been a popular spirited leader, there is reason for

        supposing he might have finally wrested these cities from the

        Chinese. The joy of Taukwang at the successful termination

        of the expedition and capture of the rebel, was so extravagant

        as to appear childish ; and when Jehangir was executed at

        Peking, he ordered the sons of two officers who had been reported

        killed, ” to witness his execution, in order to give expansion

        to the indignation which had accumulated in their

        breasts ; and let the rebel’s heart be torn out and given to them

        to sacrifice it at the tombs of their fathers, and thus console

        their faithful spirits.” Honors Avere heaped upon Changling at

        his return to Peking, and rewards and titles showered upon all

        the troops engaged in the war.

        Since this insurrection, the frontiers of Kashgar and Kokand

        have been passed and repassed by the Pruth Kirghis; iiil830,

        they excited so much trouble because their trade was restricted,

        that a large force was called out to restrain them, and many

        lives were lost before the rising was subdued. The causes of

        the dispute wei-e then examined, and the trade allowed to go on

        as befoi’e. The oppressions of the residents sometimes goad

        on the Mohammedans to rise against the Chinese, but the

        policy of the Emperor is conciliatory, and the complaints of the

        people are in general listened to. The visits of the begs and

        princes to Peking with tribute affords them an opportunity to

        state their grievances, while it also prevents them from caballing

        among themselves. In 1871 the Russians took possession of

        nearly the whole of Tien-Shan Peh Lu during an insurrection of

        the Dunganis against Chinese control. The Tarantchis having

        attacked a Russian outpost, and Yakub Beg being on suspiciously

        good terms with the rebels, it was determined to occupy

        Kuldja—which was effected after a campaign of less than a

        month, led by Gen. l\olpakofsky. The Chinese government was

        BOUNDARIES OF TIBET. 2S1

        imniediatelv informed that the place should be restored whenever

        a sutHcient force could be brought there to hold it against

        attacks, and preserve order. After the final conquest of the

        Dungan tribes in 1S79-SO, this territory was returned by the

        Ilussians upon conclusion of their last treaty M’ith China, exactly

        ten years from the date of possession. The old manner

        of government is now resumed and the country slowly recoveriiiiT

        from the fri^-htful devastation of the insurrection. The

        salai’ies of the governor-general and his councillors, and the

        residents, are small, and they are all obliged to resort to illegal

        means to reimburse their outlays. The highest officer receives

        about $5,200 annually, and his councillors about $2,000 ; the residents

        from $2,300 down to $500 and less. These sums do not,

        probably, constitute one-tenth of the receipts of their situations.’

        The third gi-eat division of the colonial part of the Chinese

        empire, that of Tibet, is less known than III, though its area is

        hardly less extensive. It constitutes the most southern of the

        three great table lands of Central Asia, and is surrounded with

        high mountains which separate it from all the contiguous regions.

        The word Tibet or Tubet is unknown among the inhabitants

        as the name of their country ; it is a corruption by the

        Mongols of T(c po,’ the country of the Tu, a race w^hich overran

        it in the sixth century ; Turner gives another name, Pue-hoachim-,

        signifying the ‘ snowy country of the north,’ doubtless a

        local or ancient term. The general appellation by the people is

        Pot or Bod, or Bod yul—”- the land of Bod.” ‘ It is roughly

        bounded northeast by Ivoko-nor ; east by Sz’chuen and Yunnan ;

        south by Assam, Butan, Xipal, and Gurhwal ; west by Cashmere

        ; and north by the unknown i-anges of the Kwanlun Mountains.

        The southern frontier curves considerably in its course,

        1 Chinese Repository, Vol. V., pp. 267, 316, 351, etc. ; Vol. IX., p. 113.

        Penny Uyclo^mUa, Art. Songaria. Boiilger, Russia and England in Central

        Asia, 2 Vols., London, 1879. Schuyler, Turkistan, 2 vols., N. Y., 1877.

        Petermann’s Mlttheilungen, Appendices XLII. and XLIII., 1875.

        – This derivation is explained somewhat differently in R^musat, Nouveaux

        Melanges, Tome I., p. 190.

        3 To these Ritter adds the names of Wei, Dzang, Nga-ri, Kham, Bhodi, Peuu-

        Tsang, Si-Dzang, Tliupho, Tubl.at, TGbGt, Tiibet, Tibet, and Barantola, asall

        applying to this country. Asien, Bd. III., S. 174-183.

        but is not less than 1,500 miles from the western extremity of

        Kipal to the province of Yunnan ; the northern border is about

        1,300 miles ; the western frontiers cannot be accurately defined,

        and depend more upon the possession of the passes through which

        trade is carried on than any political separation. Beltistan,

        Little Tibet, and Ladak, although included in its limits on

        Chinese maps, have too little subjection or connection with the

        court of Peking, to be reckoned among its dependencies.

        Tibet, in its largest limits, is a table land, the highest plains

        of which have a mean elevation of 11,510 feet, or about 1,300

        feet lower than the plateau of Bolivia, near Lake Titicaca.

        The snow-line on the north side of the Himalaya is at an altitude

        of 16,630 feet ; on the southern slope it is at 12,982 feet.

        Several striking analogies may be traced between this country

        and Peru : the tripartite divisions caused by lofty ranges ; their

        common staples of wool, from alpacas and vicunas in one, and

        sheep and goats in the other ; the abundance of precious

        metals, and many specific customs. The entire province of

        Tibet is divided by mountain chains into three distinct parts; its western portion consists of the basin of the Lidus, until it breaks through into Cashmere at Makpon-i-Shagaron. It begins near Mount Ivailasa, and stretches northwest between the Hindu Ivush and Himalaya, comprising the whole of Beltistan and Ladak ; the Kara-korum, Mus-tag, or Tsung ling range defines it on the northeast. The second part consists of an extensive desert land, commencing at Mount Kailasa, and having the Tsung ling on the west, the Kwjlnlun on the north

        (which separates it from Khoten, and the high waterslied of the

        Yangtsz’, Salween, and other rivers), and Lake Tengkiri, on the

        east ; the Himalaya constitutes its southern boundary. This

        high i-egion, called Katshe or Kor-kache, has not been traversed

        by intelligent travellers and is one of the few yet unknown regions

        of the earth, and is nearly uninhabitable, owing to the extreme rigor of its climate.’

        ‘ Se<‘ Ri’musat, Nouvennx Milnnc/es, T. , p. 100, for notices of tribes anciently inliabiting this district and Bokhara. Compare also Heeren {Historical Re’ aenrcJies, Vol. I., j)p. 180-186), who gives in brief the accounts of Herodotus k)id Ctesias.

        \ NATURAL FEATURES OF TIBET. 239

        The eastern part, consisting of the basin of the Yaru-tsangbu,

        contains, in its plains, most of the towns in Tibet, until it

        reaches the Alpine region which lies between the River Yarn

        and the Yangtsz’, a space extending from long. 1)5° to 99° E.

        This district is described as a succession of ridges and gorges,

        over which the road takes the traveller on narrow and steep

        paths, crossing the valleys by ropes and bridges enveloped in

        the clouds. Mount Kailasa, a notable peak lying in the northeastern

        part of Xari, is not far from 26,000 feet high. The

        number of summits covered with perpetual snow exceeds that

        of any other part of the world of the same extent.

        The road from Sz’chuen to H’lassa strikes the Yalung kiang,

        in the district of Ta tsien lu, and then goes southwesterly to

        Batang on the Yangtsz’ kiang ; crossing the river it proceeds

        up the narrow valley a short distance, and then crosses the

        mountains northwest to the Lantsan kiang or River Meikon, by

        a series of pathways leading over the gorges, till it reaches

        Tsiamdo ; from this point the road turns gradually southwest,

        following the valleys when practicable, till it ends at H’lassa.

        The largest river in Tibet is the Erechumbu, or Yaru-tsangbu ;

        tsangha means river, and is often alone used for this whole

        name. It rises in the Tamchuk range, at the Mariam-la pass

        in Nari, 60 miles east of Lake Manasarowa, the source of the

        Sutlej ; it flows a little south of east for about seven hundred

        miles, through the whole of Southern Tibet, between the first

        and second ranges of the Himalayas, as far as long. 90° E.

        Its tributaries on the north are mimerous, and among them the

        Nauk-tsani>;bu and Dzany;tsu are the larij-est. The volume of

        water which flows through the mountains into Assam by this

        river, is equal to that by the Indus into Scinde. The disputed

        question, whether the Yaru-tsangbu joins the Brahmaputra or

        Irrawadi, has been settled by presumptive evidence in favor

        of the former, but a distance of about 400 miles is still unexplored; ‘ the fall in this part is about 11,000 feet, to where the river Dihong has been traced in Assam. This makes the Brah-‘ Introduction by Col. Yule, iu Gill’s River of Golden 8and.luaputra the largest and longest river in Southern Asia ; Its passage into Assam is near 95° E. longitude.

        The eastern part of Tibet, beyond this meridian, is traversed

        by numerous ranges of lofty mountains, having no separate

        names, the direction of which is from west to east, and from

        northwest to southeast. From these ranges, lateral branches

        run out in different directions, containing deep valleys between

        them. In proportion as the principal chains advance towards

        the southeast they converge towards one another, and thus the

        valleys between them gradually become narrower, until at last,

        on the frontiers of Yunnan and Burmah, they are mere mountain

        passes, whose entire breadth does not much exceed a

        hundred miles, having four streams flowing through them.

        In fact, Tibet incloses the fountain heads of all the large rivers

        of Southern and Eastern Asia. The names and courses of those

        in Eastern Tibet are known ordy imperfectly from Chinese

        maps, but others have described them after their entrance into

        the lowlands.

        Tibet, especially the central part, is a country of lakes, in this

        respect resembling Cobdo. The largest, Tengkiri-nor, situated

        in the midst of stupendous mountains, about one hundred and

        ten miles northwest of Il’lassa, is over a hundred miles long and

        about thirty wide. The i-egion north of it contains many isolated

        lakes, most of them salt. Two of the largest, the Bouka

        and Kara, are represented as connected with the Tliver Xu.

        Lake Khamba-la, Yamoruk or Yarbrokyu, sometimes called

        Palti, from a town on its northern sliore, is a large lake south of

        iriassa, remarkable for its ring shape, the centi-e being filled

        by a large island, around which its waters flow in a chamiel

        thirty miles or more in width. On the island is a nunnery,

        called the Palace of the Holy Sow, said to be the finest in the

        country. In Balti or Little Tibet are many sheets of water, the

        largest of which, the Yik and Paha, are connected by a river

        flowing through a marshy country. A long succession of lakes

        fill one of the basins in Katsche, suggesting the former existence

        of another Aral Sea. The sacred lakes of Manasarowa and

        Ilavan-hrad (Ma])am-dalai and Langga-nor, of the Cliinese)

        form the headwaters of the Sutlej.

        CLIMATE, FOOD ANJ) l’K<>DUCTIONS. 241

        The climate of Tibet is cliaracterized by its purity and excessive

        dryness. The valleys are hot, notwithstanding their proximity

        to snow-capped mountains; from May to October the sky

        is clear in the table -lands, and in the valleys the moisture and

        temperature are favorable to vegetation, the harvest being gathered

        before the gales and snows set in, after October. The

        effects of the air resemble or are worse than those of the kamsin

        in Egypt. The trees wither, and their leaves may be ground

        to powder between the fingers ; planks and beams break, and

        the iidial)itants cover the tind)ers and wood-work of their houses

        with coarse cotton, in order to preserve them against the destructive

        saccidity. The timber neither rots nor is worm-eaten.

        Mutton, exposed to the open air, Ijecomes so “dry that it may be

        powdered like bread ; when once dried it is preserved during

        years. This flesh-bread is a common food in Tibet. The carcass

        of the animal, divested of its skin and viscera, is placed

        where the frosty air Mnll have free access to it, until all the

        juices of the body dry np, and the whole becomes one stiffened

        mass. Xo salt is used, nor does it ever become tainted, and is

        eaten without any further dressing or cooking ; the natives eat it

        at all periods after it is frozen, and prefer the fresh to that which

        has been kept some months. The food called janiha is prepared

        by cooking brick tea during several hours, then adding butter

        and salt, and stirring the mixture until it becomes a thick broth.

        AVhen eaten the stuff is served in wooden bowls, and a plentiful,

        supply of roasted barley-meal poured in, the whole being kneaded

        by the hands and devoured in the shape of dough pellets.

        The productions of Tibet consist of domestic animals, cattle,

        horses, pigs ; some wild animals, such as the white-breasted

        argali, orongo-antelope, ata-dzeren, wolf, and steppe-fox ; and few

        plants or forests, presenting a strong contrast with Nipal and

        Butan, where vegetable life flourishes more luxuriantly. Sheep

        and goats are reared in immense flocks, for beasts of burden

        over the passes, and for their flesh, hair, and coats. Chiefest

        among the animals of tliis mountain land is the yak.’ The

        ‘ Called by Wood Kasli-gow {Journey to the Oxus, p. 319). Chauri gau^aarlykt and sarlac, are other names. doiiiesticated variety, or long-haired yak, is the inseparable companion and most trusty servant not only of the Tibetans, but of tribes in Cashmere, Ladak, Tangout, and JVIongolia, even as far north as Urga. It is a cross-breed, or mule from the yak bull and native cow, which alone is hardy enough for these elevated regions.’ These creatures are of the same size as our cattle, strong, sure-footed and possessed of extraordinary endurance; they retain, however, something of their wild nature, even after long domestication, and must be carefully treated,

        Domesticated Yak.

        especially when being loaded and unloaded. They thrive best

        in hilly countries, well watered and covered with grass—the two

        last being indispensable. The hair is black or black and white,

        seldom entirely white. One sort is without horns, and when

        crossed with the cow bears sterile males, or females which are

        fertile for one generation. As to the wild yak of Til)et, a traveller

        says : ” This handsome animal is of extraordinary size and

        beauty, measuring, when grown, eleven feet in length, exclusive

        of its bushy tail, which is three feet long; its height at the

        hump is six feet ; girth around the body eleven feet, and its

        ‘ This cross is mentioned by Maroo Polo, Yule^a ed., Vol. I., p. 241.

        AlSriMALS OP TIBET. 243

        weight ten or eleven liundred weight. The head is aaorned

        with ponderous liorns, two feet nine inches h)ng, and one foot

        four indies in circumference at the root. The body is covered

        with tliick, black hair, which in the old males assumes a chestnut

        color on the back and upper parts of the sides, and a deep

        fringe of black hair hangs down from the flanks. The muzzle

        is partly gray, and the younger males liave marks of the same

        color on the upper part of the body, whilst a narrow, silverygray

        stripe runs down the centre of the back. The hair of

        young yaks is much softer than that of older ones ; they are

        also distinguishable by their smaller size, and by handsomer

        horns, with the points turned up. The females are much

        smaller than the males, and not nearly so striking in appearance

        ; their horns are shorter and lighter, the hump smaller,

        and the tail and flanks not nearly as hairy.” ‘ This animal is

        useful for its milk, flesh, and wool, as well as for agricultural

        purposes and travel.

        There is comparatively little agriculture. The variety of

        wild animals, birds, and fishes, is very great ; among them the

        musk deer, feline animals, eagles, and wild sheep, are objects

        of the chase. The brute creation are generally clothed with an

        abundance of fine hair or wool ; even the horses have a shaggier

        coat than is granted to bears in more genial climes. The

        Tibetan mastiff is one of the largest and fiercest of its race,

        almost nntamable, and unknown out of its native country.

        The nnisk deer is clothed with a thick coverino; of hair two or

        three inches long, standing erect over the whole body ; the

        animal resembles a hog in size and form, having, however,

        slender legs. The Tibetan goat affords the shawl wool, so

        highly prized for the manufacture of garments.^

        ‘ Prejevalsky, Travels in Mongolia, etc., Vol. I., p. 187.

        “^ B. H. Hodgson, Notice of the Mammals of Tibet, Journal As. Soc. of BeU’gal, Vol. XI., pp. 275 ff. ; also ib. Vols. XVI., p. 763, XIX., p. 466, and XXVI., No. 3, 1857. Abbe Armand David-, Notes sur quelques oiseaux de Thibet, Nouv. Arch, du MuMum, Bull, V. 1869, p. 33; ib. Bull, VI., pp. 19 and 33. Bull, VIII., 1872, pp. 3-128, IX., pp. 15-48, X., pp. 3-82. Recherches pour servir a Vhistoire naturelle des mammiferes comprennant des considerations su)’ la classification de ces animaux, etc. , des etudes sur la faiine de la Chineel du Tibet oriental, par MM. Milne-Edwards, etc, 2 vols. Paris, 1868-74.

        Fruits are common ; small peaches, grapes, apples, and nuts, constitute the limited variety. Barley is raised more than any

        other grain the principal part of agricultural labors being performed

        by the Avomen. Pulse and wheat ai’e cultivated, but no

        rice “svest of Illassa. Ithubarl), asaf{jL’tida, ginger, madder, and

        safflower are collected or prepared, but most of the medicines

        come from China and Butan. Turnips, rape, garlic, onions, and

        melons are raised in small quantities. The mineral productions

        are exceedingly rich. Gold occurs in mines and placer diggings,

        and forms a constant article of export ; lead, silver, copper, and

        cinnabar are also dug out of the ground, but iron has not been

        found to much extent. The great difficulty in the way of the

        inhabitants availing themselves of their metallic Avealth, apart

        fi’om their ignorance of the best modes of mining, is the want

        t>f fuel with which to smelt the ore. Tincal, or crude borax,

        is gathered on the borders of a small lake in the neighborhood

        of Tengkiri-nor, where also any quantity of rock salt can be

        obtained. Precious stones are met with, most of which find

        their way to China.

        The 2)resent divisions of Tibet, by the Chinese, are Tsien

        Tsang^ or Anterior Tibet, and JIau Tsang, or Ulterior Tibet.

        Anterior Tibet is also called U (Wei) and U-tsang, and includes

        the central part of Bod-yur where Il’lassa is ; east of

        this lies Ivham (Kang) or Khamyul, and northeast toward

        Ivoko-nor is Ivhamsok, /.(?., Ivham on the River Sok. Kear the

        bend of the Brahmaputra is the district of Ivongbo, where I’ice

        can be raised ; going westward are Takpo, doUs and gTsang on

        the borders of Xari, ending in a line nearly continuous with

        the eastern border of Kipal. The Chinese books mention eight

        cantons in Anterior Tibet, five of them lying east of ITlassa,

        added to which are thirty-nine feudal townships in Khamsok

        called tu-sz\ all of them chiefiy nominal or at present antiquated.

        Csoma de Ivciros speaks of several small principalities

        in Kham, and describes the inhabitants as differing from the

        rest of the Tibetans in appearance and language ; they assimilate

        probably with the tribes on the l]urman and Chinese frontiers.

        Xari ( A-li in Chinese) is divided into Mangyul, Khorsum,

        and Maryul. The first of these districts lies nearly centerh’LASSA

        the (ATITAL. 24^

        iiiinous with Xipal, and its area is probably about the same, but

        its cold, drj, and elevated i-egions, support only a few sliepherds

        ; Khorsuni and Maryul lie north and northwest in a

        still more inhospitable clime ; the latter adjoins Ladak and

        Balti and is the reservoir of hundreds of lakes situated from

        12,000 to 15,000 feet above the sea. A ridge separates the

        valley of the Indus from the Sutlej, crossed at the Bogola Pass,

        19,220 feet high, and then- over the Gugtila Pass, 19,500 feet

        into Gartok. The people throughout this elevated region are

        forced to live in tents, wood being ahuost unknown for buildil’lassa,

        the gyalsa or capital of Tibet, is situated on the Kichu

        River, about twelve leagues from its junction with the

        Yarn, in lat. 29° 39′ ]S\, and long. 91°05’E. ; the name signifies

        God’s ground^ and it is the largest town in this part of Asia.

        It is famous for the convents near it, composing the ecclesiastical

        establishments of the Dalai (or ‘ Ocean ‘)-lama, whose residence

        is in the monastery of Pobrang-marbu {I.e., ‘ Red town ‘) on

        Mount Putala. The principal building of this establishment is

        three hundred and sixty-seven feet high, and it contains, as the

        Chinese expression is, ” a myriad of rooms.” This city is the

        head-quarters of Buddhism, and the hierarchy of lamas, who, by

        means of the Dalai-lama, and his subordinate the Kiituktu, exercise

        priestly control over wellnigh all Mongolia as well as Tibet.

        The city lies in a fertile plain nearly 12,000 feet high, about

        twelve miles wide, and one hundred and twenty-five from north

        to south, producing harvests of barlej^ and millet, with abundant

        pasturage and some fruit trees. Mountains and hills encircle it; of these the westernmost is Putala, the liver running so near its base that a wall has been built to preserve the buildings from the rise of the waters. The Chinese garrison is quartered about two miles north of this mount, and two large temples, called ITlassa tm-‘kang and Bamotsietso-hang, resplendent with gold and precious stones, stand very near it. The four monasteries.

        Sera, Brebung, Samye, and Galdan, constitute as many separate establishuients.’ During the sway of the Songares in’ Klaproth, Description du Ttibet, p. 246.Ill, their prince xVrabdan made a descent npon IPlassa, and the Lama Avas killed. Kanglu placed a new one upon the see, in 1720, appointing six leading officers of the old Lama to assist him in the government. Three of these joined in an insurrection, and in the conflicts which succeeded, IFlassa suffered considerably.

        The population of the town is conjectured to be 24,000 ; that of the province is reckoned by Csoma at about 050,000.

        The town was visited in the year 1811 by j\rr. Manning whose description of its dirty and miserable streets swarming Mitli dogs and beggars, and the meanness of its buildings, corresponds

        with what Hue and Gabet found in 1846. Mr. Manning

        remained there nearly five months, and had several intei:-

        views with the Dalai-lama ; lie was much impeded in his

        observations by a Cantonese viansJd or teachei’, and exposed to

        danger of illness from insufficient shelter and clothing. His

        reception by the chief of the Buddhist faith on the 17th of

        December, was equally remarkable with that by the Teshu-lama

        of Bogle in 1774, and of Turner in 1783. Mr. Manning was

        alone and unprotected and had very few presents, but his offering

        was accepted ; it consisted of a piece of fine broadcloth, two

        brass candlesticks, twenty new dollars, and two vials of lavender

        water. He rode to the foot of the mountain Putala, and

        dismounted on the first platform to ascend by a long stairway

        of four hundred steps, part of them cut in the rock, and the

        rest ladder steps from story to stoiy in the palace, till he

        reached a large platform roof off which was the reception hall.

        Upon entering this he found that the Ti-mu-fu or Gesiib Jiwihoche,

        the highest civil functionary in Tibet, was also present,

        wliich caused him some confusion : “I did not know how

        much ceremony to go through with one before I began with

        the other. I made the due obeisance, touching the ground three times with my head to the (ii’and Lama, and once to the 2\-ina-fu. I presented my gifts, delivering the coins with a handsome silk scarf with my own hands to them both. While I was Jxotovnmj, the awkward servants let one of the bottles of lavender water fall and break. Havin<i: delivered the scarf to the Grand Lama, I took oft” my hat, and humbly gave him my clean shaven head to lay his hands upon. . . . The Lama’s beautiful and interesting face and manner engrossed all my attention.

        SIIIGATSE AND TESIIU-LUMBO. 247

        He was about seven yeai-s old ; had the simple manners

        of a well educated princely child. His face was, I thought,

        poetically and affectingly beautiful. He was of a cheerful disposition,

        his beautiful mouth perpetually unbending into a

        graceful smile, which illuminated his whole countenance. No

        doubt my grim beard and spectacles excited his risibility. “We

        had not been seated long before he put questions which we rose

        to receive and answer. He inquired whether I had met with

        difficulties on the road ; to which I replied that I had had

        troubles, but now that I had the happiness of being in his presence

        they were amply compensated. I could see that this

        answer pleased both him and his people, for they found that I

        was not a mere rustic, but had some tincture of civility in me.” ‘

        The capital of Tsangor Ulterior Tibet is Shigatse, situated 126

        miles west of H’lassa, and under its control. The monastery

        where the Teshu-lama and his court resides is a few miles

        distant, and constitutes a town of about 4,000 priests, named

        Teshu-Lumbo. He is styled Panchen Rimboche, and is the

        incarnation of Amitabha ]>uddha. His palace is built of dark

        l)rick and has a roof of gilded copper ; the houses rise one

        above another and the gilt ornaments on the temples combine

        to give a princely appearance to the town. The fortress of

        Shigatse stands so as to command both places. The plain

        between this town and H’lassa is a fertile tract, and judging

        from the number of towns in the valleys of the basin of the

        Yaru, its productive powers are comparatively great. Ulterior

        Tibet is divided into six other cantons, besides the territory

        under the jurisdiction of the chief town, most of their fortified

        capitals lying westward of Shigatse.

        ‘ Mis-sion of George Bogle to Tibet and Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhaaa^Edited by C. R. Markliam. London, 1876, p. 265.

        The degree of skill the Tibetans have attained in manufactures, mechanical arts, and general civilization, is less than that of the Chinese, but superior to the Mongols. They appear to be a mild and humane people, possessing a religious sense and enjoying an easy life compared with their southern neighbors.

        They are well-bred and affable, fond of gossiping and festivities, which soften the heart and cheer the temper. Women are treated with care and are not often compelled to work out of doors, ^s’o two people or countries widely separated present a stronger contrast than do the stout, tall, muscular, and floi-id Butias, upon their fertile fields and wooded hills, with the squat, puny, sluggish, and swarthy Tibetans in their rugged, barren mountains. They distinguish five sorts of people among

        themselves, the last of whom are the Butias ; the others are

        the inhabitants of Kham, or Anterior Tibet, those in Tsang, the

        nomads of Kor-kache, and the people of Little Tibet. All of

        them speak Tibetan with some variations. The Tibetans are

        clad with woollens and furs to such a degree that they appear

        to emulate the animals they derive’ them from in their weight

        and warmth ; and with this clothing is found no small quantity

        of dirt. The dress of the sexes varies slightly in its shape ;

        yellow and red are the predominant colors. Large bulgar boots

        of hide are worn by all persons ; the remainder of the dress

        consists of woollen robes and furs like those of the Chinese.

        The women wear many jewels, and adorn their hair as do the

        Mongols with pearls, coral, and turquoises. Girls braid their

        hair in three tresses, married women in two. The head is protected

        by high velvet caps ; the men wear broad-brimmed

        coverings of various materials.

        The two religious sects are distinguished by yellow and red

        caps ; the latter are comparatively few, allow marriage to the

        lamas, but do not differ materially in their ritual or tenets.

        There is no country where so large a proportion of the people

        are devoted to religious service as in Tibet, nor .one where the

        secular part of the inhabitants pays such implicit deference to

        the clergy. The food of the Tibetans is taken at all hours,

        nmtton, barley, and tea constituting the staple articles. On

        all visits tea is presented, and the cup replenished as often as it

        is drained. Spirits and beer, both made from barley, are common

        beverages. On every visit of ceremony, and whenever a

        letter is sent from one person to another, it is necessary to connect

        a silk scarf with it, the size and texture being proportioned

        to the rank and condition of the parties. The sentence Omviaiil 2)ttdiiii- hum is woven upon each end.

        OM MANX PADMI HUM. 249

        The following note by Col. Yule, condensed from Koeppen’s

        Lamaisehe Hlcrai’clde iind Kurhe, contains the most satisfactory

        explanation of this puzzling mystic formnla : ” Om mani

        padmi hum!—the primeval six syllables, as the lamas l ly,

        among all prayers on earth form that which is most abundantly

        recited, written, printed, and even spun by machines for the

        good of the faithful. These syllables form the only prayer

        knoM’u to the ordinary Tibetans and Mongols; they are the first

        words that the child learns to stannner, and the last gasping

        utterance of the dying. The wanderer nmrmurs them on his

        M’ay, the herdsman beside his cattle, the matron at her household

        tasks, the monk in all the stages of contemplation (/.^., of

        fa7- niente) y they form at once a cry of battle and a shout of

        victory ! They are to be read wherever the Lama church

        hath spread, upon banners, upon rocks, upon trees, upon walls,

        upon monuments of stone, upon household utensils, upon strips

        of paper, upon human skulls and skeletons ! They foi*m, according

        to the idea of the believers, the utmost conception of all

        religion, of all wisdom, of all revelation, the path of rescue and

        the gate of salvation ! Properly and literally these

        four words, a single utterance of which is sufficient of itself

        to purchase an inestimable salvation, signify nothing more

        than : ” O the Jewel in the Lotus ! Amen !

        ” Li this interpretation,

        most probably, the Jetcel stands for the Bodhisatva

        Avalokite5vara, so often born from the bud of a lotus flower.

        According to this the whole fornmla is simply a salutation to

        the mighty saint who has taken under his especial chai-ge the

        conversion of the Xorth, and with him who first employed it

        the mystic formula meant no more than Ave AvaloJiitecvara !

        But this simple explanation of course does not satisfy the Lama

        schoolmen, who revel in glorifications and multitudinous glossifications

        of this formula. The six syllables are the heart of

        hearts, the root of all knowledge, the ladder to re-birth in

        higher forms of being, the conquerors of the five evils, the

        flame that burns up sin, the hannner that breaks up torment,

        and so on. Om saves the gods, tua the Asuras, ni the men, jH((7 the animals, ?//< the spectre world oi p?’etas, ^lan the in

        habitants of hell! O/a^ is ‘the blessing of self-renunciation,

        ma of mercy, ?u’ of chastity, etc’ * Truly monstrous,’ says

        Koeppen,”is the number oi pcuh/us \\\nch in the great festivals

        Imm and buzz through the air like flies.’ In some places

        each worshipper reports to the highest Lama how many oni

        ‘jiKinis he has nttered, and the total immber emitted by the

        congregation is counted by the billion.”

        Grueber and Dorville describe Manij>e as an idol, befoi’e

        which xtidfa yens insol’dis gcdleulatlonihus sacra sua faclt.,

        hlentldtn verTja haec repetens:

        —’ O JManipe, mi hum, O Manipe,

        mi hum ; id est Manipe, salva nos !

        ‘ ” Ileniusat {Melanges

        I^ostJiuiiies, Paris, 1843, p. 90) translates this phrase by:

        ” Adoration, O thou precious stone who art in the lotus ! ” and

        observes that it illustrates the fundamental dogma of Buddhism,

        viz. : the production of the material universe by an absolute

        being; all things which exist are shut up in the breast of the

        divine substance ; the ‘ precious stone ‘ signifying that tJte

        world is in God. Mr. Jameson says that the sentence Oni

        tnaxi jxtdiiii JuDKj is formed of the initial letters of various

        deities, all of whom are supposed to be implored in the prayer.’

        In reverential salutations, the cap is removed by the inferior,

        and tbe arms hang by the side. The bodies of the dead are

        placed in an open inclosure, in the same nuumer as practised by

        the Parsees, where birds and beasts of prey devour them, or

        they are dismembered in an exposed place. Lanuis are burned,

        and their ashes collected into urns. As soon as the breath has

        departed, the body is seated in the same attitude as Buddha is

        represented, with the legs bent before, aiul the soles of the feet

        turned upwards. The right hand rests upon the thigh, the

        left turns up near the body, the tlnnnb touching the shoulder.

        In this attitude of contemplation, the corpse is burned.

        In Tibet, as in Butan, the custom of polyandry prevails. The

        choice of a Avife lies with the eldest son, who having made

        known his intentions to his parents sends a matchmaker to pro-

        ‘ Comjiare, for further discussion of this suhjoct, Timkowski’s Misffion ts Peking, London. 1827, Vol. II., p. :i4y. Wilson’s Abode of >S/toiC, p. 329.

        TIBETAN TYPES AND CUSTOMS. 251

        pose the matter to the parents of the girl. The consent of the

        parents being obtained, the matchmaker places an ornament of

        a jewel set in gold, called sedskc upon the head of the damsel,

        and gives her presents of jewels, dresses, cattle, etc., according

        to the means of the young man. The guests invited on the

        day of the marriage bring presents of such things as they

        choose, which augments the dowry, A tent is set up before

        the bride’s house, in which are placed three or four square

        cushions, and the ground around sprinkled with wheat ; the

        bride is seated on the highest cushion, her parents and friends

        standing near her according to their rank, and the assembled

        party there partake of a feast. The bride is then conducted to

        the house of her lover by the friends present, her person being

        sprinkled with wheat or barley as she goes along, and there

        placed by his side, and both of them served with tea and spirits.

        Soon after, the groom seats himself apart, and every one present

        gives a scarf, those of superior rank binding them around their

        necks, equals and inferiors laying them by their sides. The

        next day, a procession is formed of the relatives of the newly

        married pair, wdiich visits all the friends, and the marriage is

        conqjleted. The girl thus becomes the wife of all the brothers,

        and manages the domestic concerns of their household. The

        number of her husbands is son)etimes indicated by as many

        points in her cap. This custom is strengthened by the desire,

        on the part of the family, to keep the property intact among

        its members ; but it does not prevent one of the husbands leaving

        the roof and marrying another woman, nor is the usage

        universal, liemusat speaks of a novel in Tibetan, in which the

        author admirably portrays the love of his heroine, Triharticha,

        for her four lovers, and bi’ings their marriage in at the end in

        the happiest manner.

        The dwellings of the poor are built of unhewn stones, rudely piled upon each other without cement, two stories high, and resembling brick-kilns in shape and size ; the windows are small, in order not to weaken the structure ; the roof is flat, defended by a brushwood parapet, and protected from the molestation of evil spirits by flags, strips of paper tied to strings, or branches of trees. Timber is costly and little used ; the floors are of marble or tiles, and the furniture consists of little else than mats and cushions. The temples and convents are more imposing and commodious structures ; some of those at Il’lassa are among the noblest specimens of architecture in Central Asia.

        The mausoleum of the Teshu-lama at Teshu Lumbu resembles

        a plain square watch-tower surmounted by a double Chinese

        canopy roof, the eaves of which are hung with Ijells, on which

        the breeze plays a ceaseless dirge. The body of the lama reposes

        in a coffin of gold, and his effigy, also of gold, is placed

        within the concavity of a large shell upon the top of the pyramidal

        structure which contains it. The sides of the pyramid

        are silver plates, and on the steps are deposited the jewels and

        other costly articles which once appertained to him. An altar

        in front receives the oblations and incense daily presented before

        the tomb, and near by is a second statue of the deceased as

        large as life in the attitude of reading. Scrolls and pennons of

        silk hang from the ceiling, and the walls are adorned with

        paintings of priests engaged in prayer. The whole structure is

        substantially built, and its rich ornaments are placed there n<jt

        less for security than to do honor to the revered person deposited

        beneath. The windows are closed with mohair curtains,

        and a skylight in the upper story serves for lighting the room,

        and for passing out upon the roof. The roof or parapet is

        ornamented with cylinders of copper or other nuiteiials, which

        imparts a brilliant appearance to the ediiices.

        The manufactures of Tibet consist of woollens, cloth, blankets,

        yarn, goat-hair shawls, musk, paper, metals, and jewelry.

        Their lapidaries cut every kind of oriuiment in superior style,

        and gold and silverware forms a considerable article of trade to

        China. These and other crafts nmst necessai’ily languish, liowever,

        from the immense proportion of men who are witiidi’awn

        from labor into monasteries, compelling the residue to devote

        most of their strength to tillage. The most important exports

        to China consist of gold dust, precious stones, bezoars, asafcetida,

        musk, woollens, and skins ; for which the people receive

        silks, teas, chinaware, tobacco, musical instruments, and metals.

        The trade is carried on throuy-h Sinino- fu in Kansuh, and Batang in Sz’chneii. Tincal, rock-salt, and shawl wool, are additional articles sent to Ladak, Biitan, and India.

        COMMERCE AND LANGUAGE OF TIBET. 25;}

        Music is studied by the priesthood for their ceremonies, and

        with much better effect than among the Chinese priests. Their

        amusements consist in archery, dancing, and observance of

        many festivals connected with the worship of the dead or of

        the living. Dram-drinking is common, but the people camiot

        be called a drunken race, nor does the habit of opium eating or

        smoking, so fatally general in Assam, prevail, inasmuch as the

        poppy cannot well be cultivated among the mountains.

        Education is confined to the priesthood, but the women, who conduct much of the traffic, also learn arithmetic and writing. The language is alphabetical, and reads from left to right; there are two forms of the character, the uchen used for books, and the umin employed in writing, which do not differ more than the Iloman and the running-hand in English. The form of the characters shows their Sanscrit origin, but there are many consonants in the language not found in that tongue, and silent letters are not unfrequent in the written words. There are thirty consonants in the alphbet, distributed into eight classes, with four additional voM-el signs ; each of them ends in a short a, as la, oiga, cJia, which can be lengthened by a diacritical mark placed underneath. The syllables are separated

        from each other by a point ; the accented consonant is that

        which follows the vowel, and the others, whether before or

        after it, are pronounced as rapidly as possible, and not unfrequently

        omitted altogether in speaking. The variations in this

        respect constitute the chief features of the patois found in different

        parts where Tibetan is spoken. A dictionary and grammar ‘

        of this language were printed in 1S34 in Calcutta by (‘soma de

        Korcis, a Hungarian who resided among the priests near Ladak.

        The literature is almost wholly theological, as far as it has been

        examined, and such works as are not of this character, have

        probably been introduced from China. Their divisions of time,

        numeration, chronology, and weights, have also been adopted

        ‘ Essay towards a Dictionary, Tibetan and English. A Grammar of the Tibetan Lauguage in English. Calcutta, 1834. from that country with a few alterations. An Englishman, Mr. Brian Hodgson, who lived in Kipal from lb20 to 1843, has added more than any one else to our knowledge of the literature of this country. This gentleman procured complete copies of the original documents of the Buddhist canon preserved in Sanscrit in Nipalese monasteries, as well as (by a present from the Dalai-lama) the whole of the existing literary remains of the once flourishing Christian mission at Il’lassa. His more important essays on these lands have now been brought together in a single volume.’

        The history of Tibet has been made partially known to Europe through the Mongol author, Sanang Setsen,^ but if free access could be had to their annals, it is probable that a methodical history could be extracted, reaching back at least three centuries before Christ. Tibet was ruled by its ow^n princes till the rise of Genghis ; the first monarch, who united the various tribes under his sway b. c. 313, was Seger-Sandilutu-Kagan-Tlil-Esen,^ and from the fact that Buddhism was introduced during his reign, it miglit be inferred that he came from the south. Il’lassa was founded by Srongzan-Ctambo, or Srongbdzan sgambouo,^ about a.d. 630, after which time Tibetan

        history becomes more authentic, inasmuch as this king introduced

        the alphabet. The Tang dynasty carried their arms into

        Tibet from Khoten, but the people threw off their yoke during

        the decline of that family. Mohammedanism also disturbed the

        supremacy of the Buddhist faith, and severe persecutions followed

        about the beginning of the tenth century by an Islam

        prince Darma, but it was rej^elled at liis death, and has neversince

        made the least impression upon the people. Genghis reduced

        Tangout, one of the principalities, northeast of Koko-nor,

        and soon after brought the whole country under his sway ; this

        ‘ Essays on the Language, Literature, and Religion of Nejial and Tibet, etc.Loudon, 1874.-‘ R musat, Observations stir VlJistoire des Mongols orientemix de S:inang Setsen,Paris, I’an 8. Ssanang Ssetsen, Oeschichte der Mongolen, Uebers., von. J.J. Schmidt, Petersb., 1829.^ Remusat relates tlic story of his origin, Melanges Posthmnes, p. 400.• Klaproth, Description du Tubet.

        HISTORY OF TIBET. 255

        Kiiblai still further settled as a dependency of his empire. The people recovered their independence on the expulsion of the Mongols, and under the Ming dynasty formed several small kingdoms, among which were Ladak and Rodok, both of them still existing.

        From a short resume of letters written from Tibet in 162(), by Romish missionaries living there, it appears that the kingdom of Sopo was the most powerful in the north, and Cogur, IT-tsang, and Mai-yul were three southern principalities. The king of Cogue allowed these missionaries to reside in his territories, and took pleasure in hearing them converse and dispute with the lamas. The Dalai-lama at this time was the king’s brother, and possessed subordinate influence in the state, but the priests were numerous and influential. The conquest of Mongolia and Tangout opened the way for Ivanglil to enter Tibet, but the intercourse between the Emperor and Dalai-lama was chiefly connected with religion and carrying tribute. An index of the freedom of communication between Tibet and the west is found in the passports issued to the traders visiting iriassa in lOSS. The lamas held the supreme power imtil towards the end of his reign, when Chinese influence became paramount. The country had already been concpiered by the Songar chieftain, so that on his defeat it could ofPer little resistance.

        Ivanghi appointed six of the highest princes or gidlho over the provinces ; but soon after his death, in 1727, three of them conspired against Yungching, and were not subdued without considerable resistance. The Emperor then appointed the loyal prince or gialbo as governor-general, and he remained in his vice-regal office till his death, about 1750. Kienlung, finding that his son was endeavoring to make himself fully independent, executed him as a rebel, suppressed the office, and appointed two Chinese generals to be associated with the Dalailama and his coadjutoi-, in the administration of the country.

        The troops were increased and forts erected in all parts of the country to awe the people and facilitate trade.

        The present government of Tibet is superintended by two ta chilly ‘or great ministers,’ residing at Il’lassa, who act con-“‘ointly, while they serve as checks upon each other ; they do not hold their office for a long time. They have absolute control over all the troops in the country, and the military are generally confined to the garrisons, and do not cultivate the soil. The collection of revenue, transmission of tribute to Peking, and direction of the persons who carry it, and those mIu) conduct the trade at Batang and Sining fu, are all under their control. The Dalai-lama, and the Teshu-lama are the high religious officers of the country, each of them independent in his own province, but the former holding the highest place in the hierarchy. The Chinese residents confer with each concerning the direction of his own province. All their appointments to office or nobility must be sanctioned by the residents before they are A’alid, but merely religious officers are not under this surveillance. In the villages, the authority is administered by secular deputy lamas called delni^ and by commandants called kaiipon^ who are sent from the capital. Each dcha is assisted by a native vazir of the place, who, Avith the chief lama, foiiii the local government, amenable to the supreme magistracy. The western province of Kari is peopled by nomads, who wander over the regions north of Tlavan-hrad, and are under the authority of larjxni-‘^ sent from IFlassa, without the assistance of lamas. The two higli-pi-iests themselves are likewise assisted by councillors. One of these, called Soopoon(‘hoondx)o, who held the office of sadeeh or adviser when Turner visited Teshu-Lumbo, was a ]V[anchu by birth, but had long lived in Tibet.

        GOVERNMENT OF TIBET. 257

        The nomadic clans of Dam Mongols and other tribes occupying the thirty-nine feudal townships or ta-sz’ in Anterior Tibet, are governed by the residents without the intervention of the lamas. The disturbances in Ulterior Tibet in 1792, resulting from the irruption of the Kipalese and sack of Teshu-Lumbo, were speedily quelled by the energy of Kienlung’s government, and the invaders forced to sue for mercy. The southern frontier was, in consequence of this inroad, strongly fortified by a chain of posts, and the communication with the states between Tibet and India strictly forbidden and w^atched. It gave the Chinese an opportunity to strengthen their rule and extend their inlluence north to Khoten and into Ladak. The natural mildness of character of the Tibetans, and similarity of religion renders thera much easier under the Chinese joke, than the Mohammedans.*
        ‘ Authorities on Tibet besides those already referred to: Journal Asiatique,Tomes IV., p. 281 ; VIII., p. 117; IX., p. 81 ; XIV., pp. 177, ff. 277, 406,etc. Dii Halde, DescHption of (Jhiim., Vol. II., pp. 884-888. Capt. Samuel Turner, Account of an Embassy to the Court of Teslioo Lama in Tibet, London, 1800. Histoire cic ce qui s’est ]Mi>se au lioyaume du Tibet, en Pann’e 1(}26 ; trad de I’ltalien. Paris, 1829. P. Kircher, CJiinn llhistrnta. MM. Peron et Billecocq, liecueil de Voyages du lldbet, Paris, 1796. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal^ passim. Chinese Repository, Vols. VI., pp. 28, 494,IX., p. 20, and XIII., p. 50.5. Hitter, Asien, Bd. II., 4er Abschnitt, and Bd.III., S. 187-424. Richthofen, China, Bd. I., S. 228, 247, 466, 670, 688, etc.C. H. Desgodin, La mission du Tibet de 1855 a 1870, comprennant Pexpose desaffaires rdigieuses, etc. Dhtpres les lettres de M. fabbe Desgodins, missionaireapofitoliquc, Verdun, 1872. Lieut.’ Kreitner, Jm fernen Osten, pp. 829 ff.,and in The r»jndar Science Monthly, for August, 1882. Emil Schlagintweit,Tibetan Buddhism, Illustrated by Literary Documents and Objects of Religious Worship, London, 1868. Abbe Hue, I’ravels through Tartary, Tibet and China, 2 vols.Vol. I.—17

        CHAPTER V. POPULATION AND STATISTICS

        Much of the interest appertaining to the country and people here treated of, in the minds of philanthropic and intelligent men, has arisen from the impression they have received of its vast population. A country twice the size of the Chinese empire would present few attractions to the Christian^ the merchant, or the ethnologist, if it were no better inhabited than Sahara, or Arizona : a people might possess most admirable institutions, and a matchless form of government, yet these excellencies would lose their interest, did we hear that it is the republic of San Marino or the kingdom of Muscat, where they are found. The population of few countries in the world has been accurately ascertained, and probably that of China is less satisfactory than any European or American state of the present day. It is far easier to take a census among a people who understand its object, and will honestly assist in its execution, than in a despotic, half-civilized country, Avherc the mass of the inhabitants are afraid of contact or intercourse with their rulers; in most of such states, as Abyssinia, Turkey, Persia, etc., there is either no regular emnneration at all, or merely a general estimate for the purposes of i-cvemie or conscription.

        CREDIT DUE TO CHINESE CENSUSES. 259

        The subject of the population of Cliiiui has engaged the attention of the monarchs of the present dynasty, and their censuses have been the best sources of information in making up an intelligent opinion upon the matter. Whatever may be our views of the actual population, it is plain that these censuses, with all their discrepancies and inaccuracies, are the only reliable sources of information. The conflicting opinions and

        conclusions of foreign writers neither give any additional weight

        to them, nor detract at all from their credibility. As the question

        stands at present, they can be doubted, but cannot be

        denied ; it is impossible to prove them, while there are many

        grounds for believing them; the enormous total which they

        exhibit can be declared to be improbable, but not shown to be

        impossible.

        No one who has been in China can hesitate to acknowledge that there are some strong grounds for giving credit to them, but the total goes so far beyond his calculations, that entire belief nmst, indeed, be deferred till some new data have been furnished. There are, perhaps, more peculiar encouragements

        to the increase of population there than in any other

        country, mostly arising from a salubrious climate, semi-annual

        crops, unceasing industry, early marriages, and an equable

        taxation, involving reasonable security of life and property.

        Turning to other countries of Asia, we soon observe that in

        Japan and Persia these causes have less influence ; in Siam

        and Burmah they are weak ; in Tibet they are almost powerless.

        At this point every one must rest, as the result of an examination

        into the population of the Chinese Empire ; though,

        from the survey of its principal divisions, made in the preceding

        chapters, its capability of maintaining a dense population needs

        no additional- evidence. The mind, however, is bewildered in

        some degree by the contemplation of millions upon millions of

        human beings thus collected under one government ; and it

        almost wishes there might be grounds for disbelieving the

        enormous total, from the dieadful results that might follow

        the tyrannical caprice or unrestrained fury of their rulers,

        or the still more shocking scenes of rapine and the hideous

        extremities of want which a bad harvest would necessarily

        cause.

        Chinese literature contains many documents describing

        classes of society comprised in censuses in the various dynasties.

        The results of those enumerations have been digested by Ma

        Twan-lin in a judicious and intelligent manner in the chapters

        treating on population, from which M. Ed. Biot has elaborated

        many important data.’ The early records show that the census

        was designed to contain only the number of taxable people, excluding all persons bound to give personal service, who were

        under the control of others. Moreover, all othcials and slaves,

        all persons over 60 or 66 years of age, the weak or sick, those

        needing help, and sometimes such as were newly placed on state

        lands, were likewise omitted. Deducting these classes. Ma

        Twan-lin gives one census taken in the ninth century, b.c, as

        13,704,923 persons, between the ages of 15 and 05, living

        within the frontiers north of the Yangtsz’ Eiver. This figure

        would be worth, according to the tables of modern statistics,

        about 65 per cent, of the entire population, or as representing

        21,753,528 inhabitants.

        The mighty conqueror, Tsin Chi Ilwangtf, changed the personal

        corvc’c to scutage, and introduced a kind of poll tax, by

        accepting the money from many who could not be forced to do

        the work required. This practice was followed in the 11 an

        dynasty, and in b.c. 194, the poll-tax was legalized, to include

        all men between 15 and 66, while a lighter impost was le\ ied

        on those between 7 and 14. During the four centuries of this

        family’s regime, the object and modes of a census were well

        understood. Ma Twan-lin gives the results of ten taken between

        A.D. 2 and 155. His details show that it was done

        simply for revenue, and was omitted in bad years, when drought

        or freshets destroyed the harvests ; they show, too, an increase

        in the number of slaves, that women were now enumerated,

        and that girls between 15 and 30 paid a poll-tax. In b.c. 30,

        the limits of age were placed between 7 and 56. The average

        of these ten censuses is 63,500,600, the first one being as high

        as 83,640,000, while the next and lowest, taken fifty-five years

        afterwards, is only 29,180,000, and the third is 47,396,<»00.

        These great variations are explained by the disturbances arising

        in consequence of the usurpation of Wangmang, a.d. 9-27, and

        subsequent change of the ca})ital, and the impossibility, during

        this troubled period, of canvassing all parts of the Empire.

        ‘ This careful digest is contained in the Journal Asiatique for 1836 (April and May), and will repay perusal.

        MA TWAN-LIN’s study OF THE cp:nsu8es. 261

        The irfcroiice from thesc data, that tlio real population of the Chinese Empire north of the Nan ling at the time of Christ was at least eighty millions, is as well groinided as almost any fact in its history.’

        After the downfall of the Ilan dynasty, a long period of

        civil war ensued, in which the destruction of life and property

        was so enormous that the population was i-educed to one-sixth

        of the amount set down in a.d. 230, when disease, epidemics,

        and earthquakes increased the losses caused by war and the cessation

        of agricultui’e, according to Ma Twan-lin ; and it is not

        till A.D. 280, when the Tsin dynasty had subjected all to its

        sway, that the country began to revive. In that year an enumeration

        was made which stated the free peojjle between 12

        and 66 years in the land at 14,163,863, or 23,180,000 in all.

        From this period till the Sui dynasty came into power, in 589,

        Cliina was torn by dissensions and rival monarchs, and the

        recorded censuses covered only a portion of the land, the figures

        including even fewer of the people, owing to the great number

        of serfs or bondmen who had sought safety under the protection

        of landowners. At this time a new mode of taking the census

        was ordered, in M’hich the people were classified into those from

        1 to 3 years, then 3 to 10, then 10 to IT, and 17 to 60, after

        which age they were not taxed ; the ratio of the land tax was

        also fixed. A .census taken in 606 in this way gives an estimated

        population of 46,019,956 in all China ; the frontiers, at

        this period, hardly reached to the Xan ling Mountains, and the

        author’s explanation of the manner of carrying on some public

        works shows that even this sum did not include persons who were

        liable to l)e called on for personal service, while all officials, slaves,

        and beggars were omitted. Troubles arose again from these

        enforced works, and it was not till the advent to power of the

        Tang dynasty, in 618, that a regular enumeration was possible.

        ‘ The population of the Ronican Empire at the same period is estimated at 85,000,000 bj Merivale (Vol. IV., pp. ‘^,?,Q-M’^i), but the data are less complete than in China; he reckons the European provinces at 45,000,000, and the Asiatic and African colonies at the remainder, giving 27,000,000 to Asia Minor and Syria. The area of China, at this time, was less than Rome by about one fourth.

        This family reigned 287 years, and Ma Twan-lin gives fifteen

        returns of the population up to 841. They show great variations,

        some of them difficult to explain even by omitting ot

        supplying large classes of the inhabitants. The one most carefully

        taken was in a.d. 75-i, and gives an estimated total of

        about seventy millions for the whole Empire, which, though

        nearly the same as that in the Ilan dynasty in a.d. 2, extended

        over a far greater area, even to the whole southern seaboard.

        In addition to former enumerated classes, many thousands of priests were passed by in this census.

        The years of anarchy following the Tang, till a.d. 976, M-hen the Sung dynasty obtained possession, caused their usual effect. Its first census gives only about sixteen millions of taxable population that year, when its authority was not firmly assured ; but

        in 1021 the returns rise to 43,388,380, and thence gradually

        increase to 100,095,250 in 1102, just before the provinces north

        of the Yellow River, by far the most fertile and loyal, were lost.

        The last enumeration, in 1223, while Ma Twan-lin was living,

        places the returns in the southern provinces at 63,304,000 ; this

        was fifty years before Kublai khan conquered the Empire. Our

        author gives some details concerning the classes included in the

        census during his own lifetime, which prove to a reasonable

        mind that the real number of mouths living on the land Avas, if

        anything, higher than the estimates. In 1290, the Mongol

        Emperor published his enumeration, placing the taxable population

        at 58,834,711, “not counting those who had fled to the

        mountains and lakes, or who had joined the rebels.” This was

        not long after his ruthless hand had almost depopulated vast

        regions in the northern provinces, before he could quiet them.

        In the continuation of Ma Twan-lin’s Ti (‘searches, thei-e are

        sixteen censuses given for the Ming dynasty between 1381 and

        1580 ; the lowest figure is 46,800,000, in 1506, and the highest,

        66,590,000, in 1412, the average for the two centuries being

        56,715,360 inhabitants. One of its compilers declares that he

        cannot reconcile their great discrepancies, and throws doubts on

        their totals from his inability to learn the mo(^leof emimeration.

        Three are given for three consecutive years (1402-1404), the

        difference between the extremes of which amounts to sixteen

        millions, but they were all taken when Yungloh was fighting Kienwan, his nephew, at Nanking, and settling himself at Peking as Emperor, during which years large districts could not possibly have been counted.

        COMPARATIVE CENSUS TABLES. 263

        Before entering upon a careful examination of this question,

        it will be well to bring together the various estimates taken of

        the population during the present dynasty. The details given

        in the table on page 264 have been taken from the best sources,

        and are as good as the people themselves possess.

        Besides these detailed accounts, there have been several

        aggregates of the whole country given by other native writers

        than Ma Twan-lin, and some by foreigners, professedly drawn

        from original sources, but who have not stated their authorities.

        The most trustworthy, together with those given in the other

        table, are here placed in chronological order.

        Authorities.

        / Continuation of MaTwan-lin. Ed.I Biot, Jour7ial Asiatique, 1836.

        Oeneral Statistics of the Empire ;Medhurst’s China, p. 53.

        ‘, Till Tung Chi, a statistical work; \ Morrison’s View of China.

        j General Statistica ; Chinese Repository, Vol. I., p. 359.

        I Memoires sur les Chinois, Tome f VI., p. 377 ff.

        ] Les Missionaires, De Guignes,

        I Tomelll, p. 67.

        i General Statistics ; Chinese Repo-

        \ sitory. Vol. I., p. 359.

        J

        Yih Tung Chi, a statistical work ;

        ( Morrison’s Vieto of China.

        I Memoiressur lesChinois^TomeYI.

        f De Guignes, Tome III. , p. 73.

        j Allerstein ; Grosier ; De Guignes,

        ] Tome III., p. 67.

        \ ” Z.” of Berlin, in Chinese Repo-

        \ sitory. Vol. I., p. 361.

        j General Statistics ; Dr. Morrison,

        I Anglo-Chinese Coll. Report,

        \ 1839. Statement made to Lord

        ( Macartney.

        ] General Statistics ; Chinese Repo-

        ( sitory. Vol. I., p. 359.

        \ VassUivitch.

        ] Chinese Ciistoni’s Reports.

        Seven of these censuses, viz., the 7th, 8th, 12th, 13th, 17th,

        20th, 21st and 23d, are given in detail in the following table.

        364 tiij: middle kingdom.

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        t-T itT

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        lO^’NOOlOO^COCirlCOlOXrHCO*”-!

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        •^Tji’TiTJ’Xt— COCD’WCC(?*»-<THf-ifW

        s

        THE CENSUSES INDIVIDUALLY CONSIDERED. 265

        The first three belong to the Ming dynasty, and are taken from

        a continuation of Ma Twan din’s Researches, whence they were

        quoted in the Mtrror of Hlstonj, without their details. During

        the Ming dynasty, a portion of the country now called the

        Eighteen Provinces, was not under the control of IlungM’u and

        his descendants. The wars with the Japanese, and with tribes

        on the north and west, together with the civil wars and struggles

        between the Chinese themselves, and with the Nu-chi in

        Manchuria, nmst have somewhat decreased the population.

        The first census of 1662 (No. 4), is incidentally mentioned by

        Kierlung in 1791, as having been taken at that time, from his

        making some observations upon the increase of the population

        and comparing the early censuses with the one he had recently

        ordered. This sum of 21,068,600 does not, however, include

        all the inhabitants of China at that date ; for the Manchus

        commenced their sway in 161:’±, and did not exercise full authority

        over all the provinces much before 1700 ; Canton was

        taken in 1650, Formosa in 1683.

        The census of 1668 (Ko. 5), shows a little increase over that

        of 1662, but is likewise confined to the conquered portions ; and

        in those provinces which had been subdued, there were extensive

        tracts which had been almost depopulated at the conquest.

        Any one who reads the recitals of Semedo, Martini, Trigautius,

        and othei’s, concerning the massaci-es and destruction of life

        both by the Manchus and by Chinese l)andits, between 1630

        and 1650, M’ill feel no loss in accounting for the diminution of

        numbers, down to 1710. But the chief explanation of the decrease

        from sixty to twenty-seven millions is to be found in the

        object of taking the census, viz., to levy a poll-tax, and get at

        the number of men fit for the army—two reasons for most men

        to avoid the registration.

        The census of 1711 (No. 8), is the first one on record which bears the appearance of crediljility, when its several parts are compared with each other. The dates of the preceding (Nos. 6 and 7), are rather uncertain ; the last was extracted by Dr. Morrison from a book published in 1790, and he thought it was probably taken as early as 1650, though that is unlikely.

        The other is given by Dr. Medhurst without any explanation, and their great disparity leads us to think that both are dated wrongly. The census of 1711 is much more consistent in itself, though there are some reasons for supposing that neither did it include all the population then in China. The census was still taken for enrolment in the army, and to levy a capitation tax upon all males between the ages of sixteen and sixty. But this tax and registration were evaded and resisted by the indignant Chinese, who had never been chronicled in this fashion by their own princes; the Emperor Kanghi, therefore, abolished the capitation tax. It was not till about this time that the

        Manchus had subdued and pacified the southern provinces, and

        it is not improbable that this census, and the survey taken by

        the Jesuits, were among their acts of sovereignty. Finding

        the people unwilling to be registered, the poll tax was merged

        in the land tax, and no census ordered during the reign of

        Yungching, till Kienlung revived it in order to have some

        guide in apportioning relief during seasons of distress and scarcity,

        establishing granaries, and aiding the police in their duties.

        Many, therefore, who would do all in their power to prevent

        their names being taken, when they were liable to be taxed or

        called on to do military service, could have no objection to

        come forward, when the design of the census was to benefit

        themselves. It matters very little, however, for what object the

        census was taken, if there is reason to believe it to have been

        accurate. It might indeed act as a stimulus to multiply names

        and figures whom there were no people to represent, as the

        principle of paying the marshals a percentage on the numbers

        they reported did in some parts of New York State in 1840.

        The three next numbers (9, 10, and 11), are taken from De

        Guignes, who quotes Amiot, but gives no Chinese authorities.

        The last is given in full by De Guignes, and both this and that

        of Allerstein, dated twenty years after, ai-e introduced into the

        table. There are some disci’epancies between these two and

        the census of 1753, taken from the General Statistics, which

        cannot easily be reconciled. The internal evidence is in favor

        of the latter, over the census of 1743 ; it is taken from a new

        edition of the Ta Tsing IFioul Tien, or ‘ General Statistics of

        the Empire,’ and the increase during the forty-two years which

        COMPAIJISON OF LATER CENSUSES. 267

        had elapsed since the last census is regular in all the provinces,

        with the exception of Shantung and Kiangnan. The extraordinary

        fertility of these provinces would easily induce immigration,

        while in the war of conquest, their popnlousness and wealth attracted the armies of the Manchus, and the destruction of life was disproportionably great. The smaller numbers given to the western and southern provinces correspond

        moreover to the opposition experienced in those regions.

        On the whole, the census taken in 1753 compares very well

        with that of 1711, and both of them bear an aspect of verity,

        which does not belong to the table of 1743 quoted by De Guignes.

        From 1711 to 1753, the population doubled itself in about

        twenty-two years, premising that the whole country was faithfully

        registered at the iii-st census. For instance, the province

        of Kweichau, in 1711, presents on the average a mere fraction

        of a little more than a single person to two square miles ; while

        in 1753 it had increased in the unexampled ratio of three to a square mile, which is doubling its population every seven years ; Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Kansuh (all of them containing to this day, partially subdued tribes), had also multiplied their numbers in nearly the same proportion, owing in great measure, probably, to the more extended census than to the mere increase of population.

        The amounts for 173G, three of 1743, and those of 1760,

        1761, and 1762 (Xos. 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, and 17), are all extracted

        from De Guignes, who took them from the Memolres

        sur les Chlnois. The last, that of 1762, is given in detail in the

        table. The discrepancy of sixty millions between that given

        by Amiot for 1760, and that by Dr. Morrison for the same

        year, is owing, there can be little doubt, to foreigners, and not

        to an error of the Chinese. The work from which Dr. Morrison

        extracted his estimate for that year was published in 1790,

        but the census was taken between 1760 and 1765. The same

        work contains the census of 1711 (Xo. 8), quoted by him, and

        there is good cause for believing that Amiot’s or Grosier’s

        estimate of 157,343,975 for 1743, is the very same census, he having multiplied the number 28,605,716 by five, supposing them to have been families and not individuals. The three ascribed to the year 1743, are probably all derived from the same native authorities by different individuals.

        The three dated in 1760, 1761, and 1762, are harmonious with each other ; but if they are taken, those of 1753 and 1760, extracted from the Ylh Tung CIu hy I)i-. Morrison, must be rejected, which are far more reasonable, and correspond better with the preceding one of 1711. It may be remarked, that by reckoning five persons to a family in calculating the census of 1753, as Amiot does for 1743, the population would be 189,223,820 instead of 103,050,060, as given in the table. This explains the apparent decrease of fifty millions. All the discrepancies between these various tables and censuses must not be charged upon the Chinese, since it is by no means easy to ascertain their modes of taking the census and their use of terms. In the tables, for example, they employ the phrase y^/lting, for a male over 15 years of age, as the integer ; this has, then, to be multiplied by some factor of increase to get at the total population ; and this last figure must be obtained elsewhere.

        It must not be overlooked that the object in taking a census being to calcidate the probable revenue by enumei’atingthe taxable persons, the margin of error and deficiency depends on the peace of the state at the time, and not chiefly on the estimate of five or more to a household.

        The amount for 1736 corresponds sufficiently closely with that for 1743 ; and reckoning the same number of persons in a family in 1753, that tallies well enough with those for 1760, 1761, and 1762, the whole showing a gradual increase for twenty-five years. But all of them, except that of 1753, ai’6 probably rated too high. That for 1762 (Xo. 17), has been justly considered as one of the most authentic.

        THE FOUR MOST RELIABLE CEISTSUSES. 269

        The amount given by ” Z.” of Berlin (Xo. 18), of 155^ millions for 1790 is quoted in the Clihiem liejms’dot’y, but the writer states no authorities, was probably never in China, and as it appears at present, is undeserving the least notice. That given by Dr. Morrison for 1792 (Xo. 19), the year before Lord Macartney’s embassy’, is quoted from an edition of that date, but probably Avas really taken in 1765 or thereabouts, but he did nut publish it in detail.’ It is probably much nearer the truth than the amount of ao’d millions by the commissioner Chau to the English ambassador. This estimate has had much more respect paid to it as an authentic document than it deserved.

        The Chinese connnissioner would naturally wish to exalt his country in the eyes of its far-travelled visitors, and not having the official returns to refer to, would not be likely to state them less than they were. lie gave the population of the provinces in round numbers, perhaps altogether from his own memory, aided by those of his attendant clerks, with the impression that his hearers would never be able to refer to the original native authorities.

        The next one quoted (Xo. 21) is the most satisfactory of all the censuses in Chinese works, and was considered by both the Morrisons and by Dr. Bridgman, editor of the Chinese Jiejwsitori/, as ” the most accurate that has yet been given of the population.”

        In questions of this nature, one well authenticated table is

        worth a score of doubtful origin. It has been shown how

        apocryphal are many of the statements given in foreign books,

        but with the census of 1812, the source of error which is chiefly

        to be guarded against is the average given to a family. This

        is done by the Chinese themselves on no uniform plan, and it

        may be the case that the estimate of individuals from the number

        of families is made in separate towns, fi-oni an intimate

        acquaintance with the particular district, which would be less

        liable to eri-or than a general average. The number of families

        given in the census of 1753, is 37,785,552, which is more than

        one-third of the population.

        The four censuses which deserve the most credit, so far as

        the sources are considered, are those of 1711, 1753, 1792, and

        1812 {i.e., Nos. 8, 13, 19, and 21) ; these, when compared,

        show the following rate of increase: From 1711 to 1753, the population increased 7”1,222,602,

        which was an annual advance of l,70-±,82-l: inhabitants, or a’ Sir G. Staunton, PJmbassy to China, Vol. II., Appendix, p. 615 : ” Table of the Population and Extent of China proper, within the Great V/all. Taken in round numbers from the Statements of Chow ta-zhin.” little more than six per cent, per annum for forty-two years.

        Tiiis high rate, it must be remembered, does not take into account

        the more thorough subjugation of the south and west at

        the later date, when the Manchus could safely enrol large districts,

        where in 1711 they would have found so much difficulty

        that they would not have attempted it.

        From 1753 to 1792, the increase was 104,636,882, or an annual

        advance of 2,682,997 inhabitants, or about 2^ per cent,

        per annum for thirty-nine years. During this period, the

        country enjoyed almost uninterrupted peace under the vigorous

        sway of Kienlung, and the unsettled regions of the south and

        west rapidly filled up.

        From 1792 to 1812, the increase was 51:,126,679, or an annual

        advance of 2,706,333—not quite one per cent, per annum

        —for twenty years. At the same rate of progress the present

        population would amount to over 150,000,000, and this might

        have been the case had not the Tai-ping rebellion reduced the

        numbers. An enumeration (Xo. 22), was published by the

        Russian Professor of Chinese Yassilivitch in 1868 as a translation

        from official documents. Foreigners have had greater

        opportunities for travel through the country, between the years

        1840 to 1880, and have ascertained the enormous depopulation

        in some places caused by wars, short supplies of food in consequence

        of scarcity of laborers, famines, or brigandage, each

        adding its own power of destruction at different places and

        times. The conclusion will not completely satisfy any inquirer,

        but the population of the Empire cannot now reasonably

        be estimated as high as the census of 1812, by at

        least twenty-five millions. The last in the list of these censuses

        (No. 23), is added as an example of the efforts of intelligent

        persons residing in China to come to a definite and

        independent conclusion on this point from such data as they

        can obtain. The Imperial Customs’ Service has been able to

        command the best native assistance in their researches, and the

        table of population given above fi-om the Gotha Almanac is

        the sunnnary of what has been ascertained. The population

        of extra-})rovincial (^hina is really uulvnown at present. Manclmria

        is put down at twelve millions by one author, and three

        PRESUMPTIVE EVIDENCE IN THEIR FAVOR. 271

        or four millions, by another, without any official autliurity for

        either ; and all those vast regions in Ili and Tibet may easily

        be set down at from twelve to fifteen millions. To sum up,

        one must confess that if the Chinese censuses are worth but

        little, compared with those taken in European states, they are

        better than the guesses of foreigners who have never been in

        the country, or who have travelled only partially in it.

        The Chinese are doubtless one of the most conceited nations

        on the earth, but with all their vanity, they have never bethought

        themselves of rating their population twenty-five or

        thirty per cent, higher than they suppose it to be, for the purpose

        of exalting themselves in the eyes of foreigners or in their

        own. Except in one case none of the estimates were presented

        to. Of intended to be known by foreigners. The distances in U

        between places given in Chinese itineraries correspond very

        well with the real distances ; the number of districts, towns,

        and villages in the departments and provinces, as stated in

        their local and general topographical works, agree with the

        actual examination, so far as it can be made : why should their

        censuses be charged with gross error, when, however much we

        may doubt them, we cannot disprove them, and the weight of

        evidence derived from actual observation rather confirms them

        than otherwise ; and while their account of towns, villages,

        distances, etc., are unhesitatingly adopted until better can be

        obtained ? Some discrepancies in the various tables are ascribable

        to foreigners, and some of the censuses are incomplete,

        or the year cannot be precisely fixed, both of which vitiate the

        deductions made from them as to the rate of increase. Some

        reasons for believing that the highest population ascribed to

        the Chinese Empire is not greater than the country can support,

        will first be stated, and the objections against receiving the

        censuses then considered.’

        ‘ This interesting subject can then be left with the reader, who will find

        further remarks in Medhurst’s China, De Guignes’ Voyages d Peking, The Missionaries,

        in Tomes VI. and VIII. of Memoires, Ed. Biot, in Journal Asiatique

        for 1836. The Numerical Relations of the Population of China during the 4,000

        Years of its Historical Existence ; or the Rise and Fall of the Chinese Pojmlation,

        by T. Sacharoflf. Translated into English by the Rev. W. Lobscheid, Hongkong,

        1862. Notes and Queries on China and Japan, Vol. II., pp. 88, 103, and 117

        The area of the Eighteen Provinces is rather imperfectly given

        at 1,348,870 sqnare miles, and the average population, there

        fore, for the whole, in 1812, was 268 persons on every sqnare

        mile ; that of the nine eastern provinces in and near the Great

        Plain, comprising 502,192 sqnare miles, or two-fifths of the

        whole, is 458 persons, and the nine southern and western provinces,

        constituting the other three-fifths, is 154 to a square mile.

        The surface and fertility of the country in these two portions

        differ so greatly, as to lead one to look for results like these.

        The areas of some European states and their population, are

        added to assist in making a comparison with China, and coming

        to a clearer idea about their relative density.

        states.

        France

        German}’ . ..

        Great Britain

        Italy

        Holland

        Spain

        Japan

        Benural

        204.092

        212,091

        121,608

        114,296

        20,497

        190,625

        160,474

        156,200

        Population.

        dp:nsity of populations in Europe and china. 273

        ture-lands, and only ten millions devoted to grain and vegeta

        bles ; the other two millions consist of fallow-ground, hop-beds,

        etc. One author estimates that in England 42 acres in a hundred,

        and in Ireland G4, are pastures—a little more than half of

        the whole. There are, then, on the average about two acres of

        land for the support of each individual, or rather less than this,

        if the land required for the food of horses be subtracted. It

        has been calculated that eight men can be fed on the same

        amount of land that one horse requires ; and that four acres of

        pasture-land will furnish no more food for man than one of

        ploughed land. The introduction of railroads has superseded

        the use of horses to such an extent that it is estimated there are

        only 200,000 horses now in England, instead of a million in 1830.

        If, therefore, one-half the land appropriated to pasture should

        be devoted to grain, and no more horses and dogs raised than a

        million of acres could support, England and Wales could easily

        maintain a population of more than four hundred to a square

        mile, supposing them to be willing to live on what the land and

        water can furnish.

        The Irish consume a greater proportion of vegetables than

        the English, even since the improvement by emigration after

        1851 ; many of these live a beggaily life upon half an acre, and

        even less, -and seldom taste animal food. The quantity of land

        under cultivation in Belgium is about fifteen-seventeenths of

        the whole, which gives an average of about two acres to each

        person, or the same as in England. In these two countries, the

        people consume more meat than in Ireland, and the amoimt of

        land occupied for pasturage is in nearly equal proportions in

        Belgium and England. In France, the average of cultivated

        land is If acre ; in Holland, If acre to each person.

        If the same proportion between the arable and uncultivated

        land exists in China as in England, namely one-fourth, there are

        about six hundred and fifty millions of acres under cultivation

        in China ; and we are not left altogether to conjecture, for by a

        report made to Ivienlung in 1745, it appears that the area of

        the land under cultivation was 595,598,221 acres ; a subsequent

        calculation places it at 640,579,381 acres, which is almost the

        same proportion as in England. Estimating it at six hundred and fifty millions—for it lias since increased rather than diminished—it gives one acre and four-fifths to every person, Which is by no means a small supply for the Chinese, considering that there are no cultivated pastures or meadows.

        In comparing the population of different countries, the

        manner of living and the articles of food in use, form such important

        elements of the calculation, in ascertaining whether the

        country be overstocked or not, that a mere tabular view of the

        number of persons on a square mile is an imperfect criterion of

        the amount of inhabitants the land would maintain if they consumed

        the same food, and lived in the same manner in all of

        them. Living as the Chinese, Hindus, Japanese, and other

        Asiatics do, chiefly upon vegetables, the country can hardly be

        said to maintain more than one-half or one-third as many people

        on a square mile as it might do, if their energies were developed

        to the same extent with those of the English or Belgians.

        The population of these eastern regions has been repressed by the combined influences of ignorance, insecurity of life and property, religious prejudices, vice, and wars, so that the land has never maintained as many inhabitants as one would have otherwise reasonably expected therefrom.

        Nearly all the cultivated soil in China is employed in raising food for man. AVoollen garments and leather are little used, while cotton and mulberry cultivation take np only a small proportion of the soil. There is not, so far as is known, a single acre of land sown with grass-seed, and therefore almost no human labor is devoted to raising food for animals, which will not also serve to sustain man. Horses are seldom used for pomp or war, for travelling or carrying burdens, but mules, camels, asses, and goats are employed for transportation and other purposes north of the Yangtsz’ River. Horses are fed on cooked rice, bran, sorghum seed, pulse, oats, and grass cut along

        the banks of streams, or on hillsides. In the southern and

        eastern provinces, all animals are rare, the transport of goods

        and passengers being done by boats or by men. The natives

        make no use of butter, cheese, or milk, and the few cattle employed

        in agriculture easily gather a living on the waste ground

        around the villages. In the south, the buffalo is applied more

        AREA AND VALUE OF ARABLE LAND IN CHINA. 275

        than the ox to plough the rice fields, and the habits of this

        animal make it cheaper to keep him in good condition, while he

        can also do more work. The winter stock is grass cut upon the

        hills, straw, bean stalks, and vegetables, ^o wool being wanted

        for making cloth, flocks of sheep and goats are seldom seen—it

        may almost be said are unknown in the east and south.

        No animal is reared cheaper than the hog ; hatching and

        raising ducks affords employment to thousands of people ; hundreds

        of these fowl gather their own food along the river

        shore, being easily attended by a single keeper. Geese and

        poultry are also cheaply reared. In fishing, which is carried on

        to an enormous extent, no pasture-grounds, no manuring, no

        barns, are needed, nor are taxes paid by the cultivator and consumer.

        While the people get their animal food in these ways, its preparation takes away the least possible amount of cultivated soil. The space occupied for roads and pleasure-gromids is insignificant, but there is perhaps an amount appropriated for burial places quite equal to the area used for those purposes in European countries ; it is, however, less valuable land, and much of it would be useless for culture, even if otherwise unoccupied.

        Graves are dug on hills, in ravines and copses, and wherever they will be retired and dry; or if in the ancestral field, they do not hinder the crop growing close around them.

        Moreover, it is very common to preserve the coffin in temples

        and cemeteries until it is decayed, partly in order to save the

        expense of a grave, and partly to worship the remains, or preserve

        them until gathered to their fathers, in their distant

        native places. They are often placed in the corners of the fields,

        or under precipices where they remain till dust returns to dust,

        and bones and wood both moulder away. These and other customs

        limit the consumption of land for graves much more than

        would be supposed, when one sees, as at Macao, almost as much

        space taken up by the dead for a grave as by the living for a

        hut. The necropolis of Canton occupies the hills north of the

        city, of which not one-fiftieth part could ever have been used

        for agriculture, but where cattle are allowed to graze, as much

        as if there were no tombs.

        Under its genial and equable climate, nioi’e than three-fourths

        of the area of China Proper produces two crops annually. In

        Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Fuhkien, two ci’ops of rice are taken

        year after year from the low lauds ; while in the loess regions

        of the northwest, a three-fold return from the grain fields is

        annually looked for, if the rain-fall is not withheld. In the

        winter season, in the neighborhood of towns, a third crop of

        sweet potatoes, cabbages, turnips, or some other vegetable is

        grown, T)e Guignes estimates the retui-ns of a rice crop at ten

        for one, which, with the vegetables, will give full twenty-five

        fold from an acre in a year ; few parts, however, yield this increase.

        Little or no land lies fallow, for constant manuring and

        turning of the soil prevents the necessity of repose. The diligence

        exhibited in collecting and applying manure is Avell

        known, and if all this industry result in the production of two

        crops instead of one, it really doubles the area under cultivation,

        Avhen its superficies are compared with those of other

        countries. If the amount of land which produces two ci’ops be

        estimated at one-fourth of the whole (and it is perhaps as near

        one-third), the area of arable land in the provinces may be considered

        as representing a total of 812 millions of acres, or 2f

        acres to an individual. The land is not, however, cut up into such

        small farms as to prevent its being managed as w^ell as the people

        know how to stock and cultivate it ; manual labor is the chief

        dependence of the farmer, fewer cattle, carts, ploughs, and machines being employed than in other countries. In rice fields no aninuils are used after the wet land has received the shoots, transplanting, weeding, and reaping being done by men.

        In no other country besides Japan is so much food derived from the water. Not only arc the coasts, estuaries, rivers, and lakes, covered with fishing-boats of various sizes, which are provided with everything fitted for the capture of whatever lives in the waters, but the spawn of fish is collected and reared.

        TENDENCIKS TO INCREASE OF POrULATION”. 277

        Rice fields are often converted into pools in the winter season, and stocked with fish; and the tanks dug for irrigation usually contain fish. By all these means, an immense supply of food is obtained at a cheap rate, which is eaten fresh or preserved with or without salt, and sent over the Empire, at a cost which places it within the reach of all above beggary. Other articles of food, both animal and vegetable, such as dogs, game, worms, spring greens, tripang, leaves, etc., do indeed compose part of their meals, but it is comparatively an inconsiderable fraction, and need not enter into the calculation. Enough has been stated to show that the land is abundantly able to support the population ascribed to it, even with all the drawbacks known to exist; and that, taking the highest estimate to be true, and considering the mode of living, the average population on a square mile in China is less than in several European countries.

        The political and social causes which tend to multiply the inhabitants are numerous and powerful. The failure of male posterity to continue the succession of the family, and worship at the tombs of parents, is considered by all classes as one of the most afflictive misfortunes of life; the laws allow unlimited facilities of adoption, and secure the rights of those taken into the family in this way. The custom of betrothing children, and the obligation society imposes upon the youth when arrived at maturity, to fulfil the contracts entered into by their parents, acts favorably to the establishment of families and the nurture of children, and restricts polygamy. Parents desire children for a support in old age, as there is no legal or benevolent provision

        for aged poverty, and public opinion stigmatizes the man

        who allows his aged or infirm parents to suffer when he can

        help them. The law requires the owners of domestic slaves to

        provide husbands for their females, and prohibits the involuntary

        or forcible separation of husband and wife, or parents and

        children, when the latter are of tender age. All these causes

        and influences tend to increase population, and equalize the

        consumption and use of property more, perhaps, than in any

        other land.

        The custom of families remaining together tends to the

        same result. The local importance of a large family in the

        country is weakened by its male members removing to town, or

        emigrating; consequently, the patriarch of three or four generations

        endeavors to retain his sons and grandsons around him, their houses joining his, and they and their families forming a social, united company. Such cases as those mentioned in the.

        Sacred Commands are of course rare, where nine generations of the family of Chang Kung-i inhabited one lioiise, or of Chin, at whose table seven hundred mouths were daily fed,’ but it is the tendency of society. This remark does not indicate that great landed proprietors exist, whose hereditary estates are secured by entail to the great injur}- of the state, as in Great Britain,

        for the farms are generally small and cultivated by the

        owner or on the metayer system. Families are supported on a

        more economical plan, the claims of kindred are better enforced,

        the land is cultivated with more care, and the local importance

        of the family perpetuated. This is, however, a very different system from that advocated by Fourier in France, or Greeley in America, for these little communities are placed

        under one natural head, whose authority is acknowledged and

        upheld, and his indignation feared. Workmen of the same profession form unions, each person contributing a certain sum on the promise of assistance when sick or disabled, and this custom prevents and alleviates a vast amount of poverty.

        ‘ Sacred Edict, pp. 51, 60.

        RESTRICTIONS UPON EMIGRATION. 279

        The obstacles put in the way of emigrating beyond sea, both in law and prejudice, operate to deter respectable persons from leaving their native land. Necessity has made the law a dead letter, and thousands annually leave their homes. No better evidence of the dense population can be offered to those acquainted with Chinese feelings and character, than the extent of emigration. “What stronger proof,” observes Medhurst,” of the dense population of China could be afforded than the fact, that emigration is going on in spite of restrictions and disabilities, from a country where learning and civilization reign, and where all the dearest interests and prejudices of the emigrants are found, to lands like Burmah, Siam, Cambodia, Tibet, Manchuria, and the Indian Archipelago, where comparative ignorance and barbarity prevail, and where the extremes of a tropical or frozen region are to be exchanged for a mild and temperate climate? Added to this consideration, that not a single female is permitted or ventures to leave the country, when consequently, all the tender attachments that bind heart to heart must be burst asunder, and, perhaps, forever.”‘

        Moreover, if they return with wealth enough to live upon, they are liable to the vexatious extortions of needy relatives, sharpers, and police, who have a handle for their fleecing whip in the law against leaving the country ; although this clause has been neutralized by subsequent acts, and is not in force, the power of public opinion is against going. A case occurred in 1832, at Canton, where the son of a Chinese living in Calcutta, who had been sent home by his parent with his mother, to perform the usual ceremonies in the ancestral hall, was seized by his uncle as he was about to be married, on the pretext that his father had unequally divided the paternal inheritance; he

        was obliged to pay a thousand dollars to free himself. Soon

        after his marriage, a few sharpers laid hold of him and bore

        him away in a sedan, as he was walking near his house, but his

        cries attracted the police, who carried them all to the magistrates,

        where he was liberated—after being obliged to fee his

        deliverers.’ Another case occurred in Macao in 1838. A

        man had been living several years in Singapore as a merchant,

        and when he settled in Macao still kept up an interest in the

        trade with that place. Accounts of his great wealth became

        rumored abroad, and he was seriously annoyed by relatives.

        One night, a number of thieves, dressed like police-runners,

        came to his house to search for opium, and their boisterous

        manner terrified him to such a degree, that in order to escape

        them he jumped from the terrace upon the hard gravelled

        court-yard, and broke his leg, of which he shortly afterward

        died. A third case is mentioned, where the returned emigrants,

        consisting of a man and his wife, who was a Malay, and

        two children, were rescued from extortion, when before the

        magistrate, by the kindness of his wife and mother, who wished

        to see the foreign woman.” Such instances are now unknown,

        owing to the increase of emigration ; they were, indeed, never numerically great, on account of the small number of those who came back.

        ‘ China : Its State ojid Prospects, p. 42.

        ^ Ta Tslag Leu Lee ; being the Fundamental Laws, etc., of the Penal Codt of China, by Sir G. T. Staunton, Bart , London, 1810. Section CCXXV.

        ^ Chinese Repository, Vol. I., p. 382.

        * Ibid., Vol. VII., p. 503; Vol. II., p. 161.

        The anxiety of the government to provide stores of food for times of scarcity, shows rather its fear of the disastrous residts following a short crop—such as the gathering of clamoi’ous crowds of starving poor, the increase of bandits and disorganization of society—than any peculiar care of the rulers, or that these storehouses really supply deficiencies. The evil consequences resulting from an overgrown population are experienced in one or another part of the provinces almost every year ; and drought, inundations, locusts, mildew, or other natural causes, often give rise to insurrections and disturbances. There can be no doubt, however, that, without adding a single acre to the area of arable land, these evils would be materially alleviated, if the intercommunication of traders and their goods, between distant parts of the country, were more frequent, speedy, and safe; but this is not likely to be the case until both rulers and ruled make greater advances in just government, science, obedience, and regard for each other s right.

        It would be a satisfaction if foreigners could verify any part

        of the census. But this is, at present, impossible. They cannot

        examine the records in the ofiice of the Board of Revenue,

        nor can they ascertain the population in a given district from

        the archives in the hands of the local authorities, or the mode

        of taking it. Neither can they go through a village or town to

        count the number of houses and their inhabitants, and calculate

        from actual examination of a few parts what the whole would

        be. “Where\er foreigners have journeyed, there has appeared

        much the same succession of waste land, hilly regions, cultivated

        plains, and M’ooded heights, as in other countries, M’ith an

        abundance of people, but not more than the land could support,

        if properly tilled.

        METHOD OF TAKING THE CENSUS. 281

        The people are grouped into hamlets and villages, under the control of village elders and officers. In the district of Nanhai, Avhich forms the western part of the city of Canton, and the surrounding country for more than a hundred square miles, there are one hundred and eighty /it'((/if/ or villages; the population of each hiang varies from two hundred and upwards to one hundred thousand, but ordinarily ranges between three hundred and thirty-five hundred. If each of the eighty-eight districts in the province of Kwangtung contains the same number of JtlaiKj, there will be, including the district towns, 15,928 villages, towns, and cities in all, with an average population of twelve hundred inhabitants to each. From the top of the hills on Dane’s Island, at Whampoa, thirty-six towns and villages can

        be counted, of which Canton is one; and four of these contain

        from twelve to fifteen hundred houses. The whole district of

        Hiangshan, in which Macao lies, is also well covered with villages,

        though their exact number is not known. The island of

        Anioy contains more than fourscore villages and towns, and

        this island forms only a part of the district of Tung-ngan. The

        banks of the river leading from Amoy up to Changchau fu, are

        likewise well peopled. The environs of Ningpo and Shanghai

        are closely settled, though that is no more than one always expects

        near large cities, where the demand for food in the city

        itself causes the vicinity to be well peopled and tilled. In a

        notice of an irruption of the sea in 1819, along the coast of

        Shantung, it was reported that a hundred and forty villages

        were laid under water.

        Marco Polo describes the mode followed in the days of Kublai

        khan : ” It is the custom for every burgess of the city, and

        in fact for every description of person in it, to write over his

        door his own name, the name of his wife, and those of his children,

        his slaves, and all the inmates of his house, and also the number of animals that he keeps. And if any one dies in the house, then the name of that person is erased, and if a child is born its name is added. So in this way the sovereign is able to know exactly the population of the city. And this is the practice throughout all Manzi and Cathay.” ‘ This custom was observed long before the Mongol conquest, and is followed at present ; so that it is perhaps easier to take a census in China than in most European countries.

        The law upon this subject is contained in Sees. LXXV. and

        ‘ Yule’s Marco Polo, Vul. II., p. 152.

        LXXVI. of the statutes. It enacts various penalties for not

        registering the members of a family, and its provisions all go to

        show that the people are desirous rather of evading the census

        than of exaggerating it. When a family has omitted to make

        any entry, the head of it is liable to be punished with one hundred

        blows if he is a freeholder, and with eighty if he is not.

        If the master of a family has among his household another distinct family whom he omits to register, the punishment is the same as in the last clause, with a modification, according as the unregistered persons and family are relatives or strangers.

        Persons in government employ omitting to register their families, are less severely punished. A master of family failing to register all the males in his household who are lia1)le to public service, shall be punished with from sixty to one hundred blows,

        according to the demerits of the ofPence ; this clause was in

        effect repealed, when the land tax was substituted for the capitation

        tax. Omissions, from neglect or inadvertency to register

        all the individuals and families in a village or town, on the part

        of the headmen or government clerks, are punishable with

        different degrees of severity. All persons whatsoever are to

        be registered according to their accustomed occupations or professions,

        whether civil or military, whether couriers, artisans,

        physicians, asti’ologers, laborers, musicians, or of any other denomination

        whatever ; and subterfuges in representing one’s self

        as belonging to a profession not liable to public service, are

        visited as usual with the bamboo ; persons falsely describing

        themselves as belonging to the army, in order to evade public

        service, are banished as well as beaten. From these clauses it

        is seen that the Manchus have extended the enumeration to

        classes M’hich were exempted in the Ilan, Tang, and other

        dynasties, and thus come nearer to the actual population.

        ‘ Penal Code, p. 79, Staunton’s translation.

        ITS PROBABLE ACCURACY. 283

        ” In the Chinese government,” observes Dr. Morrison, ” there appears great regularity and system. Every district has its appropriate officers, every street its constable, and every ten houses their tything man. Thus they have all the requisite means of ascertaining the population with considerable accuracy. Every family is required to have a board always hanging up in the house, and ready for the inspection of authorized officers,

        on which the names of all persons, men, women, and children,

        in the house are inscribed. This board is called mun-j>ai

        or ‘door-tablet,’ because when there are women and children

        within, the officers are expected to take the account from the

        board at the door. Were all the inmates of a family faithfully

        inserted, the amount of the population would, of course, be

        ascertained with great accuracy. But it is said that names are

        sometimes omitted through neglect or design ; others think

        that the account of persons given in is generally correct.”

        The door-tablets are sometimes pasted on the door, thus serving

        as a kind of door-plate ; in these cases correctness of enumeration

        is readily secured, for the neighbors are likely to know

        if the record is below the truth, and the householder is not

        likely to exaggerate the taxable inmates under his roof. I have

        read these inun-jMil on the doors of a long ro\v of houses ; they

        were pi-inted blanks filled in, and then pasted outside for thejy<;o-

        Mah or tithing man to examine. Both Dr. Morrison and his

        son, than whom no one has had better opportunities to know the

        true state of the ease, or been more desirous (^f dealing fairly

        with the Chinese, regarded the censuses given in the General

        Statistics as more trustworthy than any other documents available.

        In conclusion, it may be asked, are the results of the enumeration

        of the people, as contained in the statistical works published

        by the government, to be rejected or doubted, therefore,

        because the Chinese officers do not wish to ascertain the exact

        population ; or because they are not capable of doing it ; or,

        lastly, because they wish to impose upon foreign powers by an

        arithmetical array of millions they do not possess ? The question

        seems to hang upon this trilemma. It is acknowledged

        that they falsify or garble statements in a manner calculated to

        throw doubt upon everything they write, as in the reports of

        victories and battles sent to the Emperor, in the memorials upon

        the opium trade, in their descriptions of natural objects in

        books of medicine, and in many other things. But the question

        is as applicable to China as to France : is the estimated population of France in 1801 to be called in question, because the Moniteur gsive false accounts of Napoleon’s battles in 18131

        It would be a strange combination of conceit and folly, for a

        ministry composed of men able to carry on all the details of a

        complicated government like that of China, to systematically

        exaggerate the population, and then proceed, for more than a

        century, with taxation, disbursements, and official appointments,

        founded upon these censuses. Somebody at least must know

        them to be worthless, and the proof that they were so, must,

        one would think, ere long Jbe apparent. The provinces and

        departments have been divided and subdivided since the Jesuits

        made their survey, because they were becoming too densely

        settled for the same officers to rule over them.

        Still less will any one assert that the Chinese are not capable

        of taking as accurate a census as they are of measuring distances,

        or laying out districts and townships. Errors may be

        found in the former as well as in the latter, and doubtless are

        so ; for it is not contended that the four censuses of 1711, 1Y53,

        1792, and 1812 are as accurate as those now taken in England,

        France, or the United States, but that they are the best data

        extant, and that if they are rejected we leave tolerable evidence

        and take up with that which is doubtful and suppositive. The

        censuses taken in China since the Christian era are, on the

        whole, more satisfactory than those of all other nations put

        together up to the Reformation, and further careful research

        will no doubt increase our respect for them.

        Ere long we may be able to traverse a census in its details of

        record and deduction, and thus satisfy a reasonable curiosity,

        especially as to the last reported total after the carnage of the

        rebellion. On the other hand, it may be stated that in the last

        census, the entire population of Manchuria, Koko-nor, 111, and

        Mongolia, is estimated at only 2,107,286 persons, and nearly all

        the inhabitants of those vast regions are subject to the Emperor.

        The population of Tibet is not included in any census,

        its people not being taxable. It is doubtful if an enumeration

        of any part of the extra provincial territory has ever been

        taken, inasmuch as the Mongol tril)es, and still less the TTsbeck

        or other Moslem races, are unused to such a thing, and would

        EVIDENCES IN FAVOR OF THE CENSUS, 28,”)

        not be nnnibered. Yet, the Chinese cannot be eliarged with

        exaggeration, when good judges, as Klaproth and others, reckon

        the whole at between six and seven millions ; and Khoten alone,

        one author states, has three and a half millions. No writer of

        importance estimates the inhabitants of these regions as high

        as thirty millions— as does 11. Mont. Martin—which would be

        more than ten to a square mile, excluding Gobi ; while Siberia

        (though not so well peopled) has only 3,611,300 persons on an

        area of 2,649,600 square miles, or 1^ to each square mile.

        The reasons just given why the Chinese desire posterity are

        not all those which have favored national increase. The uninterrupted

        peace’ which the country enjoyed between the years

        1700 and 1850 operated to greatly develop its resources. Every

        encouragement has been given to all classes to multiply and

        fill the land. Polygamy, slavery, and prostitution, three social

        evils which check increase, have been circumscribed in their

        effects. Early betrothment and poverty do much to prevent

        the first ; female slaves can be and are usually married ; while

        public prostitution is reduced by a separation of the sexes and

        early marriages. No fears of overpassing the supply of food

        restrain the people from rearing families, though the Emperor

        Kienlung issued a proclamation in 1793, calling upon all ranks

        of his subjects to economize the gifts of heaven, lest, erelong,

        the people exceed the means of subsistence.

        It is difficult to see what this or that reason or objection has to do with the subject, except where the laws of population are set at defiance, which is not the case in China. Food and work, peace and security, climate and fertile soil, not universities or

        steamboats, are the encouragements needed for the multiplication

        of mankind ; though they do not have that effect in all

        countries (as in Mexico and Brazil), it is no reason why they

        should not in others. There are grounds for believing that not

        more than two-thirds of the whole population of China were

        included in the census of 1711, but that allowance cannot be

        made for Ireland in 1785 ; and consequently, her annual percentage

        of increase, up to 18-41, would then be greater than

        China, during the forty-two years ending with 1753. McCulloch

        quotes De Guignes approvingly, but the Frenchman takes the rough estimate of 333,000,000 given to Macartney, which is less trustworthy than that of 307,407,200, and compares it with Grosier’s of 157,343,975, which is certainly wrong through his misinterpretation. De Guignes proceeds from the data in his possession in 1802 (which were less than those now available), and from his own observations in travelling through the country in 179G, to show the improbability of the estimated population.

        But the observations made in journeys, taken as were those of the English and Dutch embassies, though they passed through some of the best provinces, cannot be regarded as good evidence against official statistics.

        “Would any one suppose, in travelling from Boston to Chatham,

        and then from Albany to Buffalo, along the railroad, that

        Massachusetts contained, in 1870, exactly double the population

        on a square mile of New York ? So, in going from Peking to

        Canton, the judgment which six intelligent travellers might

        form of the population of China could easily be found to differ

        by one-half. De Guignes says, after comparing China with

        Holland and France, ” All these reasons clearly demonstrate

        that the population of China does not exceed that of other

        countries ;” and such is in truth the case, if the kind of food,

        number of crops, and materials of dress be taken into account.

        His remarks on the population and productiveness of the country are, like his whole work, replete with good sense and candor; but some of his deductions would have been different, had he

        been in possession of all the data since obtained.’ The discrepancies

        between the different censuses have been usually considered

        a strong internal evidence against them, and they should receive

        due consideration. The really difficult point is to fix the

        percentage that must be allowed for the classes not included as

        taxable, and the power of the government to enumerate those

        who wished to avoid a census and the subsequent taxation.

        After all these reasons for receiving the total of 1812 as the

        best one, there are, on the other hand, two principal objections

        against taking the Chinese census as altogether tinistworthy.

        ‘ Voyages a Peking, Tome III. , pp. 55-80.

        POSSIBILITIES OF ERROR. 287

        The first is the enormous averages of 850, 705, and 071 inhabitants on a square mile, severally apportioned to Kiangsu, Xganliwui, and Cliehkiang, or, what is perhaps a fairer calculation, of 458 persons to the nine eastern provinces. Whatever amount of circumstantial evidence may be brought forward in confirmation of the census as a whole, and explanation of the mode of taking it, a more positive proof seems to be necessary before giving implicit credence to this result. Such a population on such an extensive area is marvellous, notwithstanding the fertility of the soil, facilities of navigation, and salubrity of the

        climate of these regions, although acknowledged to be almost

        unequalled. While we admit the full force of all that has been

        urged in support of the census, and are willing to take it as the

        best document on the subject extant, it is desirable to have

        proofs derived from personal observation, and to defer the settlement

        of this question until better opportunities are afforded.

        So high an average is, indeed, not without example. Captain

        Wilkes ascertained, in 1840, that one of the islands of the Fiji

        group supported a population of over a thousand on a square

        mile. On Lord North’s Island, in the Pelew group, the crew

        of the American whaler Mentor ascertained there were four

        hundred inhabitants living on half a square mile. These, and

        many other islands in that genial clime, contain a population

        far exceeding that of any large country, and each separate community

        is obliged to depend M’holly on its own labor. They

        cannot, however, be cited as altogether parallel cases, though if

        it be true, as Barrow says, ” that an acre of cotton will clothe

        two or three hundred persons,” not much more land need be

        occupied with cotton or mulberry plants, for clothing in China,

        than in the South Sea Islands.

        The second objection against receiving the result of the census

        is, that we are not well informed as to the mode of enumerating

        the people by families, and the manner of taking the account,

        when the patriarch of two or three generations lives in

        a hamlet, with all his children and domestics around him. Two

        of the provisions in Sec. XXY. of the Code^ seem to be designed

        for some such state of society ; and the liability to underrate

        the males fit for public service, when a capitation tax was

        ordered, and to overrate the inmates of such a house, when the head of it might suppose he would thereby receive increased aid from government when calamity overtook him, are equally apparent.

        The door-tablet is also liable to mistake, and in shops and workhouses, where the clerks and workmen live and sleep on the premises, it is not known what kind of report of families the assessors make. On these important points our present information is imperfect, while the evident liability to serious error in the ultimate results makes one hesitate. The Chinese may have taken a census satisfactory’ for their purposes, showing

        the number of families, and the a^•erage in each ; but the point

        of this objection is, that ^ve do not know how the families aie

        enumerated, and therefore are at fault in reckoning the individuals.

        The average of persons in a household is set down at five

        by the Chinese, and in England, in 1831, *t was 4.7, but it is

        probably less than that in a thickly settled country, if every

        married couple and their children be taken as a family, whether

        living by themselves, or grouped in patriarchal hamlets.

        Ko one doubts that the population is enormous, constituting

        by far the greatest assemblage of human beings using one speech

        ever congreo ated under one monarch. To the merchants and

        manufacturers of the West, the determination of this question

        is of some importance, and through them to their governments.

        The political economist and philologist, the naturalist and geographer,

        have also greater or less degrees of interest in the

        contemplation of such a people, iiduibiting so beautiful and feitile

        a country. But the Christian philanthropist tui-ns to the

        consideration of this subject with the liveliest solicitude ; for if

        the weight of evidence is in favor of the highest estimate, he

        feels his responsibility increase to a painful degree. The danger

        to this people is furthermore greatly enhanced by the 0})ium

        traffic—a trade which, as if the Rivers Phlegethon and Lethe

        were united in it, carries fire and destruction wherever it flows,

        and leaves a deadly forgetfulness wherever it has passed. Let

        these facts appeal to all calling themselves Christians, to send

        the antidote to this baleful drug, and diffuse a knowledge of the

        principles of the Gospel among them, thereby placing life as

        well as death before them.

        REVENUE OF THE EMPIRE. 289

        If the population of the Empire is not easily ascertained, a satisfactory account of the public revenue and expenditures is still more difficult to obtain ; it possesses far less interest, of course, in itself, and in such a country as China is subject to many variations. The market value of the grain, silk, and other products in which a large proportion of the taxes are paid, varies from year to year; and although this does not materially affect the government which receives these articles, it complicates the subject very much when attempting to ascertain the real taxation. Statistics on these subjects are only of recent date in Europe, and should not yet be looked for in China, drawn up with much regard to truth. The central government requires each province to support itself, and furnish a certain surplusage for the maintenance of the Emperor and his court; but it is well known that his Majesty is continually embarrassed for the want of funds, and that the provinces do not all supply enough revenue to meet their own outlays.

        The amounts given by various authors as the revenue of

        China at different times, are so discordant, that a single glance

        shows that they were obtained from partial or incomplete returns,

        or else refer only to the surplusage sent to the capital.

        De Guignes remarks very truly, that the Chinese are so fully persuaded of the riches, power, and resources of their country, that a foreigner is likely to receive different accounts from every

        native he asks ; but there appears to be no good reason why the

        government should falsify or abridge their fiscal accounts. In

        1587, Trigault, one of the French missionaries, stated the revenue

        at only tls. 20,000,000. In 1655, Xieuhoff reckoned it at

        tls. 108,000,000. About twelve years after, Magalhaens gave

        the treasures of the Emperor at $20,423,962 ; and Le Comte,

        about the same time, placed the revenue at $22,000,000, and

        both of them estimated the receipts from rice, silk, etc., at

        $30,000,000, making the whole revenue previous to Kanghi’s

        death, in 1721, between fifty and seventy millions of dollars.

        Barrow reckoned the receipts from all sources in 1796 at

        tls. 198,000,000, derived from a rough estimate given by the

        commissioner who accompanied the embassy. Sir George

        Staunton places the total sum at $330,000,000 ; of which

        $60,000,000 only were transmitted to Peking. Medhurst,

        Vol. T.—19.

        drawing his iiiforuiation from original sources, thus states the

        principal items of the receipts :

        Land taxes in money,)

        ( Tie. 3I,745,9()6 valued at $42,327,954

        Land taxes in grain, }- sent to Peking, ^ Shih 4,2:30,’.)57 ” 12,692,871

        Custom and transit duties, ) ( Tls. 1,480,997 ” 1,974,662

        Land taxes in money, l kent in Drovinces ‘ ”^^«- 28,705,125 ” 38,373,500

        Grain, ( ^^P’^^P’^*”‘^””®^

        1 Shih 31,596,569 ” 105,689,707

        $200,958,694

        The shih of rice is estimated at $3, but this does not include

        the cost of transportation to the capital.’ At $200,000,-

        000, the tax received by government from each person on an

        average is about sixty cents ; Barrow estimates the capitation

        at about ninety cents. The account of the revenue in taels

        from each province given in the table of population on page

        264, is extracted from the Hed Mooh for 18-40 ; ” the account

        of the revenue in rice, as stated in the official documents

        for that year, is 4,114,000 shih, or about five hundred and

        fifty millions of pounds, calling each shUi a pecul. The

        manner in wdiich the various items of the revenue are divided

        is thus stated for Kwangtung, in the Ited Booh for 1842 :

        Taels.

        Land tax in money 1,264,304

        Pawnl)rokers’ taxes 5,990

        Taxes at the frontier and on transportation 719,307

        Retained 339,143

        Miscellaneous sources 59,530

        Salt department (gabel) 47,510

        Revenue from customs <at Canton 43,750

        Other stations iu the province 53,670

        2,533,204

        This is evidently only the sum sent to the capital from this

        province, ostensibly as the revenue, and which the provincial

        treasury must collect. The real receipts from this province or

        any other cannot well be ascertained by foreigners ; it is, however,

        known, that in former years, the collector of customs at

        Canton was obliged to remit annually from eight hundred

        thousand to one million three hundred thousand taels, and

        ‘ The fihih, says Medhurst, is a measure of grain containing 3,460 English

        cubic inches. China : Its State and Prospects, p. 68. London, 1838.

        * Aiinalea de la Foi, Tome XVI., p. 440.

        SOURCES AND AMOUNT OF REVENUE. 291

        the gross receipts of bis office were not far from three millions

        of taels.’ This was then the richest collectorate in the

        Empire ; hut since the foreign trade at the open ports has been

        placed under foreign supervision, the resoui’ces of the Empire

        have been better reported. A recent analysis of the sources of

        revenue in the Eighteen Provinces has been furnished by the

        eustoms service ; it places them under different headings from

        the preceding list, though the total does not materially differ.

        Out of this whole amount the sum derived from the trade in

        foreign shipping goes most directly to the central exchequer.

        Taels.

        Land tax in money 18,000,000

        Li-kin or internal excise on goods 20,000,000

        Import and export duties collected by foreigners 12,000,000

        Import and export duties on native commerce 3,000,000

        Salt gabel 5,000,000

        Sales of offices and degrees 7,000,000

        Sundries „ 1,400,000

        Amount paid in silver 66,400,000

        Land tax paid in produce 13,100,000

        79,500,000

        De Guignes has examined the subject of the revenue with

        his usual caution, and bases his calculations on a proclamation

        of Kienlung in 1777, in which it was stated that the total income

        in bullion at that period was tls. 27,967,000.

        Taels.

        Income in money as above 27,967,000

        Equal revenue in kind from grain 27,967,000

        Tax on the second crop in the southern provinces 21 ,800,000

        Gabel, coal, transit duties, etc 6,479,400

        Customs at Canton. .’. 800,000

        Revenue from silk, porcelain, varnish, and other manufactures.. 7,000,000

        Adding house and shop taxes, licenses, tonnage duties, etc 4,000,000

        Total revenue 89,713,400

        The difference of about eighty millions of dollars between

        this amount and that given by Medhurst, will not surprise one

        who has looked into this perplexing matter. All these calculations

        are based on approximations, which, although easily made

        ‘ Chinese Commercial Guide, 2d edition, 1842, p. 143.

        up, cannot be verified to onr satisfaction ; but all agree in placing

        the total amount of revenue below that of any European

        government in proportion to the population. In 1823, a paper

        M-as published by a graduate uj^on the fiscal condition of the

        country, in which he gave a careful analysis of the receij)ts and

        disbursements. P. P. Thoms translated it in detail, and summarized

        the former under three heads of taxes reckoned at

        tls. 33,327,056, rice sent to Peking 0,34(5,438, and supplies to

        army 7,227,300—in all tls. 46,900,854. Out of the first snni

        tls. 24,507,933 went to civilians and the army, leaving tls. 5,819,-

        123 for the Peking government, and tls. 3,000,000 for the Yellow

        Piver repairs and Yuen-ming Palace. The resources of the

        Empire this writer foots up at tls. 74,461,633, or just one-half

        of what Medhurst gives. The extraordinary sources of revenue

        which are resorted to in time of war or bad harvests, are sale of

        oflSce and honors, temporary increase of duties, and demands

        for contributions from wealthy merchants and landholders. The first is the most fruitful source, and nniy be regarded rather as a permanent than a temporary expediency employed to make

        up deficiencies. The mines of gold and silver, pearl fisheries in

        Manchuria and elsewhere, precious stones brought from 111 and

        Ivhoten, and other localities, furnish several millions.

        The expenditures, almost every year, exceed the revenue, but

        how the deficit is supplied does not clearly appear ; it has been sometimes drawn from the rich by force, at other times made good by paltering with the currency, as in 1852-55, and again by reducing rations and salaries. In 1832, the Emperor said the excess of disbursements was tls. 28,000,000 ;

        ‘ and, in 1836, the defalcation was still greater, and oflfices and titles to the amount of tls. 10,000,000 were put up for sale to supply it.

        This deficiency has become more and more alarming since the drain of specie annually sent abroad in payment for opium has been increased by military exactions for suppressing the lebellion up to 1867. At that date the Empire began to recuperate.

        ‘ Chinese Rejiositorij, Vol. I., p. 159.

        PRINCIPAL ITEMS OF EXPENDITURE. 293

        The principal items of the expenditure are thus stated by De Guignes:

        Taels,

        Salary of civil and military officers, a tithe of the impost on lands. 7,773,500

        Pay of 00(),()U0 infantry, three taels per month, half in money and

        half in rations •21,G00,()()&

        Pay of 242,000 cavalry, at four taels jjer month 11,010,000

        Mounting the cavalry, twenty taels each 4,840,000

        Uniforms for both arms of the service, four taels 3,308,000

        Arms and ammunition 842,000

        Navy, revenue cutters, etc 13,500,000

        Canals and transportation of revenue 4,000,000

        Forts, artillery, and munitions of war 3,800,000

        71,339,500

        This, according to his calculation, shows a surplus of nearly twenty millions of taels every year. But the outlays for quelling insurrections and transporting troops, deficiency from bad harvests, defalcation of officers, payments to the tribes and princes in Mongolia and 111, and other unitsual demands, more than exceed Ihis surplus. In 1833, the Peking Gazette contained an elaborate paper on the revenue, proposing various ways and means for increasing it. The author, named Xa, says

        the income from land tax, the gabel, customs and transit duty,

        does not in all exceed forty millions of taels, while the expenditures

        should not much transcend thirty in years of peace.* This

        places the budget much lower than other authorities, but the

        censor perhaps includes only the imperial resources, though the

        estimate would then be too high. The pay and equipment of

        the troops is the largest item of expenditure, and it is probable

        that here the apparent force and pay are far too great, and that

        reductions are constantly made in this department by compelling

        the soldiers to depend more and more for support upon

        the plats of land belonging to them. It is considered the best

        evidence of good government on the part of an officer to render

        his account of the revenue satisfactorily, but from the injudicious

        system which exists of combining fiscal, legislative, and

        judicial functions and control in the same person, the temptations

        to defraud are strong, and the pecuhitions proportionabl}’ great.

        The salaries of officers, for some reasons, are placed so low as

        ‘ Chinese Repository, Vol. II., p. 481.

        to prove that the legal allowances were really the nominal incomes,

        and the sums set against their names in the lied Book

        as y<-ing tlen, or anti-extortion perquisites (lit., ‘ nourishing

        frugality ‘), are the salaries.. That of a governor-general is

        from 15,000 to 25,000 taels for the latter, and only ISO or 200

        taels for the legal salary ; a governor gets 15,0UO when he is

        alone, and 10,000 or 12,000 when under a governor-general ; a

        treasurer from 4,500 to 10,000 ; a judge from 3,000 to 8,000 ;

        a prefect from 2,0(»0 to 4,5U0 ; district nuigistrates from 700 to 1,000, according to the onerousness of the post ; an intendant from 3,000 to 4,500 ; a literary chancellor from 2,000 to 5,000 ; and military men from 4,0(»0 taels down to 100 or 150 per annum. The perquisites of the highest and lowest officers are disproportionate, for the people prefer to lay their important cases before the highest courts at once, in order to avoid the expense of passing through those of a lower grade. The personal disposition of the functionary modifies the exactions lie makes upon the people so much, that no guess can be made as to the amount.

        The land tax is the principal resource for the revenue in rural districts, and this is well understood by all parties, so that there is less room for exactions. The land tax is from 1^ to 10 cents a inao (or from 10 to QQ cents an acre), according to the quality of the land, and difficulty of tillage ; taking the average at 25 cents an acre, the income from this source would be up- M^ard of 150 millions of dollars. The clerks, constables, lictors, and underlings of the courts ..ud prisons, are the “claws” of their superiors, as the Chinese aptly call them, and perform most of their extortions, and are correspondingly odious to the people. In toM’ns and trading places, it is easier for the officers to exact in various Avays from wealthy people, than in the country, where rich people often hire bodies of retainers to defy the police, and practise extortion and i-obbery themselves. Like other Asiatic governments, China suffers from the consequences of Ijribery, peculation, extortion, and poorly paid officers, but she has no powerful aristocracy to retain the money thus squeezed out of the people, and ere long it finds its way out of the hands of emperors and ministei’S back into the mass of the people, officers’ salaries and the land-tax. 295

        The Chinese believe, however, that the Emperor annually remits such amounts as he is able to collect into Mukden, in time of extremity ; but latterly he has not been able to do so at all, and probably never sent as much to that city as the popular ideas imagine. The sum applied to filling the granaries is much larger, but this popular provision in case of need is really a light draft upon the resources of the country, as it is usually managed. In Canton, there are onh fourteen buildings appropriated to this purpose, few of them more than thirty feet square, and none of them full.

      11. 历史文典

        汉谟拉比法典

        约公元前1776年,由古巴比伦国王汉谟拉比(约公元前1792一公元前1750年在位)颁布。共3500行,包括序言、条文(282条)和结语三部分,序言和结语约占全部篇幅的五分之一,条文涉及刑事、民事、贸易、婚姻、继承、审判等方面。

        HAMMURABI’S CODE OF LAWS(circa 1780 B.C.)

        序言

        When Anu the Sublime, King of the Anunaki, and Bel, the lord of Heaven and earth, who decreed the fate of the land, assigned to Marduk, the over-ruling son of Ea, God of righteousness, dominion over earthly man, and made him great among the Igigi, they called Babylon by his illustrious name, made it great on earth, and founded an everlasting kingdom in it, whose foundations are laid so solidly as those of heaven and earth; then Anu and Bel called by name me, Hammurabi, the exalted prince, who feared God, to bring about the rule of righteousness in the land, to destroy the wicked and the evil-doers; so that the strong should not harm the weak; so that I should rule over the black-headed people like Shamash, and enlighten the land, to further the well-being of mankind.

        Hammurabi, the prince, called of Bel am I, making riches and increase, enriching Nippur and Dur-ilu beyond compare, sublime patron of E-kur; who reestablished Eridu and purified the worship of E-apsu; who conquered the four quarters of the world, made great the name of Babylon, rejoiced the heart of Marduk, his lord who daily pays his devotions in Saggil; the royal scion whom Sin made; who enriched Ur; the humble, the reverent, who brings wealth to Gish-shir-gal; the white king, heard of Shamash, the mighty, who again laid the foundations of Sippara; who clothed the gravestones of Malkat with green; who made E-babbar great, which is like the heavens, the warrior who guarded Larsa and renewed E-babbar, with Shamash as his helper; the lord who granted new life to Uruk, who brought plenteous water to its inhabitants, raised the head of E-anna, and perfected the beauty of Anu and Nana; shield of the land, who reunited the scattered inhabitants of Isin; who richly endowed E-gal-mach; the protecting king of the city, brother of the god Zamama; who firmly founded the farms of Kish, crowned E-me-te-ursag with glory, redoubled the great holy treasures of Nana, managed the temple of Harsag-kalama; the grave of the enemy, whose help brought about the victory; who increased the power of Cuthah; made all glorious in E-shidlam, the black steer, who gored the enemy; beloved of the god Nebo, who rejoiced the inhabitants of Borsippa, the Sublime; who is indefatigable for E-zida; the divine king of the city; the White, Wise; who broadened the fields of Dilbat, who heaped up the harvests for Urash; the Mighty, the lord to whom come scepter and crown, with which he clothes himself; the Elect of Ma-ma; who fixed the temple bounds of Kesh, who made rich the holy feasts of Nin-tu; the provident, solicitous, who provided food and drink for Lagash and Girsu, who provided large sacrificial offerings for the temple of Ningirsu; who captured the enemy, the Elect of the oracle who fulfilled the prediction of Hallab, who rejoiced the heart of Anunit; the pure prince, whose prayer is accepted by Adad; who satisfied the heart of Adad, the warrior, in Karkar, who restored the vessels for worship in E-ud-gal-gal; the king who granted life to the city of Adab; the guide of E-mach; the princely king of the city, the irresistible warrior, who granted life to the inhabitants of Mashkanshabri, and brought abundance to the temple of Shidlam; the White, Potent, who penetrated the secret cave of the bandits, saved the inhabitants of Malka from misfortune, and fixed their home fast in wealth; who established pure sacrificial gifts for Ea and Dam-gal-nun-na, who made his kingdom everlastingly great; the princely king of the city, who subjected the districts on the Ud-kib-nun-na Canal to the sway of Dagon, his Creator; who spared the inhabitants of Mera and Tutul; the sublime prince, who makes the face of Ninni shine; who presents holy meals to the divinity of Nin-a-zu, who cared for its inhabitants in their need, provided a portion for them in Babylon in peace; the shepherd of the oppressed and of the slaves; whose deeds find favor before Anunit, who provided for Anunit in the temple of Dumash in the suburb of Agade; who recognizes the right, who rules by law; who gave back to the city of Ashur its protecting god; who let the name of Ishtar of Nineveh remain in E-mish-mish; the Sublime, who humbles himself before the great gods; successor of Sumula-il; the mighty son of Sin-muballit; the royal scion of Eternity; the mighty monarch, the sun of Babylon, whose rays shed light over the land of Sumer and Akkad; the king, obeyed by the four quarters of the world; Beloved of Ninni, am I.

        When Marduk sent me to rule over men, to give the protection of right to the land, I did right and righteousness in . . . , and brought about the well-being of the oppressed.

        安努与恩利尔为人类福祉计,命令我,荣耀而畏神的君主,汉谟拉比,发扬正义于世,灭除不法邪恶之人,使强者不凌弱,使我有如沙玛什,照临黔首,光耀大地。

        CODE OF LAWS(条文)

        关于诉讼审判的规定

        1.If anyone ensnare another, putting a ban upon him, but he cannot prove it, then he that ensnared him shall be put to death.
        1.若有人诱捕另一个人,将禁令加在他身上,他却不能证明,那诱捕他的将被处死。
        2. If anyone bring an accusation against a man, and the accused go to the river and leap into the river, if he sink in the river his accuser shall take possession of his house. But if the river prove that the accused is not guilty, and he escape unhurt, then he who had brought the accusation shall be put to death, while he who leaped into the river shall take possession of the house that had belonged to his accuser.
        2.如果有人控告一个人,被告到河边跳进河里,如果他在河里下沉,他的控告者将占有他的房子。但是如果 河流证明被告是无罪的,他毫发无伤,那么带来指控的人将被处死,而跳进河里的人将占有属于原告的房子。
        3. If anyone bring an accusation of any crime before the elders, and does not prove what he has charged, he shall, if it be a capital offense charged, be put to death.
        3.如果有人在长老面前提出任何罪名,但不证明他所指控的罪名,他将被处以死刑。
        4. If he satisfy the elders to impose a fine of grain or money, he shall receive the fine that the action produces.
        4.若其说服年长者罚之以谷物或金钱,其将获得此因诉讼而生之罚金。
        5. If a judge try a case, reach a decision, and present his judgment in writing; if later error shall appear in his decision, and it be through his own fault, then he shall pay twelve times the fine set by him in the case, and he shall be publicly removed from the judge’s bench, and never again shall he sit there to render judgement.
        5.如果法官试例,作出决定,并提出书面判决书;如果以后误差应出现在他的决定,它是通过他自己的过错,他将付出他所判决的十二倍的罚款,他应被公开去除法官席位,禁止他作出判决。

        关于保护私有财产的规定

        6. If anyone steal the property of a temple or of the court, he shall be put to death, and also the one who receives the stolen goods from him shall be put to death.
        6.任何窃取寺庙或者皇宫的财产的人将被处以死刑,而从他那里收受赃物的人也一并处以死刑。
        7. If anyone buy from the son or the slave of another man, without witnesses or a contract, silver or gold, a male or female slave, an ox or a sheep, an ass or anything, or if he take it in charge, he is considered a thief and shall be put to death.
        7.任何在没有证人或者合同文书的情况下,向他人的子女或奴隶购买白银、黄金、男女奴隶、斧头或者是羊、驴以及其他任何东西的人,或者为此负责的人,都将被视为盗贼且判处死刑。
        8. If anyone steal cattle or sheep, or an ass, or a pig, or a goat, if it belong to a god or to the court, the thief shall pay thirty-fold therefore; if they belonged to a freed man of the king, he shall pay ten-fold; if the thief has nothing with which to pay, he shall be put to death.
        8.如果被盗窃的牛、羊、驴或者是猪属于寺庙或者皇室,盗窃者将偿付三十倍的赔偿;如果它们属于国王的公民,盗窃者将作出十倍赔偿;如果窃贼无力赔偿,将以死抵罪。
        9. If any one lose an article, and find it in the possession of another: if the person in whose possession the thing is found say “A merchant sold it to me, I paid for it before witnesses,” and if the owner of the thing say, “I will bring witnesses who know my property,” then shall the purchaser bring the merchant who sold it to him, and the witnesses before whom he bought it, and the owner shall bring witnesses who can identify his property. The judge shall examine their testimony–both of the witnesses before whom the price was paid, and of the witnesses who identify the lost article on oath. The merchant is then proved to be a thief and shall be put to death. The owner of the lost article receives his property, and he who bought it receives the money he paid from the estate of the merchant.
        10. If the purchaser does not bring the merchant and the witnesses before whom he bought the article, but its owner bring witnesses who identify it, then the buyer is the thief and shall be put to death, and the owner receives the lost article.
        11. If the owner do not bring witnesses to identify the lost article, he is an evil-doer, he has traduced, and shall be put to death.
        12. If the witnesses be not at hand, then shall the judge set a limit, at the expiration of six months. If his witnesses have not appeared within the six months, he is an evil-doer, and shall bear the fine of the pending case.
        [there is no 13th law in the code, 13 being considered and unlucky and evil number]
        14. If anyone steal the minor son of another, he shall be put to death.
        14.拐带他人幼子之人,将被判处死刑。
        15. If anyone take a male or female slave of the court, or a male or female slave of a freed man, outside the city gates, he shall be put to death.
        15.任何将皇宫以及公民的男女奴隶带出城邑的人将被判处死刑。
        16. If any one receive into his house a runaway male or female slave of the court, or of a freedman, and does not bring it out at the public proclamation of the major domus, the master of the house shall be put to death.
        17. If any one find runaway male or female slaves in the open country and bring them to their masters, the master of the slaves shall pay him two shekels of silver.
        18. If the slave will not give the name of the master, the finder shall bring him to the palace; a further investigation must follow, and the slave shall be returned to his master.
        18.如果这个奴隶拒不说出主人的名字,发现者必须把他带到宫殿, 并做进一步的调查,而且这个奴隶将被遣返给他的主人。
        19. If he hold the slaves in his house, and they are caught there, he shall be put to death.
        19.窝藏他人奴隶并且被抓获者将被处以死刑。
        20. If the slave that he caught run away from him, then shall he swear to the owners of the slave, and he is free of all blame.
        20.若被抓获的奴隶逃跑,而抓获者向奴隶所有者起誓承诺(不是有意放走),则将免于处罚。
        21. If anyone break a hole into a house (break-in to steal), he shall be put to death before that hole and be buried.
        21.如果打破房子的墙壁,强行进入住宅偷窃,偷窃者必须在那个洞前处以死刑和埋葬。
        22. If anyone is committing a robbery and is caught, then he shall be put to death.
        22.正在实施抢劫的抢劫犯一旦被抓获将被处以死刑。
        23. If the robber is not caught, then shall he who was robbed claim under oath the amount of his loss; then shall the community, and . . . on whose ground and territory and in whose domain it was compensate him for the goods stolen.
        24. If persons are stolen, then shall the community and . . . pay one mina of silver to their relatives.
        25. If fire break out in a house, and some one who comes to put it out cast his eye upon the property of the owner of the house, and take the property of the master of the house, he shall be thrown into that self-same fire.
        26. If a chieftain or a man (common soldier), who has been ordered to go upon the king’s highway for war does not go, but hires a mercenary, if he withholds the compensation, then shall this officer or man be put to death, and he who represented him shall take possession of his house.
        27. If a chieftain or man be caught in the misfortune of the king (captured in battle), and if his fields and garden be given to another and he take possession, if he return and reaches his place, his field and garden shall be returned to him, he shall take it over again.
        28. If a chieftain or a man be caught in the misfortune of a king, if his son is able to enter into possession, then the field and garden shall be given to him, he shall take over the fee of his father.
        29. If his son is still young, and cannot take possession, a third of the field and garden shall be given to his mother, and she shall bring him up.
        29.若因其子年幼无承担能力,其母将获得三分之一的田地以及庭院,并且抚养幼子成人。
        30. If a chieftain or a man leave his house, garden, and field and hires it out, and some one else takes possession of his house, garden, and field and uses it for three years: if the first owner return and claims his house, garden, and field, it shall not be given to him, but he who has taken possession of it and used it shall continue to use it.
        31. If he hire it out for one year and then return, the house, garden, and field shall be given back to him, and he shall take it over again.
        32. If a chieftain or a man is captured on the “Way of the King” (in war), and a merchant buy him free, and bring him back to his place; if he have the means in his house to buy his freedom, he shall buy himself free: if he have nothing in his house with which to buy himself free, he shall be bought free by the temple of his community; if there be nothing in the temple with which to buy him free, the court shall buy his freedom. His field, garden, and house shall not be given for the purchase of his freedom.
        33. If a . . . or a . . . enter himself as withdrawn from the “Way of the King,” and send a mercenary as substitute, but withdraw him, then the . . . or . . . shall be put to death.
        34. If a . . . or a . . . harm the property of a captain, injure the captain, or take away from the captain a gift presented to him by the king, then the . . . or . . . shall be put to death.
        35. If any one buy the cattle or sheep which the king has given to chieftains from him, he loses his money.
        36. The field, garden, and house of a chieftain, of a man, or of one subject to quit-rent, can not be sold.
        37. If any one buy the field, garden, and house of a chieftain, man, or one subject to quit-rent, his contract tablet of sale shall be broken (declared invalid) and he loses his money. The field, garden, and house return to their owners.
        38. A chieftain, man, or one subject to quit-rent can not assign his tenure of field, house, and garden to his wife or daughter, nor can he assign it for a debt.
        39. He may, however, assign a field, garden, or house which he has bought, and holds as property, to his wife or daughter or give it for debt.
        40. He may sell field, garden, and house to a merchant (royal agents) or to any other public official, the buyer holding field, house, and garden for its usufruct.
        41. If any one fence in the field, garden, and house of a chieftain, man, or one subject to quit-rent, furnishing the palings therefor; if the chieftain, man, or one subject to quit-rent return to field, garden, and house, the palings which were given to him become his property.
        42. If any one take over a field to till it, and obtain no harvest therefrom, it must be proved that he did no work on the field, and he must deliver grain, just as his neighbor raised, to the owner of the field.
        43. If he do not till the field, but let it lie fallow, he shall give grain like his neighbor’s to the owner of the field, and the field which he let lie fallow he must plow and sow and return to its owner.
        44. If any one take over a waste-lying field to make it arable, but is lazy, and does not make it arable, he shall plow the fallow field in the fourth year, harrow it and till it, and give it back to its owner, and for each ten gan (a measure of area) ten gur of grain shall be paid.
        45. If a man rent his field for tillage for a fixed rental, and receive the rent of his field, but bad weather come and destroy the harvest, the injury falls upon the tiller of the soil.
        46. If he do not receive a fixed rental for his field, but lets it on half or third shares of the harvest, the grain on the field shall be divided proportionately between the tiller and the owner.
        47. If the tiller, because he did not succeed in the first year, has had the soil tilled by others, the owner may raise no objection; the field has been cultivated and he receives the harvest according to agreement.
        48. If any one owe a debt for a loan, and a storm prostrates the grain, or the harvest fail, or the grain does not grow for lack of water; in that year he need not give his creditor any grain, he washes his debt-tablet in water and pays no rent for this year.
        49. If any one take money from a merchant, and give the merchant a field tillable for corn or sesame and order him to plant corn or sesame in the field, and to harvest the crop; if the cultivator plant corn or sesame in the field, at the harvest the corn or sesame that is in the field shall belong to the owner of the field and he shall pay corn as rent, for the money he received from the merchant, and the livelihood of the cultivator shall he give to the merchant.
        50. If he give a cultivated corn-field or a cultivated sesame-field, the corn or sesame in the field shall belong to the owner of the field, and he shall return the money to the merchant as rent.
        51. If he have no money to repay, then he shall pay in corn or sesame in place of the money as rent for what he received from the merchant, according to the royal tariff.
        51.根据皇家税法,如果欠债者无力偿还债务,则必须利用小麦或者芝麻来代替从商人那里得到的租金。
        54. If he be not able to replace the corn, then he and his possessions shall be divided among the farmers whose corn he has flooded.
        54.如果他不能偿还这些小麦,就将他和他的财产都分发给遭受水灾之苦的其他农民。
        55. If anyone open his ditches to water his crop, but is careless, and the water flood the field of his neighbor, then he shall pay his neighbor corn for his loss.
        55.如果任何人开挖沟渠以浇灌田地,但是不小心淹没了邻居的田,则他将赔偿邻居小麦作为损失。
        56. If a man let in the water, and the water overflow the plantation of his neighbor, he shall pay ten gur of corn for every ten gan of land.
        57. If a shepherd, without the permission of the owner of the field, and without the knowledge of the owner of the sheep, lets the sheep into a field to graze, then the owner of the field shall harvest his crop, and the shepherd, who had pastured his flock there without permission of the owner of the field, shall pay to the owner twenty gur of corn for every ten gan.
        58. If after the flocks have left the pasture and been shut up in the common fold at the city gate, any shepherd let them into a field and they graze there, this shepherd shall take possession of the field which he has allowed to be grazed on, and at the harvest he must pay sixty gur of corn for every ten gan.
        59. If any man, without the knowledge of the owner of a garden, fell a tree in a garden he shall pay half a mina in money.
        60. If any one give over a field to a gardener, for him to plant it as a garden, if he work at it, and care for it for four years, in the fifth year the owner and the gardener shall divide it, the owner taking his part in charge.
        61. If the gardener has not completed the planting of the field, leaving one part unused, this shall be assigned to him as his.
        61.如果一个园丁没能完成这个田地的播种栽种,则其将负全责。
        62. If he do not plant the field that was given over to him as a garden, if it be arable land (for corn or sesame) the gardener shall pay the owner the produce of the field for the years that he let it lie fallow, according to the product of neighboring fields, put the field in arable condition and return it to its owner.
        63. If he transform waste land into arable fields and return it to its owner, the latter shall pay him for one year ten gur for ten gan.
        64. If any one hand over his garden to a gardener to work, the gardener shall pay to its owner two-thirds of the produce of the garden, for so long as he has it in possession, and the other third shall he keep.
        65. If the gardener do not work in the garden and the product fall off, the gardener shall pay in proportion to other neighboring gardens.
        [Here a portion of the text is missing, apparently comprising thirty-four paragraphs.]
        100. . . . interest for the money, as much as he has received, he shall give a note therefor, and on the day, when they settle, pay to the merchant.
        101. If there are no mercantile arrangements in the place whither he went, he shall leave the entire amount of money which he received with the broker to give to the merchant.
        102. If a merchant entrust money to an agent (broker) for some investment, and the broker suffer a loss in the place to which he goes, he shall make good the capital to the merchant.
        103. If, while on the journey, an enemy take away from him anything that he had, the broker shall swear by God and be free of obligation.
        104. If a merchant give an agent corn, wool, oil, or any other goods to transport, the agent shall give a receipt for the amount, and compensate the merchant therefor. Then he shall obtain a receipt form the merchant for the money that he gives the merchant.
        105. If the agent is careless, and does not take a receipt for the money which he gave the merchant, he can not consider the unreceipted money as his own.
        106. If the agent accept money from the merchant, but have a quarrel with the merchant (denying the receipt), then shall the merchant swear before God and witnesses that he has given this money to the agent, and the agent shall pay him three times the sum.
        107. If the merchant cheat the agent, in that as the latter has returned to him all that had been given him, but the merchant denies the receipt of what had been returned to him, then shall this agent convict the merchant before God and the judges, and if he still deny receiving what the agent had given him shall pay six times the sum to the agent.
        108. If a tavern-keeper (feminine) does not accept corn according to gross weight in payment of drink, but takes money, and the price of the drink is less than that of the corn, she shall be convicted and thrown into the water.
        109. If conspirators meet in the house of a tavern-keeper, and these conspirators are not captured and delivered to the court, the tavern-keeper shall be put to death.
        109.如果在旅店主发现阴谋者,但却没有将其抓获并移送法办,则店主将被处死。
        110. If a “sister of a god” open a tavern, or enter a tavern to drink, then shall this woman be burned to death.
        110.如果修女开设酒店,或者进入酒店喝酒,则这个女人将被烧死。
        111. If an inn-keeper furnish sixty ka of usakani-drink to . . . she shall receive fifty ka of corn at the harvest.
        112. If any one be on a journey and entrust silver, gold, precious stones, or any movable property to another, and wish to recover it from him; if the latter do not bring all of the property to the appointed place, but appropriate it to his own use, then shall this man, who did not bring the property to hand it over, be convicted, and he shall pay fivefold for all that had been entrusted to him.
        113. If any one have consignment of corn or money, and he take from the granary or box without the knowledge of the owner, then shall he who took corn without the knowledge of the owner out of the granary or money out of the box be legally convicted, and repay the corn he has taken. And he shall lose whatever commission was paid to him, or due him.
        114. If a man have no claim on another for corn and money, and try to demand it by force, he shall pay one-third of a mina of silver in every case.
        115. If any one have a claim for corn or money upon another and imprison him; if the prisoner die in prison a natural death, the case shall go no further.
        116. If the prisoner die in prison from blows or maltreatment, the master of the prisoner shall convict the merchant before the judge. If he was a free-born man, the son of the merchant shall be put to death; if it was a slave, he shall pay one-third of a mina of gold, and all that the master of the prisoner gave he shall forfeit.
        117. If any one fail to meet a claim for debt, and sell himself, his wife, his son, and daughter for money or give them away to forced labor: they shall work for three years in the house of the man who bought them, or the proprietor, and in the fourth year they shall be set free.
        118. If he give a male or female slave away for forced labor, and the merchant sublease them, or sell them for money, no objection can be raised.
        119. If any one fail to meet a claim for debt, and he sell the maid servant who has borne him children, for money, the money which the merchant has paid shall be repaid to him by the owner of the slave and she shall be freed.
        120. If any one store corn for safe keeping in another person’s house, and any harm happen to the corn in storage, or if the owner of the house open the granary and take some of the corn, or if especially he deny that the corn was stored in his house: then the owner of the corn shall claim his corn before God (on oath), and the owner of the house shall pay its owner for all of the corn that he took.
        121. If any one store corn in another man’s house he shall pay him storage at the rate of one gur for every five ka of corn per year.
        122. If any one give another silver, gold, or anything else to keep, he shall show everything to some witness, draw up a contract, and then hand it over for safe keeping.
        123. If he turn it over for safe keeping without witness or contract, and if he to whom it was given deny it, then he has no legitimate claim.
        124. If any one deliver silver, gold, or anything else to another for safe keeping, before a witness, but he deny it, he shall be brought before a judge, and all that he has denied he shall pay in full.
        125. If any one place his property with another for safe keeping, and there, either through thieves or robbers, his property and the property of the other man be lost, the owner of the house, through whose neglect the loss took place, shall compensate the owner for all that was given to him in charge. But the owner of the house shall try to follow up and recover his property, and take it away from the thief.
        126. If any one who has not lost his goods state that they have been lost, and make false claims: if he claim his goods and amount of injury before God, even though he has not lost them, he shall be fully compensated for all his loss claimed. (I.e., the oath is all that is needed.)

        关于婚姻、家庭与财产继承

        127. If any one “point the finger” (slander) at a sister of a god or the wife of any one, and can not prove it, this man shall be taken before the judges and his brow shall be marked. (by cutting the skin, or perhaps hair.)
        128. If a man take a woman to wife, but have no intercourse with her, this woman is no wife to him.
        129. If a man’s wife be surprised (in flagrante delicto) with another man, both shall be tied and thrown into the water, but the husband may pardon his wife and the king his slaves.
        130. If a man violate the wife (betrothed or child-wife) of another man, who has never known a man, and still lives in her father’s house, and sleep with her and be surprised, this man shall be put to death, but the wife is blameless.
        130.如果一个男人强迫另一个男人的未婚妻(这个女子仍是处女且居住在她父亲的家中)和他发生性关系,被逮捕后,这个男人将被处以死刑。但是,女性可以免责。
        131. If a man bring a charge against one’s wife, but she is not surprised with another man, she must take an oath and then may return to her house.
        132. If the “finger is pointed” at a man’s wife about another man, but she is not caught sleeping with the other man, she shall jump into the river for her husband.
        133. If a man is taken prisoner in war, and there is a sustenance in his house, but his wife leave house and court, and go to another house: because this wife did not keep her court, and went to another house, she shall be judicially condemned and thrown into the water.
        134. If any one be captured in war and there is not sustenance in his house, if then his wife go to another house this woman shall be held blameless.
        135. If a man be taken prisoner in war and there be no sustenance in his house and his wife go to another house and bear children; and if later her husband return and come to his home, then this wife shall return to her husband, but the children follow their father.
        135.如果男人在战争中被俘而他的房子中没有食物,而他的妻子改嫁并生下小孩,之后她的原夫回到家中,这个妻子将回到她原来的丈夫身边,但是,孩子们跟随他们(各自)的亲生父亲。
        136. If any one leave his house, run away, and then his wife go to another house, if then he return, and wishes to take his wife back: because he fled from his home and ran away, the wife of this runaway shall not return to her husband.
        137. If a man wish to separate from a woman who has borne him children, or from his wife who has borne him children: then he shall give that wife her dowry, and a part of the usufruct of field, garden, and property, so that she can rear her children. When she has brought up her children, a portion of all that is given to the children, equal as that of one son, shall be given to her. She may then marry the man of her heart.
        138. If a man wishes to separate from his wife who has borne him no children, he shall give her the amount of her purchase money and the dowry which she brought from her father’s house, and let her go.
        139. If there was no purchase price he shall give her one mina of gold as a gift of release.
        140. If he be a freed man he shall give her one-third of a mina of gold.
        141. If a man’s wife, who lives in his house, wishes to leave it, plunges into debt, tries to ruin her house, neglects her husband, and is judicially convicted: if her husband offer her release, she may go on her way, and he gives her nothing as a gift of release. If her husband does not wish to release her, and if he take another wife, she shall remain as servant in her husband’s house.
        142. If a woman quarrel with her husband, and say: “You are not congenial to me.” Therefore reasons for her prejudice must be presented. If she is guiltless, and there is no fault on her part, but he leaves and neglects her, then no guilt attaches to this woman, she shall take her dowry and go back to her father’s house.
        142.如果一个女人与她的丈夫争吵,并且说:“我们性格不合。”必须提供相应的证据、理由。如果她没有犯过罪,而且并无过错,但是男性离开和忽视她,则女性免罪,她将拿回她的嫁妆并回到她父亲的家。
        143. If she is not innocent, but leaves her husband, and ruins her house, neglecting her husband, this woman shall be cast in to the water.
        143.若女子犯罪,毁家弃夫,则投之水中。
        144. If a man take a wife and this woman give her husband a maid-servant, and she bear him children, but this man wishes to take another wife, this shall not be permitted to him; he shall not take a second wife.
        144.如果男人娶妻,妻子为丈夫带来陪嫁女仆,并为他生养孩子,那么这个男人将不被允许纳娶第二名妻子。
        145. If a man take a wife, and she bear him no children, and he intend to take another wife: if he take this second wife, and bring her into the house, this second wife shall not be allowed equality with his wife.
        145.如果男人娶妻,妻子却无法为丈夫诞下子嗣,他会想娶第二个妻子;如果他另娶妻子,并带她回家,第二个妻子将不被承认与第一个妻子有同等地位。
        146. If a man take a wife and she give this man a maid-servant as wife and she bear him children, and then this maid assume equality with the wife: because she has borne him children her master shall not sell her for money, but he may keep her as a slave, reckoning her among the maid-servants.
        147. If she have not borne him children, then her mistress may sell her for money.
        147.如果陪嫁女仆不能给男主人生孩子,那么女主人可以卖掉她。
        148. If a man take a wife, and she be seized by disease, if he then desire to take a second wife he shall not put away his wife, who has been attacked by disease, but he shall keep her in the house which he has built and support her so long as she lives.
        149. If this woman does not wish to remain in her husband’s house, then he shall compensate her for the dowry that she brought with her from her father’s house, and she may go.
        149.如果女人希望离开她丈夫的家庭,那么丈夫对其嫁妆进行赔偿后,她就可以离开。
        150. If a man give his wife a field, garden, and house and a deed there for, if then after the death of her husband the sons raise no claim, then the mother may bequeath all to one of her sons whom she prefers, and need leave nothing to his brothers.
        150.在丈夫去世后,如果他的儿子没有异议,那么他生前赠与妻子的田地、庭院以及屋子可以被妻子全部赠与她最喜欢的儿子,而不需要留给其他兄弟。
        151. If a woman who lived in a man’s house made an agreement with her husband, that no creditor can arrest her, and has given a document therefor: if that man, before he married that woman, had a debt, the creditor can not hold the woman for it. But if the woman, before she entered the man’s house, had contracted a debt, her creditor can not arrest her husband therefor.
        152. If after the woman had entered the man’s house, both contracted a debt, both must pay the merchant.
        153. If the wife of one man on account of another man has their mates (her husband and the other man’s wife) murdered, both of them shall be impaled.
        153.如果一个有夫之妇和一个有妇之夫共谋杀害他们的伴侣(她的丈夫和他的妻子),二人将被刺死。
        154. If a man be guilty of incest with his daughter, he shall be driven from the place (exiled).
        154.如果一个男人与他的女儿乱伦,他将被驱逐出当地。
        155. If a man betroth a girl to his son, and his son have intercourse with her, but he (the father) afterward defile her, and be surprised, then he shall be bound and cast into the water (drowned).
        155.如果一个男人为他的儿子订了一门亲事,且他的儿子与女方已有肌肤之亲,后来他(这个父亲)却染指儿媳,他会被捕且被五花大绑扔进水中淹死。
        156. If a man betroth a girl to his son, but his son has not known her, and if then he defile her, he shall pay her half a gold mina, and compensate her for all that she brought out of her father’s house. She may marry the man of her heart.
        157. If anyone be guilty of incest with his mother after his father, both shall be burned.
        157.如果任何人在父亲死后与母亲乱伦,二人将被烧死。
        158. If any one be surprised after his father with his chief wife, who has borne children, he shall be driven out of his father’s house.
        159. If any one, who has brought chattels into his father-in-law’s house, and has paid the purchase-money, looks for another wife, and says to his father-in-law: “I do not want your daughter,” the girl’s father may keep all that he had brought.
        160. If a man bring chattels into the house of his father-in-law, and pay the “purchase price” (for his wife): if then the father of the girl say: “I will not give you my daughter,” he shall give him back all that he brought with him.
        161. If a man bring chattels into his father-in-law’s house and pay the “purchase price,” if then his friend slander him, and his father-in-law say to the young husband: “You shall not marry my daughter,” the he shall give back to him undiminished all that he had brought with him; but his wife shall not be married to the friend.
        162. If a man marry a woman, and she bear sons to him; if then this woman die, then shall her father have no claim on her dowry; this belongs to her sons.
        163. If a man marry a woman and she bear him no sons; if then this woman die, if the “purchase price” which he had paid into the house of his father-in-law is repaid to him, her husband shall have no claim upon the dowry of this woman; it belongs to her father’s house.
        164. If his father-in-law do not pay back to him the amount of the “purchase price” he may subtract the amount of the “Purchase price” from the dowry, and then pay the remainder to her father’s house.
        165. If a man give to one of his sons whom he prefers a field, garden, and house, and a deed therefor: if later the father die, and the brothers divide the estate, then they shall first give him the present of his father, and he shall accept it; and the rest of the paternal property shall they divide.
        166. If a man take wives for his son, but take no wife for his minor son, and if then he die: if the sons divide the estate, they shall set aside besides his portion the money for the “purchase price” for the minor brother who had taken no wife as yet, and secure a wife for him.
        167. If a man marry a wife and she bear him children: if this wife die and he then take another wife and she bear him children: if then the father die, the sons must not partition the estate according to the mothers, they shall divide the dowries of their mothers only in this way; the paternal estate they shall divide equally with one another.
        168. If a man wish to put his son out of his house, and declare before the judge: “I want to put my son out,” then the judge shall examine into his reasons. If the son be guilty of no great fault, for which he can be rightfully put out, the father shall not put him out.
        169. If he be guilty of a grave fault, which should rightfully deprive him of the filial relationship, the father shall forgive him the first time; but if he be guilty of a grave fault a second time the father may deprive his son of all filial relation.
        170. If his wife bear sons to a man, or his maid-servant have borne sons, and the father while still living says to the children whom his maid-servant has borne: “My sons,” and he count them with the sons of his wife; if then the father die, then the sons of the wife and of the maid-servant shall divide the paternal property in common. The son of the wife is to partition and choose.
        171. If, however, the father while still living did not say to the sons of the maid-servant: “My sons,” and then the father dies, then the sons of the maid-servant shall not share with the sons of the wife, but the freedom of the maid and her sons shall be granted. The sons of the wife shall have no right to enslave the sons of the maid; the wife shall take her dowry (from her father), and the gift that her husband gave her and deeded to her (separate from dowry, or the purchase-money paid her father), and live in the home of her husband: so long as she lives she shall use it, it shall not be sold for money. Whatever she leaves shall belong to her children.
        172. If her husband made her no gift, she shall be compensated for her gift, and she shall receive a portion from the estate of her husband, equal to that of one child. If her sons oppress her, to force her out of the house, the judge shall examine into the matter, and if the sons are at fault the woman shall not leave her husband’s house. If the woman desire to leave the house, she must leave to her sons the gift which her husband gave her, but she may take the dowry of her father’s house. Then she may marry the man of her heart.
        173. If this woman bear sons to her second husband, in the place to which she went, and then die, her earlier and later sons shall divide the dowry between them.
        174. If she bear no sons to her second husband, the sons of her first husband shall have the dowry.
        175. If a State slave or the slave of a freed man marry the daughter of a free man, and children are born, the master of the slave shall have no right to enslave the children of the free.
        176. If, however, a State slave or the slave of a freed man marry a man’s daughter, and after he marries her she bring a dowry from a father’s house, if then they both enjoy it and found a household, and accumulate means, if then the slave die, then she who was free born may take her dowry, and all that her husband and she had earned; she shall divide them into two parts, one-half the master for the slave shall take, and the other half shall the free-born woman take for her children. If the free-born woman had no gift she shall take all that her husband and she had earned and divide it into two parts; and the master of the slave shall take one-half and she shall take the other for her children.
        177. If a widow, whose children are not grown, wishes to enter another house (remarry), she shall not enter it without the knowledge of the judge. If she enter another house the judge shall examine the state of the house of her first husband. Then the house of her first husband shall be entrusted to the second husband and the woman herself as managers. And a record must be made thereof. She shall keep the house in order, bring up the children, and not sell the house-hold utensils. He who buys the utensils of the children of a widow shall lose his money, and the goods shall return to their owners.
        178. If a “devoted woman” or a prostitute to whom her father has given a dowry and a deed therefor, but if in this deed it is not stated that she may bequeath it as she pleases, and has not explicitly stated that she has the right of disposal; if then her father die, then her brothers shall hold her field and garden, and give her corn, oil, and milk according to her portion, and satisfy her. If her brothers do not give her corn, oil, and milk according to her share, then her field and garden shall support her. She shall have the usufruct of field and garden and all that her father gave her so long as she lives, but she can not sell or assign it to others. Her position of inheritance belongs to her brothers.
        179. If a “sister of a god,” or a prostitute, receive a gift from her father, and a deed in which it has been explicitly stated that she may dispose of it as she pleases, and give her complete disposition thereof: if then her father die, then she may leave her property to whomsoever she pleases. Her brothers can raise no claim thereto.
        180. If a father give a present to his daughter–either marriageable or a prostitute (unmarriageable)–and then die, then she is to receive a portion as a child from the paternal estate, and enjoy its usufruct so long as she lives. Her estate belongs to her brothers.
        181. If a father devote a temple-maid or temple-virgin to God and give her no present: if then the father die, she shall receive the third of a child’s portion from the inheritance of her father’s house, and enjoy its usufruct so long as she lives. Her estate belongs to her brothers.
        182. If a father devote his daughter as a wife of Mardi of Babylon (as in 181), and give her no present, nor a deed; if then her father die, then shall she receive one-third of her portion as a child of her father’s house from her brothers, but Marduk may leave her estate to whomsoever she wishes.
        183. If a man give his daughter by a concubine a dowry, and a husband, and a deed; if then her father die, she shall receive no portion from the paternal estate.
        184. If a man do not give a dowry to his daughter by a concubine, and no husband; if then her father die, her brother shall give her a dowry according to her father’s wealth and secure a husband for her.
        185. If a man adopt a child and to his name as son, and rear him, this grown son can not be demanded back again.
        186. If a man adopt a son, and if after he has taken him, he injure his foster father and mother, then this adopted son shall return to his father’s house.
        186.如果一个人领养了一个儿子,养子却对其养父母造成伤害,则这个养子将回到他的原来的家庭。
        187. The son of a paramour in the palace service, or of a prostitute, can not be demanded back.
        188. If an artizan has undertaken to rear a child and teaches him his craft, he can not be demanded back.
        189. If he has not taught him his craft, this adopted son may return to his father’s house.
        190. If a man does not maintain a child that he has adopted as a son and reared with his other children, then his adopted son may return to his father’s house.
        191. If a man, who had adopted a son and reared him, founded a household, and had children, wish to put this adopted son out, then this son shall not simply go his way. His adoptive father shall give him of his wealth one-third of a child’s portion, and then he may go. He shall not give him of the field, garden, and house.
        192. If a son of a paramour or a prostitute say to his adoptive father or mother: “You are not my father, or my mother.” His tongue shall be cut off.
        192.如果情妇或者妓女所生子对他养父或者养母说:“你(们)不是我的父亲,或者我的母亲。”将被割掉舌头。
        193. If the son of a paramour or a prostitute desire his father’s house, and desert his adoptive father and adoptive mother, and goes to his father’s house, then shall his eye be put out.
        193.如果情妇或者妓女所生子希望回到生父的家庭并抛弃了养父母,将被挖出眼睛。
        194. If a man give his child to a nurse and the child die in her hands, but the nurse unbeknown to the father and mother nurse another child, then they shall convict her of having nursed another child without the knowledge of the father and mother and her breasts shall be cut off.
        195. If a son strike his father, his hands shall be hewn off.
        195.打自己父亲的人要被砍断双手。

        关于人身保护和“同态复仇法”

        196. If a man put out the eye of another man, his eye shall be put out.
        196.挖去别人眼睛的人也要被挖出眼睛。
        197. If he break another man’s bone, his bone shall be broken.
        197.打断别人骨头的人也要被打断骨头。
        198. If he put out the eye of a freed man, or break the bone of a freed man, he shall pay one gold mina.
        199. If he put out the eye of a man’s slave, or break the bone of a man’s slave, he shall pay one-half of its value.
        199.挖出奴隶眼睛或是打断奴隶骨头的人要赔偿奴隶价格的一半。
        200. If a man knock out the teeth of his equal, his teeth shall be knocked out.
        200.打掉同等地位者牙齿的人将会被敲掉牙齿。
        201. If he knock out the teeth of a freed man, he shall pay one-third of a gold mina.
        202. If any one strike the body of a man higher in rank than he, he shall receive sixty blows with an ox-whip in public.
        203. If a free-born man strike the body of another free-born man or equal rank, he shall pay one gold mina.
        204. If a freed man strike the body of another freed man, he shall pay ten shekels in money.
        205. If the slave of a freed man strike the body of a freed man, his ear shall be cut off.
        206. If during a quarrel one man strike another and wound him, then he shall swear, “I did not injure him wittingly,” and pay the physicians.
        207. If the man die of his wound, he shall swear similarly, and if he (the deceased) was a free-born man, he shall pay half a mina in money.
        208. If he was a freed man, he shall pay one-third of a mina.
        209. If a man strike a free-born woman so that she lose her unborn child, he shall pay ten shekels for her loss.
        210. If the woman die, his daughter shall be put to death.
        211. If a woman of the free class lose her child by a blow, he shall pay five shekels in money.
        212. If this woman die, he shall pay half a mina.
        213. If he strike the maid-servant of a man, and she lose her child, he shall pay two shekels in money.
        214. If this maid-servant die, he shall pay one-third of a mina.

        关于劳动、报酬、工具和责任事故的追究

        215. If a physician make a large incision with an operating knife and cure it, or if he open a tumor (over the eye) with an operating knife, and saves the eye, he shall receive ten shekels in money.
        216. If the patient be a freed man, he receives five shekels.
        217. If he be the slave of some one, his owner shall give the physician two shekels.
        218. If a physician makes a large incision with the operating knife, and kill him, or open a tumor with the operating knife, and cut out the eye, his hands shall be cut off.
        218.如果在给人做手术的过程中致其死亡,或是用手术刀挖去人的眼睛,医生将被剁手。
        219. If a physician makes a large incision in the slave of a freed man, and kill him, he shall replace the slave with another slave.
        219.如果医生在自由人的奴隶的身体里做大型手术,致奴隶死亡,他将必须将另一个奴隶作为补偿。
        220. If he had opened a tumor with the operating knife, and put out his eye, he shall pay half his value.
        220.如果用手术刀医治肿瘤的医生将奴隶的眼睛挖出,必须赔偿奴隶价格的一半。
        221. If a physician heal the broken bone or diseased soft part of a man, the patient shall pay the physician five shekels in money.
        222. If he were a freed man he shall pay three shekels.
        223. If he were a slave his owner shall pay the physician two shekels.
        224. If a veterinary surgeon perform a serious operation on an ass or an ox, and cure it, the owner shall pay the surgeon one-sixth of a shekel as a fee.
        225. If he perform a serious operation on an ass or ox, and kill it, he shall pay the owner one-fourth of its value.
        226. If a barber, without the knowledge of his master, cut the sign of a slave on a slave not to be sold, the hands of this barber shall be cut off.
        227. If any one deceive a barber, and have him mark a slave not for sale with the sign of a slave, he shall be put to death, and buried in his house. The barber shall swear: “I did not mark him wittingly,” and shall be guiltless.
        228. If a builder build a house for some one and complete it, he shall give him a fee of two shekels in money for each sar of surface.
        229 If a builder build a house for some one, and does not construct it properly, and the house which he built fall in and kill its owner, then that builder shall be put to death.
        230. If it kill the son of the owner the son of that builder shall be put to death.
        231. If it kill a slave of the owner, then he shall pay slave for slave to the owner of the house.
        232. If it ruin goods, he shall make compensation for all that has been ruined, and inasmuch as he did not construct properly this house which he built and it fell, he shall re-erect the house from his own means.
        233. If a builder build a house for some one, even though he has not yet completed it; if then the walls seem toppling, the builder must make the walls solid from his own means.
        234. If a shipbuilder build a boat of sixty gur for a man, he shall pay him a fee of two shekels in money.
        235. If a shipbuilder build a boat for some one, and do not make it tight, if during that same year that boat is sent away and suffers injury, the shipbuilder shall take the boat apart and put it together tight at his own expense. The tight boat he shall give to the boat owner.
        236. If a man rent his boat to a sailor, and the sailor is careless, and the boat is wrecked or goes aground, the sailor shall give the owner of the boat another boat as compensation.
        237. If a man hire a sailor and his boat, and provide it with corn, clothing, oil and dates, and other things of the kind needed for fitting it: if the sailor is careless, the boat is wrecked, and its contents ruined, then the sailor shall compensate for the boat which was wrecked and all in it that he ruined.
        238. If a sailor wreck any one’s ship, but saves it, he shall pay the half of its value in money.
        239. If a man hire a sailor, he shall pay him six gur of corn per year.
        240. If a merchantman run against a ferryboat, and wreck it, the master of the ship that was wrecked shall seek justice before God; the master of the merchantman, which wrecked the ferryboat, must compensate the owner for the boat and all that he ruined.
        241. If any one impresses an ox for forced labor, he shall pay one-third of a mina in money.

        租赁以及佣工和报酬

        242. If any one hire oxen for a year, he shall pay four gur of corn for plow-oxen.
        243. As rent of herd cattle he shall pay three gur of corn to the owner.
        244. If anyone hire an ox or an ass, and a lion kill it in the field, the loss is upon its owner.
        244.如果一个人租借公牛或者驴子,然而狮子却在田野中杀死它们,它们的所有者自担损失。
        245. If anyone hire oxen, and kill them by bad treatment or blows, he shall compensate the owner, oxen for oxen.
        245.租用他人的牛却将牛虐待或殴打致死者必须赔偿一头牛。
        246. If a man hire an ox, and he break its leg or cut the ligament of its neck, he shall compensate the owner with ox for ox.
        246.若租借公牛却弄断牛腿或者脖子韧带的人,要赔偿一只牛。
        247. If anyone hire an ox, and put out its eyes, he shall pay the owner one-half of its value.
        247.租借公牛却挖出其眼睛者将赔付牛价的一半。
        248. If any one hire an ox, and break off a horn, or cut off its tail, or hurt its muzzle, he shall pay one-fourth of its value in money.
        249. If anyone hire an ox, and God strike it that it die, the man who hired it shall swear by God and be considered guiltless.
        249.若有人租用公牛,该牛却因非人为原因死亡,租借者向神灵起誓自己没有过错以后可以被免罪。
        250. If while an ox is passing on the street (market) some one push it, and kill it, the owner can set up no claim in the suit (against the hirer).
        251. If an ox be a goring ox, and it shown that he is a gorer, and he do not bind his horns, or fasten the ox up, and the ox gore a free-born man and kill him, the owner shall pay one-half a mina in money.
        252. If he kill a man’s slave, he shall pay one-third of a mina.
        253. If any one agree with another to tend his field, give him seed, entrust a yoke of oxen to him, and bind him to cultivate the field, if he steal the corn or plants, and take them for himself, his hands shall be hewn off.
        254. If he take the seed-corn for himself, and do not use the yoke of oxen, he shall compensate him for the amount of the seed-corn.
        255. If he sublet the man’s yoke of oxen or steal the seed-corn, planting nothing in the field, he shall be convicted, and for each one hundred gan he shall pay sixty gur of corn.
        256. If his community will not pay for him, then he shall be placed in that field with the cattle (at work).
        257. If any one hire a field laborer, he shall pay him eight gur of corn per year.
        258. If any one hire an ox-driver, he shall pay him six gur of corn per year.
        259. If any one steal a water-wheel from the field, he shall pay five shekels in money to its owner.
        260. If any one steal a shadduf (used to draw water from the river or canal) or a plow, he shall pay three shekels in money.
        261. If any one hire a herdsman for cattle or sheep, he shall pay him eight gur of corn per annum.
        262. If any one, a cow or a sheep . . .
        263. If he kill the cattle or sheep that were given to him, he shall compensate the owner with cattle for cattle and sheep for sheep.
        264. If a herdsman, to whom cattle or sheep have been entrusted for watching over, and who has received his wages as agreed upon, and is satisfied, diminish the number of the cattle or sheep, or make the increase by birth less, he shall make good the increase or profit which was lost in the terms of settlement.
        265. If a herdsman, to whose care cattle or sheep have been entrusted, be guilty of fraud and make false returns of the natural increase, or sell them for money, then shall he be convicted and pay the owner ten times the loss.
        266. If the animal be killed in the stable by God ( an accident), or if a lion kill it, the herdsman shall declare his innocence before God, and the owner bears the accident in the stable.
        267. If the herdsman overlook something, and an accident happen in the stable, then the herdsman is at fault for the accident which he has caused in the stable, and he must compensate the owner for the cattle or sheep.
        268. If any one hire an ox for threshing, the amount of the hire is twenty ka of corn.
        269. If he hire an ass for threshing, the hire is twenty ka of corn.
        270. If he hire a young animal for threshing, the hire is ten ka of corn.
        271. If any one hire oxen, cart and driver, he shall pay one hundred and eighty ka of corn per day.
        272. If any one hire a cart alone, he shall pay forty ka of corn per day.
        273. If any one hire a day laborer, he shall pay him from the New Year until the fifth month (April to August, when days are long and the work hard) six gerahs in money per day; from the sixth month to the end of the year he shall give him five gerahs per day.
        274. If any one hire a skilled artizan, he shall pay as wages of the . . . five gerahs, as wages of the potter five gerahs, of a tailor five gerahs, of . . . gerahs, . . . of a ropemaker four gerahs, of . . .. gerahs, of a mason . . . gerahs per day.
        275. If any one hire a ferryboat, he shall pay three gerahs in money per day.
        276. If he hire a freight-boat, he shall pay two and one-half gerahs per day.
        277. If any one hire a ship of sixty gur, he shall pay one-sixth of a shekel in money as its hire per day.

        关于奴隶的规定

        278. If any one buy a male or female slave, and before a month has elapsed the benu-disease be developed, he shall return the slave to the seller, and receive the money which he had paid.
        279. If any one by a male or female slave, and a third party claim it, the seller is liable for the claim.
        280. If while in a foreign country a man buy a male or female slave belonging to another of his own country; if when he return home the owner of the male or female slave recognize it: if the male or female slave be a native of the country, he shall give them back without any money.
        281. If they are from another country, the buyer shall declare the amount of money paid therefor to the merchant, and keep the male or female slave.
        282. If a slave say to his master: “You are not my master.” If they convict him his master shall cut off his ear.
        282.若奴隶忤逆主人,一经定罪,主人可以割下他的耳朵。

        THE EPILOGUE(结尾):

        LAWS of justice which Hammurabi, the wise king, established. A righteous law, and pious statute did he teach the land. Hammurabi, the protecting king am I. I have not withdrawn myself from the men, whom Bel gave to me, the rule over whom Marduk gave to me, I was not negligent, but I made them a peaceful abiding-place. I expounded all great difficulties, I made the light shine upon them. With the mighty weapons which Zamama and Ishtar entrusted to me, with the keen vision with which Ea endowed me, with the wisdom that Marduk gave me, I have uprooted the enemy above and below (in north and south), subdued the earth, brought prosperity to the land, guaranteed security to the inhabitants in their homes; a disturber was not permitted. The great gods have called me, I am the salvation-bearing shepherd, whose staff is straight, the good shadow that is spread over my city; on my breast I cherish the inhabitants of the land of Sumer and Akkad; in my shelter I have let them repose in peace; in my deep wisdom have I enclosed them. That the strong might not injure the weak, in order to protect the widows and orphans, I have in Babylon the city where Anu and Bel raise high their head, in E-Sagil, the Temple, whose foundations stand firm as heaven and earth, in order to bespeak justice in the land, to settle all disputes, and heal all injuries, set up these my precious words, written upon my memorial stone, before the image of me, as king of righteousness.
        The king who ruleth among the kings of the cities am I. My words are well considered; there is no wisdom like unto mine. By the command of Shamash, the great judge of heaven and earth, let righteousness go forth in the land: by the order of Marduk, my lord, let no destruction befall my monument. In E-Sagil, which I love, let my name be ever repeated; let the oppressed, who has a case at law, come and stand before this my image as king of righteousness; let him read the inscription, and understand my precious words: the inscription will explain his case to him; he will find out what is just, and his heart will be glad, so that he will say:
        “Hammurabi is a ruler, who is as a father to his subjects, who holds the words of Marduk in reverence, who has achieved conquest for Marduk over the north and south, who rejoices the heart of Marduk, his lord, who has bestowed benefits for ever and ever on his subjects, and has established order in the land.”

        When he reads the record, let him pray with full heart to Marduk, my lord, and Zarpanit, my lady; and then shall the protecting deities and the gods, who frequent E-Sagil, graciously grant the desires daily presented before Marduk, my lord, and Zarpanit, my lady. In future time, through all coming generations, let the king, who may be in the land, observe the words of righteousness which I have written on my monument; let him not alter the law of the land which I have given, the edicts which I have enacted; my monument let him not mar. If such a ruler have wisdom, and be able to keep his land in order, he shall observe the words which I have written in this inscription; the rule, statute, and law of the land which I have given; the decisions which I have made will this inscription show him; let him rule his subjects accordingly, speak justice to them, give right decisions, root out the miscreants and criminals from this land, and grant prosperity to his subjects.

        Hammurabi, the king of righteousness, on whom Shamash has conferred right (or law) am I. My words are well considered; my deeds are not equaled; to bring low those that were high; to humble the proud, to expel insolence. If a succeeding ruler considers my words, which I have written in this my inscription, if he do not annul my law, nor corrupt my words, nor change my monument, then may Shamash lengthen that king’s reign, as he has that of me, the king of righteousness, that he may reign in righteousness over his subjects. If this ruler do not esteem my words, which I have written in my inscription, if he despise my curses, and fear not the curse of God, if he destroy the law which I have given, corrupt my words, change my monument, efface my name, write his name there, or on account of the curses commission another so to do, that man, whether king or ruler, patesi, or commoner, no matter what he be, may the great God (Anu), the Father of the gods, who has ordered my rule, withdraw from him the glory of royalty, break his scepter, curse his destiny. May Bel, the lord, who fixeth destiny, whose command can not be altered, who has made my kingdom great, order a rebellion which his hand can not control; may he let the wind of the overthrow of his habitation blow, may he ordain the years of his rule in groaning, years of scarcity, years of famine, darkness without light, death with seeing eyes be fated to him; may he (Bel) order with his potent mouth the destruction of his city, the dispersion of his subjects, the cutting off of his rule, the removal of his name and memory from the land. May Belit, the great Mother, whose command is potent in E-Kur (the Babylonian Olympus), the Mistress, who harkens graciously to my petitions, in the seat of judgment and decision (where Bel fixes destiny), turn his affairs evil before Bel, and put the devastation of his land, the destruction of his subjects, the pouring out of his life like water into the mouth of King Bel. May Ea, the great ruler, whose fated decrees come to pass, the thinker of the gods, the omniscient, who maketh long the days of my life, withdraw understanding and wisdom from him, lead him to forgetfulness, shut up his rivers at their sources, and not allow corn or sustenance for man to grow in his land. May Shamash, the great Judge of heaven and earth, who supporteth all means of livelihood, Lord of life-courage, shatter his dominion, annul his law, destroy his way, make vain the march of his troops, send him in his visions forecasts of the uprooting of the foundations of his throne and of the destruction of his land. May the condemnation of Shamash overtake him forthwith; may he be deprived of water above among the living, and his spirit below in the earth. May Sin (the Moon-god), the Lord of Heaven, the divine father, whose crescent gives light among the gods, take away the crown and regal throne from him; may he put upon him heavy guilt, great decay, that nothing may be lower than he. May he destine him as fated, days, months and years of dominion filled with sighing and tears, increase of the burden of dominion, a life that is like unto death. May Adad, the lord of fruitfulness, ruler of heaven and earth, my helper, withhold from him rain from heaven, and the flood of water from the springs, destroying his land by famine and want; may he rage mightily over his city, and make his land into flood-hills (heaps of ruined cities). May Zamama, the great warrior, the first-born son of E-Kur, who goeth at my right hand, shatter his weapons on the field of battle, turn day into night for him, and let his foe triumph over him. May Ishtar, the goddess of fighting and war, who unfetters my weapons, my gracious protecting spirit, who loveth my dominion, curse his kingdom in her angry heart; in her great wrath, change his grace into evil, and shatter his weapons on the place of fighting and war. May she create disorder and sedition for him, strike down his warriors, that the earth may drink their blood, and throw down the piles of corpses of his warriors on the field; may she not grant him a life of mercy, deliver him into the hands of his enemies, and imprison him in the land of his enemies. May Nergal, the might among the gods, whose contest is irresistible, who grants me victory, in his great might burn up his subjects like a slender reedstalk, cut off his limbs with his mighty weapons, and shatter him like an earthen image. May Nin-tu, the sublime mistress of the lands, the fruitful mother, deny him a son, vouchsafe him no name, give him no successor among men. May Nin-karak, the daughter of Anu, who adjudges grace to me, cause to come upon his members in E-kur high fever, severe wounds, that can not be healed, whose nature the physician does not understand, which he can not treat with dressing, which, like the bite of death, can not be removed, until they have sapped away his life.

        May he lament the loss of his life-power, and may the great gods of heaven and earth, the Anunaki, altogether inflict a curse and evil upon the confines of the temple, the walls of this E-barra (the Sun temple of Sippara), upon his dominion, his land, his warriors, his subjects, and his troops. May Bel curse him with the potent curses of his mouth that can not be altered, and may they come upon him forthwith.

        THE END OF THE CODE OF HAMMURABI

        Great Charter(《大宪章》)

        1215年6月15日(一说1213)由英王约翰签署的宪法性文件,成为英国君主立宪制的法律基石。《大宪章》(拉丁:Magna Carter)是英国宪法的基础,创造了“法治”理念。时至今日,《大宪章》中的3个条款目前仍然有效:保证英国教会的自由,确认伦敦金融城及其他城镇的特权,以及所有人都必须有合法的审判才能被监禁。

        (Clauses marked (+) are still valid under the charter of 1225, but with a few minor amendments. Clauses marked (*) were omitted in all later reissues of the charter. In the charter itself the clauses are not numbered, and the text reads continuously. The translation sets out to convey the sense rather than the precise wording of the original Latin.)

        JOHN, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his officials and loyal subjects, Greeting.

        KNOW THAT BEFORE GOD, for the health of our soul and those of our ancestors and heirs, to the honor of God, the exaltation of the holy Church, and the better ordering of our kingdom, at the advice of our reverend fathers Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry archbishop of Dublin, William bishop of London, Peter bishop of Winchester, Jocelin bishop of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh bishop of Lincoln, Walter Bishop of Worcester, William bishop of Coventry, Benedict bishop of Rochester, Master Pandulf subdeacon and member of the papal household, Brother Aymeric master of the knighthood of the Temple in England, William Marshal earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Alan de Galloway constable of Scotland, Warin Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poitou, Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip Daubeny, Robert de Roppeley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and other loyal subjects:

        + (1) FIRST, THAT WE HAVE GRANTED TO GOD, and by this present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs in perpetuity, that the English Church shall be free, and shall have its rights undiminished, and its liberties unimpaired. That we wish this so to be observed, appears from the fact that of our own free will, before the outbreak of the present dispute between us and our barons, we granted and confirmed by charter the freedom of the Church’s elections – a right reckoned to be of the greatest necessity and importance to it – and caused this to be confirmed by Pope Innocent III. This freedom we shall observe ourselves, and desire to be observed in good faith by our heirs in perpetuity.
        TO ALL FREE MEN OF OUR KINGDOM we have also granted, for us and our heirs forever, all the liberties written out below, to have and to keep for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs:

        (2) If any earl, baron, or other person that holds lands directly of the Crown, for military service, shall die, and at his death his heir shall be of full age and owe a `relief’, the heir shall have his inheritance on payment of the ancient scale of `relief’. That is to say, the heir or heirs of an earl shall pay £100 for the entire earl’s barony, the heir or heirs of a knight l00s. at most for the entire knight’s `fee’, and any man that owes less shall pay less, in accordance with the ancient usage of `fees’

        (3) But if the heir of such a person is under age and a ward, when he comes of age he shall have his inheritance without `relief’ or fine.

        (4) The guardian of the land of an heir who is under age shall take from it only reasonable revenues, customary dues, and feudal services. He shall do this without destruction or damage to men or property. If we have given the guardianship of the land to a sheriff, or to any person answerable to us for the revenues, and he commits destruction or damage, we will exact compensation from him, and the land shall be entrusted to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee’, who shall be answerable to us for the revenues, or to the person to whom we have assigned them. If we have given or sold to anyone the guardianship of such land, and he causes destruction or damage, he shall lose the guardianship of it, and it shall be handed over to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee’, who shall be similarly answerable to us.

        (5) For so long as a guardian has guardianship of such land, he shall maintain the houses, parks, fish preserves, ponds, mills, and everything else pertaining to it, from the revenues of the land itself. When the heir comes of age, he shall restore the whole land to him, stocked with plough teams and such implements of husbandry as the season demands and the revenues from the land can reasonably bear.

        (6) Heirs may be given in marriage, but not to someone of lower social standing. Before a marriage takes place, it shall be’ made known to the heir’s next-of-kin.

        (7) At her husband’s death, a widow may have her marriage portion and inheritance at once and without trouble. She shall pay nothing for her dower, marriage portion, or any inheritance that she and her husband held jointly on the day of his death. She may remain in her husband’s house for forty days after his death, and within this period her dower shall be assigned to her.

        (8) No widow shall be compelled to marry, so long as she wishes to remain without a husband. But she must give security that she will not marry without royal consent, if she holds her lands of the Crown, or without the consent of whatever other lord she may hold them of.

        (9) Neither we nor our officials will seize any land or rent in payment of a debt, so long as the debtor has movable goods sufficient to discharge the debt. A debtor’s sureties shall not be distrained upon so long as the debtor himself can discharge his debt. If, for lack of means, the debtor is unable to discharge his debt, his sureties shall be answerable for it. If they so desire, they may have the debtor’s lands and rents until they have received satisfaction for the debt that they paid for him, unless the debtor can show that he has settled his obligations to them.

        * (10) If anyone who has borrowed a sum of money from Jews dies before the debt has been repaid, his heir shall pay no interest on the debt for so long as he remains under age, irrespective of whom he holds his lands. If such a debt falls into the hands of the Crown, it will take nothing except the principal sum specified in the bond.

        * (11) If a man dies owing money to Jews, his wife may have her dower and pay nothing towards the debt from it. If he leaves children that are under age, their needs may also be provided for on a scale appropriate to the size of his holding of lands. The debt is to be paid out of the residue, reserving the service due to his feudal lords. Debts owed to persons other than Jews are to be dealt with similarly.

        * (12) No `scutage’ or `aid’ may be levied in our kingdom without its general consent, unless it is for the ransom of our person, to make our eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry our eldest daughter. For these purposes only a reasonable `aid’ may be levied. `Aids’ from the city of London are to be treated similarly.

        + (13) The city of London shall enjoy all its ancient liberties and free customs, both by land and by water. We also will and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall enjoy all their liberties and free customs.

        * (14) To obtain the general consent of the realm for the assessment of an `aid’ – except in the three cases specified above – or a `scutage’, we will cause the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons to be summoned individually by letter. To those who hold lands directly of us we will cause a general summons to be issued, through the sheriffs and other officials, to come together on a fixed day (of which at least forty days notice shall be given) and at a fixed place. In all letters of summons, the cause of the summons will be stated. When a summons has been issued, the business appointed for the day shall go forward in accordance with the resolution of those present, even if not all those who were summoned have appeared.

        * (15) In future we will allow no one to levy an `aid’ from his free men, except to ransom his person, to make his eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry his eldest daughter. For these purposes only a reasonable `aid’ may be levied.

        (16) No man shall be forced to perform more service for a knight’s `fee’, or other free holding of land, than is due from it.

        (17) Ordinary lawsuits shall not follow the royal court around, but shall be held in a fixed place.

        (18) Inquests of novel disseisin, mort d’ancestor, and darrein presentment shall be taken only in their proper county court. We ourselves, or in our absence abroad our chief justice, will send two justices to each county four times a year, and these justices, with four knights of the county elected by the county itself, shall hold the assizes in the county court, on the day and in the place where the court meets.

        (19) If any assizes cannot be taken on the day of the county court, as many knights and freeholders shall afterwards remain behind, of those who have attended the court, as will suffice for the administration of justice, having regard to the volume of business to be done.

        (20) For a trivial offence, a free man shall be fined only in proportion to the degree of his offence, and for a serious offence correspondingly, but not so heavily as to deprive him of his livelihood. In the same way, a merchant shall be spared his merchandise, and a husbandman the implements of his husbandry, if they fall upon the mercy of a royal court. None of these fines shall be imposed except by the assessment on oath of reputable men of the neighborhood.

        (21) Earls and barons shall be fined only by their equals, and in proportion to the gravity of their offence.

        (22) A fine imposed upon the lay property of a clerk in holy orders shall be assessed upon the same principles, without reference to the value of his ecclesiastical benefice.

        (23) No town or person shall be forced to build bridges over rivers except those with an ancient obligation to do so.

        (24) No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other royal officials are to hold lawsuits that should be held by the royal justices.

        * (25) Every county, hundred, wapentake, and tithing shall remain at its ancient rent, without increase, except the royal demesne manors.

        (26) If at the death of a man who holds a lay `fee’ of the Crown, a sheriff or royal official produces royal letters patent of summons for a debt due to the Crown, it shall be lawful for them to seize and list movable goods found in the lay `fee’ of the dead man to the value of the debt, as assessed by worthy men. Nothing shall be removed until the whole debt is paid, when the residue shall be given over to the executors to carry out the dead man s will. If no debt is due to the Crown, all the movable goods shall be regarded as the property of the dead man, except the reasonable shares of his wife and children.

        * (27) If a free man dies intestate, his movable goods are to be distributed by his next-of-kin and friends, under the supervision of the Church. The rights of his debtors are to be preserved.

        (28) No constable or other royal official shall take corn or other movable goods from any man without immediate payment, unless the seller voluntarily offers postponement of this.

        (29) No constable may compel a knight to pay money for castle-guard if the knight is willing to undertake the guard in person, or with reasonable excuse to supply some other fit man to do it. A knight taken or sent on military service shall be excused from castle-guard for the period of this service.

        (30) No sheriff, royal official, or other person shall take horses or carts for transport from any free man, without his consent.

        (31) Neither we nor any royal official will take wood for our castle, or for any other purpose, without the consent of the owner.

        (32) We will not keep the lands of people convicted of felony in our hand for longer than a year and a day, after which they shall be returned to the lords of the `fees’ concerned.

        (33) All fish-weirs shall be removed from the Thames, the Medway, and throughout the whole of England, except on the sea coast.

        (34) The writ called precipe shall not in future be issued to anyone in respect of any holding of land, if a free man could thereby be deprived of the right of trial in his own lord’s court.

        (35) There shall be standard measures of wine, ale, and corn (the London quarter), throughout the kingdom. There shall also be a standard width of dyed cloth, russett, and haberject, namely two ells within the selvedges. Weights are to be standardised similarly.

        (36) In future nothing shall be paid or accepted for the issue of a writ of inquisition of life or limbs. It shall be given gratis, and not refused.

        (37) If a man holds land of the Crown by `fee-farm’, `socage’, or `burgage’, and also holds land of someone else for knight’s service, we will not have guardianship of his heir, nor of the land that belongs to the other person’s `fee’, by virtue of the `fee- farm’, `socage’, or `burgage’, unless the `fee-farm’ owes knight’s service. We will not have the guardianship of a man’s heir, or of land that he holds of someone else, by reason of any small property that he may hold of the Crown for a service of knives, arrows, or the like.

        (38) In future no official shall place a man on trial upon his own unsupported statement, without producing credible witnesses to the truth of it.

        + (39) No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or deprived of his standing in any other way, nor will we proceed with force against him, or send others to do so, except by the lawful judgement of his equals or by the law of the land.

        + (40) To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice.

        (41) All merchants may enter or leave England unharmed and without fear, and may stay or travel within it, by land or water, for purposes of trade, free from all illegal exactions, in accordance with ancient and lawful customs. This, however, does not apply in time of war to merchants from a country that is at war with us. Any such merchants found in our country at the outbreak of war shall be detained without injury to their persons or property, until we or our chief justice have discovered how our own merchants are being treated in the country at war with us. If our own merchants are safe they shall be safe too.

        * (42) In future it shall be lawful for any man to leave and return to our kingdom unharmed and without fear, by land or water, preserving his allegiance to us, except in time of war, for some short period, for the common benefit of the realm. People that have been imprisoned or outlawed in accordance with the law of the land, people from a country that is at war with us, and merchants – who shall be dealt with as stated above – are excepted from this provision.

        (43) If a man holds lands of any `escheat’ such as the `honor’ of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other `escheats’ in our hand that are baronies, at his death his heir shall give us only the `relief’ and service that he would have made to the baron, had the barony been in the baron’s hand. We will hold the `escheat’ in the same manner as the baron held it.

        (44) People who live outside the forest need not in future appear before the royal justices of the forest in answer to general summonses, unless they are actually involved in proceedings or are sureties for someone who has been seized for a forest offence.

        * (45) We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or other officials, only men that know the law of the realm and are minded to keep it well.

        (46) All barons who have founded abbeys, and have charters of English kings or ancient tenure as evidence of this, may have guardianship of them when there is no abbot, as is their due.

        (47) All forests that have been created in our reign shall at once be disafforested. River-banks that have been enclosed in our reign shall be treated similarly.

        * (48) All evil customs relating to forests and warrens, foresters, warreners, sheriffs and their servants, or river-banks and their wardens, are at once to be investigated in every county by twelve sworn knights of the county, and within forty days of their enquiry the evil customs are to be abolished completely and irrevocably. But we, or our chief justice if we are not in England, are first to be informed.

        * (49) We will at once return all hostages and charters delivered up to us by Englishmen as security for peace or for loyal service.

        * (50) We will remove completely from their offices the kinsmen of Gerard de Athée, and in future they shall hold no offices in England. The people in question are Engelard de Cigogné’, Peter, Guy, and Andrew de Chanceaux, Guy de Cigogné, Geoffrey de Martigny and his brothers, Philip Marc and his brothers, with Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers.

        * (51) As soon as peace is restored, we will remove from the kingdom all the foreign knights, bowmen, their attendants, and the mercenaries that have come to it, to its harm, with horses and arms.

        * (52) To any man whom we have deprived or dispossessed of lands, castles, liberties, or rights, without the lawful judgement of his equals, we will at once restore these. In cases of dispute the matter shall be resolved by the judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§61). In cases, however, where a man was deprived or dispossessed of something without the lawful judgement of his equals by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once render justice in full.

        * (53) We shall have similar respite in rendering justice in connexion with forests that are to be disafforested, or to remain forests, when these were first a-orested by our father Henry or our brother Richard; with the guardianship of lands in another person’s `fee’, when we have hitherto had this by virtue of a `fee’ held of us for knight’s service by a third party; and with abbeys founded in another person’s `fee’, in which the lord of the `fee’ claims to own a right. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice to complaints about these matters.

        (54) No one shall be arrested or imprisoned on the appeal of a woman for the death of any person except her husband.

        * (55) All fines that have been given to us unjustiy and against the law of the land, and all fines that we have exacted unjustly, shall be entirely remitted or the matter decided by a majority judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§61 )together with Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as he wishes to bring with him. If the archbishop cannot be present, proceedings shall continue without him, provided that if any of the twenty-five barons has been involved in a similar suit himself, his judgement shall be set aside, and someone else chosen and sworn in his place, as a substitute for the single occasion, by the rest of the twenty-five.

        (56) If we have deprived or dispossessed any Welshmen of lands, liberties, or anything else in England or in Wales, without the lawful judgement of their equals, these are at once to be returned to them. A dispute on this point shall be determined in the Marches by the judgement of equals. English law shall apply to holdings of land in England, Welsh law to those in Wales, and the law of the Marches to those in the Marches. The Welsh shall treat us and ours in the same way.

        * (57) In cases where a Welshman was deprived or dispossessed of anything, without the lawful judgement of his equals, by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. But on our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice according to the laws of Wales and the said regions.

        * (58) We will at once return the son of Llywelyn, all Welsh hostages, and the charters delivered to us as security for the peace.

        * (59) With regard to the return of the sisters and hostages of Alexander, king of Scotland, his liberties and his rights, we will treat him in the same way as our other barons of England, unless it appears from the charters that we hold from his father William, formerly king of Scotland, that he should be treated otherwise. This matter shall be resolved by the judgement of his equals in our court.

        (60) All these customs and liberties that we have granted shall be observed in our kingdom in so far as concerns our own relations with our subjects. Let all men of our kingdom, whether clergy or laymen, observe them similarly in their relations with their own men.

        61. Since, moveover, for God and the amendment of our kingdom and for the better allaying of the quarrel that has arisen between us and our barons, we have granted all these concessions, desirous that they should enjoy them in complete and firm endurance forever, we give and grant to them the underwritten security, namely, that the barons choose five and twenty barons of the kingdom, whomsoever they will, who shall be bound with all their might, to observe and hold, and cause to be observed, the peace and liberties we have granted and confirmed to them by this our present Charter, so that if we, or our justiciar, or our bailiffs or any one of our officers, shall in anything be at fault towards anyone, or shall have broken any one of the articles of this peace or of this security, and the offense be notified to four barons of the foresaid five and twenty, the said four barons shall repair to us (or our justiciar, if we are out of the realm) and, laying the transgression before us, petition to have that transgression redressed without delay. And if we shall not have corrected the transgression (or, in the event of our being out of the realm, if our justiciar shall not have corrected it) within forty days, reckoning from the time it has been intimated to us (or to our justiciar, if we should be out of the realm), the four barons aforesaid shall refer that matter to the rest of the five and twenty barons, and those five and twenty barons shall, together with the community of the whole realm, distrain and distress us in all possible ways, namely, by seizing our castles, lands, possessions, and in any other way they can, until redress has been obtained as they deem fit, saving harmless our own person, and the persons of our queen and children; and when redress has been obtained, they shall resume their old relations towards us. And let whoever in the country desires it, swear to obey the orders of the said five and twenty barons for the execution of all the aforesaid matters, and along with them, to molest us to the utmost of his power; and we publicly and freely grant leave to everyone who wishes to swear, and we shall never forbid anyone to swear. All those, moveover, in the land who of themselves and of their own accord are unwilling to swear to the twenty five to help them in constraining and molesting us, we shall by our command compel the same to swear to the effect foresaid. And if any one of the five and twenty barons shall have died or departed from the land, or be incapacitated in any other manner which would prevent the foresaid provisions being carried out, those of the said twenty five barons who are left shall choose another in his place according to their own judgment, and he shall be sworn in the same way as the others. Further, in all matters, the execution of which is entrusted,to these twenty five barons, if perchance these twenty five are present and disagree about anything, or if some of them, after being summoned, are unwilling or unable to be present, that which the majority of those present ordain or command shall be held as fixed and established, exactly as if the whole twenty five had concurred in this; and the said twenty five shall swear that they will faithfully observe all that is aforesaid, and cause it to be observed with all their might. And we shall procure nothing from anyone, directly or indirectly, whereby any part of these concessions and liberties might be revoked or diminished; and if any such things has been procured, let it be void and null, and we shall never use it personally or by another.

        62. And all the will, hatreds, and bitterness that have arisen between us and our men, clergy and lay, from the date of the quarrel, we have completely remitted and pardoned to everyone. Moreover, all trespasses occasioned by the said quarrel, from Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign till the restoration of peace, we have fully remitted to all, both clergy and laymen, and completely forgiven, as far as pertains to us. And on this head, we have caused to be made for them letters testimonial patent of the lord Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, of the lord Henry, archbishop of Dublin, of the bishops aforesaid, and of Master Pandulf as touching this security and the concessions aforesaid.

        63. Wherefore we will and firmly order that the English Church be free, and that the men in our kingdom have and hold all the aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably, freely and quietly, fully and wholly, for themselves and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all respects and in all places forever, as is aforesaid. An oath, moreover, has been taken, as well on our part as on the art of the barons, that all these conditions aforesaid shall be kept in good faith and without evil intent.

        Given under our hand – the above named and many others being witnesses – in the meadow which is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June, in the seventeenth year of our reign.

        受命于天的英格兰国王兼领爱尔兰宗主,诺曼底与阿奎丹公爵、安茹伯爵约翰,谨向大主教,主教,住持,伯爵,男爵,法官,森林官,执行吏,典狱官,差人,及其管家吏与忠顺的人民致候。

          由于可敬的神父们,坎特伯里大主教,英格兰大教长兼圣罗马教会红衣主教斯提芬;杜伯林大主教亨利……暨培姆布卢克大司仪伯爵威廉;索斯伯利伯爵威廉……等贵族,及其他忠顺臣民谏议,使余等知道,为了余等自身以及余等之先人与后代灵魂的安全,同时也为了圣教会的昌盛和王国的兴隆,上帝的意旨使余等承认下列诸端,并昭告全国:

          (1)首先,余等及余等之后嗣坚决应许上帝,根据本宪章,英国教会当享有自由,其权利将不受干扰,其自由将不受侵犯。关于英格兰教会所视为最重要与最必需之自由选举,在余等与诸男爵发生不睦之前曾自动地或按照己意用特许状所颁赐者,——同时经余等请得教王英诺森三世所同意者——余等及余等之世代子孙当永以善意遵守。此外,余等及余等之子孙后代,同时亦以下面附列之各项自由给予余等王国内一切自由人民,并允许严行遵守,永矢勿渝。

          (2)任何伯爵或男爵,或因军役而自余等直接领有采地之人身故时,如有已达成年之继承者,于按照旧时数额缴纳承继税后,即可享有其遗产。计伯爵继承人于缴纳一百镑后,即可享受伯爵全部遗产;男爵继承人于缴纳一百镑后,即可享受男爵全部遗产;武士继承人于最多缴纳一百先令后,即可享受全部武士封地。其他均应按照采地旧有习惯,应少交者须少交。

          (3)上述诸人之继承人如未达成年,须受监护者,应于成年后以其遗产交付之,不得收取任何继承税或产业转移税。

          (4)凡经管前款所述未达成年之继承人之土地者,除自该项土地上收取适当数量之产品,及按照习惯应行征取之赋税与力役外,不得多有需索以免耗费人力与物力。如余等以该项土地之监护权委托执行吏或其他人等,俾对其收益向余等负责,而其人使所保管之财产遭受浪费与损毁时,余等将处此人以罚金,并将该项土地转交该采地中合法与端正之人士二人,俾对该项收益能向余等或余等所指定之人负责。如余等将该项土地之监护权赐予或售予任何人,而其人使土地遭受浪费与损毁时,即须丧失监护权,并将此项土地交由该采地中之合法与端正人士二人,按照前述条件向余等负责。

          (5)此外,监护人在经管土地期间,应自该项土地之收益中拨出专款为房屋、园地、鱼塘、池沼、磨坊及其他附属物修缮费用,俾能井井有条。继承人达成年时,即应按照耕耘时之需要,就该项土地收益所许可之范围内置备犁、锄、与其他农具,附于其全部土地内归还之。

          (6)继承人得在不贬抑其身分之条件下结婚,但在订婚前应向其宅人之卑属亲族通告。

          (7)寡妇于其夫身故后,应不受任何留难而立即获得其嫁资与遗产。寡妇之嫁奁,嫁资,及其应得之遗产与其夫逝世前为二人共同保有之物品,俱不付任何代价。[自愿改醮]之寡妇得于其夫身故后,居留夫宅四十日,在此期间其嫁奁应交还之。

          (8)寡妇之自愿孀居者,不得强迫其改醮,但寡妇本人,如执有余等之土地时,应提供保证,未得余等同意前不改醮。执有其他领主之土地者,亦应获得其他领主同意。

          (9)凡债务人之动产足以抵偿其债务时,无论余等或余等之执行吏,均不得强取收入以抵偿债务。如负债人之财产足以抵偿其债务,即不得使该项债务之担保人受扣押动产之处分。但如债务人不能偿还债务,或无力偿还债务时,担保人应即负责清偿。担保人如愿意时,可扣押债务人之土地与收入,甚至后者偿还其前所代偿之债务时为止。惟该债务人能证明其所清偿已超过保人担保之额著,不在此限。

          (10)任何向犹太人借债者,不论其数额多少,如在未清偿前身故,此项债款在负责清偿之继承人未达成年之前不得负有利息,如此项债务落入余等之手,则余等除契据上载明之动产以外,不得收取任何其他物品。

          (11)欠付犹太人债务者亡故时,其妻仍应获得其嫁资,不负偿债之责。亡故者如有未成年之子女时,应按亡者遗产之性质,留备彼等之教养费,剩余数额,除扣还领主应得之报效外,始可作为清偿债务之用。关于犹太人以外之债务,同样依此规定处理。

          (12)除下列三项税金外,设无全国公意许可,将不征收任何免役税与贡金。即(一)赎回余等身体时之赎金[指被俘时].(二)策封余等之长子为武士时之费用。(三)余等之长女出嫁时之费用——但以一次为限。且为此三项目的征收之贡金亦务求适当。关于伦敦城之贡金,按同样规定办理。

          (13)伦敦城,无论水上或陆上,俱应享有其旧有之自由与自由习惯。其他城市、州、市镇,港口,余等亦承认或赐予彼等以保有自由与自由习惯之权。

          (14)凡在上述征收范围之外,余等如欲征收贡金与免役税,应用加盖印信之诏书致送各大主教,主教,住持,伯爵与男爵指明时间与地点召集会议,以期获得全国公意。此项诏书之送达,至少应在开会以前四十日,此外,余等仍应通过执行吏与管家吏普遍召集凡直接领有余等之土地者。召集之缘由应于诏书内载明。召集之后,前项事件应在指定日期依出席者之公意进行,不以缺席人数阻延之。

          (15)自此以往,除为赎还其本人之身体,策封其长子为武士,与一度出嫁其长女以外。余等不得准许任何人向其自由人征取贡金。而为上述目的所征收之贡金数额亦务求合乎情理。

          (16)不得强迫执有武士采地,或其他自由保有地之人,服额外之役。

          (17)一般诉讼应在一定地方审问,无需追随国王法庭请求处理。

          (18)凡关于强占土地,收回遗产及最后控诉等案件,应不在该案件所发生之州以外地区审理。其方法如下:由余等自己,或余等不在国内时,由余等之大法官,指定法官二人,每年四次分赴各州郡,会同该州郡所推选之武士四人,在指定之日期,于该州郡法庭所在地审理之。

          (19)州郡法庭开庭之日,如上述案件未能审理,则应就当日出庭之武士与自由佃农中酌留适当人数,俾能按照事件性质之轻重作出合宜裁决。

          (20)自由人犯轻罪者,应按犯罪之程度科以罚金;犯重罪者应按其犯罪之大小没收其土地,与居室以外之财产;对于商人适用同样规定,但不得没收其货物。凡余等所辖之农奴犯罪时,亦应同样科以罚金,但不得没收其农具。上述罚金,须凭邻居正直之人宣誓证明,始得科罚。

          (21)伯爵与男爵,非经其同级贵族陪审,并按照罪行程度外不得科以罚金。

          (22)教士犯罪时,仅能按照处罚上述诸人之方法,就其在俗之财产科以罚金;不得按照其教士采地之收益为标准科处罚金。

          (23)不得强迫任何市镇与个人修造渡河桥梁,惟向未负有修桥之责者不在此限。

          (24)余等之执行吏,巡察吏,检验吏与管家等,均不得受理向余等提出之诉讼。

          (25)一切州郡,百人村,小镇市,小区——余等自己之汤沐邑在外——均应按照旧章征收赋税,不得有任何增加。

          (26)凡领受余等之采地者亡故时,执有余等向该亡故者索欠之特许证状之执行吏或管家应即依公正人士数人之意见,按照债务数额,将该亡故者之动产加以登记与扣押,使在偿清余等债务之前不得移动。偿清后之剩余,应即交由死者之遗嘱执行人处理。如死者不欠余等之债,则除为其妻子酌留相当部分外,其余一切动产概依亡者所指定之用途处理。

          (27)任何未立遗嘱之自由人亡故时,其所遗动产应依教会之意见,经由其戚友之手分配之,但偿还死者债务之部分应予留出。

          (28)余等之巡察吏或管家吏,除立即支付价款外,不得自任何人之处擅取谷物或其他动产,但依出售者之意志允予延期付款者不在此限。

          (29)武士如愿亲自执行守卫勤务,或因正当理由不能亲自执行,而委托合适之人代为执行时,巡察吏即不得向之强索财物。武士被率领或被派遣出征时,应在军役期内免除其守卫勤务。

          (30)任何执行吏或管家吏,不得擅取自由人之车与马作为运输之用,但依照该自由人之意志为之者,不在此限。

          (31)无论余等或余等之管家吏俱不得强取他人木材,以供建筑城堡或其他私用,但依木材所所有人之意志为之者不在此限。

          (32)余等留用重罪既决犯之土地不得超过一年零一日,逾期后即应交还该项土地之原主。

          (33)自此以后,除海岸线以外,其他在泰晤斯河,美得威河及全英格兰各地一切河流上之堰坝与鱼梁概须拆除。

          (34)自此以后,不得再行颁布强制转移土地争执案件至国王法庭审讯之敕令,以免自由人丧失其司法权。

          (35)全国应有统一之度量衡。酒类、烈性麦酒与谷物之量器,以伦敦夸尔为标准;染色布、土布,锁子甲布之宽度应以织边下之两码为标准;其他衡器亦如量器之规定。

          (36)自此以后发给检验状(验尸或验伤)时不得索取或给予任何陋规,请求发给时,亦不得拒绝。

          (37)任何人以货币租地法,劳役租地法,或特许享有法保有余等之土地,但同时亦保有其他领主之兵役采地者,余等即不得借口上述诸关系强迫取得其继承人(未成年人)及其所保有他人土地之监护权。除该项货币租地,劳役租地与特许享有租地负有军役义务外,余等皆不得主张其监护权。任何人以献纳刀、剑、弓、箭等而得为余等之小军曹者,余等亦不得对其继承人及其所保有之他人土地主张监护权。

          (38)自此以后,凡不能提供忠实可靠之证人与证物时,管家吏不得单凭己意使任何人经受神判法(水火法)。

          (39)任何自由人,如未经其同级贵族之依法裁判,或经国法判决,皆不得被逮捕,监禁,没收财产,剥夺法律保护权,流放,或加以任何其他损害。

          (40)余等不得向任何人出售,拒绝,或延搁其应享之权利与公正裁判。

          (41)除战时与余等敌对之国家之人民外,一切商人,倘能遵照旧时之公正习惯,皆可免除苛捐杂税,安全经由水道与旱道,出入英格兰,或在英格兰全境逗留或耽搁以经营商业。战时,敌国商人在我国者,在余等或余等之大法官获知我国商人在敌国所受之待遇前,应先行扣留,但不得损害彼等之身体与货物。如我国商人之在敌国者安全无恙,敌国商人在我国者亦将安全无恙。

          (42)自此以后,任何对余等效忠之人民,除在战时为国家与公共幸福得暂加限制外,皆可由水道或旱道安全出国或入国。但监犯与被褫夺法律保护权之人为例外,关于敌国人民与商人,依前述方法处理。

          (43)领有归属土地——诸如自窝林福德,诺定昂,波罗因,兰开斯忒诸勋爵领有者,或其他归属于余等之男爵领地——之附庸亡故时,其继承人不另缴承继税。余等亦不得令其提供较男爵生前更多之役务,一切应依该采地在男爵手中时为标准。

          (44)自此以后,不得以普通传票召唤森林区以外之居民赴森林区法庭审讯。但为森林区案件之被告人,或为森林区案件被告之保人者,不在此限。

          (45)除熟习本国法律而又志愿遵守者外,余等将不任命任何人为法官,巡察吏,执行吏或管家吏。

          (46)一切自英国历朝国王获得特许状创立寺院或握有寺产保管权之男爵(贵族),应悉仍旧例,在该项寺院无人主持时,负保管之责。

          (47)凡在余等即位后所划出之森林区,及建为防御工事之河岸,皆应立即撤除。

          (48)有关每一州郡之森林,园圃,森林官,园圃守护人,管家吏及其仆役,河岸及其守护人等之一切陋规恶习,应由各该州郡推选武士十二人,于宣誓后立即驰赴各地详加调查,并于调查后四十日内予以全部彻底革除,务使永不再起。调查情形应先奏知余等,若余等不在国内时则先禀知大法官。

          (49)凡英国臣民为表示和好和忠忱所交予余等之人质或其他担保品,概须立即退还。

          (50)余等应解除热拉尔之戚及下列诸人(名略)及随从彼等来英任执行吏者之职务,并使彼等自此以后,不再在英国担任此项职务。

          (51)君臣复归于好后,余等应将携带马匹与武器来英格兰并危害英国之外国士兵,弩手,仆役及佣兵等立即遣送出境。

          (52)任何人凡未经其同级贵族之合法裁决而被余等夺去其土地,城堡,自由或合法权利者,余等应立即归还之。倘有关于此项事件之任何争执发生,应依后列负责保障和平之男爵二十五人之意见裁决之。其有在余等之父亨利王或余等之兄理查王时代,未经其同级贵族之合法判决而被夺去之上述各项,现为余等所有,或为他人所有而应由余等负责者,当较照参加十字军者获得展缓债务权利之一般规定办理。但当余等参谒圣地归来后,或因故中止余等之东征时,余等应即公平处理之。惟在余等誓师东征前正在进行诉讼,或由余等之敕令正在审理中者,不在此限。

          (53)关于下列事件亦应依照前条规定处理或展缓处理之;

          (甲)余等之父亨利王,兄理查王时代所划出之森林,何者应撤除,何者应保留。

          (乙)余等在他人采地中之监护权(此项监护权系因某人曾自余等领受军役采地,因而使余等享有者)。

          (丙)余等在他人采地中所建立之寺院(该采地之领主声称有管辖权者)。

          当余等参谒圣地归来后,或因故中止余等之东征时,余等应立即对上述诸项予以公正处理。

          (54)凡妇女指控之杀人案件,如死者并非其夫,即不得逮捕或监禁任何人。

          (55)凡余等所科之一切不正当与不合法之罚金与处罚,须一概免除或纠正之,或依照后列保障和平之男爵二十五人之意见,或大多数男爵连同前述之坎特伯里大主教斯提芬,及其所愿与共同商讨此事件者之意见处理之。遇大教主不能出席时,事件应照常进行。但如上述二十五男爵中有一人或数人与同一事件有关(“大宪章重订译本”作“为同一事件之原告”),则应于处理此一事件时回避,而代之以其余男爵中所遴选之人。

          (56)如余等曾在英格兰或威尔斯,未依其同级贵族之合法裁判,而夺去任何威尔斯贵族之土地,自由或其他物品,应立即归还之。遇有关于此类事件之争执发生时,应交由“边区”贵族处理,凡属英格兰人之产业,按照英格兰法律办理,威尔斯人产业,按照威尔斯法律办理,边区产业则依边区法律办理。威尔斯人对余等及余等之人民应同样行之。

          (57)至关于威尔斯人在余等之父亨利,或余等之兄理查时代未经其同级贵族之合法判

          决而被夺去之物,现在余等手中,或虽不在余等手中而应由余等负责者,余等将按照参加十字军者可展缓债务之一般规定处理。但当余等参谒圣地归来后,或因故中止余等之东征时,余等应即予以公平处理。惟在余等誓师东征前正在进行诉讼,或由余等之敕令正在审理中者,不在此限。

          (58)余等应立即归还刘埃霖之子及威尔斯人一切人质以及作为和平担保之一切信物与契据。

          (59)关于苏格兰王亚历山大,余等将归还其姊妹,质物,自由与合法权利,一如余等对英格兰诸男爵之所为,但属于其父威廉王敕令中所载,而为余等所保有者,不在此限。此一切当依照在英国宫廷中之苏格兰贵族之意见处理。

          (60)余等在上述敕令中所公布之一切习惯与自由,就属于余等之范围而言,应为全国臣民,无论僧俗,一律遵守,就属于诸男爵(一切贵族)之范围而言,应为彼等之附庸共同遵守。

          (61)余等之所以作前述诸让步,在欲归荣于上帝,致国家于富强,但尤在泯除余等与诸男爵间之意见,使彼等永享太平之福,因此,余等愿再以下列保证赐予之。

          诸男爵得任意从国中推选男爵二十五人,此二十五人应尽力遵守,维护,同时亦使其余人等共同遵守余等所颁赐彼等,并以本宪章所赐予之和平与特权。其方法如下:如余等或余等之法官,管家吏或任何其他臣仆,在任何方面干犯任何人之权利,或破坏任何和平条款而为上述二十五男爵中之四人发觉时,此四人可即至余等之前——如余等不在国内时,则至余等之三官前,——指出余等之错误,要求余等立即设法改正。自错误指出之四十日内,如余等,或余等不在国内时,余等之法官不顾改正此项错误,则该四人应将此事取决于其余男爵,而此二十三男爵即可联合全国人民,共同使用其权力,以一切方法向余等施以抑制与压力,诸如夺取余等之城堡、土地与财产等等,务使此项错误终能依照彼等之意见改正而后已。但对余等及余等二王后与子女之人身不得加以侵犯。错误一经改正,彼等即应与余等复为君臣如初。国内任何人如欲按上述方法实行,应宣誓服从前述男爵二十五人之命令,并尽其全力与彼等共同向余等施以压力。余等兹特公开允许任何人皆可作上述宣誓,并允许永不阻止任何人宣誓。国内所有人民,纵其依自己之意志,不愿对该二十五男爵宣誓以共同向余等施用压力者,余等亦应以命令令之宣誓。如上述二十五男爵中有任何人死亡,离国或因故不能执行上述职务时,其余男爵应依己意自其他男爵中推选另外之人代之,其宣誓方法与上述诸人同。此外,上述二十五男爵于受托执行任务时,倘在出席讨论中关于某些事件发生争端,或有某些男爵被召请后,不愿或不能出席时,则出席男爵过半数之决定,或宣布之方案,应被视为合法且具有约束力,一如二十五人全体出席所议决者同。上述二十五男爵应宣誓对前列各项竭诚遵守,并尽力使其余人遵守之,而余等亦不得由自己或通过他人自任何人取得任何物品致使上列诸权利与自由废止或削减。如有此项取得之物,应视同无效与非法,余等自己不得加以利用,亦不得通过别人加以利用。

          (62)自斗争开始以来,余等之僧俗臣民与余等之间所发生之一切敌意,愤怒与仇恨,余等已予宽恕并赦宥之,此外,自本朝第十六年复活节起,至和平重建之日止,一切僧俗人民所犯之一切罪过,余等亦已加以宽恕并赦宥之。关于上述各项让步与诺言,余等兹任命坎特伯里大主教斯提芬勋爵,杜伯林大主教亨利勋爵及前述诸主教与班达尔夫君共同草拟敕令以昭信守。

          (63)余等即以此敕令欣然而坚决昭告全国:英国教会应享自由,英国臣民及其子孙后代,将如前述,自余等及余等之后嗣在任何事件与任何时期中,永远适当而和平,自由而安静,充分而全然享受上述各项自由,权剂与让与,余等与诺男爵惧已宣誓,将以忠信与善意遵守上述各条款。上列诸人及其他多人当可为证。

        人权宣言

        即《人权和公民权宣言》,1789年8月26日法国制宪国民会议颁布颁布,是在法国大革命时期颁布的纲领性文件。宣告了人权、法治、自由、分权、平等和保护私有财产等基本原则。

        序言

        组成国民会议的法兰西人民的代表们,相信对于人权的无知、忽视与轻蔑乃是公共灾祸与政府腐化的唯一原因,乃决定在一个庄严的宣言里,呈现人类自然的、不可让渡的与神圣的权利,以便这个永远呈现于社会所有成员之前的宣言,能不断地向他们提醒他们的权利与义务;以便立法权与行政权的行动,因能随时与所有政治制度的目标两相比较,从而更受尊重;以便公民们今后根据简单而无可争辩的原则所提出的各种要求,总能导向宪法的维护和导向全体的幸福。
        因此,国民会议在上帝面前及其庇护之下,承认并且宣布如下的人权和公民权。

        正文

        第一条 人生来就是而且始终是自由的,在权利方面一律平等。社会差别只能建立在公益基础之上。
        第二条 一切政治结合均旨在维护人类自然的和不受时效约束的权利。这些权利是自由、财产、安全与反抗压迫。
        第三条 整个主权的本原根本上乃存在于国民(La Nation)。任何团体或任何个人皆不得行使国民所未明白授予的权力。
        第四条 自由是指能从事一切无害于他人的行为;因此,每一个人行使其自然权利,只以保证社会上其他成员能享有相同的权利为限制。此等限制只能以法律决定之。
        第五条 法律仅有权禁止有害于社会的行为。凡未经法律禁止的行为即不得受到妨碍,而且任何人都不得被强制去从事法律所未要求的行为。
        第六条 法律是公意(la volonté générale)的表达。每一个公民皆有权亲自或由其代表去参与法律的制订。法律对于所有的人,无论是施行保护或是惩罚都是一样的。在法律的眼里一律平等的所有公民皆能按照他们的能力平等地担任一切公共官职、职位与职务,除他们的德行和才能以外不受任何其他差别。
        第七条 除非在法律所确定情况下并按照法律所规定的程序,任何人均不受控告、逮捕与拘留。凡请求发布、传送、执行或使人执行任何专断的命令者,皆应受到惩罚;但任何根据法律而被传唤或逮捕的公民则应当立即服从,抗拒即属犯罪。
        第八条 法律只应设立确实必要和明显必要的刑罚,而且除非根据在犯法前已经通过并且公布的法律而合法地受到惩处,否则任何人均不应遭受刑罚。
        第九条 所有人直到被宣告有罪之前,均应被推定为无罪,而即使判定逮捕系属必要者,一切为羁押人犯身体而不必要的严酷手段,都应当受到法律的严厉制裁。
        第十条 任何人不应为其意见甚至其宗教观点而遭到干涉,只要它们的表达没有扰乱法律所建立的公共秩序。
        第十一条 自由交流思想与意见乃是人类最为宝贵的权利之一。因此,每一个公民都可以自由地言论、著作与出版,但应在法律规定的情况下对此项自由的滥用承担责任。
        第十二条 人权和公民权的保障需要公共的武装力量。这一力量因此是为了全体的福祉而不是为了此种力量的受任人的个人利益而设立的。
        第十三条 为了公共武装力量的维持和行政的开支,公共赋税是不可或缺的。赋税应在全体公民之间按其能力平等地分摊。
        第十四条 所有公民都有权亲身或由其代表决定公共赋税的必要性,自由地加以批准,知悉其用途,并决定税率、税基、征收方式和期限。
        第十五条 社会有权要求一切公务人员报告其行政工作。
        第十六条 一切社会,凡权利无保障或分权未确立,均无丝毫宪法之可言。
        第十七条 财产是不可侵犯与神圣的权利,除非合法认定的公共需要对它明白地提出要求,同时基于公正和预先补偿的条件,任何人的财产皆不可受到剥夺。

        Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizens by The National Assembly of France

        英文版(潘恩(Thomas Paine)《人权论》)

        The representatives of the people of FRANCE, formed into a NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, considering that ignorance, neglect, or contempt of human rights, are the sole causes of public misfortunes and corruptions of Government, have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration, these natural, imprescriptible, and inalienable rights: that this declaration being constantly present to the minds of the members of the body social, they may be forever kept attentive to their rights and their duties; that the acts of the legislative and executive powers of Government, being capable of being every moment compared with the end of political institutions, may be more respected; and also, that the future claims of the citizens, being directed by simple and incontestable principles, may always tend to the maintenance of the Constitution, and the general happiness.
        For these reasons the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY doth recognize and declare, in the presence of the Supreme Being, and with the hope of his blessing and favor, the following sacred rights of men and of citizens:

        One: Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of their rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility.
        Two: The aim of all political associations is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man; and these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance of oppression.

        Three: The nation is essentially the source of all sovereignty; nor can any individual, or any body of men, be entitled to any authority which is not expressly derived from it.
        Four: Political liberty consists in the power of doing whatever does not injure another. The exercise of the natural rights of every man, has no other limits than those which are necessary to secure to every other man the free exercise of the same rights; and these limits are determinable only by the law.
        Five: The law ought to prohibit only actions hurtful to society. What is not prohibited by the law should not be hindered; nor should anyone be compelled to that which the law does not require.

        Six: The law is an expression of the will of the community. All citizens have a right to concur, either personally or by their representatives, in its formation. It should be the same to all, whether it protects or punishes; and all being equal in its sight, are equally eligible to all honors, places, and employments, according to their different abilities, without any other distinction than that created by their virtues and talents.

        Seven: No man should be accused, arrested, or held in confinement, except in cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed. All who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary orders, ought to be punished, and every citizen called upon, or apprehended by virtue of the law, ought immediately to obey, and renders himself culpable by resistance.
        Eight: The law ought to impose no other penalties but such as are absolutely and evidently necessary; and no one ought to be punished, but in virtue of a law promulgated before the offence, and legally applied.
        Nine: Every man being presumed innocent till he has been convicted, whenever his detention becomes indispensable, all rigor to him, more than is necessary to secure his person, ought to be provided against by the law.

        Ten: No man ought to be molested on account of his opinions, not even on account of his religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not disturb the public order established by the law.

        Eleven: The unrestrained communication of thoughts and opinions being one of the most precious rights of man, every citizen may speak, write, and publish freely, provided he is responsible for the abuse of this liberty, in cases determined by the law.

        Twelve: A public force being necessary to give security to the rights of men and of citizens, that force is instituted for the benefit of the community and not for the particular benefit of the persons to whom it is intrusted.
        Thirteen: A common contribution being necessary for the support of the public force, and for defraying the other expenses of government, it ought to be divided equally among the members of the community, according to their abilities.

        Fourteen: Every citizen has a right, either by himself or his representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity of public contributions, the appropriation of them, and their amount, mode of assessment, and duration.
        Fifteen: Every community has a right to demand of all its agents an account of their conduct.
        Sixteen: Every community in which a separation of powers and a security of rights is not provided for, wants a constitution.
        Seventeen: The right to property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity, legally ascertained, and on condition of a previous just indemnity.

        THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
        独立宣言

        In Congress, July 4, 1776,大陆会议(一七七六年七月四日)

        THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
        美利坚合众国十三个州一致通过的宣言

        When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
        在有关人类事务的发展过程中,当一个民族必须解除其和另一个与之有关的民族之间的政治联系,并在世界各国之间,接受自然法则和自然界的造物主的旨意赋予的独立和平等的地位时,出于对人类舆论的尊重,必须把他们不得不独立的原因予以宣布。
        We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.
        我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等,造物者赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。
        That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
        为了保障这些权利,人类才在他们之间建立政府,而政府之正当权力,是经被治理者的同意而产生的。
        That whenever any form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience has shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.

        当任何形式的政府对这些目标具破坏作用时,人民便有权力改变或废除它,以建立一个新的政府;其赖以奠基的原则,其组织权力的方式,务使人民认为唯有这样才最可能获得他们的安全和幸福。为了慎重起见,成立多年的政府,是不应当由于轻微和短暂的原因而予以变更的。过去的一切经验也都说明,任何苦难,只要是尚能忍受,人类都宁愿容忍,而无意为了本身的权益便废除他们久已习惯了的政府。但是,当追逐同一目标的一连串滥用职权和强取豪夺发生,证明政府企图把人民置于专制统治之下时,那么人民就有权利,也有义务推翻这个政府,并为他们未来的安全建立新的保障。

        Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

        这就是这些殖民地过去逆来顺受的情况,也是它们不得不改变政府制度的原因。大不列颠国在位国王的历史,是接连不断的伤天害理和强取豪夺的历史,这些暴行的唯一目标,就是想在这些州建立专制的暴政。为了证明所言属实,现把下列事实向公正的世界宣布。

        He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

        他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必要的法律。

        He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

        他禁止他的总督们批准迫切而极为必要的法律,要不就把这些法律搁置起来暂不生效,等待他的同意;而一旦这些法律被搁置起来,他对它们就完全置之不理。

        He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

        他拒绝批准便利广大地区人民的其它法律,除非那些人民情愿放弃自己在立法机关中的代表权;但这种权利对他们有无法估量的价值,而且只有暴君才畏惧这种权利。

        He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

        他把各州立法团体召集到异乎寻常的、极为不便的、远离他们档案库的地方去开会,唯一的目的是使他们疲于奔命,不得不顺从他的意旨。

        He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

        他一再解散各州的议会,因为它们以无畏的坚毅态度反对他侵犯人民的权利。

        He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

        他在解散各州议会之后,又长期拒绝另选新议会;但立法权是无法取消的,因此这项权力仍由一般人民来行使。其实各州仍然处于危险的境地,既有外来侵略之患,又有发生内乱之忧。

        He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands .

        他竭力抑制我们各州增加人口;为此目的,他阻挠外国人入籍法的通过,拒绝批准其它鼓励外国人移居各州的法律,并提高分配新土地的条件。

        He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
        他拒绝批准建立司法权力的法律,藉以阻挠司法工作的推行。

        He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
        他把法官的任期、薪金数额和支付,完全置于他个人意志的支配之下。

        He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance.
        他建立新官署,派遣大批官员,骚扰我们人民,并耗尽人民必要的生活物质。

        He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

        他在和平时期,未经我们的立法机关同意,就在我们中间维持常备军。

        He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
        他力图使军队独立于民政之外,并凌驾于民政之上。
        He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
        他同某些人勾结起来把我们置于一种不适合我们的体制且不为我们的法律所承认的管辖之下;他还批准那些人炮制的各种伪法案来达到以下目的:
        For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
        在我们中间驻扎大批武装部队;
        For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
        用假审讯来包庇他们,使他们杀害我们各州居民而仍然逍遥法外;
        For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
        切断我们同世界各地的贸易;
        For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
        未经我们同意便向我们强行征税;
        For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
        在许多案件中剥夺我们享有陪审制的权益;
        For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:
        罗织罪名押送我们到海外去受审;
        For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
        在一个邻省废除英国的自由法制,在那里建立专制政府,并扩大该省的疆界,企图把该省变成既是一个样板又是一个得心应手的工具,以便进而向这里的各殖民地推行同样的极权统治;
        For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our Governments:
        取消我们的宪章,废除我们最宝贵的法律,并且根本上改变我们各州政府的形式;
        For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

        中止我们自己的立法机关行使权力,宣称他们自己有权就一切事宜为我们制定法律。
        He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

        他宣布我们已不属他保护之列,并对我们作战,从而放弃了在这里的政务。

        He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the Lives of our people.

        他在我们的海域大肆掠夺,蹂躏我们沿海地区,焚烧我们的城镇,残害我们人民的生命。

        He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

        他此时正在运送大批外国佣兵来完成屠杀、破坏和肆虐的老勾当,这种勾当早就开始,其残酷卑劣甚至在最野蛮的时代都难以找到先例。他完全不配作为一个文明国家的元首。
        He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
        他在公海上俘虏我们的同胞,强迫他们拿起武器来反对自己的国家,成为残杀自己亲人和朋友的刽子手,或是死于自己的亲人和朋友的手下。
        He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
        他在我们中间煽动内乱,并且竭力挑唆那些残酷无情、没有开化的印第安人来杀掠我们边疆的居民;而众所周知,印第安人的作战律令是不分男女老幼,一律格杀勿论的。
        In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
        在这些压迫的每一阶段中,我们都是用最谦卑的言辞请愿改善;但屡次请求所得到的答复是屡次遭受损害。一个君主,当他的品格已打上了暴君行为的烙印时,是不配做自由人民的统治者的。
        Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpation, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
        我们不是没有注意我们英国的弟兄。我们时常提醒他们,他们的立法机关企图把无理的管辖权横加到我们的头上。我们也曾把我们移民出这里和在这里定居的情形告诉他们。我们曾经向他们天生的正义感和雅量呼吁,我们恳求他们念在同种同宗的份上,弃绝这些掠夺行为,以免影响彼此的关系和往来。但是他们却对于这种正义和血缘的呼声一直充耳不闻。因此,我们实在不得不宣布和他们脱离,并且以对待世界上其它民族一样的态度对待他们:战即为敌;和则为友。
        We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
        因此,我们,在大陆会议上集会的美利坚合众国代表,以各殖民地善良人民的名义并经他们授权,向全世界最崇高的正义呼吁,说明我们的严正意向,同时郑重宣布;这些联合的殖民地是而且有权成为自由和独立的国家,它们取消一切对英国王室效忠的义务,它们和大不列颠国家之间的一切政治关系从此全部断绝,而且必须断绝;作为自由独立的国家,它们完全有权宣战、缔和、结盟、通商和独立国家有权去做的一切行动。为了支持这篇宣言,我们坚决信赖上帝的庇佑,以我们的生命、我们的财产和我们神圣的名誉,彼此宣誓。

        世界人权宣言(1948——2018 )

        序 言

        鉴于对人类家庭所有成员的固有尊严及其平等的和不移的权利的承认,乃是世界自由、正义与和平的基础,鉴于对人权的无视和侮蔑已发展为野蛮暴行,这些暴行玷污了人类的良心,而一个人人享有言论和信仰自由并免予恐惧和匮乏的世界的来临,已被宣布为普通人民的最高愿望,

        鉴于为使人类不致迫不得已铤而走险对暴政和压迫进行反叛,有必要使人权受法治的保护,鉴于有必要促进各国间友好关系的发展,鉴于各联合国国家的人民已在联合国宪章中重申他们对基本人权、人格尊严和价值以及男女平等权利的信念,并决心促成较大自由中的社会进步和生活水平的改善,鉴于各会员国业已誓愿同联合国合作以促进对人权和基本自由的普遍尊重和遵行,鉴于对这些权利和自由的普遍了解对于这个誓愿的充分实现具有很大的重要性,因此,大会发布这一世界人权宣言,作为所有人民和所有国家努力实现的共同标准,以期每一个人和社会机构经常铭念本宣言,努力通过教诲和教育促进对权利和自由的尊重,并通过国家的和国际的渐进措施,使这些权利和自由在各会员国本身人民及在其管辖下领土的人民中得到普遍和有效的承认和遵行。

        主要条款

        第一条 人人生而自由,在尊严和权利上一律平等。他们赋有理性和良心,并应以兄弟关系的精神相对待。
        第二条 人人有资格享有本宣言所载的一切权利和自由,不分种族、肤色、性别、语言、宗教、政治或其他见解、国籍或社会出身、财产、出生或其他身分等任何区别。
        并且不得因一人所属的国家或领土的政治的、行政的或者国际的地位之不同而有所区别,无论该领土是独立领土、托管领土、非自治领土或者处于其他任何主权受限制的情况之下。
        第三条 人人有权享有生命、自由和人身安全。
        第四条 任何人不得使为奴隶或奴役;一切形式的奴隶制度和奴隶买卖,均应予以禁止。
        第五条 任何人不得加以酷刑,或施以残忍的、不人道的或侮辱性的待遇或刑罚。
        第六条 人人在任何地方有权被承认在法律前的人格。
        第七条 法律之前人人平等,并有权享受法律的平等保护,不受任何歧视。人人有权享受平等保护,以免受违反本宣言的任何歧视行为以及煽动这种歧视的任何行为之害。

        第八条 任何人当宪法或法律所赋予他的基本权利遭受侵害时,有权由合格的国家法庭对这种侵害行为作有效的补救。

        第九条 任何人不得加以任意逮捕、拘禁或放逐。

        第十条 人人完全平等地有权由一个独立而无偏倚的法庭进行公正的和公开的审讯,以确定他的权利和义务并判定对他提出的任何刑事指控。
        第十一条 一 、凡受刑事控告者,在未经获得辩护上所需的一切保证的公开审判而依法证实有罪以前,有权被视为无罪。二 、任何人的任何行为或不行为,在其发生时依国家法或国际法均不构成刑事罪者,不得被判为犯有刑事罪。刑罚不得重于犯罪时适用的法律规定。

        第十二条 任何人的私生活、家庭、住宅和通信不得任意干涉,他的荣誉和名誉不得加以攻击。人人有权享受法律保护,以免受这种干涉或攻击。

        第十三条 一、 人人在各国境内有权自由迁徙和居住。二、 人人有权离开任何国家,包括其本国在内,并有权返回他的国家。

        第十四条 一 、人人有权在其他国家寻求和享受庇护以避免迫害。二、在真正由于非政治性的罪行或违背联合国的宗旨和原则的行为而被起诉的情况下,不得援用此种权利。

        第十五条 一、人人有权享有国籍。二、 任何人的国籍不得任意剥夺,亦不得否认其改变国籍的权利。
        第十六条 一、 成年男女,不受种族、国籍或宗教的任何限制有权婚嫁和成立家庭。他们在婚姻方面,在结婚期间和在解除婚约时,应有平等的权利。二、 只有经男女双方的自由和完全的同意,才能缔婚。三、 家庭是天然的和基本的社会单元,并应受社会和国家的保护。

        第十七条 一 、人人得有单独的财产所有权以及同他人合有的所有权。二 、任何人的财产不得任意剥夺。

        第十八条 人人有思想、良心和宗教自由的权利;此项权利包括改变他的宗教或信仰的自由,以及单独或集体、公开或秘密地以教义、实践、礼拜和戒律表示他的宗教或信仰的自由。

        第十九条 人人有权享有主张和发表意见的自由;此项权利包括持有主张而不受干涉的自由,和通过任何媒介和不论国界寻求、接受和传递消息和思想的自由。

        第二十条 一 、人人有权享有和平集会和结社的自由。二、 任何人不得迫使隶属于某一团体。

        第二十一条 一、 人人有直接或通过自由选择的代表参与治理本国的权利。二、 人人有平等机会参加本国公务的权利。三 、人民的意志是政府权力的基础;这一意志应以定期的和真正的选举予以表现,而选举应依据普遍和平等的投票权,并以不记名投票或相当的自由投票程序进行。
        第二十二条 每个人,作为社会的一员,有权享受社会保障,并有权享受他的个人尊严和人格的自由发展所必需的经济、社会和文化方面各种权利的实现,这种实现是通过国家努力和国际合作并依照各国的组织和资源情况。
        第二十三条 一、 人人有权工作、自由选择职业、享受公正和合适的工作条件并享受免于失业的保障。二、 人人有同工同酬的权利,不受任何歧视。三、 每一个工作的人,有权享受公正和合适的报酬,保证使他本人和家属有一个符合人的生活条件,必要时并辅以其他方式的社会保障。四、 人人有为维护其利益而组织和参加工会的权利。
        第二十四条 人人有享有休息和闲暇的权利,包括工作时间有合理限制和定期给薪休假的权利。
        第二十五条 一、 人人有权享受为维持他本人和家属的健康和福利所需的生活水准,包括食物、衣着、住房、医疗和必要的社会服务;在遭到失业、疾病、残废、守寡、衰老或在其他不能控制的情况下丧失谋生能力时,有权享受保障。二、 母亲和儿童有权享受特别照顾和协助。一切儿童,无论婚生或非婚生,都应享受同样的社会保护。
        第二十六条 一、 人人都有受教育的权利,教育应当免费,至少在初级和基本阶段应如此。初级教育应属义务性质。技术和职业教育应普遍设立。高等教育应根据成绩而对一切人平等开放。二 、教育的目的在于充分发展人的个性并加强对人权和基本自由的尊重。教育应促进各国、各种族或各宗教集团间的了解、容忍和友谊,并应促进联合国维护和平的各项活动。三、 父母对其子女所应受的教育的种类,有优先选择的权利。
        第二十七条 一 、人人有权自由参加社会的文化生活,享受艺术,并分享科学进步及其产生的福利。二 、人人对由于他所创作的任何科学、文学或美术作品而产生的精神的和物质的利益,有享受保护的权利。
        第二十八条 人人有权要求一种社会的和国际的秩序,在这种秩序中,本宣言所载的权利和自由能获得充分实现。
        第二十九条 一 、人人对社会负有义务,因为只有在社会中他的个性才可能得到自由和充分的发展。二 、人人在行使他的权利和自由时,只受法律所确定的限制,确定此种限制的唯一目的在于保证对旁人的权利和自由给予应有的承认和尊重,并在一个民主的社会中适应道德、公共秩序和普遍福利的正当需要。三 这些权利和自由的行使,无论在任何情形下均不得违背联合国的宗旨和原则。
        第三十条 本宣言的任何条文,不得解释为默许任何国家、集团或个人有权进行任何旨在破坏本宣言所载的任何权利和自由的活动或行为。

        The Universal Declaration of Human Rights Preamble

        Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,

        Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people,

        Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law,

        Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations,

        Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,

        Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,

        Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge,

        Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.

        Article 1.All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
        Article 2.Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.
        Article 3.Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
        Article 4.No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
        Article 5. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
        Article 6. Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.
        Article 7. All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
        Article 8. Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.
        Article 9. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.
        Article 10. Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.
        Article 11. (1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence. (2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.
        Article 12.No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.
        rticle 13. (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. (2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.
        Article 14.(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution. (2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
        Article 15.(1) Everyone has the right to a nationality. (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.
        Article 16.(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution. (2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.(3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.
        Article 17.(1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.
        Article 18.Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
        Article 19.Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
        Article 20.(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association. (2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.
        Article 21.(1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.(2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.(3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.
        Article 22.Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.
        Article 23. (1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favorable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.(2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.(3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favorable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.(4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
        Article 24.Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.
        Article 25.(1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. (2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.
        Article 26.(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.(3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.
        Article 27.(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.(2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.
        Article 28.Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.
        Article 29.(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.(2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
        Article 30.Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.

      12. Virgil《THE AENEID》19 BC

        BOOK I

        Arms, and the man I sing, who, forc’d by fate, And haughty Juno’s unrelenting hate,
        Expell’d and exil’d, left the Trojan shore.
        Long labors, both by sea and land, he bore, And in the doubtful war, before he won The Latian realm, and built the destin’d town; His banish’d gods restor’d to rites divine, And settled sure succession in his line, From whence the race of Alban fathers come, And the long glories of majestic Rome.

        O Muse! the causes and the crimes relate; What goddess was provok’d, and whence her hate; For what offense the Queen of Heav’n began To persecute so brave, so just a man; Involv’d his anxious life in endless cares, Expos’d to wants, and hurried into wars!

        Can heav’nly minds such high resentment show, Or exercise their spite in human woe?

        Against the Tiber’s mouth, but far away, An ancient town was seated on the sea; A Tyrian colony; the people made

        Stout for the war, and studious of their trade: Carthage the name; belov’d by Juno more Than her own Argos, or the Samian shore.

        Here stood her chariot; here, if Heav’n were kind, The seat of awful empire she design’d.

        Yet she had heard an ancient rumor fly, (Long cited by the people of the sky,) That times to come should see the Trojan race Her Carthage ruin, and her tow’rs deface; Nor thus confin’d, the yoke of sov’reign sway Should on the necks of all the nations lay.

        She ponder’d this, and fear’d it was in fate; Nor could forget the war she wag’d of late For conqu’ring Greece against the Trojan state.

        Besides, long causes working in her mind, And secret seeds of envy, lay behind; Deep graven in her heart the doom remain’d Of partial Paris, and her form disdain’d; The grace bestow’d on ravish’d Ganymed, Electra’s glories, and her injur’d bed.

        Each was a cause alone; and all combin’d To kindle vengeance in her haughty mind.

        For this, far distant from the Latian coast She drove the remnants of the Trojan host; And sev’n long years th’ unhappy wand’ring train Were toss’d by storms, and scatter’d thro’ the main.

        Such time, such toil, requir’d the Roman name, Such length of labor for so vast a frame.

        Now scarce the Trojan fleet, with sails and oars, Had left behind the fair Sicilian shores, Ent’ring with cheerful shouts the wat’ry reign, And plowing frothy furrows in the main; When, lab’ring still with endless discontent, The Queen of Heav’n did thus her fury vent: “Then am I vanquish’d? must I yield?” said she, “And must the Trojans reign in Italy?

        So Fate will have it, and Jove adds his force; Nor can my pow’r divert their happy course.

        Could angry Pallas, with revengeful spleen, The Grecian navy burn, and drown the men?

        She, for the fault of one offending foe, The bolts of Jove himself presum’d to throw: With whirlwinds from beneath she toss’d the ship, And bare expos’d the bosom of the deep; Then, as an eagle gripes the trembling game, The wretch, yet hissing with her father’s flame, She strongly seiz’d, and with a burning wound Transfix’d, and naked, on a rock she bound.

        But I, who walk in awful state above, The majesty of heav’n, the sister wife of Jove, For length of years my fruitless force employ Against the thin remains of ruin’d Troy!

        What nations now to Juno’s pow’r will pray, Or off’rings on my slighted altars lay?”

        Thus rag’d the goddess; and, with fury fraught.

        The restless regions of the storms she sought, Where, in a spacious cave of living stone, The tyrant Aeolus, from his airy throne, With pow’r imperial curbs the struggling winds, And sounding tempests in dark prisons binds.

        This way and that th’ impatient captives tend, And, pressing for release, the mountains rend.

        High in his hall th’ undaunted monarch stands, And shakes his scepter, and their rage commands; Which did he not, their unresisted sway Would sweep the world before them in their way; Earth, air, and seas thro’ empty space would roll, And heav’n would fly before the driving soul.

        In fear of this, the Father of the Gods Confin’d their fury to those dark abodes, And lock’d ‘em safe within, oppress’d with mountain loads; Impos’d a king, with arbitrary sway,
        To loose their fetters, or their force allay.

        To whom the suppliant queen her pray’rs address’d, And thus the tenor of her suit express’d: “O Aeolus! for to thee the King of Heav’n The pow’r of tempests and of winds has giv’n; Thy force alone their fury can restrain, And smooth the waves, or swell the troubled main-A race of wand’ring slaves, abhorr’d by me, With prosp’rous passage cut the Tuscan sea; To fruitful Italy their course they steer, And for their vanquish’d gods design new temples there.
        Raise all thy winds; with night involve the skies; Sink or disperse my fatal enemies.

        Twice sev’n, the charming daughters of the main, Around my person wait, and bear my train: Succeed my wish, and second my design; The fairest, Deiopeia, shall be thine, And make thee father of a happy line.”

        To this the god: “‘T is yours, O queen, to will The work which duty binds me to fulfil.

        These airy kingdoms, and this wide command, Are all the presents of your bounteous hand: Yours is my sov’reign’s grace; and, as your guest, I sit with gods at their celestial feast; Raise tempests at your pleasure, or subdue; Dispose of empire, which I hold from you.”

        He said, and hurl’d against the mountain side His quiv’ring spear, and all the god applied.

        The raging winds rush thro’ the hollow wound, And dance aloft in air, and skim along the ground; Then, settling on the sea, the surges sweep, Raise liquid mountains, and disclose the deep.

        South, East, and West with mix’d confusion roar, And roll the foaming billows to the shore.

        The cables crack; the sailors’ fearful cries Ascend; and sable night involves the skies; And heav’n itself is ravish’d from their eyes.

        Loud peals of thunder from the poles ensue; Then flashing fires the transient light renew; The face of things a frightful image bears, And present death in various forms appears.

        Struck with unusual fright, the Trojan chief, With lifted hands and eyes, invokes relief; And, “Thrice and four times happy those,” he cried, “That under Ilian walls before their parents died!

        Tydides, bravest of the Grecian train!

        Why could not I by that strong arm be slain, And lie by noble Hector on the plain, Or great Sarpedon, in those bloody fields Where Simois rolls the bodies and the shields Of heroes, whose dismember’d hands yet bear The dart aloft, and clench the pointed spear!”

        Thus while the pious prince his fate bewails, Fierce Boreas drove against his flying sails, And rent the sheets; the raging billows rise, And mount the tossing vessels to the skies: Nor can the shiv’ring oars sustain the blow; The galley gives her side, and turns her prow; While those astern, descending down the steep, Thro’ gaping waves behold the boiling deep.

        Three ships were hurried by the southern blast, And on the secret shelves with fury cast.

        Those hidden rocks th’ Ausonian sailors knew: They call’d them Altars, when they rose in view, And show’d their spacious backs above the flood.

        Three more fierce Eurus, in his angry mood, Dash’d on the shallows of the moving sand, And in mid ocean left them moor’d aland.

        Orontes’ bark, that bore the Lycian crew, (A horrid sight!) ev’n in the hero’s view, From stem to stern by waves was overborne: The trembling pilot, from his rudder torn, Was headlong hurl’d; thrice round the ship was toss’d, Then bulg’d at once, and in the deep was lost; And here and there above the waves were seen Arms, pictures, precious goods, and floating men.

        The stoutest vessel to the storm gave way, And suck’d thro’ loosen’d planks the rushing sea.

        Ilioneus was her chief: Alethes old,

        Achates faithful, Abas young and bold, Endur’d not less; their ships, with gaping seams, Admit the deluge of the briny streams.

        Meantime imperial Neptune heard the sound Of raging billows breaking on the ground.

        Displeas’d, and fearing for his wat’ry reign, He rear’d his awful head above the main, Serene in majesty; then roll’d his eyes Around the space of earth, and seas, and skies.

        He saw the Trojan fleet dispers’d, distress’d, By stormy winds and wintry heav’n oppress’d.

        Full well the god his sister’s envy knew, And what her aims and what her arts pursue.

        He summon’d Eurus and the western blast, And first an angry glance on both he cast; Then thus rebuk’d: “Audacious winds! from whence This bold attempt, this rebel insolence?

        Is it for you to ravage seas and land, Unauthoriz’d by my supreme command?

        To raise such mountains on the troubled main?

        Whom I-but first ‘t is fit the billows to restrain; And then you shall be taught obedience to my reign.

        Hence! to your lord my royal mandate bear-The realms of ocean and the fields of air Are mine, not his. By fatal lot to me The liquid empire fell, and trident of the sea.

        His pow’r to hollow caverns is confin’d: There let him reign, the jailer of the wind, With hoarse commands his breathing subjects call, And boast and bluster in his empty hall.”

        He spoke; and, while he spoke, he smooth’d the sea, Dispell’d the darkness, and restor’d the day.

        Cymothoe, Triton, and the sea-green train Of beauteous nymphs, the daughters of the main, Clear from the rocks the vessels with their hands: The god himself with ready trident stands, And opes the deep, and spreads the moving sands; Then heaves them off the shoals. Where’er he guides His finny coursers and in triumph rides, The waves unruffle and the sea subsides.

        As, when in tumults rise th’ ignoble crowd, Mad are their motions, and their tongues are loud; And stones and brands in rattling volleys fly, And all the rustic arms that fury can supply: If then some grave and pious man appear, They hush their noise, and lend a list’ning ear; He soothes with sober words their angry mood, And quenches their innate desire of blood: So, when the Father of the Flood appears, And o’er the seas his sov’reign trident rears, Their fury falls: he skims the liquid plains, High on his chariot, and, with loosen’d reins, Majestic moves along, and awful peace maintains.

        The weary Trojans ply their shatter’d oars To nearest land, and make the Libyan shores.

        Within a long recess there lies a bay: An island shades it from the rolling sea, And forms a port secure for ships to ride; Broke by the jutting land, on either side, In double streams the briny waters glide.

        Betwixt two rows of rocks a sylvan scene Appears above, and groves for ever green: A grot is form’d beneath, with mossy seats, To rest the Nereids, and exclude the heats.

        Down thro’ the crannies of the living walls The crystal streams descend in murm’ring falls: No haulsers need to bind the vessels here, Nor bearded anchors; for no storms they fear.

        Sev’n ships within this happy harbor meet, The thin remainders of the scatter’d fleet.

        The Trojans, worn with toils, and spent with woes, Leap on the welcome land, and seek their wish’d repose.

        First, good Achates, with repeated strokes Of clashing flints, their hidden fire provokes: Short flame succeeds; a bed of wither’d leaves The dying sparkles in their fall receives: Caught into life, in fiery fumes they rise, And, fed with stronger food, invade the skies.

        The Trojans, dropping wet, or stand around The cheerful blaze, or lie along the ground: Some dry their corn, infected with the brine, Then grind with marbles, and prepare to dine.

        Aeneas climbs the mountain’s airy brow, And takes a prospect of the seas below, If Capys thence, or Antheus he could spy, Or see the streamers of Caicus fly.

        No vessels were in view; but, on the plain, Three beamy stags command a lordly train Of branching heads: the more ignoble throng Attend their stately steps, and slowly graze along.

        He stood; and, while secure they fed below, He took the quiver and the trusty bow Achates us’d to bear: the leaders first He laid along, and then the vulgar pierc’d; Nor ceas’d his arrows, till the shady plain Sev’n mighty bodies with their blood distain.

        For the sev’n ships he made an equal share, And to the port return’d, triumphant from the war.

        The jars of gen’rous wine (Acestes’ gift, When his Trinacrian shores the navy left) He set abroach, and for the feast prepar’d, In equal portions with the ven’son shar’d.

        Thus while he dealt it round, the pious chief With cheerful words allay’d the common grief: “Endure, and conquer! Jove will soon dispose To future good our past and present woes.

        With me, the rocks of Scylla you have tried; Th’ inhuman Cyclops and his den defied.

        What greater ills hereafter can you bear?

        Resume your courage and dismiss your care, An hour will come, with pleasure to relate Your sorrows past, as benefits of Fate.

        Thro’ various hazards and events, we move To Latium and the realms foredoom’d by Jove.

        Call’d to the seat (the promise of the skies) Where Trojan kingdoms once again may rise, Endure the hardships of your present state; Live, and reserve yourselves for better fate.”

        These words he spoke, but spoke not from his heart; His outward smiles conceal’d his inward smart.

        The jolly crew, unmindful of the past, The quarry share, their plenteous dinner haste.

        Some strip the skin; some portion out the spoil; The limbs, yet trembling, in the caldrons boil; Some on the fire the reeking entrails broil.

        Stretch’d on the grassy turf, at ease they dine, Restore their strength with meat, and cheer their souls with wine.

        Their hunger thus appeas’d, their care attends The doubtful fortune of their absent friends: Alternate hopes and fears their minds possess, Whether to deem ‘em dead, or in distress.

        Above the rest, Aeneas mourns the fate Of brave Orontes, and th’ uncertain state Of Gyas, Lycus, and of Amycus.

        The day, but not their sorrows, ended thus.

        When, from aloft, almighty Jove surveys Earth, air, and shores, and navigable seas, At length on Libyan realms he fix’d his eyes-Whom, pond’ring thus on human miseries, When Venus saw, she with a lowly look, Not free from tears, her heav’nly sire bespoke: “O King of Gods and Men! whose awful hand Disperses thunder on the seas and land, Disposing all with absolute command;

        How could my pious son thy pow’r incense?

        Or what, alas! is vanish’d Troy’s offense?

        Our hope of Italy not only lost,

        On various seas by various tempests toss’d, But shut from ev’ry shore, and barr’d from ev’ry coast.

        You promis’d once, a progeny divine

        Of Romans, rising from the Trojan line, In after times should hold the world in awe, And to the land and ocean give the law.

        How is your doom revers’d, which eas’d my care When Troy was ruin’d in that cruel war?

        Then fates to fates I could oppose; but now, When Fortune still pursues her former blow, What can I hope? What worse can still succeed?

        What end of labors has your will decreed?

        Antenor, from the midst of Grecian hosts, Could pass secure, and pierce th’ Illyrian coasts, Where, rolling down the steep, Timavus raves And thro’ nine channels disembogues his waves.

        At length he founded Padua’s happy seat, And gave his Trojans a secure retreat; There fix’d their arms, and there renew’d their name, And there in quiet rules, and crown’d with fame.

        But we, descended from your sacred line, Entitled to your heav’n and rites divine, Are banish’d earth; and, for the wrath of one, Remov’d from Latium and the promis’d throne.

        Are these our scepters? these our due rewards?

        And is it thus that Jove his plighted faith regards?”

        To whom the Father of th’ immortal race, Smiling with that serene indulgent face, With which he drives the clouds and clears the skies, First gave a holy kiss; then thus replies: “Daughter, dismiss thy fears; to thy desire The fates of thine are fix’d, and stand entire.

        Thou shalt behold thy wish’d Lavinian walls; And, ripe for heav’n, when fate Aeneas calls, Then shalt thou bear him up, sublime, to me: No councils have revers’d my firm decree.

        And, lest new fears disturb thy happy state, Know, I have search’d the mystic rolls of Fate: Thy son (nor is th’ appointed season far) In Italy shall wage successful war,

        Shall tame fierce nations in the bloody field, And sov’reign laws impose, and cities build, Till, after ev’ry foe subdued, the sun Thrice thro’ the signs his annual race shall run: This is his time prefix’d. Ascanius then, Now call’d Iulus, shall begin his reign.

        He thirty rolling years the crown shall wear, Then from Lavinium shall the seat transfer, And, with hard labor, Alba Longa build.

        The throne with his succession shall be fill’d Three hundred circuits more: then shall be seen Ilia the fair, a priestess and a queen, Who, full of Mars, in time, with kindly throes, Shall at a birth two goodly boys disclose.

        The royal babes a tawny wolf shall drain: Then Romulus his grandsire’s throne shall gain, Of martial tow’rs the founder shall become, The people Romans call, the city Rome.

        To them no bounds of empire I assign, Nor term of years to their immortal line.

        Ev’n haughty Juno, who, with endless broils, Earth, seas, and heav’n, and Jove himself turmoils; At length aton’d, her friendly pow’r shall join, To cherish and advance the Trojan line.

        The subject world shall Rome’s dominion own, And, prostrate, shall adore the nation of the gown.

        An age is ripening in revolving fate

        When Troy shall overturn the Grecian state, And sweet revenge her conqu’ring sons shall call, To crush the people that conspir’d her fall.

        Then Caesar from the Julian stock shall rise, Whose empire ocean, and whose fame the skies Alone shall bound; whom, fraught with eastern spoils, Our heav’n, the just reward of human toils, Securely shall repay with rites divine; And incense shall ascend before his sacred shrine.

        Then dire debate and impious war shall cease, And the stern age be soften’d into peace: Then banish’d Faith shall once again return, And Vestal fires in hallow’d temples burn; And Remus with Quirinus shall sustain The righteous laws, and fraud and force restrain.

        Janus himself before his fane shall wait, And keep the dreadful issues of his gate, With bolts and iron bars: within remains Imprison’d Fury, bound in brazen chains; High on a trophy rais’d, of useless arms, He sits, and threats the world with vain alarms.”

        He said, and sent Cyllenius with command To free the ports, and ope the Punic land To Trojan guests; lest, ignorant of fate, The queen might force them from her town and state.

        Down from the steep of heav’n Cyllenius flies, And cleaves with all his wings the yielding skies.

        Soon on the Libyan shore descends the god, Performs his message, and displays his rod: The surly murmurs of the people cease; And, as the fates requir’d, they give the peace: The queen herself suspends the rigid laws, The Trojans pities, and protects their cause.

        Meantime, in shades of night Aeneas lies: Care seiz’d his soul, and sleep forsook his eyes.

        But, when the sun restor’d the cheerful day, He rose, the coast and country to survey, Anxious and eager to discover more.

        It look’d a wild uncultivated shore;

        But, whether humankind, or beasts alone Possess’d the new-found region, was unknown.

        Beneath a ledge of rocks his fleet he hides: Tall trees surround the mountain’s shady sides; The bending brow above a safe retreat provides.

        Arm’d with two pointed darts, he leaves his friends, And true Achates on his steps attends.

        Lo! in the deep recesses of the wood, Before his eyes his goddess mother stood: A huntress in her habit and her mien; Her dress a maid, her air confess’d a queen.

        Bare were her knees, and knots her garments bind; Loose was her hair, and wanton’d in the wind; Her hand sustain’d a bow; her quiver hung behind.

        She seem’d a virgin of the Spartan blood: With such array Harpalyce bestrode

        Her Thracian courser and outstripp’d the rapid flood.

        “Ho, strangers! have you lately seen,” she said, “One of my sisters, like myself array’d, Who cross’d the lawn, or in the forest stray’d?

        A painted quiver at her back she bore; Varied with spots, a lynx’s hide she wore; And at full cry pursued the tusky boar.”

        Thus Venus: thus her son replied again: “None of your sisters have we heard or seen, O virgin! or what other name you bear Above that style-O more than mortal fair!

        Your voice and mien celestial birth betray!

        If, as you seem, the sister of the day, Or one at least of chaste Diana’s train, Let not an humble suppliant sue in vain; But tell a stranger, long in tempests toss’d, What earth we tread, and who commands the coast?

        Then on your name shall wretched mortals call, And offer’d victims at your altars fall.”

        “I dare not,” she replied, “assume the name Of goddess, or celestial honors claim: For Tyrian virgins bows and quivers bear, And purple buskins o’er their ankles wear.

        Know, gentle youth, in Libyan lands you areA people rude in peace, and rough in war.

        The rising city, which from far you see, Is Carthage, and a Tyrian colony.

        Phoenician Dido rules the growing state, Who fled from Tyre, to shun her brother’s hate.

        Great were her wrongs, her story full of fate; Which I will sum in short. Sichaeus, known For wealth, and brother to the Punic throne, Possess’d fair Dido’s bed; and either heart At once was wounded with an equal dart.

        Her father gave her, yet a spotless maid; Pygmalion then the Tyrian scepter sway’d: One who condemn’d divine and human laws.

        Then strife ensued, and cursed gold the cause.

        The monarch, blinded with desire of wealth, With steel invades his brother’s life by stealth; Before the sacred altar made him bleed, And long from her conceal’d the cruel deed.

        Some tale, some new pretense, he daily coin’d, To soothe his sister, and delude her mind.

        At length, in dead of night, the ghost appears Of her unhappy lord: the specter stares, And, with erected eyes, his bloody bosom bares.

        The cruel altars and his fate he tells, And the dire secret of his house reveals, Then warns the widow, with her household gods, To seek a refuge in remote abodes.

        Last, to support her in so long a way, He shows her where his hidden treasure lay.

        Admonish’d thus, and seiz’d with mortal fright, The queen provides companions of her flight: They meet, and all combine to leave the state, Who hate the tyrant, or who fear his hate.

        They seize a fleet, which ready rigg’d they find; Nor is Pygmalion’s treasure left behind.

        The vessels, heavy laden, put to sea

        With prosp’rous winds; a woman leads the way.

        I know not, if by stress of weather driv’n, Or was their fatal course dispos’d by Heav’n; At last they landed, where from far your eyes May view the turrets of new Carthage rise; There bought a space of ground, which (Byrsa call’d, From the bull’s hide) they first inclos’d, and wall’d.

        But whence are you? what country claims your birth?

        What seek you, strangers, on our Libyan earth?”

        To whom, with sorrow streaming from his eyes, And deeply sighing, thus her son replies: “Could you with patience hear, or I relate, O nymph, the tedious annals of our fate!

        Thro’ such a train of woes if I should run, The day would sooner than the tale be done!

        From ancient Troy, by force expell’d, we came-If you by chance have heard the Trojan name.

        On various seas by various tempests toss’d, At length we landed on your Libyan coast.

        The good Aeneas am I call’d-a name,

        While Fortune favor’d, not unknown to fame.

        My household gods, companions of my woes, With pious care I rescued from our foes.

        To fruitful Italy my course was bent; And from the King of Heav’n is my descent.

        With twice ten sail I cross’d the Phrygian sea; Fate and my mother goddess led my way.

        Scarce sev’n, the thin remainders of my fleet, From storms preserv’d, within your harbor meet.

        Myself distress’d, an exile, and unknown, Debarr’d from Europe, and from Asia thrown, In Libyan desarts wander thus alone.”

        His tender parent could no longer bear; But, interposing, sought to soothe his care.

        “Whoe’er you are-not unbelov’d by Heav’n, Since on our friendly shore your ships are driv’n-Have courage: to the gods permit the rest, And to the queen expose your just request.

        Now take this earnest of success, for more: Your scatter’d fleet is join’d upon the shore; The winds are chang’d, your friends from danger free; Or I renounce my skill in augury.

        Twelve swans behold in beauteous order move, And stoop with closing pinions from above; Whom late the bird of Jove had driv’n along, And thro’ the clouds pursued the scatt’ring throng: Now, all united in a goodly team,

        They skim the ground, and seek the quiet stream.

        As they, with joy returning, clap their wings, And ride the circuit of the skies in rings; Not otherwise your ships, and ev’ry friend, Already hold the port, or with swift sails descend.

        No more advice is needful; but pursue The path before you, and the town in view.”

        Thus having said, she turn’d, and made appear Her neck refulgent, and dishevel’d hair, Which, flowing from her shoulders, reach’d the ground.

        And widely spread ambrosial scents around: In length of train descends her sweeping gown; And, by her graceful walk, the Queen of Love is known.

        The prince pursued the parting deity

        With words like these: “Ah! whither do you fly?

        Unkind and cruel! to deceive your son In borrow’d shapes, and his embrace to shun; Never to bless my sight, but thus unknown; And still to speak in accents not your own.”

        Against the goddess these complaints he made, But took the path, and her commands obey’d.

        They march, obscure; for Venus kindly shrouds With mists their persons, and involves in clouds, That, thus unseen, their passage none might stay, Or force to tell the causes of their way.

        This part perform’d, the goddess flies sublime To visit Paphos and her native clime; Where garlands, ever green and ever fair, With vows are offer’d, and with solemn pray’r: A hundred altars in her temple smoke; A thousand bleeding hearts her pow’r invoke.

        They climb the next ascent, and, looking down, Now at a nearer distance view the town.

        The prince with wonder sees the stately tow’rs, Which late were huts and shepherds’ homely bow’rs, The gates and streets; and hears, from ev’ry part, The noise and busy concourse of the mart.

        The toiling Tyrians on each other call To ply their labor: some extend the wall; Some build the citadel; the brawny throng Or dig, or push unwieldly stones along.

        Some for their dwellings choose a spot of ground, Which, first design’d, with ditches they surround.

        Some laws ordain; and some attend the choice Of holy senates, and elect by voice.

        Here some design a mole, while others there Lay deep foundations for a theater;

        From marble quarries mighty columns hew, For ornaments of scenes, and future view.

        Such is their toil, and such their busy pains, As exercise the bees in flow’ry plains, When winter past, and summer scarce begun, Invites them forth to labor in the sun; Some lead their youth abroad, while some condense Their liquid store, and some in cells dispense; Some at the gate stand ready to receive The golden burthen, and their friends relieve; All with united force, combine to drive The lazy drones from the laborious hive: With envy stung, they view each other’s deeds; The fragrant work with diligence proceeds.

        “Thrice happy you, whose walls already rise!”

        Aeneas said, and view’d, with lifted eyes, Their lofty tow’rs; then, entiring at the gate, Conceal’d in clouds (prodigious to relate) He mix’d, unmark’d, among the busy throng, Borne by the tide, and pass’d unseen along.

        Full in the center of the town there stood, Thick set with trees, a venerable wood.

        The Tyrians, landing near this holy ground, And digging here, a prosp’rous omen found: From under earth a courser’s head they drew, Their growth and future fortune to foreshew.

        This fated sign their foundress Juno gave, Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.

        Sidonian Dido here with solemn state

        Did Juno’s temple build, and consecrate, Enrich’d with gifts, and with a golden shrine; But more the goddess made the place divine.

        On brazen steps the marble threshold rose, And brazen plates the cedar beams inclose: The rafters are with brazen cov’rings crown’d; The lofty doors on brazen hinges sound.

        What first Aeneas this place beheld,

        Reviv’d his courage, and his fear expell’d.

        For while, expecting there the queen, he rais’d His wond’ring eyes, and round the temple gaz’d, Admir’d the fortune of the rising town, The striving artists, and their arts’ renown; He saw, in order painted on the wall, Whatever did unhappy Troy befall:

        The wars that fame around the world had blown, All to the life, and ev’ry leader known.

        There Agamemnon, Priam here, he spies, And fierce Achilles, who both kings defies.

        He stopp’d, and weeping said: “O friend! ev’n here The monuments of Trojan woes appear!

        Our known disasters fill ev’n foreign lands: See there, where old unhappy Priam stands!

        Ev’n the mute walls relate the warrior’s fame, And Trojan griefs the Tyrians’ pity claim.”

        He said (his tears a ready passage find), Devouring what he saw so well design’d, And with an empty picture fed his mind: For there he saw the fainting Grecians yield, And here the trembling Trojans quit the field, Pursued by fierce Achilles thro’ the plain, On his high chariot driving o’er the slain.

        The tents of Rhesus next his grief renew, By their white sails betray’d to nightly view; And wakeful Diomede, whose cruel sword The sentries slew, nor spar’d their slumb’ring lord, Then took the fiery steeds, ere yet the food Of Troy they taste, or drink the Xanthian flood.

        Elsewhere he saw where Troilus defied Achilles, and unequal combat tried;

        Then, where the boy disarm’d, with loosen’d reins, Was by his horses hurried o’er the plains, Hung by the neck and hair, and dragg’d around: The hostile spear, yet sticking in his wound, With tracks of blood inscrib’d the dusty ground.

        Meantime the Trojan dames, oppress’d with woe, To Pallas’ fane in long procession go, In hopes to reconcile their heav’nly foe.

        They weep, they beat their breasts, they rend their hair, And rich embroider’d vests for presents bear; But the stern goddess stands unmov’d with pray’r.

        Thrice round the Trojan walls Achilles drew The corpse of Hector, whom in fight he slew.

        Here Priam sues; and there, for sums of gold, The lifeless body of his son is sold.

        So sad an object, and so well express’d, Drew sighs and groans from the griev’d hero’s breast, To see the figure of his lifeless friend, And his old sire his helpless hand extend.

        Himself he saw amidst the Grecian train, Mix’d in the bloody battle on the plain; And swarthy Memnon in his arms he knew, His pompous ensigns, and his Indian crew.

        Penthisilea there, with haughty grace, Leads to the wars an Amazonian race:

        In their right hands a pointed dart they wield; The left, for ward, sustains the lunar shield.

        Athwart her breast a golden belt she throws, Amidst the press alone provokes a thousand foes, And dares her maiden arms to manly force oppose.

        Thus while the Trojan prince employs his eyes, Fix’d on the walls with wonder and surprise, The beauteous Dido, with a num’rous train And pomp of guards, ascends the sacred fane.

        Such on Eurotas’ banks, or Cynthus’ height, Diana seems; and so she charms the sight, When in the dance the graceful goddess leads The choir of nymphs, and overtops their heads: Known by her quiver, and her lofty mien, She walks majestic, and she looks their queen; Latona sees her shine above the rest, And feeds with secret joy her silent breast.

        Such Dido was; with such becoming state, Amidst the crowd, she walks serenely great.

        Their labor to her future sway she speeds, And passing with a gracious glance proceeds; Then mounts the throne, high plac’d before the shrine: In crowds around, the swarming people join.

        She takes petitions, and dispenses laws, Hears and determines ev’ry private cause; Their tasks in equal portions she divides, And, where unequal, there by lots decides.

        Another way by chance Aeneas bends

        His eyes, and unexpected sees his friends, Antheus, Sergestus grave, Cloanthus strong, And at their backs a mighty Trojan throng, Whom late the tempest on the billows toss’d, And widely scatter’d on another coast.

        The prince, unseen, surpris’d with wonder stands, And longs, with joyful haste, to join their hands; But, doubtful of the wish’d event, he stays, And from the hollow cloud his friends surveys, Impatient till they told their present state, And where they left their ships, and what their fate, And why they came, and what was their request; For these were sent, commission’d by the rest, To sue for leave to land their sickly men, And gain admission to the gracious queen.

        Ent’ring, with cries they fill’d the holy fane; Then thus, with lowly voice, Ilioneus began: “O queen! indulg’d by favor of the gods To found an empire in these new abodes, To build a town, with statutes to restrain The wild inhabitants beneath thy reign, We wretched Trojans, toss’d on ev’ry shore, From sea to sea, thy clemency implore.

        Forbid the fires our shipping to deface!

        Receive th’ unhappy fugitives to grace, And spare the remnant of a pious race!

        We come not with design of wasteful prey, To drive the country, force the swains away: Nor such our strength, nor such is our desire; The vanquish’d dare not to such thoughts aspire.

        A land there is, Hesperia nam’d of old; The soil is fruitful, and the men are bold-Th’ Oenotrians held it once-by common fame Now call’d Italia, from the leader’s name.

        To that sweet region was our voyage bent, When winds and ev’ry warring element

        Disturb’d our course, and, far from sight of land, Cast our torn vessels on the moving sand: The sea came on; the South, with mighty roar, Dispers’d and dash’d the rest upon the rocky shore.

        Those few you see escap’d the Storm, and fear, Unless you interpose, a shipwreck here.

        What men, what monsters, what inhuman race, What laws, what barb’rous customs of the place, Shut up a desart shore to drowning men, And drive us to the cruel seas again?

        If our hard fortune no compassion draws, Nor hospitable rights, nor human laws, The gods are just, and will revenge our cause.

        Aeneas was our prince: a juster lord, Or nobler warrior, never drew a sword; Observant of the right, religious of his word.

        If yet he lives, and draws this vital air, Nor we, his friends, of safety shall despair; Nor you, great queen, these offices repent, Which he will equal, and perhaps augment.

        We want not cities, nor Sicilian coasts, Where King Acestes Trojan lineage boasts.

        Permit our ships a shelter on your shores, Refitted from your woods with planks and oars, That, if our prince be safe, we may renew Our destin’d course, and Italy pursue.

        But if, O best of men, the Fates ordain That thou art swallow’d in the Libyan main, And if our young Iulus be no more,

        Dismiss our navy from your friendly shore, That we to good Acestes may return,

        And with our friends our common losses mourn.”

        Thus spoke Ilioneus: the Trojan crew

        With cries and clamors his request renew.

        The modest queen a while, with downcast eyes, Ponder’d the speech; then briefly thus replies: “Trojans, dismiss your fears; my cruel fate, And doubts attending an unsettled state, Force me to guard my coast from foreign foes.

        Who has not heard the story of your woes, The name and fortune of your native place, The fame and valor of the Phrygian race?

        We Tyrians are not so devoid of sense, Nor so remote from Phoebus’ influence.

        Whether to Latian shores your course is bent, Or, driv’n by tempests from your first intent, You seek the good Acestes’ government, Your men shall be receiv’d, your fleet repair’d, And sail, with ships of convoy for your guard: Or, would you stay, and join your friendly pow’rs To raise and to defend the Tyrian tow’rs, My wealth, my city, and myself are yours.

        And would to Heav’n, the Storm, you felt, would bring On Carthaginian coasts your wand’ring king.

        My people shall, by my command, explore The ports and creeks of ev’ry winding shore, And towns, and wilds, and shady woods, in quest Of so renown’d and so desir’d a guest.”

        Rais’d in his mind the Trojan hero stood, And long’d to break from out his ambient cloud: Achates found it, and thus urg’d his way: “From whence, O goddess-born, this long delay?

        What more can you desire, your welcome sure, Your fleet in safety, and your friends secure?

        One only wants; and him we saw in vain Oppose the Storm, and swallow’d in the main.

        Orontes in his fate our forfeit paid; The rest agrees with what your mother said.”

        Scarce had he spoken, when the cloud gave way, The mists flew upward and dissolv’d in day.

        The Trojan chief appear’d in open sight, August in visage, and serenely bright.

        His mother goddess, with her hands divine, Had form’d his curling locks, and made his temples shine, And giv’n his rolling eyes a sparkling grace, And breath’d a youthful vigor on his face; Like polish’d ivory, beauteous to behold, Or Parian marble, when enchas’d in gold: Thus radiant from the circling cloud he broke, And thus with manly modesty he spoke: “He whom you seek am I; by tempests toss’d, And sav’d from shipwreck on your Libyan coast; Presenting, gracious queen, before your throne, A prince that owes his life to you alone.

        Fair majesty, the refuge and redress

        Of those whom fate pursues, and wants oppress, You, who your pious offices employ

        To save the relics of abandon’d Troy; Receive the shipwreck’d on your friendly shore, With hospitable rites relieve the poor; Associate in your town a wand’ring train, And strangers in your palace entertain: What thanks can wretched fugitives return, Who, scatter’d thro’ the world, in exile mourn?

        The gods, if gods to goodness are inclin’d; If acts of mercy touch their heav’nly mind, And, more than all the gods, your gen’rous heart.

        Conscious of worth, requite its own desert!

        In you this age is happy, and this earth, And parents more than mortal gave you birth.

        While rolling rivers into seas shall run, And round the space of heav’n the radiant sun; While trees the mountain tops with shades supply, Your honor, name, and praise shall never die.

        Whate’er abode my fortune has assign’d, Your image shall be present in my mind.”

        Thus having said, he turn’d with pious haste, And joyful his expecting friends embrac’d: With his right hand Ilioneus was grac’d, Serestus with his left; then to his breast Cloanthus and the noble Gyas press’d; And so by turns descended to the rest.

        The Tyrian queen stood fix’d upon his face, Pleas’d with his motions, ravish’d with his grace; Admir’d his fortunes, more admir’d the man; Then recollected stood, and thus began: “What fate, O goddess-born; what angry pow’rs Have cast you shipwrack’d on our barren shores?

        Are you the great Aeneas, known to fame, Who from celestial seed your lineage claim?

        The same Aeneas whom fair Venus bore

        To fam’d Anchises on th’ Idaean shore?

        It calls into my mind, tho’ then a child, When Teucer came, from Salamis exil’d, And sought my father’s aid, to be restor’d: My father Belus then with fire and sword Invaded Cyprus, made the region bare, And, conqu’ring, finish’d the successful war.

        From him the Trojan siege I understood, The Grecian chiefs, and your illustrious blood.

        Your foe himself the Dardan valor prais’d, And his own ancestry from Trojans rais’d.

        Enter, my noble guest, and you shall find, If not a costly welcome, yet a kind:

        For I myself, like you, have been distress’d, Till Heav’n afforded me this place of rest; Like you, an alien in a land unknown, I learn to pity woes so like my own.”

        She said, and to the palace led her guest; Then offer’d incense, and proclaim’d a feast.

        Nor yet less careful for her absent friends, Twice ten fat oxen to the ships she sends; Besides a hundred boars, a hundred lambs, With bleating cries, attend their milky dams; And jars of gen’rous wine and spacious bowls She gives, to cheer the sailors’ drooping souls.

        Now purple hangings clothe the palace walls, And sumptuous feasts are made in splendid halls: On Tyrian carpets, richly wrought, they dine; With loads of massy plate the sideboards shine, And antique vases, all of gold emboss’d (The gold itself inferior to the cost), Of curious work, where on the sides were seen The fights and figures of illustrious men, From their first founder to the present queen.

        The good Aeneas, paternal care

        Iulus’ absence could no longer bear,

        Dispatch’d Achates to the ships in haste, To give a glad relation of the past,

        And, fraught with precious gifts, to bring the boy, Snatch’d from the ruins of unhappy Troy: A robe of tissue, stiff with golden wire; An upper vest, once Helen’s rich attire, From Argos by the fam’d adultress brought, With golden flow’rs and winding foliage wrought, Her mother Leda’s present, when she came To ruin Troy and set the world on flame; The scepter Priam’s eldest daughter bore, Her orient necklace, and the crown she wore Of double texture, glorious to behold, One order set with gems, and one with gold.

        Instructed thus, the wise Achates goes, And in his diligence his duty shows.

        But Venus, anxious for her son’s affairs, New counsels tries, and new designs prepares: That Cupid should assume the shape and face Of sweet Ascanius, and the sprightly grace; Should bring the presents, in her nephew’s stead, And in Eliza’s veins the gentle poison shed: For much she fear’d the Tyrians, double-tongued, And knew the town to Juno’s care belong’d.

        These thoughts by night her golden slumbers broke, And thus alarm’d, to winged Love she spoke: “My son, my strength, whose mighty pow’r alone Controls the Thund’rer on his awful throne, To thee thy much-afflicted mother flies, And on thy succor and thy faith relies.

        Thou know’st, my son, how Jove’s revengeful wife, By force and fraud, attempts thy brother’s life; And often hast thou mourn’d with me his pains.

        Him Dido now with blandishment detains; But I suspect the town where Juno reigns.

        For this ‘t is needful to prevent her art, And fire with love the proud Phoenician’s heart: A love so violent, so strong, so sure, As neither age can change, nor art can cure.

        How this may be perform’d, now take my mind: Ascanius by his father is design’d

        To come, with presents laden, from the port, To gratify the queen, and gain the court.

        I mean to plunge the boy in pleasing sleep, And, ravish’d, in Idalian bow’rs to keep, Or high Cythera, that the sweet deceit May pass unseen, and none prevent the cheat.

        Take thou his form and shape. I beg the grace But only for a night’s revolving space: Thyself a boy, assume a boy’s dissembled face; That when, amidst the fervor of the feast, The Tyrian hugs and fonds thee on her breast, And with sweet kisses in her arms constrains, Thou may’st infuse thy venom in her veins.”

        The God of Love obeys, and sets aside His bow and quiver, and his plumy pride; He walks Iulus in his mother’s sight, And in the sweet resemblance takes delight.

        The goddess then to young Ascanius flies, And in a pleasing slumber seals his eyes: Lull’d in her lap, amidst a train of Loves, She gently bears him to her blissful groves, Then with a wreath of myrtle crowns his head, And softly lays him on a flow’ry bed.

        Cupid meantime assum’d his form and face, Foll’wing Achates with a shorter pace, And brought the gifts. The queen already sate Amidst the Trojan lords, in shining state, High on a golden bed: her princely guest Was next her side; in order sate the rest.

        Then canisters with bread are heap’d on high; Th’ attendants water for their hands supply, And, having wash’d, with silken towels dry.

        Next fifty handmaids in long order bore The censers, and with fumes the gods adore: Then youths, and virgins twice as many, join To place the dishes, and to serve the wine.

        The Tyrian train, admitted to the feast, Approach, and on the painted couches rest.

        All on the Trojan gifts with wonder gaze, But view the beauteous boy with more amaze, His rosy-color’d cheeks, his radiant eyes, His motions, voice, and shape, and all the god’s disguise; Nor pass unprais’d the vest and veil divine, Which wand’ring foliage and rich flow’rs entwine.

        But, far above the rest, the royal dame, (Already doom’d to love’s disastrous flame,) With eyes insatiate, and tumultuous joy, Beholds the presents, and admires the boy.

        The guileful god about the hero long, With children’s play, and false embraces, hung; Then sought the queen: she took him to her arms With greedy pleasure, and devour’d his charms.

        Unhappy Dido little thought what guest, How dire a god, she drew so near her breast; But he, not mindless of his mother’s pray’r, Works in the pliant bosom of the fair, And molds her heart anew, and blots her former care.

        The dead is to the living love resign’d; And all Aeneas enters in her mind.

        Now, when the rage of hunger was appeas’d, The meat remov’d, and ev’ry guest was pleas’d, The golden bowls with sparkling wine are crown’d, And thro’ the palace cheerful cries resound.

        From gilded roofs depending lamps display Nocturnal beams, that emulate the day.

        A golden bowl, that shone with gems divine, The queen commanded to be crown’d with wine: The bowl that Belus us’d, and all the Tyrian line.

        Then, silence thro’ the hall proclaim’d, she spoke: “O hospitable Jove! we thus invoke,

        With solemn rites, thy sacred name and pow’r; Bless to both nations this auspicious hour!

        So may the Trojan and the Tyrian line In lasting concord from this day combine.

        Thou, Bacchus, god of joys and friendly cheer, And gracious Juno, both be present here!

        And you, my lords of Tyre, your vows address To Heav’n with mine, to ratify the peace.”

        The goblet then she took, with nectar crown’d (Sprinkling the first libations on the ground,) And rais’d it to her mouth with sober grace; Then, sipping, offer’d to the next in place.

        ‘T was Bitias whom she call’d, a thirsty soul; He took challenge, and embrac’d the bowl, With pleasure swill’d the gold, nor ceas’d to draw, Till he the bottom of the brimmer saw.

        The goblet goes around: Iopas brought His golden lyre, and sung what ancient Atlas taught: The various labors of the wand’ring moon, And whence proceed th’ eclipses of the sun; Th’ original of men and beasts; and whence The rains arise, and fires their warmth dispense, And fix’d and erring stars dispose their influence; What shakes the solid earth; what cause delays The summer nights and shortens winter days.

        With peals of shouts the Tyrians praise the song: Those peals are echo’d by the Trojan throng.

        Th’ unhappy queen with talk prolong’d the night, And drank large draughts of love with vast delight; Of Priam much enquir’d, of Hector more; Then ask’d what arms the swarthy Memnon wore, What troops he landed on the Trojan shore; The steeds of Diomede varied the discourse, And fierce Achilles, with his matchless force; At length, as fate and her ill stars requir’d, To hear the series of the war desir’d.

        “Relate at large, my godlike guest,” she said, “The Grecian stratagems, the town betray’d: The fatal issue of so long a war,

        Your flight, your wand’rings, and your woes, declare; For, since on ev’ry sea, on ev’ry coast, Your men have been distress’d, your navy toss’d, Sev’n times the sun has either tropic view’d, The winter banish’d, and the spring renew’d.”

        BOOK II

        All were attentive to the godlike man, When from his lofty couch he thus began: “Great queen, what you command me to relate Renews the sad remembrance of our fate: An empire from its old foundations rent, And ev’ry woe the Trojans underwent;

        A peopled city made a desart place;

        All that I saw, and part of which I was: Not ev’n the hardest of our foes could hear, Nor stern Ulysses tell without a tear.

        And now the latter watch of wasting night, And setting stars, to kindly rest invite; But, since you take such int’rest in our woe, And Troy’s disastrous end desire to know, I will restrain my tears, and briefly tell What in our last and fatal night befell.

        “By destiny compell’d, and in despair, The Greeks grew weary of the tedious war, And by Minerva’s aid a fabric rear’d, Which like a steed of monstrous height appear’d: The sides were plank’d with pine; they feign’d it made For their return, and this the vow they paid.

        Thus they pretend, but in the hollow side Selected numbers of their soldiers hide: With inward arms the dire machine they load, And iron bowels stuff the dark abode.

        In sight of Troy lies Tenedos, an isle (While Fortune did on Priam’s empire smile) Renown’d for wealth; but, since, a faithless bay, Where ships expos’d to wind and weather lay.

        There was their fleet conceal’d. We thought, for Greece Their sails were hoisted, and our fears release.

        The Trojans, coop’d within their walls so long, Unbar their gates, and issue in a throng, Like swarming bees, and with delight survey The camp deserted, where the Grecians lay: The quarters of the sev’ral chiefs they show’d; Here Phoenix, here Achilles, made abode; Here join’d the battles; there the navy rode.

        Part on the pile their wond’ring eyes employ: The pile by Pallas rais’d to ruin Troy.

        Thymoetes first (‘t is doubtful whether hir’d, Or so the Trojan destiny requir’d)

        Mov’d that the ramparts might be broken down, To lodge the monster fabric in the town.

        But Capys, and the rest of sounder mind, The fatal present to the flames designed, Or to the wat’ry deep; at least to bore The hollow sides, and hidden frauds explore.

        The giddy vulgar, as their fancies guide, With noise say nothing, and in parts divide.

        Laocoon, follow’d by a num’rous crowd, Ran from the fort, and cried, from far, aloud: ‘O wretched countrymen! what fury reigns?

        What more than madness has possess’d your brains?

        Think you the Grecians from your coasts are gone?

        And are Ulysses’ arts no better known?

        This hollow fabric either must inclose, Within its blind recess, our secret foes; Or ‘t is an engine rais’d above the town, T’ o’erlook the walls, and then to batter down.

        Somewhat is sure design’d, by fraud or force: Trust not their presents, nor admit the horse.’

        Thus having said, against the steed he threw His forceful spear, which, hissing as flew, Pierc’d thro’ the yielding planks of jointed wood, And trembling in the hollow belly stood.

        The sides, transpierc’d, return a rattling sound, And groans of Greeks inclos’d come issuing thro’ the wound And, had not Heav’n the fall of Troy design’d, Or had not men been fated to be blind, Enough was said and done t’inspire a better mind.

        Then had our lances pierc’d the treach’rous wood, And Ilian tow’rs and Priam’s empire stood.

        Meantime, with shouts, the Trojan shepherds bring A captive Greek, in bands, before the king; Taken to take; who made himself their prey, T’ impose on their belief, and Troy betray; Fix’d on his aim, and obstinately bent To die undaunted, or to circumvent.

        About the captive, tides of Trojans flow; All press to see, and some insult the foe.

        Now hear how well the Greeks their wiles disguis’d; Behold a nation in a man compris’d.

        Trembling the miscreant stood, unarm’d and bound; He star’d, and roll’d his haggard eyes around, Then said: ‘Alas! what earth remains, what sea Is open to receive unhappy me?

        What fate a wretched fugitive attends, Scorn’d by my foes, abandon’d by my friends?’

        He said, and sigh’d, and cast a rueful eye: Our pity kindles, and our passions die.

        We cheer youth to make his own defense, And freely tell us what he was, and whence: What news he could impart, we long to know, And what to credit from a captive foe.

        “His fear at length dismiss’d, he said: ‘Whate’er My fate ordains, my words shall be sincere: I neither can nor dare my birth disclaim; Greece is my country, Sinon is my name.

        Tho’ plung’d by Fortune’s pow’r in misery, ‘T is not in Fortune’s pow’r to make me lie.

        If any chance has hither brought the name Of Palamedes, not unknown to fame,

        Who suffer’d from the malice of the times, Accus’d and sentenc’d for pretended crimes, Because these fatal wars he would prevent; Whose death the wretched Greeks too late lament-Me, then a boy, my father, poor and bare Of other means, committed to his care, His kinsman and companion in the war.

        While Fortune favor’d, while his arms support The cause, and rul’d the counsels, of the court, I made some figure there; nor was my name Obscure, nor I without my share of fame.

        But when Ulysses, with fallacious arts, Had made impression in the people’s hearts, And forg’d a treason in my patron’s name (I speak of things too far divulg’d by fame), My kinsman fell. Then I, without support, In private mourn’d his loss, and left the court.

        Mad as I was, I could not bear his fate With silent grief, but loudly blam’d the state, And curs’d the direful author of my woes.

        ‘T was told again; and hence my ruin rose.

        I threaten’d, if indulgent Heav’n once more Would land me safely on my native shore, His death with double vengeance to restore.

        This mov’d the murderer’s hate; and soon ensued Th’ effects of malice from a man so proud.

        Ambiguous rumors thro’ the camp he spread, And sought, by treason, my devoted head; New crimes invented; left unturn’d no stone, To make my guilt appear, and hide his own; Till Calchas was by force and threat’ning wrought-But why-why dwell I on that anxious thought?

        If on my nation just revenge you seek, And ‘t is t’ appear a foe, t’ appear a Greek; Already you my name and country know; Assuage your thirst of blood, and strike the blow: My death will both the kingly brothers please, And set insatiate Ithacus at ease.’

        This fair unfinish’d tale, these broken starts, Rais’d expectations in our longing hearts: Unknowing as we were in Grecian arts.

        His former trembling once again renew’d, With acted fear, the villain thus pursued: “‘Long had the Grecians (tir’d with fruitless care, And wearied with an unsuccessful war) Resolv’d to raise the siege, and leave the town; And, had the gods permitted, they had gone; But oft the wintry seas and southern winds Withstood their passage home, and chang’d their minds.

        Portents and prodigies their souls amaz’d; But most, when this stupendous pile was rais’d: Then flaming meteors, hung in air, were seen, And thunders rattled thro’ a sky serene.

        Dismay’d, and fearful of some dire event, Eurypylus t’ enquire their fate was sent.

        He from the gods this dreadful answer brought: “O Grecians, when the Trojan shores you sought, Your passage with a virgin’s blood was bought: So must your safe return be bought again, And Grecian blood once more atone the main.”

        The spreading rumor round the people ran; All fear’d, and each believ’d himself the man.

        Ulysses took th’ advantage of their fright; Call’d Calchas, and produc’d in open sight: Then bade him name the wretch, ordain’d by fate The public victim, to redeem the state.

        Already some presag’d the dire event, And saw what sacrifice Ulysses meant.

        For twice five days the good old seer withstood Th’ intended treason, and was dumb to blood, Till, tir’d, with endless clamors and pursuit Of Ithacus, he stood no longer mute;

        But, as it was agreed, pronounc’d that I Was destin’d by the wrathful gods to die.

        All prais’d the sentence, pleas’d the storm should fall On one alone, whose fury threaten’d all.

        The dismal day was come; the priests prepare Their leaven’d cakes, and fillets for my hair.

        I follow’d nature’s laws, and must avow I broke my bonds and fled the fatal blow.

        Hid in a weedy lake all night I lay,

        Secure of safety when they sail’d away.

        But now what further hopes for me remain, To see my friends, or native soil, again; My tender infants, or my careful sire, Whom they returning will to death require; Will perpetrate on them their first design, And take the forfeit of their heads for mine?

        Which, O! if pity mortal minds can move, If there be faith below, or gods above, If innocence and truth can claim desert, Ye Trojans, from an injur’d wretch avert.’

        “False tears true pity move; the king commands To loose his fetters, and unbind his hands: Then adds these friendly words: ‘Dismiss thy fears; Forget the Greeks; be mine as thou wert theirs.

        But truly tell, was it for force or guile, Or some religious end, you rais’d the pile?’

        Thus said the king. He, full of fraudful arts, This well-invented tale for truth imparts: ‘Ye lamps of heav’n!’ he said, and lifted high His hands now free, ‘thou venerable sky!

        Inviolable pow’rs, ador’d with dread!

        Ye fatal fillets, that once bound this head!

        Ye sacred altars, from whose flames I fled!

        Be all of you adjur’d; and grant I may, Without a crime, th’ ungrateful Greeks betray, Reveal the secrets of the guilty state, And justly punish whom I justly hate!

        But you, O king, preserve the faith you gave, If I, to save myself, your empire save.

        The Grecian hopes, and all th’ attempts they made, Were only founded on Minerva’s aid.

        But from the time when impious Diomede, And false Ulysses, that inventive head, Her fatal image from the temple drew, The sleeping guardians of the castle slew, Her virgin statue with their bloody hands Polluted, and profan’d her holy bands; From thence the tide of fortune left their shore, And ebb’d much faster than it flow’d before: Their courage languish’d, as their hopes decay’d; And Pallas, now averse, refus’d her aid.

        Nor did the goddess doubtfully declare Her alter’d mind and alienated care.

        When first her fatal image touch’d the ground, She sternly cast her glaring eyes around, That sparkled as they roll’d, and seem’d to threat: Her heav’nly limbs distill’d a briny sweat.

        Thrice from the ground she leap’d, was seen to wield Her brandish’d lance, and shake her horrid shield.

        Then Calchas bade our host for flight And hope no conquest from the tedious war, Till first they sail’d for Greece; with pray’rs besought Her injur’d pow’r, and better omens brought.

        And now their navy plows the wat’ry main, Yet soon expect it on your shores again, With Pallas pleas’d; as Calchas did ordain.

        But first, to reconcile the blue-ey’d maid For her stol’n statue and her tow’r betray’d, Warn’d by the seer, to her offended name We rais’d and dedicate this wondrous frame, So lofty, lest thro’ your forbidden gates It pass, and intercept our better fates: For, once admitted there, our hopes are lost; And Troy may then a new Palladium boast; For so religion and the gods ordain,

        That, if you violate with hands profane Minerva’s gift, your town in flames shall burn, (Which omen, O ye gods, on Graecia turn!) But if it climb, with your assisting hands, The Trojan walls, and in the city stands; Then Troy shall Argos and Mycenae burn, And the reverse of fate on us return.’

        “With such deceits he gain’d their easy hearts, Too prone to credit his perfidious arts.

        What Diomede, nor Thetis’ greater son, A thousand ships, nor ten years’ siege, had done-False tears and fawning words the city won.

        “A greater omen, and of worse portent, Did our unwary minds with fear torment, Concurring to produce the dire event.

        Laocoon, Neptune’s priest by lot that year, With solemn pomp then sacrific’d a steer; When, dreadful to behold, from sea we spied Two serpents, rank’d abreast, the seas divide, And smoothly sweep along the swelling tide.

        Their flaming crests above the waves they show; Their bellies seem to burn the seas below; Their speckled tails advance to steer their course, And on the sounding shore the flying billows force.

        And now the strand, and now the plain they held; Their ardent eyes with bloody streaks were fill’d; Their nimble tongues they brandish’d as they came, And lick’d their hissing jaws, that sputter’d flame.

        We fled amaz’d; their destin’d way they take, And to Laocoon and his children make; And first around the tender boys they wind, Then with their sharpen’d fangs their limbs and bodies grind.

        The wretched father, running to their aid With pious haste, but vain, they next invade; Twice round his waist their winding volumes roll’d; And twice about his gasping throat they fold.

        The priest thus doubly chok’d, their crests divide, And tow’ring o’er his head in triumph ride.

        With both his hands he labors at the knots; His holy fillets the blue venom blots; His roaring fills the flitting air around.

        Thus, when an ox receives a glancing wound, He breaks his bands, the fatal altar flies, And with loud bellowings breaks the yielding skies.

        Their tasks perform’d, the serpents quit their prey, And to the tow’r of Pallas make their way: Couch’d at her feet, they lie protected there By her large buckler and protended spear.

        Amazement seizes all; the gen’ral cry Proclaims Laocoon justly doom’d to die, Whose hand the will of Pallas had withstood, And dared to violate the sacred wood.

        All vote t’ admit the steed, that vows be paid And incense offer’d to th’ offended maid.

        A spacious breach is made; the town lies bare; Some hoisting-levers, some the wheels prepare And fasten to the horse’s feet; the rest With cables haul along th’ unwieldly beast.

        Each on his fellow for assistance calls; At length the fatal fabric mounts the walls, Big with destruction. Boys with chaplets crown’d, And choirs of virgins, sing and dance around.

        Thus rais’d aloft, and then descending down, It enters o’er our heads, and threats the town.

        O sacred city, built by hands divine!

        O valiant heroes of the Trojan line!

        Four times he struck: as oft the clashing sound Of arms was heard, and inward groans rebound.

        Yet, mad with zeal, and blinded with our fate, We haul along the horse in solemn state; Then place the dire portent within the tow’r.

        Cassandra cried, and curs’d th’ unhappy hour; Foretold our fate; but, by the god’s decree, All heard, and none believ’d the prophecy.

        With branches we the fanes adorn, and waste, In jollity, the day ordain’d to be the last.

        Meantime the rapid heav’ns roll’d down the light, And on the shaded ocean rush’d the night; Our men, secure, nor guards nor sentries held, But easy sleep their weary limbs compell’d.

        The Grecians had embark’d their naval pow’rs From Tenedos, and sought our well-known shores, Safe under covert of the silent night, And guided by th’ imperial galley’s light; When Sinon, favor’d by the partial gods, Unlock’d the horse, and op’d his dark abodes; Restor’d to vital air our hidden foes, Who joyful from their long confinement rose.

        Tysander bold, and Sthenelus their guide, And dire Ulysses down the cable slide: Then Thoas, Athamas, and Pyrrhus haste; Nor was the Podalirian hero last,

        Nor injur’d Menelaus, nor the fam’d

        Epeus, who the fatal engine fram’d.

        A nameless crowd succeed; their forces join T’ invade the town, oppress’d with sleep and wine.

        Those few they find awake first meet their fate; Then to their fellows they unbar the gate.

        “‘T was in the dead of night, when sleep repairs Our bodies worn with toils, our minds with cares, When Hector’s ghost before my sight appears: A bloody shroud he seem’d, and bath’d in tears; Such as he was, when, by Pelides slain, Thessalian coursers dragg’d him o’er the plain.

        Swoln were his feet, as when the thongs were thrust Thro’ the bor’d holes; his body black with dust; Unlike that Hector who return’d from toils Of war, triumphant, in Aeacian spoils, Or him who made the fainting Greeks retire, And launch’d against their navy Phrygian fire.

        His hair and beard stood stiffen’d with his gore; And all the wounds he for his country bore Now stream’d afresh, and with new purple ran.

        I wept to see the visionary man,

        And, while my trance continued, thus began: ‘O light of Trojans, and support of Troy, Thy father’s champion, and thy country’s joy!

        O, long expected by thy friends! from whence Art thou so late return’d for our defense?

        Do we behold thee, wearied as we are

        With length of labors, and with toils of war?

        After so many fun’rals of thy own

        Art thou restor’d to thy declining town?

        But say, what wounds are these? What new disgrace Deforms the manly features of thy face?’

        “To this the specter no reply did frame, But answer’d to the cause for which he came, And, groaning from the bottom of his breast, This warning in these mournful words express’d: ‘O goddess-born! escape, by timely flight, The flames and horrors of this fatal night.

        The foes already have possess’d the wall; Troy nods from high, and totters to her fall.

        Enough is paid to Priam’s royal name, More than enough to duty and to fame.

        If by a mortal hand my father’s throne Could be defended, ‘t was by mine alone.

        Now Troy to thee commends her future state, And gives her gods companions of thy fate: From their assistance walls expect,

        Which, wand’ring long, at last thou shalt erect.’

        He said, and brought me, from their blest abodes, The venerable statues of the gods,

        With ancient Vesta from the sacred choir, The wreaths and relics of th’ immortal fire.

        “Now peals of shouts come thund’ring from afar, Cries, threats, and loud laments, and mingled war: The noise approaches, tho’ our palace stood Aloof from streets, encompass’d with a wood.

        Louder, and yet more loud, I hear th’ alarms Of human cries distinct, and clashing arms.

        Fear broke my slumbers; I no longer stay, But mount the terrace, thence the town survey, And hearken what the frightful sounds convey.

        Thus, when a flood of fire by wind is borne, Crackling it rolls, and mows the standing corn; Or deluges, descending on the plains, Sweep o’er the yellow year, destroy the pains Of lab’ring oxen and the peasant’s gains; Unroot the forest oaks, and bear away Flocks, folds, and trees, and undistinguish’d prey: The shepherd climbs the cliff, and sees from far The wasteful ravage of the wat’ry war.

        Then Hector’s faith was manifestly clear’d, And Grecian frauds in open light appear’d.

        The palace of Deiphobus ascends

        In smoky flames, and catches on his friends.

        Ucalegon burns next: the seas are bright With splendor not their own, and shine with Trojan light.

        New clamors and new clangors now arise, The sound of trumpets mix’d with fighting cries.

        With frenzy seiz’d, I run to meet th’ alarms, Resolv’d on death, resolv’d to die in arms, But first to gather friends, with them t’ oppose (If fortune favor’d) and repel the foes; Spurr’d by my courage, by my country fir’d, With sense of honor and revenge inspir’d.

        “Pantheus, Apollo’s priest, a sacred name, Had scap’d the Grecian swords, and pass’d the flame: With relics loaden. to my doors he fled, And by the hand his tender grandson led.

        ‘What hope, O Pantheus? whither can we run?

        Where make a stand? and what may yet be done?’

        Scarce had I said, when Pantheus, with a groan: ‘Troy is no more, and Ilium was a town!

        The fatal day, th’ appointed hour, is come, When wrathful Jove’s irrevocable doom Transfers the Trojan state to Grecian hands.

        The fire consumes the town, the foe commands; And armed hosts, an unexpected force, Break from the bowels of the fatal horse.

        Within the gates, proud Sinon throws about The flames; and foes for entrance press without, With thousand others, whom I fear to name, More than from Argos or Mycenae came.

        To sev’ral posts their parties they divide; Some block the narrow streets, some scour the wide: The bold they kill, th’ unwary they surprise; Who fights finds death, and death finds him who flies.

        The warders of the gate but scarce maintain Th’ unequal combat, and resist in vain.’

        “I heard; and Heav’n, that well-born souls inspires, Prompts me thro’ lifted swords and rising fires To run where clashing arms and clamor calls, And rush undaunted to defend the walls.

        Ripheus and Iph’itus by my side engage, For valor one renown’d, and one for age.

        Dymas and Hypanis by moonlight knew

        My motions and my mien, and to my party drew; With young Coroebus, who by love was led To win renown and fair Cassandra’s bed, And lately brought his troops to Priam’s aid, Forewarn’d in vain by the prophetic maid.

        Whom when I saw resolv’d in arms to fall, And that one spirit animated all:

        ‘Brave souls!’ said I,- ‘but brave, alas! in vain-Come, finish what our cruel fates ordain.

        You see the desp’rate state of our affairs, And heav’n’s protecting pow’rs are deaf to pray’rs.

        The passive gods behold the Greeks defile Their temples, and abandon to the spoil Their own abodes: we, feeble few, conspire To save a sinking town, involv’d in fire.

        Then let us fall, but fall amidst our foes: Despair of life the means of living shows.’

        So bold a speech incourag’d their desire Of death, and added fuel to their fire.

        “As hungry wolves, with raging appetite, Scour thro’ the fields, nor fear the stormy night-Their whelps at home expect the promis’d food, And long to temper their dry chaps in blood-So rush’d we forth at once; resolv’d to die, Resolv’d, in death, the last extremes to try.

        We leave the narrow lanes behind, and dare Th’ unequal combat in the public square: Night was our friend; our leader was despair.

        What tongue can tell the slaughter of that night?

        What eyes can weep the sorrows and affright?

        An ancient and imperial city falls:

        The streets are fill’d with frequent funerals; Houses and holy temples float in blood, And hostile nations make a common flood.

        Not only Trojans fall; but, in their turn, The vanquish’d triumph, and the victors mourn.

        Ours take new courage from despair and night: Confus’d the fortune is, confus’d the fight.

        All parts resound with tumults, plaints, and fears; And grisly Death in sundry shapes appears.

        Androgeos fell among us, with his band, Who thought us Grecians newly come to land.

        ‘From whence,’ said he, ‘my friends, this long delay?

        You loiter, while the spoils are borne away: Our ships are laden with the Trojan store; And you, like truants, come too late ashore.’

        He said, but soon corrected his mistake, Found, by the doubtful answers which we make: Amaz’d, he would have shunn’d th’ unequal fight; But we, more num’rous, intercept his flight.

        As when some peasant, in a bushy brake, Has with unwary footing press’d a snake; He starts aside, astonish’d, when he spies His rising crest, blue neck, and rolling eyes; So from our arms surpris’d Androgeos flies.

        In vain; for him and his we compass’d round, Possess’d with fear, unknowing of the ground, And of their lives an easy conquest found.

        Thus Fortune on our first endeavor smil’d.

        Coroebus then, with youthful hopes beguil’d, Swoln with success, and a daring mind, This new invention fatally design’d.

        ‘My friends,’ said he, ‘since Fortune shows the way, ‘T is fit we should th’ auspicious guide obey.

        For what has she these Grecian arms bestow’d, But their destruction, and the Trojans’ good?

        Then change we shields, and their devices bear: Let fraud supply the want of force in war.

        They find us arms.’ This said, himself he dress’d In dead Androgeos’ spoils, his upper vest, His painted buckler, and his plumy crest.

        Thus Ripheus, Dymas, all the Trojan train, Lay down their own attire, and strip the slain.

        Mix’d with the Greeks, we go with ill presage, Flatter’d with hopes to glut our greedy rage; Unknown, assaulting whom we blindly meet, And strew with Grecian carcasses the street.

        Thus while their straggling parties we defeat, Some to the shore and safer ships retreat; And some, oppress’d with more ignoble fear, Remount the hollow horse, and pant in secret there.

        “But, ah! what use of valor can be made, When heav’n’s propitious pow’rs refuse their aid!

        Behold the royal prophetess, the fair Cassandra, dragg’d by her dishevel’d hair, Whom not Minerva’s shrine, nor sacred bands, In safety could protect from sacrilegious hands: On heav’n she cast her eyes, she sigh’d, she cried-

        ‘T was all she could-her tender arms were tied.

        So sad a sight Coroebus could not bear; But, fir’d with rage, distracted with despair, Amid the barb’rous ravishers he flew: Our leader’s rash example we pursue.

        But storms of stones, from the proud temple’s height, Pour down, and on our batter’d helms alight: We from our friends receiv’d this fatal blow, Who thought us Grecians, as we seem’d in show.

        They aim at the mistaken crests, from high; And ours beneath the pond’rous ruin lie.

        Then, mov’d with anger and disdain, to see Their troops dispers’d, the royal virgin free, The Grecians rally, and their pow’rs unite, With fury charge us, and renew the fight.

        The brother kings with Ajax join their force, And the whole squadron of Thessalian horse.

        “Thus, when the rival winds their quarrel try, Contending for the kingdom of the sky, South, east, and west, on airy coursers borne; The whirlwind gathers, and the woods are torn: Then Nereus strikes the deep; the billows rise, And, mix’d with ooze and sand, pollute the skies.

        The troops we squander’d first again appear From several quarters, and enclose the rear.

        They first observe, and to the rest betray, Our diff’rent speech; our borrow’d arms survey.

        Oppress’d with odds, we fall; Coroebus first, At Pallas’ altar, by Peneleus pierc’d.

        Then Ripheus follow’d, in th’ unequal fight; Just of his word, observant of the right: Heav’n thought not so. Dymas their fate attends, With Hypanis, mistaken by their friends.

        Nor, Pantheus, thee, thy miter, nor the bands Of awful Phoebus, sav’d from impious hands.

        Ye Trojan flames, your testimony bear, What I perform’d, and what I suffer’d there; No sword avoiding in the fatal strife, Expos’d to death, and prodigal of life; Witness, ye heavens! I live not by my fault: I strove to have deserv’d the death I sought.

        But, when I could not fight, and would have died, Borne off to distance by the growing tide, Old Iphitus and I were hurried thence, With Pelias wounded, and without defense.

        New clamors from th’ invested palace ring: We run to die, or disengage the king.

        So hot th’ assault, so high the tumult rose, While ours defend, and while the Greeks oppose As all the Dardan and Argolic race

        Had been contracted in that narrow space; Or as all Ilium else were void of fear, And tumult, war, and slaughter, only there.

        Their targets in a tortoise cast, the foes, Secure advancing, to the turrets rose: Some mount the scaling ladders; some, more bold, Swerve upwards, and by posts and pillars hold; Their left hand gripes their bucklers in th’ ascent, While with their right they seize the battlement.

        From their demolish’d tow’rs the Trojans throw Huge heaps of stones, that, falling, crush the foe; And heavy beams and rafters from the sides (Such arms their last necessity provides) And gilded roofs, come tumbling from on high, The marks of state and ancient royalty.

        The guards below, fix’d in the pass, attend The charge undaunted, and the gate defend.

        Renew’d in courage with recover’d breath, A second time we ran to tempt our death, To clear the palace from the foe, succeed The weary living, and revenge the dead.

        “A postern door, yet unobserv’d and free, Join’d by the length of a blind gallery, To the king’s closet led: a way well known To Hector’s wife, while Priam held the throne, Thro’ which she brought Astyanax, unseen, To cheer his grandsire and his grandsire’s queen.

        Thro’ this we pass, and mount the tow’r, from whence With unavailing arms the Trojans make defense.

        From this the trembling king had oft descried The Grecian camp, and saw their navy ride.

        Beams from its lofty height with swords we hew, Then, wrenching with our hands, th’ assault renew; And, where the rafters on the columns meet, We push them headlong with our arms and feet.

        The lightning flies not swifter than the fall, Nor thunder louder than the ruin’d wall: Down goes the top at once; the Greeks beneath Are piecemeal torn, or pounded into death.

        Yet more succeed, and more to death are sent; We cease not from above, nor they below relent.

        Before the gate stood Pyrrhus, threat’ning loud, With glitt’ring arms conspicuous in the crowd.

        So shines, renew’d in youth, the crested snake, Who slept the winter in a thorny brake, And, casting off his slough when spring returns, Now looks aloft, and with new glory burns; Restor’d with poisonous herbs, his ardent sides Reflect the sun; and rais’d on spires he rides; High o’er the grass, hissing he rolls along, And brandishes by fits his forky tongue.

        Proud Periphas, and fierce Automedon, His father’s charioteer, together run To force the gate; the Scyrian infantry Rush on in crowds, and the barr’d passage free.

        Ent’ring the court, with shouts the skies they rend; And flaming firebrands to the roofs ascend.

        Himself, among the foremost, deals his blows, And with his ax repeated strokes bestows On the strong doors; then all their shoulders ply, Till from the posts the brazen hinges fly.

        He hews apace; the double bars at length Yield to his ax and unresisted strength.

        A mighty breach is made: the rooms conceal’d Appear, and all the palace is reveal’d; The halls of audience, and of public state, And where the lonely queen in secret sate.

        Arm’d soldiers now by trembling maids are seen, With not a door, and scarce a space, between.

        The house is fill’d with loud laments and cries, And shrieks of women rend the vaulted skies; The fearful matrons run from place to place, And kiss the thresholds, and the posts embrace.

        The fatal work inhuman Pyrrhus plies, And all his father sparkles in his eyes; Nor bars, nor fighting guards, his force sustain: The bars are broken, and the guards are slain.

        In rush the Greeks, and all the apartments fill; Those few defendants whom they find, they kill.

        Not with so fierce a rage the foaming flood Roars, when he finds his rapid course withstood; Bears down the dams with unresisted sway, And sweeps the cattle and the cots away.

        These eyes beheld him when he march’d between The brother kings: I saw th’ unhappy queen, The hundred wives, and where old Priam stood, To stain his hallow’d altar with his brood.

        The fifty nuptial beds (such hopes had he, So large a promise, of a progeny),

        The posts, of plated gold, and hung with spoils, Fell the reward of the proud victor’s toils.

        Where’er the raging fire had left a space, The Grecians enter and possess the place.

        “Perhaps you may of Priam’s fate enquire.

        He, when he saw his regal town on fire, His ruin’d palace, and his ent’ring foes, On ev’ry side inevitable woes,

        In arms, disus’d, invests his limbs, decay’d, Like them, with age; a late and useless aid.

        His feeble shoulders scarce the weight sustain; Loaded, not arm’d, he creeps along with pain, Despairing of success, ambitious to be slain!

        Uncover’d but by heav’n, there stood in view An altar; near the hearth a laurel grew, Dodder’d with age, whose boughs encompass round The household gods, and shade the holy ground.

        Here Hecuba, with all her helpless train Of dames, for shelter sought, but sought in vain.

        Driv’n like a flock of doves along the sky, Their images they hug, and to their altars fly.

        The Queen, when she beheld her trembling lord, And hanging by his side a heavy sword, ‘What rage,’ she cried, ‘has seiz’d my husband’s mind?

        What arms are these, and to what use design’d?

        These times want other aids! Were Hector here, Ev’n Hector now in vain, like Priam, would appear.

        With us, one common shelter thou shalt find, Or in one common fate with us be join’d.’

        She said, and with a last salute embrac’d The poor old man, and by the laurel plac’d.

        Behold! Polites, one of Priam’s sons, Pursued by Pyrrhus, there for safety runs.

        Thro’ swords and foes, amaz’d and hurt, he flies Thro’ empty courts and open galleries.

        Him Pyrrhus, urging with his lance, pursues, And often reaches, and his thrusts renews.

        The youth, transfix’d, with lamentable cries, Expires before his wretched parent’s eyes: Whom gasping at his feet when Priam saw, The fear of death gave place to nature’s law; And, shaking more with anger than with age, ‘The gods,’ said he, ‘requite thy brutal rage!

        As sure they will, barbarian, sure they must, If there be gods in heav’n, and gods be just-Who tak’st in wrongs an insolent delight; With a son’s death t’ infect a father’s sight.

        Not he, whom thou and lying fame conspire To call thee his-not he, thy vaunted sire, Thus us’d my wretched age: the gods he fear’d, The laws of nature and of nations heard.

        He cheer’d my sorrows, and, for sums of gold, The bloodless carcass of my Hector sold; Pitied the woes a parent underwent,

        And sent me back in safety from his tent.’

        “This said, his feeble hand a javelin threw, Which, flutt’ring, seem’d to loiter as it flew: Just, and but barely, to the mark it held, And faintly tinkled on the brazen shield.

        “Then Pyrrhus thus: ‘Go thou from me to fate, And to my father my foul deeds relate.

        Now die!’ With that he dragg’d the trembling sire, Slidd’ring thro’ clotter’d blood and holy mire, (The mingled paste his murder’d son had made,) Haul’d from beneath the violated shade, And on the sacred pile the royal victim laid.

        His right hand held his bloody falchion bare, His left he twisted in his hoary hair; Then, with a speeding thrust, his heart he found: The lukewarm blood came rushing thro’ the wound, And sanguine streams distain’d the sacred ground.

        Thus Priam fell, and shar’d one common fate With Troy in ashes, and his ruin’d state: He, who the scepter of all Asia sway’d, Whom monarchs like domestic slaves obey’d.

        On the bleak shore now lies th’ abandon’d king, A headless carcass, and a nameless thing.

        “Then, not before, I felt my cruddled blood Congeal with fear, my hair with horror stood: My father’s image fill’d my pious mind, Lest equal years might equal fortune find.

        Again I thought on my forsaken wife,

        And trembled for my son’s abandon’d life.

        I look’d about, but found myself alone, Deserted at my need! My friends were gone.

        Some spent with toil, some with despair oppress’d, Leap’d headlong from the heights; the flames consum’d the rest.

        Thus, wand’ring in my way, without a guide, The graceless Helen in the porch I spied Of Vesta’s temple; there she lurk’d alone; Muffled she sate, and, what she could, unknown: But, by the flames that cast their blaze around, That common bane of Greece and Troy I found.

        For Ilium burnt, she dreads the Trojan sword; More dreads the vengeance of her injur’d lord; Ev’n by those gods who refug’d her abhorr’d.

        Trembling with rage, the strumpet I regard, Resolv’d to give her guilt the due reward: ‘Shall she triumphant sail before the wind, And leave in flames unhappy Troy behind?

        Shall she her kingdom and her friends review, In state attended with a captive crew, While unreveng’d the good old Priam falls, And Grecian fires consume the Trojan walls?

        For this the Phrygian fields and Xanthian flood Were swell’d with bodies, and were drunk with blood?

        ‘T is true, a soldier can small honor gain, And boast no conquest, from a woman slain: Yet shall the fact not pass without applause, Of vengeance taken in so just a cause; The punish’d crime shall set my soul at ease, And murm’ring manes of my friends appease.’

        Thus while I rave, a gleam of pleasing light Spread o’er the place; and, shining heav’nly bright, My mother stood reveal’d before my sight Never so radiant did her eyes appear; Not her own star confess’d a light so clear: Great in her charms, as when on gods above She looks, and breathes herself into their love.

        She held my hand, the destin’d blow to break; Then from her rosy lips began to speak: ‘My son, from whence this madness, this neglect Of my commands, and those whom I protect?

        Why this unmanly rage? Recall to mind Whom you forsake, what pledges leave behind.

        Look if your helpless father yet survive, Or if Ascanius or Creusa live.

        Around your house the greedy Grecians err; And these had perish’d in the nightly war, But for my presence and protecting care.

        Not Helen’s face, nor Paris, was in fault; But by the gods was this destruction brought.

        Now cast your eyes around, while I dissolve The mists and films that mortal eyes involve, Purge from your sight the dross, and make you see The shape of each avenging deity.

        Enlighten’d thus, my just commands fulfil, Nor fear obedience to your mother’s will.

        Where yon disorder’d heap of ruin lies, Stones rent from stones; where clouds of dust arise-Amid that smother Neptune holds his place, Below the wall’s foundation drives his mace, And heaves the building from the solid base.

        Look where, in arms, imperial Juno stands Full in the Scaean gate, with loud commands, Urging on shore the tardy Grecian bands.

        See! Pallas, of her snaky buckler proud, Bestrides the tow’r, refulgent thro’ the cloud: See! Jove new courage to the foe supplies, And arms against the town the partial deities.

        Haste hence, my son; this fruitless labor end: Haste, where your trembling spouse and sire attend: Haste; and a mother’s care your passage shall befriend.’

        She said, and swiftly vanish’d from my sight, Obscure in clouds and gloomy shades of night.

        I look’d, I listen’d; dreadful sounds I hear; And the dire forms of hostile gods appear.

        Troy sunk in flames I saw (nor could prevent), And Ilium from its old foundations rent; Rent like a mountain ash, which dar’d the winds, And stood the sturdy strokes of lab’ring hinds.

        About the roots the cruel ax resounds; The stumps are pierc’d with oft-repeated wounds: The war is felt on high; the nodding crown Now threats a fall, and throws the leafy honors down.

        To their united force it yields, tho’ late, And mourns with mortal groans th’ approaching fate: The roots no more their upper load sustain; But down she falls, and spreads a ruin thro’ the plain.

        “Descending thence, I scape thro’ foes and fire: Before the goddess, foes and flames retire.

        Arriv’d at home, he, for whose only sake, Or most for his, such toils I undertake, The good Anchises, whom, by timely flight, I purpos’d to secure on Ida’s height, Refus’d the journey, resolute to die

        And add his fun’rals to the fate of Troy, Rather than exile and old age sustain.

        ‘Go you, whose blood runs warm in ev’ry vein.

        Had Heav’n decreed that I should life enjoy, Heav’n had decreed to save unhappy Troy.

        ‘T is, sure, enough, if not too much, for one, Twice to have seen our Ilium overthrown.

        Make haste to save the poor remaining crew, And give this useless corpse a long adieu.

        These weak old hands suffice to stop my breath; At least the pitying foes will aid my death, To take my spoils, and leave my body bare: As for my sepulcher, let Heav’n take care.

        ‘T is long since I, for my celestial wife Loath’d by the gods, have dragg’d a ling’ring life; Since ev’ry hour and moment I expire, Blasted from heav’n by Jove’s avenging fire.’

        This oft repeated, he stood fix’d to die: Myself, my wife, my son, my family,

        Intreat, pray, beg, and raise a doleful cry-

        ‘What, will he still persist, on death resolve, And in his ruin all his house involve!’

        He still persists his reasons to maintain; Our pray’rs, our tears, our loud laments, are vain.

        “Urg’d by despair, again I go to try

        The fate of arms, resolv’d in fight to die: ‘What hope remains, but what my death must give?

        Can I, without so dear a father, live?

        You term it prudence, what I baseness call: Could such a word from such a parent fall?

        If Fortune please, and so the gods ordain, That nothing should of ruin’d Troy remain, And you conspire with Fortune to be slain, The way to death is wide, th’ approaches near: For soon relentless Pyrrhus will appear, Reeking with Priam’s blood-the wretch who slew The son (inhuman) in the father’s view, And then the sire himself to the dire altar drew.

        O goddess mother, give me back to Fate; Your gift was undesir’d, and came too late!

        Did you, for this, unhappy me convey

        Thro’ foes and fires, to see my house a prey?

        Shall I my father, wife, and son behold, Welt’ring in blood, each other’s arms infold?

        Haste! gird my sword, tho’ spent and overcome: ‘T is the last summons to receive our doom.

        I hear thee, Fate; and I obey thy call!

        Not unreveng’d the foe shall see my fall.

        Restore me to the yet unfinish’d fight: My death is wanting to conclude the night.’

        Arm’d once again, my glitt’ring sword I wield, While th’ other hand sustains my weighty shield, And forth I rush to seek th’ abandon’d field.

        I went; but sad Creusa stopp’d my way, And cross the threshold in my passage lay, Embrac’d my knees, and, when I would have gone, Shew’d me my feeble sire and tender son: ‘If death be your design, at least,’ said she, ‘Take us along to share your destiny.

        If any farther hopes in arms remain,

        This place, these pledges of your love, maintain.

        To whom do you expose your father’s life, Your son’s, and mine, your now forgotten wife!’

        While thus she fills the house with clam’rous cries, Our hearing is diverted by our eyes:

        For, while I held my son, in the short space Betwixt our kisses and our last embrace; Strange to relate, from young Iulus’ head A lambent flame arose, which gently spread Around his brows, and on his temples fed.

        Amaz’d, with running water we prepare To quench the sacred fire, and slake his hair; But old Anchises, vers’d in omens, rear’d His hands to heav’n, and this request preferr’d: ‘If any vows, almighty Jove, can bend Thy will; if piety can pray’rs commend, Confirm the glad presage which thou art pleas’d to send.’

        Scarce had he said, when, on our left, we hear A peal of rattling thunder roll in air: There shot a streaming lamp along the sky, Which on the winged lightning seem’d to fly; From o’er the roof the blaze began to move, And, trailing, vanish’d in th’ Idaean grove.

        It swept a path in heav’n, and shone a guide, Then in a steaming stench of sulphur died.

        “The good old man with suppliant hands implor’d The gods’ protection, and their star ador’d.

        ‘Now, now,’ said he, ‘my son, no more delay!

        I yield, I follow where Heav’n shews the way.

        Keep, O my country gods, our dwelling place, And guard this relic of the Trojan race, This tender child! These omens are your own, And you can yet restore the ruin’d town.

        At least accomplish what your signs foreshow: I stand resign’d, and am prepar’d to go.’

        “He said. The crackling flames appear on high.

        And driving sparkles dance along the sky.

        With Vulcan’s rage the rising winds conspire, And near our palace roll the flood of fire.

        ‘Haste, my dear father, (‘t is no time to wait,) And load my shoulders with a willing freight.

        Whate’er befalls, your life shall be my care; One death, or one deliv’rance, we will share.

        My hand shall lead our little son; and you, My faithful consort, shall our steps pursue.

        Next, you, my servants, heed my strict commands: Without the walls a ruin’d temple stands, To Ceres hallow’d once; a cypress nigh Shoots up her venerable head on high, By long religion kept; there bend your feet, And in divided parties let us meet.

        Our country gods, the relics, and the bands, Hold you, my father, in your guiltless hands: In me ‘t is impious holy things to bear, Red as I am with slaughter, new from war, Till in some living stream I cleanse the guilt Of dire debate, and blood in battle spilt.’

        Thus, ord’ring all that prudence could provide, I clothe my shoulders with a lion’s hide And yellow spoils; then, on my bending back, The welcome load of my dear father take; While on my better hand Ascanius hung, And with unequal paces tripp’d along.

        Creusa kept behind; by choice we stray Thro’ ev’ry dark and ev’ry devious way.

        I, who so bold and dauntless, just before, The Grecian darts and shock of lances bore, At ev’ry shadow now am seiz’d with fear, Not for myself, but for the charge I bear; Till, near the ruin’d gate arriv’d at last, Secure, and deeming all the danger past, A frightful noise of trampling feet we hear.

        My father, looking thro’ the shades, with fear, Cried out: ‘Haste, haste, my son, the foes are nigh; Their swords and shining armor I descry.’

        Some hostile god, for some unknown offense, Had sure bereft my mind of better sense; For, while thro’ winding ways I took my flight, And sought the shelter of the gloomy night, Alas! I lost Creusa: hard to tell

        If by her fatal destiny she fell,

        Or weary sate, or wander’d with affright; But she was lost for ever to my sight.

        I knew not, or reflected, till I meet My friends, at Ceres’ now deserted seat.

        We met: not one was wanting; only she Deceiv’d her friends, her son, and wretched me.

        “What mad expressions did my tongue refuse!

        Whom did I not, of gods or men, accuse!

        This was the fatal blow, that pain’d me more Than all I felt from ruin’d Troy before.

        Stung with my loss, and raving with despair, Abandoning my now forgotten care,

        Of counsel, comfort, and of hope bereft, My sire, my son, my country gods I left.

        In shining armor once again I sheathe My limbs, not feeling wounds, nor fearing death.

        Then headlong to the burning walls I run, And seek the danger I was forc’d to shun.

        I tread my former tracks; thro’ night explore Each passage, ev’ry street I cross’d before.

        All things were full of horror and affright, And dreadful ev’n the silence of the night.

        Then to my father’s house I make repair, With some small glimpse of hope to find her there.

        Instead of her, the cruel Greeks I met; The house was fill’d with foes, with flames beset.

        Driv’n on the wings of winds, whole sheets of fire, Thro’ air transported, to the roofs aspire.

        From thence to Priam’s palace I resort, And search the citadel and desart court.

        Then, unobserv’d, I pass by Juno’s church: A guard of Grecians had possess’d the porch; There Phoenix and Ulysses watch prey, And thither all the wealth of Troy convey: The spoils which they from ransack’d houses brought, And golden bowls from burning altars caught, The tables of the gods, the purple vests, The people’s treasure, and the pomp of priests.

        A rank of wretched youths, with pinion’d hands, And captive matrons, in long order stands.

        Then, with ungovern’d madness, I proclaim, Thro’ all the silent street, Creusa’s name: Creusa still I call; at length she hears, And sudden thro’ the shades of night appears-Appears, no more Creusa, nor my wife, But a pale specter, larger than the life.

        Aghast, astonish’d, and struck dumb with fear, I stood; like bristles rose my stiffen’d hair.

        Then thus the ghost began to soothe my grief ‘Nor tears, nor cries, can give the dead relief.

        Desist, my much-lov’d lord,‘t indulge your pain; You bear no more than what the gods ordain.

        My fates permit me not from hence to fly; Nor he, the great controller of the sky.

        Long wand’ring ways for you the pow’rs decree; On land hard labors, and a length of sea.

        Then, after many painful years are past, On Latium’s happy shore you shall be cast, Where gentle Tiber from his bed beholds The flow’ry meadows, and the feeding folds.

        There end your toils; and there your fates provide A quiet kingdom, and a royal bride:

        There fortune shall the Trojan line restore, And you for lost Creusa weep no more.

        Fear not that I shall watch, with servile shame, Th’ imperious looks of some proud Grecian dame; Or, stooping to the victor’s lust, disgrace My goddess mother, or my royal race.

        And now, farewell! The parent of the gods Restrains my fleeting soul in her abodes: I trust our common issue to your care.’

        She said, and gliding pass’d unseen in air.

        I strove to speak: but horror tied my tongue; And thrice about her neck my arms I flung, And, thrice deceiv’d, on vain embraces hung.

        Light as an empty dream at break of day, Or as a blast of wind, she rush’d away.

        “Thus having pass’d the night in fruitless pain, I to my longing friends return again, Amaz’d th’ augmented number to behold, Of men and matrons mix’d, of young and old; A wretched exil’d crew together brought, With arms appointed, and with treasure fraught, Resolv’d, and willing, under my command, To run all hazards both of sea and land.

        The Morn began, from Ida, to display

        Her rosy cheeks; and Phosphor led the day: Before the gates the Grecians took their post, And all pretense of late relief was lost.

        I yield to Fate, unwillingly retire,

        And, loaded, up the hill convey my sire.”

        BOOK III

        “When Heav’n had overturn’d the Trojan state And Priam’s throne, by too severe a fate; When ruin’d Troy became the Grecians’ prey, And Ilium’s lofty tow’rs in ashes lay; Warn’d by celestial omens, we retreat, To seek in foreign lands a happier seat.

        Near old Antandros, and at Ida’s foot, The timber of the sacred groves we cut, And build our fleet; uncertain yet to find What place the gods for our repose assign’d.

        Friends daily flock; and scarce the kindly spring Began to clothe the ground, and birds to sing, When old Anchises summon’d all to sea: The crew my father and the Fates obey.

        With sighs and tears I leave my native shore, And empty fields, where Ilium stood before.

        My sire, my son, our less and greater gods, All sail at once, and cleave the briny floods.

        “Against our coast appears a spacious land, Which once the fierce Lycurgus did command, (Thracia the name-the people bold in war; Vast are their fields, and tillage is their care,) A hospitable realm while Fate was kind, With Troy in friendship and religion join’d.

        I land; with luckless omens then adore Their gods, and draw a line along the shore; I lay the deep foundations of a wall, And Aenos, nam’d from me, the city call.

        To Dionaean Venus vows are paid,

        And all the pow’rs that rising labors aid; A bull on Jove’s imperial altar laid.

        Not far, a rising hillock stood in view; Sharp myrtles on the sides, and cornels grew.

        There, while I went to crop the sylvan scenes, And shade our altar with their leafy greens, I pull’d a plant-with horror I relate A prodigy so strange and full of fate.

        The rooted fibers rose, and from the wound Black bloody drops distill’d upon the ground.

        Mute and amaz’d, my hair with terror stood; Fear shrunk my sinews, and congeal’d my blood.

        Mann’d once again, another plant I try: That other gush’d with the same sanguine dye.

        Then, fearing guilt for some offense unknown, With pray’rs and vows the Dryads I atone, With all the sisters of the woods, and most The God of Arms, who rules the Thracian coast, That they, or he, these omens would avert, Release our fears, and better signs impart.

        Clear’d, as I thought, and fully fix’d at length To learn the cause, I tugged with all my strength: I bent my knees against the ground; once more The violated myrtle ran with gore.

        Scarce dare I tell the sequel: from the womb Of wounded earth, and caverns of the tomb, A groan, as of a troubled ghost, renew’d My fright, and then these dreadful words ensued: ‘Why dost thou thus my buried body rend?

        O spare the corpse of thy unhappy friend!

        Spare to pollute thy pious hands with blood: The tears distil not from the wounded wood; But ev’ry drop this living tree contains Is kindred blood, and ran in Trojan veins.

        O fly from this unhospitable shore,

        Warn’d by my fate; for I am Polydore!

        Here loads of lances, in my blood embrued, Again shoot upward, by my blood renew’d.’

        “My falt’ring tongue and shiv’ring limbs declare My horror, and in bristles rose my hair.

        When Troy with Grecian arms was closely pent, Old Priam, fearful of the war’s event, This hapless Polydore to Thracia sent: Loaded with gold, he sent his darling, far From noise and tumults, and destructive war, Committed to the faithless tyrant’s care; Who, when he saw the pow’r of Troy decline, Forsook the weaker, with the strong to join; Broke ev’ry bond of nature and of truth, And murder’d, for his wealth, the royal youth.

        O sacred hunger of pernicious gold!

        What bands of faith can impious lucre hold?

        Now, when my soul had shaken off her fears, I call my father and the Trojan peers; Relate the prodigies of Heav’n, require What he commands, and their advice desire.

        All vote to leave that execrable shore, Polluted with the blood of Polydore;

        But, ere we sail, his fun’ral rites prepare, Then, to his ghost, a tomb and altars rear.

        In mournful pomp the matrons walk the round, With baleful cypress and blue fillets crown’d, With eyes dejected, and with hair unbound.

        Then bowls of tepid milk and blood we pour, And thrice invoke the soul of Polydore.

        “Now, when the raging storms no longer reign, But southern gales invite us to the main, We launch our vessels, with a prosp’rous wind, And leave the cities and the shores behind.

        “An island in th’ Aegaean main appears; Neptune and wat’ry Doris claim it theirs.

        It floated once, till Phoebus fix’d the sides To rooted earth, and now it braves the tides.

        Here, borne by friendly winds, we come ashore, With needful ease our weary limbs restore, And the Sun’s temple and his town adore.

        “Anius, the priest and king, with laurel crown’d, His hoary locks with purple fillets bound, Who saw my sire the Delian shore ascend, Came forth with eager haste to meet his friend; Invites him to his palace; and, in sign Of ancient love, their plighted hands they join.

        Then to the temple of the god I went, And thus, before the shrine, my vows present: ‘Give, O Thymbraeus, give a resting place To the sad relics of the Trojan race; A seat secure, a region of their own, A lasting empire, and a happier town.

        Where shall we fix? where shall our labors end?

        Whom shall we follow, and what fate attend?

        Let not my pray’rs a doubtful answer find; But in clear auguries unveil thy mind.’

        Scarce had I said: he shook the holy ground, The laurels, and the lofty hills around; And from the tripos rush’d a bellowing sound.

        Prostrate we fell; confess’d the present god, Who gave this answer from his dark abode: ‘Undaunted youths, go, seek that mother earth From which your ancestors derive their birth.

        The soil that sent you forth, her ancient race In her old bosom shall again embrace.

        Thro’ the wide world th’ Aeneian house shall reign, And children’s children shall the crown sustain.’

        Thus Phoebus did our future fates disclose: A mighty tumult, mix’d with joy, arose.

        “All are concern’d to know what place the god Assign’d, and where determin’d our abode.

        My father, long revolving in his mind The race and lineage of the Trojan kind, Thus answer’d their demands: ‘Ye princes, hear Your pleasing fortune, and dispel your fear.

        The fruitful isle of Crete, well known to fame, Sacred of old to Jove’s imperial name, In the mid ocean lies, with large command, And on its plains a hundred cities stand.

        Another Ida rises there, and we

        From thence derive our Trojan ancestry.

        From thence, as ‘t is divulg’d by certain fame, To the Rhoetean shores old Teucrus came; There fix’d, and there the seat of empire chose, Ere Ilium and the Trojan tow’rs arose.

        In humble vales they built their soft abodes, Till Cybele, the mother of the gods,

        With tinkling cymbals charm’d th’ Idaean woods, She secret rites and ceremonies taught, And to the yoke the savage lions brought.

        Let us the land which Heav’n appoints, explore; Appease the winds, and seek the Gnossian shore.

        If Jove assists the passage of our fleet, The third propitious dawn discovers Crete.’

        Thus having said, the sacrifices, laid On smoking altars, to the gods he paid: A bull, to Neptune an oblation due,

        Another bull to bright Apollo slew;

        A milk-white ewe, the western winds to please, And one coal-black, to calm the stormy seas.

        Ere this, a flying rumor had been spread That fierce Idomeneus from Crete was fled, Expell’d and exil’d; that the coast was free From foreign or domestic enemy.

        “We leave the Delian ports, and put to sea; By Naxos, fam’d for vintage, make our way; Then green Donysa pass; and sail in sight Of Paros’ isle, with marble quarries white.

        We pass the scatter’d isles of Cyclades, That, scarce distinguish’d, seem to stud the seas.

        The shouts of sailors double near the shores; They stretch their canvas, and they ply their oars.

        ‘All hands aloft! for Crete! for Crete!’ they cry, And swiftly thro’ the foamy billows fly.

        Full on the promis’d land at length we bore, With joy descending on the Cretan shore.

        With eager haste a rising town I frame, Which from the Trojan Pergamus I name: The name itself was grateful; I exhort To found their houses, and erect a fort.

        Our ships are haul’d upon the yellow strand; The youth begin to till the labor’d land; And I myself new marriages promote,

        Give laws, and dwellings I divide by lot; When rising vapors choke the wholesome air, And blasts of noisome winds corrupt the year; The trees devouring caterpillars burn; Parch’d was the grass, and blighted was the corn: Nor ‘scape the beasts; for Sirius, from on high, With pestilential heat infects the sky: My men-some fall, the rest in fevers fry.

        Again my father bids me seek the shore Of sacred Delos, and the god implore, To learn what end of woes we might expect, And to what clime our weary course direct.

        “‘T was night, when ev’ry creature, void of cares, The common gift of balmy slumber shares: The statues of my gods (for such they seem’d), Those gods whom I from flaming Troy redeem’d, Before me stood, majestically bright, Full in the beams of Phoebe’s ent’ring light.

        Then thus they spoke, and eas’d my troubled mind: ‘What from the Delian god thou go’st to find, He tells thee here, and sends us to relate.

        Those pow’rs are we, companions of thy fate, Who from the burning town by thee were brought, Thy fortune follow’d, and thy safety wrought.

        Thro’ seas and lands as we thy steps attend, So shall our care thy glorious race befriend.

        An ample realm for thee thy fates ordain, A town that o’er the conquer’d world shall reign.

        Thou, mighty walls for mighty nations build; Nor let thy weary mind to labors yield: But change thy seat; for not the Delian god, Nor we, have giv’n thee Crete for our abode.

        A land there is, Hesperia call’d of old, (The soil is fruitful, and the natives bold-Th’ Oenotrians held it once,) by later fame Now call’d Italia, from the leader’s name.

        lasius there and Dardanus were born;

        From thence we came, and thither must return.

        Rise, and thy sire with these glad tidings greet.

        Search Italy; for Jove denies thee Crete.’

        “Astonish’d at their voices and their sight, (Nor were they dreams, but visions of the night; I saw, I knew their faces, and descried, In perfect view, their hair with fillets tied;) I started from my couch; a clammy sweat On all my limbs and shiv’ring body sate.

        To heav’n I lift my hands with pious haste, And sacred incense in the flames I cast.

        Thus to the gods their perfect honors done, More cheerful, to my good old sire I run, And tell the pleasing news. In little space He found his error of the double race; Not, as before he deem’d, deriv’d from Crete; No more deluded by the doubtful seat: Then said: ‘O son, turmoil’d in Trojan fate!

        Such things as these Cassandra did relate.

        This day revives within my mind what she Foretold of Troy renew’d in Italy,

        And Latian lands; but who could then have thought That Phrygian gods to Latium should be brought, Or who believ’d what mad Cassandra taught?

        Now let us go where Phoebus leads the way.’

        “He said; and we with glad consent obey, Forsake the seat, and, leaving few behind, We spread our sails before the willing wind.

        Now from the sight of land our galleys move, With only seas around and skies above; When o’er our heads descends a burst of rain, And night with sable clouds involves the main; The ruffling winds the foamy billows raise; The scatter’d fleet is forc’d to sev’ral ways; The face of heav’n is ravish’d from our eyes, And in redoubled peals the roaring thunder flies.

        Cast from our course, we wander in the dark.

        No stars to guide, no point of land to mark.

        Ev’n Palinurus no distinction found

        Betwixt the night and day; such darkness reign’d around.

        Three starless nights the doubtful navy strays, Without distinction, and three sunless days; The fourth renews the light, and, from our shrouds, We view a rising land, like distant clouds; The mountain-tops confirm the pleasing sight, And curling smoke ascending from their height.

        The canvas falls; their oars the sailors ply; From the rude strokes the whirling waters fly.

        At length I land upon the Strophades, Safe from the danger of the stormy seas.

        Those isles are compass’d by th’ Ionian main, The dire abode where the foul Harpies reign, Forc’d by the winged warriors to repair To their old homes, and leave their costly fare.

        Monsters more fierce offended Heav’n ne’er sent From hell’s abyss, for human punishment: With virgin faces, but with wombs obscene, Foul paunches, and with ordure still unclean; With claws for hands, and looks for ever lean.

        “We landed at the port, and soon beheld Fat herds of oxen graze the flow’ry field, And wanton goats without a keeper stray’d.

        With weapons we the welcome prey invade, Then call the gods for partners of our feast, And Jove himself, the chief invited guest.

        We spread the tables on the greensward ground; We feed with hunger, and the bowls go round; When from the mountain-tops, with hideous cry, And clatt’ring wings, the hungry Harpies fly; They snatch the meat, defiling all they find, And, parting, leave a loathsome stench behind.

        Close by a hollow rock, again we sit, New dress the dinner, and the beds refit, Secure from sight, beneath a pleasing shade, Where tufted trees a native arbor made.

        Again the holy fires on altars burn;

        And once again the rav’nous birds return, Or from the dark recesses where they lie, Or from another quarter of the sky;

        With filthy claws their odious meal repeat, And mix their loathsome ordures with their meat.

        I bid my friends for vengeance then prepare, And with the hellish nation wage the war.

        They, as commanded, for the fight provide, And in the grass their glitt’ring weapons hide; Then, when along the crooked shore we hear Their clatt’ring wings, and saw the foes appear, Misenus sounds a charge: we take th’ alarm, And our strong hands with swords and bucklers arm.

        In this new kind of combat all employ Their utmost force, the monsters to destroy.

        In vain-the fated skin is proof to wounds; And from their plumes the shining sword rebounds.

        At length rebuff’d, they leave their mangled prey, And their stretch’d pinions to the skies display.

        Yet one remain’d-the messenger of Fate: High on a craggy cliff Celaeno sate,

        And thus her dismal errand did relate: ‘What! not contented with our oxen slain, Dare you with Heav’n an impious war maintain, And drive the Harpies from their native reign?

        Heed therefore what I say; and keep in mind What Jove decrees, what Phoebus has design’d, And I, the Furies’ queen, from both relate-You seek th’ Italian shores, foredoom’d by fate: Th’ Italian shores are granted you to find, And a safe passage to the port assign’d.

        But know, that ere your promis’d walls you build, My curses shall severely be fulfill’d.

        Fierce famine is your lot for this misdeed, Reduc’d to grind the plates on which you feed.’

        She said, and to the neighb’ring forest flew.

        Our courage fails us, and our fears renew.

        Hopeless to win by war, to pray’rs we fall, And on th’ offended Harpies humbly call, And whether gods or birds obscene they were, Our vows for pardon and for peace prefer.

        But old Anchises, off’ring sacrifice, And lifting up to heav’n his hands and eyes, Ador’d the greater gods: ‘Avert,’ said he, ‘These omens; render vain this prophecy, And from th’ impending curse a pious people free!’

        “Thus having said, he bids us put to sea; We loose from shore our haulsers, and obey, And soon with swelling sails pursue the wat’ry way.

        Amidst our course, Zacynthian woods appear; And next by rocky Neritos we steer:

        We fly from Ithaca’s detested shore,

        And curse the land which dire Ulysses bore.

        At length Leucate’s cloudy top appears, And the Sun’s temple, which the sailor fears.

        Resolv’d to breathe a while from labor past, Our crooked anchors from the prow we cast, And joyful to the little city haste.

        Here, safe beyond our hopes, our vows we pay To Jove, the guide and patron of our way.

        The customs of our country we pursue, And Trojan games on Actian shores renew.

        Our youth their naked limbs besmear with oil, And exercise the wrastlers’ noble toil; Pleas’d to have sail’d so long before the wind, And left so many Grecian towns behind.

        The sun had now fulfill’d his annual course, And Boreas on the seas display’d his force: I fix’d upon the temple’s lofty door

        The brazen shield which vanquish’d Abas bore; The verse beneath my name and action speaks: ‘These arms Aeneas took from conqu’ring Greeks.’

        Then I command to weigh; the seamen ply Their sweeping oars; the smoking billows fly.

        The sight of high Phaeacia soon we lost, And skimm’d along Epirus’ rocky coast.

        “Then to Chaonia’s port our course we bend, And, landed, to Buthrotus’ heights ascend.

        Here wondrous things were loudly blaz’d fame: How Helenus reviv’d the Trojan name,

        And reign’d in Greece; that Priam’s captive son Succeeded Pyrrhus in his bed and throne; And fair Andromache, restor’d by fate, Once more was happy in a Trojan mate.

        I leave my galleys riding in the port, And long to see the new Dardanian court.

        By chance, the mournful queen, before the gate, Then solemniz’d her former husband’s fate.

        Green altars, rais’d of turf, with gifts she crown’d, And sacred priests in order stand around, And thrice the name of hapless Hector sound.

        The grove itself resembles Ida’s wood; And Simois seem’d the well-dissembled flood.

        But when at nearer distance she beheld My shining armor and my Trojan shield, Astonish’d at the sight, the vital heat Forsakes her limbs; her veins no longer beat: She faints, she falls, and scarce recov’ring strength, Thus, with a falt’ring tongue, she speaks at length: “‘Are you alive, O goddess-born ?’ she said, ‘Or if a ghost, then where is Hector’s shade?’

        At this, she cast a loud and frightful cry.

        With broken words I made this brief reply: ‘All of me that remains appears in sight; I live, if living be to loathe the light.

        No phantom; but I drag a wretched life, My fate resembling that of Hector’s wife.

        What have you suffer’d since you lost your lord?

        By what strange blessing are you now restor’d?

        Still are you Hector’s? or is Hector fled, And his remembrance lost in Pyrrhus’ bed?’

        With eyes dejected, in a lowly tone,

        After a modest pause she thus begun:

        “‘O only happy maid of Priam’s race,

        Whom death deliver’d from the foes’ embrace!

        Commanded on Achilles’ tomb to die,

        Not forc’d, like us, to hard captivity, Or in a haughty master’s arms to lie.

        In Grecian ships unhappy we were borne, Endur’d the victor’s lust, sustain’d the scorn: Thus I submitted to the lawless pride Of Pyrrhus, more a handmaid than a bride.

        Cloy’d with possession, he forsook my bed, And Helen’s lovely daughter sought to wed; Then me to Trojan Helenus resign’d,

        And his two slaves in equal marriage join’d; Till young Orestes, pierc’d with deep despair, And longing to redeem the promis’d fair, Before Apollo’s altar slew the ravisher.

        By Pyrrhus’ death the kingdom we regain’d: At least one half with Helenus remain’d.

        Our part, from Chaon, he Chaonia calls, And names from Pergamus his rising walls.

        But you, what fates have landed on our coast?

        What gods have sent you, or what storms have toss’d?

        Does young Ascanius life and health enjoy, Sav’d from the ruins of unhappy Troy?

        O tell me how his mother’s loss he bears, What hopes are promis’d from his blooming years, How much of Hector in his face appears?’

        She spoke; and mix’d her speech with mournful cries, And fruitless tears came trickling from her eyes.

        “At length her lord descends upon the plain, In pomp, attended with a num’rous train; Receives his friends, and to the city leads, And tears of joy amidst his welcome sheds.

        Proceeding on, another Troy I see,

        Or, in less compass, Troy’s epitome.

        A riv’let by the name of Xanthus ran, And I embrace the Scaean gate again.

        My friends in porticoes were entertain’d, And feasts and pleasures thro’ the city reign’d.

        The tables fill’d the spacious hall around, And golden bowls with sparkling wine were crown’d.

        Two days we pass’d in mirth, till friendly gales, Blown from the supplied our swelling sails.

        Then to the royal seer I thus began:

        ‘O thou, who know’st, beyond the reach of man, The laws of heav’n, and what the stars decree; Whom Phoebus taught unerring prophecy, From his own tripod, and his holy tree; Skill’d in the wing’d inhabitants of air, What auspices their notes and flights declare: O say-for all religious rites portend A happy voyage, and a prosp’rous end; And ev’ry power and omen of the sky

        Direct my course for destin’d Italy;

        But only dire Celaeno, from the gods, A dismal famine fatally forebodes-O say what dangers I am first to shun, What toils vanquish, and what course to run.’

        “The prophet first with sacrifice adores The greater gods; their pardon then implores; Unbinds the fillet from his holy head; To Phoebus, next, my trembling steps he led, Full of religious doubts and awful dread.

        Then, with his god possess’d, before the shrine, These words proceeded from his mouth divine: ‘O goddess-born, (for Heav’n’s appointed will, With greater auspices of good than ill, Foreshows thy voyage, and thy course directs; Thy fates conspire, and Jove himself protects,) Of many things some few I shall explain, Teach thee to shun the dangers of the main, And how at length the promis’d shore to gain.

        The rest the fates from Helenus conceal, And Juno’s angry pow’r forbids to tell.

        First, then, that happy shore, that seems so nigh, Will far from your deluded wishes fly; Long tracts of seas divide your hopes from Italy: For you must cruise along Sicilian shores, And stem the currents with your struggling oars; Then round th’ Italian coast your navy steer; And, after this, to Circe’s island veer; And, last, before your new foundations rise, Must pass the Stygian lake, and view the nether skies.

        Now mark the signs of future ease and rest, And bear them safely treasur’d in thy breast.

        When, in the shady shelter of a wood, And near the margin of a gentle flood, Thou shalt behold a sow upon the ground, With thirty sucking young encompass’d round; The dam and offspring white as falling snow-These on thy city shall their name bestow, And there shall end thy labors and thy woe.

        Nor let the threaten’d famine fright thy mind, For Phoebus will assist, and Fate the way will find.

        Let not thy course to that ill coast be bent, Which fronts from far th’ Epirian continent: Those parts are all by Grecian foes possess’d; The salvage Locrians here the shores infest; There fierce Idomeneus his city builds, And guards with arms the Salentinian fields; And on the mountain’s brow Petilia stands, Which Philoctetes with his troops commands.

        Ev’n when thy fleet is landed on the shore, And priests with holy vows the gods adore, Then with a purple veil involve your eyes, Lest hostile faces blast the sacrifice.

        These rites and customs to the rest commend, That to your pious race they may descend.

        “‘When, parted hence, the wind, that ready waits For Sicily, shall bear you to the straits Where proud Pelorus opes a wider way, Tack to the larboard, and stand off to sea: Veer starboard sea and land. Th’ Italian shore And fair Sicilia’s coast were one, before An earthquake caus’d the flaw: the roaring tides The passage broke that land from land divides; And where the lands retir’d, the rushing ocean rides.

        Distinguish’d by the straits, on either hand, Now rising cities in long order stand, And fruitful fields: so much can time invade The mold’ring work that beauteous Nature made.

        Far on the right, her dogs foul Scylla hides: Charybdis roaring on the left presides, And in her greedy whirlpool sucks the tides; Then spouts them from below: with fury driv’n, The waves mount up and wash the face of heav’n.

        But Scylla from her den, with open jaws, The sinking vessel in her eddy draws, Then dashes on the rocks. A human face, And virgin bosom, hides her tail’s disgrace: Her parts obscene below the waves descend, With dogs inclos’d, and in a dolphin end.

        ‘T is safer, then, to bear aloof to sea, And coast Pachynus, tho’ with more delay, Than once to view misshapen Scylla near, And the loud yell of wat’ry wolves to hear.

        “‘Besides, if faith to Helenus be due, And if prophetic Phoebus tell me true, Do not this precept of your friend forget, Which therefore more than once I must repeat: Above the rest, great Juno’s name adore; Pay vows to Juno; Juno’s aid implore.

        Let gifts be to the mighty queen design’d, And mollify with pray’rs her haughty mind.

        Thus, at the length, your passage shall be free, And you shall safe descend on Italy.

        Arriv’d at Cumae, when you view the flood Of black Avernus, and the sounding wood, The mad prophetic Sibyl you shall find, Dark in a cave, and on a rock reclin’d.

        She sings the fates, and, in her frantic fits, The notes and names, inscrib’d, to leafs commits.

        What she commits to leafs, in order laid, Before the cavern’s entrance are display’d: Unmov’d they lie; but, if a blast of wind Without, or vapors issue from behind, The leafs are borne aloft in liquid air, And she resumes no more her museful care, Nor gathers from the rocks her scatter’d verse, Nor sets in order what the winds disperse.

        Thus, many not succeeding, most upbraid The madness of the visionary maid,

        And with loud curses leave the mystic shade.

        “‘Think it not loss of time a while to stay, Tho’ thy companions chide thy long delay; Tho’ summon’d to the seas, tho’ pleasing gales Invite thy course, and stretch thy swelling sails: But beg the sacred priestess to relate With willing words, and not to write thy fate.

        The fierce Italian people she will show, And all thy wars, and all thy future woe, And what thou may’st avoid, and what must undergo.

        She shall direct thy course, instruct thy mind, And teach thee how the happy shores to find.

        This is what Heav’n allows me to relate: Now part in peace; pursue thy better fate, And raise, by strength of arms, the Trojan state.’

        “This when the priest with friendly voice declar’d, He gave me license, and rich gifts prepar’d: Bounteous of treasure, he supplied my want With heavy gold, and polish’d elephant; Then Dodonaean caldrons put on board, And ev’ry ship with sums of silver stor’d.

        A trusty coat of mail to me he sent,

        Thrice chain’d with gold, for use and ornament; The helm of Pyrrhus added to the rest, That flourish’d with a plume and waving crest.

        Nor was my sire forgotten, nor my friends; And large recruits he to my navy sends: Men, horses, captains, arms, and warlike stores; Supplies new pilots, and new sweeping oars.

        Meantime, my sire commands to hoist our sails, Lest we should lose the first auspicious gales.

        “The prophet bless’d the parting crew, and last, With words like these, his ancient friend embrac’d: ‘Old happy man, the care of gods above, Whom heav’nly Venus honor’d with her love, And twice preserv’d thy life, when Troy was lost, Behold from far the wish’d Ausonian coast: There land; but take a larger compass round, For that before is all forbidden ground.

        The shore that Phoebus has design’d for you, At farther distance lies, conceal’d from view.

        Go happy hence, and seek your new abodes, Blest in a son, and favor’d by the gods: For I with useless words prolong your stay, When southern gales have summon’d you away.’

        “Nor less the queen our parting thence deplor’d, Nor was less bounteous than her Trojan lord.

        A noble present to my son she brought, A robe with flow’rs on golden tissue wrought, A phrygian vest; and loads with gifts beside Of precious texture, and of Asian pride.

        ‘Accept,’ she said, ‘these monuments of love, Which in my youth with happier hands I wove: Regard these trifles for the giver’s sake; ‘T is the last present Hector’s wife can make.

        Thou call’st my lost Astyanax to mind; In thee his features and his form I find: His eyes so sparkled with a lively flame; Such were his motions; such was all his frame; And ah! had Heav’n so pleas’d, his years had been the same.’

        “With tears I took my last adieu, and said: ‘Your fortune, happy pair, already made, Leaves you no farther wish. My diff’rent state, Avoiding one, incurs another fate.

        To you a quiet seat the gods allow:

        You have no shores to search, no seas to plow, Nor fields of flying Italy to chase:

        (Deluding visions, and a vain embrace!) You see another Simois, and enjoy

        The labor of your hands, another Troy, With better auspice than her ancient tow’rs, And less obnoxious to the Grecian pow’rs.

        If e’er the gods, whom I with vows adore, Conduct my steps to Tiber’s happy shore; If ever I ascend the Latian throne,

        And build a city I may call my own;

        As both of us our birth from Troy derive, So let our kindred lines in concord live, And both in acts of equal friendship strive.

        Our fortunes, good or bad, shall be the same: The double Troy shall differ but in name; That what we now begin may never end, But long to late posterity descend.’

        “Near the Ceraunian rocks our course we bore; The shortest passage to th’ Italian shore.

        Now had the sun withdrawn his radiant light, And hills were hid in dusky shades of night: We land, and, on the bosom Of the ground, A safe retreat and a bare lodging found.

        Close by the shore we lay; the sailors keep Their watches, and the rest securely sleep.

        The night, proceeding on with silent pace, Stood in her noon, and view’d with equal face Her steepy rise and her declining race.

        Then wakeful Palinurus rose, to spy

        The face of heav’n, and the nocturnal sky; And listen’d ev’ry breath of air to try; Observes the stars, and notes their sliding course, The Pleiads, Hyads, and their wat’ry force; And both the Bears is careful to behold, And bright Orion, arm’d with burnish’d gold.

        Then, when he saw no threat’ning tempest nigh, But a sure promise of a settled sky,

        He gave the sign to weigh; we break our sleep, Forsake the pleasing shore, and plow the deep.

        “And now the rising morn with rosy light Adorns the skies, and puts the stars to flight; When we from far, like bluish mists, descry The hills, and then the plains, of Italy.

        Achates first pronounc’d the joyful sound; Then, ‘Italy!’ the cheerful crew rebound.

        My sire Anchises crown’d a cup with wine, And, off’ring, thus implor’d the pow’rs divine: ‘Ye gods, presiding over lands and seas, And you who raging winds and waves appease, Breathe on our swelling sails a prosp’rous wind, And smooth our passage to the port assign’d!’

        The gentle gales their flagging force renew, And now the happy harbor is in view.

        Minerva’s temple then salutes our sight, Plac’d, as a landmark, on the mountain’s height.

        We furl our sails, and turn the prows to shore; The curling waters round the galleys roar.

        The land lies open to the raging east, Then, bending like a bow, with rocks compress’d, Shuts out the storms; the winds and waves complain, And vent their malice on the cliffs in vain.

        The port lies hid within; on either side Two tow’ring rocks the narrow mouth divide.

        The temple, which aloft we view’d before, To distance flies, and seems to shun the shore.

        Scarce landed, the first omens I beheld Were four white steeds that cropp’d the flow’ry field.

        ‘War, war is threaten’d from this foreign ground,’

        My father cried, ‘where warlike steeds are found.

        Yet, since reclaim’d to chariots they submit, And bend to stubborn yokes, and champ the bit, Peace may succeed to war.’ Our way we bend To Pallas, and the sacred hill ascend; There prostrate to the fierce virago pray, Whose temple was the landmark of our way.

        Each with a Phrygian mantle veil’d his head, And all commands of Helenus obey’d,

        And pious rites to Grecian Juno paid.

        These dues perform’d, we stretch our sails, and stand To sea, forsaking that suspected land.

        “From hence Tarentum’s bay appears in view, For Hercules renown’d, if fame be true.

        Just opposite, Lacinian Juno stands;

        Caulonian tow’rs, and Scylacaean strands, For shipwrecks fear’d. Mount Aetna thence we spy, Known by the smoky flames which cloud the sky.

        Far off we hear the waves with surly sound Invade the rocks, the rocks their groans rebound.

        The billows break upon the sounding strand, And roll the rising tide, impure with sand.

        Then thus Anchises, in experience old: ”T is that Charybdis which the seer foretold, And those the promis’d rocks! Bear off to sea!’

        With haste the frighted mariners obey.

        First Palinurus to the larboard veer’d; Then all the fleet by his example steer’d.

        To heav’n aloft on ridgy waves we ride, Then down to hell descend, when they divide; And thrice our galleys knock’d the stony ground, And thrice the hollow rocks return’d the sound, And thrice we saw the stars, that stood with dews around.

        The flagging winds forsook us, with the sun; And, wearied, on Cyclopian shores we run.

        The port capacious, and secure from wind, Is to the foot of thund’ring Aetna join’d.

        By turns a pitchy cloud she rolls on high; By turns hot embers from her entrails fly, And flakes of mounting flames, that lick the sky.

        Oft from her bowels massy rocks are thrown, And, shiver’d by the force, come piecemeal down.

        Oft liquid lakes of burning sulphur flow, Fed from the fiery springs that boil below.

        Enceladus, they say, transfix’d by Jove, With blasted limbs came tumbling from above; And, where he fell, th’ avenging father drew This flaming hill, and on his body threw.

        As often as he turns his weary sides, He shakes the solid isle, and smoke the heavens hides.

        In shady woods we pass the tedious night, Where bellowing sounds and groans our souls affright, Of which no cause is offer’d to the sight; For not one star was kindled in the sky, Nor could the moon her borrow’d light supply; For misty clouds involv’d the firmament, The stars were muffled, and the moon was pent.

        “Scarce had the rising sun the day reveal’d, Scarce had his heat the pearly dews dispell’d, When from the woods there bolts, before our sight, Somewhat betwixt a mortal and a sprite, So thin, so ghastly meager, and so wan, So bare of flesh, he scarce resembled man.

        This thing, all tatter’d, seem’d from far t’ implore Our pious aid, and pointed to the shore.

        We look behind, then view his shaggy beard; His clothes were tagg’d with thorns, and filth his limbs besmear’d;

        The rest, in mien, in habit, and in face, Appear’d a Greek, and such indeed he was.

        He cast on us, from far, a frightful view, Whom soon for Trojans and for foes he knew; Stood still, and paus’d; then all at once began To stretch his limbs, and trembled as he ran.

        Soon as approach’d, upon his knees he falls, And thus with tears and sighs for pity calls: ‘Now, by the pow’rs above, and what we share From Nature’s common gift, this vital air, O Trojans, take me hence! I beg no more; But bear me far from this unhappy shore.

        ‘T is true, I am a Greek, and farther own, Among your foes besieg’d th’ imperial town.

        For such demerits if my death be due, No more for this abandon’d life I sue; This only favor let my tears obtain,

        To throw me headlong in the rapid main: Since nothing more than death my crime demands, I die content, to die by human hands.’

        He said, and on his knees my knees embrac’d: I bade him boldly tell his fortune past, His present state, his lineage, and his name, Th’ occasion of his fears, and whence he came.

        The good Anchises rais’d him with his hand; Who, thus encourag’d, answer’d our demand: ‘From Ithaca, my native soil, I came

        To Troy; and Achaemenides my name.

        Me my poor father with Ulysses sent;

        (O had I stay’d, with poverty content!) But, fearful for themselves, my countrymen Left me forsaken in the Cyclops’ den.

        The cave, tho’ large, was dark; the dismal floor Was pav’d with mangled limbs and putrid gore.

        Our monstrous host, of more than human size, Erects his head, and stares within the skies; Bellowing his voice, and horrid is his hue.

        Ye gods, remove this plague from mortal view!

        The joints of slaughter’d wretches are his food; And for his wine he quaffs the streaming blood.

        These eyes beheld, when with his spacious hand He seiz’d two captives of our Grecian band; Stretch’d on his back, he dash’d against the stones Their broken bodies, and their crackling bones: With spouting blood the purple pavement swims, While the dire glutton grinds the trembling limbs.

        “‘Not unreveng’d Ulysses bore their fate, Nor thoughtless of his own unhappy state; For, gorg’d with flesh, and drunk with human wine While fast asleep the giant lay supine, Snoring aloud, and belching from his maw His indigested foam, and morsels raw; We pray; we cast the lots, and then surround The monstrous body, stretch’d along the ground: Each, as he could approach him, lends a hand To bore his eyeball with a flaming brand.

        Beneath his frowning forehead lay his eye; For only one did the vast frame supply-But that a globe so large, his front it fill’d, Like the sun’s disk or like a Grecian shield.

        The stroke succeeds; and down the pupil bends: This vengeance follow’d for our slaughter’d friends.

        But haste, unhappy wretches, haste to fly!

        Your cables cut, and on your oars rely!

        Such, and so vast as Polypheme appears, A hundred more this hated island bears: Like him, in caves they shut their woolly sheep; Like him, their herds on tops of mountains keep; Like him, with mighty strides, they stalk from steep to steep And now three moons their sharpen’d horns renew, Since thus, in woods and wilds, obscure from view, I drag my loathsome days with mortal fright, And in deserted caverns lodge by night; Oft from the rocks a dreadful prospect see Of the huge Cyclops, like a walking tree: From far I hear his thund’ring voice resound, And trampling feet that shake the solid ground.

        Cornels and salvage berries of the wood, And roots and herbs, have been my meager food.

        While all around my longing eyes I cast, I saw your happy ships appear at last.

        On those I fix’d my hopes, to these I run; ‘T is all I ask, this cruel race to shun; What other death you please, yourselves bestow.’

        “Scarce had he said, when on the mountain’s brow We saw the giant shepherd stalk before His following flock, and leading to the shore: A monstrous bulk, deform’d, depriv’d of sight; His staff a trunk of pine, to guide his steps aright.

        His pond’rous whistle from his neck descends; His woolly care their pensive lord attends: This only solace his hard fortune sends.

        Soon as he reach’d the shore and touch’d the waves, From his bor’d eye the gutt’ring blood he laves: He gnash’d his teeth, and groan’d; thro’ seas he strides, And scarce the topmost billows touch’d his sides.

        “Seiz’d with a sudden fear, we run to sea, The cables cut, and silent haste away; The well-deserving stranger entertain; Then, buckling to the work, our oars divide the main.

        The giant harken’d to the dashing sound: But, when our vessels out of reach he found, He strided onward, and in vain essay’d Th’ Ionian deep, and durst no farther wade.

        With that he roar’d aloud: the dreadful cry Shakes earth, and air, and seas; the billows fly Before the bellowing noise to distant Italy.

        The neigh’ring Aetna trembling all around, The winding caverns echo to the sound.

        His brother Cyclops hear the yelling roar, And, rushing down the mountains, crowd the shore.

        We saw their stern distorted looks, from far, And one-eyed glance, that vainly threaten’d war: A dreadful council, with their heads on high; (The misty clouds about their foreheads fly;) Not yielding to the tow’ring tree of Jove, Or tallest cypress of Diana’s grove.

        New pangs of mortal fear our minds assail; We tug at ev’ry oar, and hoist up ev’ry sail, And take th’ advantage of the friendly gale.

        Forewarn’d by Helenus, we strive to shun Charybdis’ gulf, nor dare to Scylla run.

        An equal fate on either side appears: We, tacking to the left, are free from fears; For, from Pelorus’ point, the North arose, And drove us back where swift Pantagias flows.

        His rocky mouth we pass, and make our way By Thapsus and Megara’s winding bay.

        This passage Achaemenides had shown,

        Tracing the course which he before had run.

        “Right o’er against Plemmyrium’s wat’ry strand, There lies an isle once call’d th’ Ortygian land.

        Alpheus, as old fame reports, has found From Greece a secret passage under ground, By love to beauteous Arethusa led;

        And, mingling here, they roll in the same sacred bed.

        As Helenus enjoin’d, we next adore

        Diana’s name, protectress of the shore.

        With prosp’rous gales we pass the quiet sounds Of still Elorus, and his fruitful bounds.

        Then, doubling Cape Pachynus, we survey The rocky shore extended to the sea.

        The town of Camarine from far we see, And fenny lake, undrain’d by fate’s decree.

        In sight of the Geloan fields we pass, And the large walls, where mighty Gela was; Then Agragas, with lofty summits crown’d, Long for the race of warlike steeds renown’d.

        We pass’d Selinus, and the palmy land, And widely shun the Lilybaean strand, Unsafe, for secret rocks and moving sand.

        At length on shore the weary fleet arriv’d, Which Drepanum’s unhappy port receiv’d.

        Here, after endless labors, often toss’d By raging storms, and driv’n on ev’ry coast, My dear, dear father, spent with age, I lost: Ease of my cares, and solace of my pain, Sav’d thro’ a thousand toils, but sav’d in vain The prophet, who my future woes reveal’d, Yet this, the greatest and the worst, conceal’d; And dire Celaeno, whose foreboding skill Denounc’d all else, was silent of the ill.

        This my last labor was. Some friendly god From thence convey’d us to your blest abode.”

        Thus, to the list’ning queen, the royal guest His wand’ring course and all his toils express’d; And here concluding, he retir’d to rest.

        BOOK IV

        But anxious cares already seiz’d the queen: She fed within her veins a flame unseen; The hero’s valor, acts, and birth inspire Her soul with love, and fan the secret fire.

        His words, his looks, imprinted in her heart, Improve the passion, and increase the smart.

        Now, when the purple morn had chas’d away The dewy shadows, and restor’d the day, Her sister first with early care she sought, And thus in mournful accents eas’d her thought: “My dearest Anna, what new dreams affright My lab’ring soul! what visions of the night Disturb my quiet, and distract my breast With strange ideas of our Trojan guest!

        His worth, his actions, and majestic air, A man descended from the gods declare.

        Fear ever argues a degenerate kind;

        His birth is well asserted by his mind.

        Then, what he suffer’d, when by Fate betray’d!

        What brave attempts for falling Troy he made!

        Such were his looks, so gracefully he spoke, That, were I not resolv’d against the yoke Of hapless marriage, never to be curst With second love, so fatal was my first, To this one error I might yield again; For, since Sichaeus was untimely slain, This only man is able to subvert

        The fix’d foundations of my stubborn heart.

        And, to confess my frailty, to my shame, Somewhat I find within, if not the same, Too like the sparkles of my former flame.

        But first let yawning earth a passage rend, And let me thro’ the dark abyss descend; First let avenging Jove, with flames from high, Drive down this body to the nether sky, Condemn’d with ghosts in endless night to lie, Before I break the plighted faith I gave!

        No! he who had my vows shall ever have; For, whom I lov’d on earth, I worship in the grave.”

        She said: the tears ran gushing from her eyes, And stopp’d her speech. Her sister thus replies: “O dearer than the vital air I breathe, Will you to grief your blooming years bequeath, Condemn’d to waste in woes your lonely life, Without the joys of mother or of wife?

        Think you these tears, this pompous train of woe, Are known or valued by the ghosts below?

        I grant that, while your sorrows yet were green, It well became a woman, and a queen,

        The vows of Tyrian princes to neglect, To scorn Hyarbas, and his love reject, With all the Libyan lords of mighty name; But will you fight against a pleasing flame!

        This little spot of land, which Heav’n bestows, On ev’ry side is hemm’d with warlike foes; Gaetulian cities here are spread around, And fierce Numidians there your frontiers bound; Here lies a barren waste of thirsty land, And there the Syrtes raise the moving sand; Barcaean troops besiege the narrow shore, And from the sea Pygmalion threatens more.

        Propitious Heav’n, and gracious Juno, lead This wand’ring navy to your needful aid: How will your empire spread, your city rise, From such a union, and with such allies?

        Implore the favor of the pow’rs above, And leave the conduct of the rest to love.

        Continue still your hospitable way,

        And still invent occasions of their stay, Till storms and winter winds shall cease to threat, And planks and oars repair their shatter’d fleet.”

        These words, which from a friend and sister came, With ease resolv’d the scruples of her fame, And added fury to the kindled flame.

        Inspir’d with hope, the project they pursue; On ev’ry altar sacrifice renew:

        A chosen ewe of two years old they pay To Ceres, Bacchus, and the God of Day; Preferring Juno’s pow’r, for Juno ties The nuptial knot and makes the marriage joys.

        The beauteous queen before her altar stands, And holds the golden goblet in her hands.

        A milk-white heifer she with flow’rs adorns, And pours the ruddy wine betwixt her horns; And, while the priests with pray’r the gods invoke, She feeds their altars with Sabaean smoke, With hourly care the sacrifice renews, And anxiously the panting entrails views.

        What priestly rites, alas! what pious art, What vows avail to cure a bleeding heart!

        A gentle fire she feeds within her veins, Where the soft god secure in silence reigns.

        Sick with desire, and seeking him she loves, From street to street the raving Dido roves.

        So when the watchful shepherd, from the blind, Wounds with a random shaft the careless hind, Distracted with her pain she flies the woods, Bounds o’er the lawn, and seeks the silent floods, With fruitless care; for still the fatal dart Sticks in her side, and rankles in her heart.

        And now she leads the Trojan chief along The lofty walls, amidst the busy throng; Displays her Tyrian wealth, and rising town, Which love, without his labor, makes his own.

        This pomp she shows, to tempt her wand’ring guest; Her falt’ring tongue forbids to speak the rest.

        When day declines, and feasts renew the night, Still on his face she feeds her famish’d sight; She longs again to hear the prince relate His own adventures and the Trojan fate.

        He tells it o’er and o’er; but still in vain, For still she begs to hear it once again.

        The hearer on the speaker’s mouth depends, And thus the tragic story never ends.

        Then, when they part, when Phoebe’s paler light Withdraws, and falling stars to sleep invite, She last remains, when ev’ry guest is gone, Sits on the bed he press’d, and sighs alone; Absent, her absent hero sees and hears; Or in her bosom young Ascanius bears, And seeks the father’s image in the child, If love by likeness might be so beguil’d.

        Meantime the rising tow’rs are at a stand; No labors exercise the youthful band, Nor use of arts, nor toils of arms they know; The mole is left unfinish’d to the foe; The mounds, the works, the walls, neglected lie, Short of their promis’d heighth, that seem’d to threat the sky, But when imperial Juno, from above,

        Saw Dido fetter’d in the chains of love, Hot with the venom which her veins inflam’d, And by no sense of shame to be reclaim’d, With soothing words to Venus she begun: “High praises, endless honors, you have won, And mighty trophies, with your worthy son!

        Two gods a silly woman have undone!

        Nor am I ignorant, you both suspect

        This rising city, which my hands erect: But shall celestial discord never cease?

        ‘T is better ended in a lasting peace.

        You stand possess’d of all your soul desir’d: Poor Dido with consuming love is fir’d.

        Your Trojan with my Tyrian let us join; So Dido shall be yours, Aeneas mine:

        One common kingdom, one united line.

        Eliza shall a Dardan lord obey,

        And lofty Carthage for a dow’r convey.”

        Then Venus, who her hidden fraud descried, Which would the scepter of the world misguide To Libyan shores, thus artfully replied: “Who, but a fool, would wars with Juno choose, And such alliance and such gifts refuse, If Fortune with our joint desires comply?

        The doubt is all from Jove and destiny; Lest he forbid, with absolute command, To mix the people in one common land-Or will the Trojan and the Tyrian line In lasting leagues and sure succession join?

        But you, the partner of his bed and throne, May move his mind; my wishes are your own.”

        “Mine,” said imperial Juno, “be the care; Time urges, now, to perfect this affair: Attend my counsel, and the secret share.

        When next the Sun his rising light displays, And gilds the world below with purple rays, The queen, Aeneas, and the Tyrian court Shall to the shady woods, for sylvan game, resort.

        There, while the huntsmen pitch their toils around, And cheerful horns from side to side resound, A pitchy cloud shall cover all the plain With hail, and thunder, and tempestuous rain; The fearful train shall take their speedy flight, Dispers’d, and all involv’d in gloomy night; One cave a grateful shelter shall afford To the fair princess and the Trojan lord.

        I will myself the bridal bed prepare, If you, to bless the nuptials, will be there: So shall their loves be crown’d with due delights, And Hymen shall be present at the rites.”

        The Queen of Love consents, and closely smiles At her vain project, and discover’d wiles.

        The rosy morn was risen from the main, And horns and hounds awake the princely train: They issue early thro’ the city gate, Where the more wakeful huntsmen ready wait, With nets, and toils, and darts, beside the force Of Spartan dogs, and swift Massylian horse.

        The Tyrian peers and officers of state For the slow queen in antechambers wait; Her lofty courser, in the court below, Who his majestic rider seems to know, Proud of his purple trappings, paws the ground, And champs the golden bit, and spreads the foam around.

        The queen at length appears; on either hand The brawny guards in martial order stand.

        A flow’r’d simar with golden fringe she wore, And at her back a golden quiver bore; Her flowing hair a golden caul restrains, A golden clasp the Tyrian robe sustains.

        Then young Ascanius, with a sprightly grace, Leads on the Trojan youth to view the chase.

        But far above the rest in beauty shines The great Aeneas, the troop he joins; Like fair Apollo, when he leaves the frost Of wint’ry Xanthus, and the Lycian coast, When to his native Delos he resorts,

        Ordains the dances, and renews the sports; Where painted Scythians, mix’d with Cretan bands, Before the joyful altars join their hands: Himself, on Cynthus walking, sees below The merry madness of the sacred show.

        Green wreaths of bays his length of hair inclose; A golden fillet binds his awful brows; His quiver sounds: not less the prince is seen In manly presence, or in lofty mien.

        Now had they reach’d the hills, and storm’d the seat Of salvage beasts, in dens, their last retreat.

        The cry pursues the mountain goats: they bound From rock to rock, and keep the craggy ground; Quite otherwise the stags, a trembling train, In herds unsingled, scour the dusty plain, And a long chase in open view maintain.

        The glad Ascanius, as his courser guides, Spurs thro’ the vale, and these and those outrides.

        His horse’s flanks and sides are forc’d to feel The clanking lash, and goring of the steel.

        Impatiently he views the feeble prey, Wishing some nobler beast to cross his way, And rather would the tusky boar attend, Or see the tawny lion downward bend.

        Meantime, the gath’ring clouds obscure the skies: From pole to pole the forky lightning flies; The rattling thunders roll; and Juno pours A wintry deluge down, and sounding show’rs.

        The company, dispers’d, to converts ride, And seek the homely cots, or mountain’s hollow side.

        The rapid rains, descending from the hills, To rolling torrents raise the creeping rills.

        The queen and prince, as love or fortune guides, One common cavern in her bosom hides.

        Then first the trembling earth the signal gave, And flashing fires enlighten all the cave; Hell from below, and Juno from above, And howling nymphs, were conscious of their love.

        From this ill-omen’d hour in time arose Debate and death, and all succeeding woes.

        The queen, whom sense of honor could not move, No longer made a secret of her love,

        But call’d it marriage, by that specious name To veil the crime and sanctify the shame.

        The loud report thro’ Libyan cities goes.

        Fame, the great ill, from small beginnings grows: Swift from the first; and ev’ry moment brings New vigor to her flights, new pinions to her wings.

        Soon grows the pigmy to gigantic size; Her feet on earth, her forehead in the skies.

        Inrag’d against the gods, revengeful Earth Produc’d her last of the Titanian birth.

        Swift is her walk, more swift her winged haste: A monstrous phantom, horrible and vast.

        As many plumes as raise her lofty flight, So many piercing eyes inlarge her sight; Millions of opening mouths to Fame belong, And ev’ry mouth is furnish’d with a tongue, And round with list’ning ears the flying plague is hung.

        She fills the peaceful universe with cries; No slumbers ever close her wakeful eyes; By day, from lofty tow’rs her head she shews, And spreads thro’ trembling crowds disastrous news; With court informers haunts, and royal spies; Things done relates, not done she feigns, and mingles truth with lies.

        Talk is her business, and her chief delight To tell of prodigies and cause affright.

        She fills the people’s ears with Dido’s name, Who, lost to honor and the sense of shame, Admits into her throne and nuptial bed A wand’ring guest, who from his country fled: Whole days with him she passes in delights, And wastes in luxury long winter nights, Forgetful of her fame and royal trust, Dissolv’d in ease, abandon’d to her lust.

        The goddess widely spreads the loud report, And flies at length to King Hyarba’s court.

        When first possess’d with this unwelcome news Whom did he not of men and gods accuse?

        This prince, from ravish’d Garamantis born, A hundred temples did with spoils adorn, In Ammon’s honor, his celestial sire; A hundred altars fed with wakeful fire; And, thro’ his vast dominions, priests ordain’d, Whose watchful care these holy rites maintain’d.

        The gates and columns were with garlands crown’d, And blood of victim beasts enrich’d the ground.

        He, when he heard a fugitive could move The Tyrian princess, who disdain’d his love, His breast with fury burn’d, his eyes with fire, Mad with despair, impatient with desire; Then on the sacred altars pouring wine, He thus with pray’rs implor’d his sire divine: “Great Jove! propitious to the Moorish race, Who feast on painted beds, with off’rings grace Thy temples, and adore thy pow’r divine With blood of victims, and with sparkling wine, Seest thou not this? or do we fear in vain Thy boasted thunder, and thy thoughtless reign?

        Do thy broad hands the forky lightnings lance?

        Thine are the bolts, or the blind work of chance?

        A wand’ring woman builds, within our state, A little town, bought at an easy rate; She pays me homage, and my grants allow A narrow space of Libyan lands to plow; Yet, scorning me, by passion blindly led, Admits a banish’d Trojan to her bed!

        And now this other Paris, with his train Of conquer’d cowards, must in Afric reign!

        (Whom, what they are, their looks and garb confess, Their locks with oil perfum’d, their Lydian dress.) He takes the spoil, enjoys the princely dame; And I, rejected I, adore an empty name.”

        His vows, in haughty terms, he thus preferr’d, And held his altar’s horns. The mighty Thund’rer heard; Then cast his eyes on Carthage, where he found The lustful pair in lawless pleasure drown’d, Lost in their loves, insensible of shame, And both forgetful of their better fame.

        He calls Cyllenius, and the god attends, By whom his menacing command he sends: “Go, mount the western winds, and cleave the sky; Then, with a swift descent, to Carthage fly: There find the Trojan chief, who wastes his days In slothful not and inglorious ease,

        Nor minds the future city, giv’n by fate.

        To him this message from my mouth relate: ‘Not so fair Venus hop’d, when twice she won Thy life with pray’rs, nor promis’d such a son.

        Hers was a hero, destin’d to command

        A martial race, and rule the Latian land, Who should his ancient line from Teucer draw, And on the conquer’d world impose the law.’

        If glory cannot move a mind so mean,

        Nor future praise from fading pleasure wean, Yet why should he defraud his son of fame, And grudge the Romans their immortal name!

        What are his vain designs! what hopes he more From his long ling’ring on a hostile shore, Regardless to redeem his honor lost,

        And for his race to gain th’ Ausonian coast!

        Bid him with speed the Tyrian court forsake; With this command the slumb’ring warrior wake.”

        Hermes obeys; with golden pinions binds His flying feet, and mounts the western winds: And, whether o’er the seas or earth he flies, With rapid force they bear him down the skies.

        But first he grasps within his awful hand The mark of sov’reign pow’r, his magic wand; With this he draws the ghosts from hollow graves; With this he drives them down the Stygian waves; With this he seals in sleep the wakeful sight, And eyes, tho’ clos’d in death, restores to light.

        Thus arm’d, the god begins his airy race, And drives the racking clouds along the liquid space; Now sees the tops of Atlas, as he flies, Whose brawny back supports the starry skies; Atlas, whose head, with piny forests crown’d, Is beaten by the winds, with foggy vapors bound.

        Snows hide his shoulders; from beneath his chin The founts of rolling streams their race begin; A beard of ice on his large breast depends.

        Here, pois’d upon his wings, the god descends: Then, rested thus, he from the tow’ring height Plung’d downward, with precipitated flight, Lights on the seas, and skims along the flood.

        As waterfowl, who seek their fishy food, Less, and yet less, to distant prospect show; By turns they dance aloft, and dive below: Like these, the steerage of his wings he plies, And near the surface of the water flies, Till, having pass’d the seas, and cross’d the sands, He clos’d his wings, and stoop’d on Libyan lands: Where shepherds once were hous’d in homely sheds, Now tow’rs within the clouds advance their heads.

        Arriving there, he found the Trojan prince New ramparts raising for the town’s defense.

        A purple scarf, with gold embroider’d o’er, (Queen Dido’s gift,) about his waist he wore; A sword, with glitt’ring gems diversified, For ornament, not use, hung idly by his side.

        Then thus, with winged words, the god began, Resuming his own shape: “Degenerate man, Thou woman’s property, what mak’st thou here, These foreign walls and Tyrian tow’rs to rear, Forgetful of thy own? All-pow’rful Jove, Who sways the world below and heav’n above, Has sent me down with this severe command: What means thy ling’ring in the Libyan land?

        If glory cannot move a mind so mean,

        Nor future praise from flitting pleasure wean, Regard the fortunes of thy rising heir: The promis’d crown let young Ascanius wear, To whom th’ Ausonian scepter, and the state Of Rome’s imperial name is ow’d by fate.”

        So spoke the god; and, speaking, took his flight, Involv’d in clouds, and vanish’d out of sight.

        The pious prince was seiz’d with sudden fear; Mute was his tongue, and upright stood his hair.

        Revolving in his mind the stern command, He longs to fly, and loathes the charming land.

        What should he say? or how should he begin?

        What course, alas! remains to steer between Th’ offended lover and the pow’rful queen?

        This way and that he turns his anxious mind, And all expedients tries, and none can find.

        Fix’d on the deed, but doubtful of the means, After long thought, to this advice he leans: Three chiefs he calls, commands them to repair The fleet, and ship their men with silent care; Some plausible pretense he bids them find, To color what in secret he design’d.

        Himself, meantime, the softest hours would choose, Before the love-sick lady heard the news; And move her tender mind, by slow degrees, To suffer what the sov’reign pow’r decrees: Jove will inspire him, when, and what to say.

        They hear with pleasure, and with haste obey.

        But soon the queen perceives the thin disguise: (What arts can blind a jealous woman’s eyes!) She was the first to find the secret fraud, Before the fatal news was blaz’d abroad.

        Love the first motions of the lover hears, Quick to presage, and ev’n in safety fears.

        Nor impious Fame was wanting to report The ships repair’d, the Trojans’ thick resort, And purpose to forsake the Tyrian court.

        Frantic with fear, impatient of the wound, And impotent of mind, she roves the city round.

        Less wild the Bacchanalian dames appear, When, from afar, their nightly god they hear, And howl about the hills, and shake the wreathy spear.

        At length she finds the dear perfidious man; Prevents his form’d excuse, and thus began: “Base and ungrateful! could you hope to fly, And undiscover’d scape a lover’s eye?

        Nor could my kindness your compassion move.

        Nor plighted vows, nor dearer bands of love?

        Or is the death of a despairing queen Not worth preventing, tho’ too well foreseen?

        Ev’n when the wintry winds command your stay, You dare the tempests, and defy the sea.

        False as you are, suppose you were not bound To lands unknown, and foreign coasts to sound; Were Troy restor’d, and Priam’s happy reign, Now durst you tempt, for Troy, the raging main?

        See whom you fly! am I the foe you shun?

        Now, by those holy vows, so late begun, By this right hand, (since I have nothing more To challenge, but the faith you gave before;) I beg you by these tears too truly shed, By the new pleasures of our nuptial bed; If ever Dido, when you most were kind, Were pleasing in your eyes, or touch’d your mind; By these my pray’rs, if pray’rs may yet have place, Pity the fortunes of a falling race.

        For you I have provok’d a tyrant’s hate, Incens’d the Libyan and the Tyrian state; For you alone I suffer in my fame,

        Bereft of honor, and expos’d to shame.

        Whom have I now to trust, ungrateful guest?

        (That only name remains of all the rest!) What have I left? or whither can I fly?

        Must I attend Pygmalion’s cruelty,

        Or till Hyarba shall in triumph lead

        A queen that proudly scorn’d his proffer’d bed?

        Had you deferr’d, at least, your hasty flight, And left behind some pledge of our delight, Some babe to bless the mother’s mournful sight, Some young Aeneas, to supply your place, Whose features might express his father’s face; I should not then complain to live bereft Of all my husband, or be wholly left.”

        Here paus’d the queen. Unmov’d he holds his eyes, By Jove’s command; nor suffer’d love to rise, Tho’ heaving in his heart; and thus at length replies: “Fair queen, you never can enough repeat Your boundless favors, or I own my debt; Nor can my mind forget Eliza’s name,

        While vital breath inspires this mortal frame.

        This only let me speak in my defense: I never hop’d a secret flight from hence, Much less pretended to the lawful claim Of sacred nuptials, or a husband’s name.

        For, if indulgent Heav’n would leave me free, And not submit my life to fate’s decree, My choice would lead me to the Trojan shore, Those relics to review, their dust adore, And Priam’s ruin’d palace to restore.

        But now the Delphian oracle commands, And fate invites me to the Latian lands.

        That is the promis’d place to which I steer, And all my vows are terminated there.

        If you, a Tyrian, and a stranger born, With walls and tow’rs a Libyan town adorn, Why may not we-like you, a foreign race-Like you, seek shelter in a foreign place?

        As often as the night obscures the skies With humid shades, or twinkling stars arise, Anchises’ angry ghost in dreams appears, Chides my delay, and fills my soul with fears; And young Ascanius justly may complain Of his defrauded and destin’d reign.

        Ev’n now the herald of the gods appear’d: Waking I saw him, and his message heard.

        From Jove he came commission’d, heav’nly bright With radiant beams, and manifest to sight (The sender and the sent I both attest) These walls he enter’d, and those words express’d.

        Fair queen, oppose not what the gods command; Forc’d by my fate, I leave your happy land.”

        Thus while he spoke, already she began, With sparkling eyes, to view the guilty man; From head to foot survey’d his person o’er, Nor longer these outrageous threats forebore: “False as thou art, and, more than false, forsworn!

        Not sprung from noble blood, nor goddess-born, But hewn from harden’d entrails of a rock!

        And rough Hyrcanian tigers gave thee suck!

        Why should I fawn? what have I worse to fear?

        Did he once look, or lent a list’ning ear, Sigh’d when I sobb’d, or shed one kindly tear?-

        All symptoms of a base ungrateful mind, So foul, that, which is worse, ‘tis hard to find.

        Of man’s injustice why should I complain?

        The gods, and Jove himself, behold in vain Triumphant treason; yet no thunder flies, Nor Juno views my wrongs with equal eyes; Faithless is earth, and faithless are the skies!

        Justice is fled, and Truth is now no more!

        I sav’d the shipwrack’d exile on my shore; With needful food his hungry Trojans fed; I took the traitor to my throne and bed: Fool that I was- ‘t is little to repeat The rest-I stor’d and rigg’d his ruin’d fleet.

        I rave, I rave! A god’s command he pleads, And makes Heav’n accessary to his deeds.

        Now Lycian lots, and now the Delian god, Now Hermes is employ’d from Jove’s abode, To warn him hence; as if the peaceful state Of heav’nly pow’rs were touch’d with human fate!

        But go! thy flight no longer I detain-Go seek thy promis’d kingdom thro’ the main!

        Yet, if the heav’ns will hear my pious vow, The faithless waves, not half so false as thou, Or secret sands, shall sepulchers afford To thy proud vessels, and their perjur’d lord.

        Then shalt thou call on injur’d Dido’s name: Dido shall come in a black sulph’ry flame, When death has once dissolv’d her mortal frame; Shall smile to see the traitor vainly weep: Her angry ghost, arising from the deep, Shall haunt thee waking, and disturb thy sleep.

        At least my shade thy punishment shall know, And Fame shall spread the pleasing news below.”

        Abruptly here she stops; then turns away Her loathing eyes, and shuns the sight of day.

        Amaz’d he stood, revolving in his mind What speech to frame, and what excuse to find.

        Her fearful maids their fainting mistress led, And softly laid her on her ivory bed.

        But good Aeneas, tho’ he much desir’d To give that pity which her grief requir’d; Tho’ much he mourn’d, and labor’d with his love, Resolv’d at length, obeys the will of Jove; Reviews his forces: they with early care Unmoor their vessels, and for sea prepare.

        The fleet is soon afloat, in all its pride, And well-calk’d galleys in the harbor ride.

        Then oaks for oars they fell’d; or, as they stood, Of its green arms despoil’d the growing wood, Studious of flight. The beach is cover’d o’er With Trojan bands, that blacken all the shore: On ev’ry side are seen, descending down, Thick swarms of soldiers, loaden from the town.

        Thus, in battalia, march embodied ants, Fearful of winter, and of future wants, T’ invade the corn, and to their cells convey The plunder’d forage of their yellow prey.

        The sable troops, along the narrow tracks, Scarce bear the weighty burthen on their backs: Some set their shoulders to the pond’rous grain; Some guard the spoil; some lash the lagging train; All ply their sev’ral tasks, and equal toil sustain.

        What pangs the tender breast of Dido tore, When, from the tow’r, she saw the cover’d shore, And heard the shouts of sailors from afar, Mix’d with the murmurs of the wat’ry war!

        All-pow’rful Love! what changes canst thou cause In human hearts, subjected to thy laws!

        Once more her haughty soul the tyrant bends: To pray’rs and mean submissions she descends.

        No female arts or aids she left untried, Nor counsels unexplor’d, before she died.

        “Look, Anna! look! the Trojans crowd to sea; They spread their canvas, and their anchors weigh.

        The shouting crew their ships with garlands bind, Invoke the sea gods, and invite the wind.

        Could I have thought this threat’ning blow so near, My tender soul had been forewarn’d to bear.

        But do not you my last request deny;

        With yon perfidious man your int’rest try, And bring me news, if I must live or die.

        You are his fav’rite; you alone can find The dark recesses of his inmost mind: In all his trusted secrets you have part, And know the soft approaches to his heart.

        Haste then, and humbly seek my haughty foe; Tell him, I did not with the Grecians go, Nor did my fleet against his friends employ, Nor swore the ruin of unhappy Troy,

        Nor mov’d with hands profane his father’s dust: Why should he then reject a just!

        Whom does he shun, and whither would he fly!

        Can he this last, this only pray’r deny!

        Let him at least his dang’rous flight delay, Wait better winds, and hope a calmer sea.

        The nuptials he disclaims I urge no more: Let him pursue the promis’d Latian shore.

        A short delay is all I ask him now;

        A pause of grief, an interval from woe, Till my soft soul be temper’d to sustain Accustom’d sorrows, and inur’d to pain.

        If you in pity grant this one request, My death shall glut the hatred of his breast.”

        This mournful message pious Anna bears, And seconds with her own her sister’s tears: But all her arts are still employ’d in vain; Again she comes, and is refus’d again.

        His harden’d heart nor pray’rs nor threat’nings move; Fate, and the god, had stopp’d his ears to love.

        As, when the winds their airy quarrel try, Justling from ev’ry quarter of the sky, This way and that the mountain oak they bend, His boughs they shatter, and his branches rend; With leaves and falling mast they spread the ground; The hollow valleys echo to the sound: Unmov’d, the royal plant their fury mocks, Or, shaken, clings more closely to the rocks; Far as he shoots his tow’ring head on high, So deep in earth his fix’d foundations lie.

        No less a storm the Trojan hero bears; Thick messages and loud complaints he hears, And bandied words, still beating on his ears.

        Sighs, groans, and tears proclaim his inward pains; But the firm purpose of his heart remains.

        The wretched queen, pursued by cruel fate, Begins at length the light of heav’n to hate, And loathes to live. Then dire portents she sees, To hasten on the death her soul decrees: Strange to relate! for when, before the shrine, She pours in sacrifice the purple wine, The purple wine is turn’d to putrid blood, And the white offer’d milk converts to mud.

        This dire presage, to her alone reveal’d, From all, and ev’n her sister, she conceal’d.

        A marble temple stood within the grove, Sacred to death, and to her murther’d love; That honor’d chapel she had hung around With snowy fleeces, and with garlands crown’d: Oft, when she visited this lonely dome, Strange voices issued from her husband’s tomb; She thought she heard him summon her away, Invite her to his grave, and chide her stay.

        Hourly ‘t is heard, when with a boding note The solitary screech owl strains her throat, And, on a chimney’s top, or turret’s height, With songs obscene disturbs the silence of the night.

        Besides, old prophecies augment her fears; And stern Aeneas in her dreams appears, Disdainful as by day: she seems, alone, To wander in her sleep, thro’ ways unknown, Guideless and dark; or, in a desart plain, To seek her subjects, and to seek in vain: Like Pentheus, when, distracted with his fear, He saw two suns, and double Thebes, appear; Or mad Orestes, when his mother’s ghost Full in his face infernal torches toss’d, And shook her snaky locks: he shuns the sight, Flies o’er the stage, surpris’d with mortal fright; The Furies guard the door and intercept his flight.

        Now, sinking underneath a load of grief, From death alone she seeks her last relief; The time and means resolv’d within her breast, She to her mournful sister thus address’d (Dissembling hope, her cloudy front she clears, And a false vigor in her eyes appears): “Rejoice!” she said. “Instructed from above, My lover I shall gain, or lose my love.

        Nigh rising Atlas, next the falling sun, Long tracts of Ethiopian climates run: There a Massylian priestess I have found, Honor’d for age, for magic arts renown’d: Th’ Hesperian temple was her trusted care; ‘T was she supplied the wakeful dragon’s fare.

        She poppy seeds in honey taught to steep, Reclaim’d his rage, and sooth’d him into sleep.

        She watch’d the golden fruit; her charms unbind The chains of love, or fix them on the mind: She stops the torrents, leaves the channel dry, Repels the stars, and backward bears the sky.

        The yawning earth rebellows to her call, Pale ghosts ascend, and mountain ashes fall.

        Witness, ye gods, and thou my better part, How loth I am to try this impious art!

        Within the secret court, with silent care, Erect a lofty pile, expos’d in air:

        Hang on the topmost part the Trojan vest, Spoils, arms, and presents, of my faithless guest.

        Next, under these, the bridal bed be plac’d, Where I my ruin in his arms embrac’d: All relics of the wretch are doom’d to fire; For so the priestess and her charms require.”

        Thus far she said, and farther speech forbears; A mortal paleness in her face appears: Yet the mistrustless Anna could not find The secret fun’ral in these rites design’d; Nor thought so dire a rage possess’d her mind.

        Unknowing of a train conceal’d so well, She fear’d no worse than when Sichaeus fell; Therefore obeys. The fatal pile they rear, Within the secret court, expos’d in air.

        The cloven holms and pines are heap’d on high, And garlands on the hollow spaces lie.

        Sad cypress, vervain, yew, compose the wreath, And ev’ry baleful green denoting death.

        The queen, determin’d to the fatal deed, The spoils and sword he left, in order spread, And the man’s image on the nuptial bed.

        And now (the sacred altars plac’d around) The priestess enters, with her hair unbound, And thrice invokes the pow’rs below the ground.

        Night, Erebus, and Chaos she proclaims, And threefold Hecate, with her hundred names, And three Dianas: next, she sprinkles round With feign’d Avernian drops the hallow’d ground; Culls hoary simples, found by Phoebe’s light, With brazen sickles reap’d at noon of night; Then mixes baleful juices in the bowl, And cuts the forehead of a newborn foal, Robbing the mother’s love. The destin’d queen Observes, assisting at the rites obscene; A leaven’d cake in her devoted hands

        She holds, and next the highest altar stands: One tender foot was shod, her other bare; Girt was her gather’d gown, and loose her hair.

        Thus dress’d, she summon’d, with her dying breath, The heav’ns and planets conscious of her death, And ev’ry pow’r, if any rules above,

        Who minds, or who revenges, injur’d love.

        “‘T was dead of night, when weary bodies close Their eyes in balmy sleep and soft repose: The winds no longer whisper thro’ the woods, Nor murm’ring tides disturb the gentle floods.

        The stars in silent order mov’d around; And Peace, with downy wings, was brooding on the ground The flocks and herds, and party-color’d fowl, Which haunt the woods, or swim the weedy pool, Stretch’d on the quiet earth, securely lay, Forgetting the past labors of the day.

        All else of nature’s common gift partake: Unhappy Dido was alone awake.

        Nor sleep nor ease the furious queen can find; Sleep fled her eyes, as quiet fled her mind.

        Despair, and rage, and love divide her heart; Despair and rage had some, but love the greater part.

        Then thus she said within her secret mind: “What shall I do? what succor can I find?

        Become a suppliant to Hyarba’s pride, And take my turn, to court and be denied?

        Shall I with this ungrateful Trojan go, Forsake an empire, and attend a foe?

        Himself I refug’d, and his train reliev’d-

        ‘T is true-but am I sure to be receiv’d?

        Can gratitude in Trojan souls have place!

        Laomedon still lives in all his race!

        Then, shall I seek alone the churlish crew, Or with my fleet their flying sails pursue?

        What force have I but those whom scarce before I drew reluctant from their native shore?

        Will they again embark at my desire,

        Once more sustain the seas, and quit their second Tyre?

        Rather with steel thy guilty breast invade, And take the fortune thou thyself hast made.

        Your pity, sister, first seduc’d my mind, Or seconded too well what I design’d.

        These dear-bought pleasures had I never known, Had I continued free, and still my own; Avoiding love, I had not found despair, But shar’d with salvage beasts the common air.

        Like them, a lonely life I might have led, Not mourn’d the living, nor disturb’d the dead.”

        These thoughts she brooded in her anxious breast.

        On board, the Trojan found more easy rest.

        Resolv’d to sail, in sleep he pass’d the night; And order’d all things for his early flight.

        To whom once more the winged god appears; His former youthful mien and shape he wears, And with this new alarm invades his ears: “Sleep’st thou, O goddess-born! and canst thou drown Thy needful cares, so near a hostile town, Beset with foes; nor hear’st the western gales Invite thy passage, and inspire thy sails?

        She harbors in her heart a furious hate, And thou shalt find the dire effects too late; Fix’d on revenge, and obstinate to die.

        Haste swiftly hence, while thou hast pow’r to fly.

        The sea with ships will soon be cover’d o’er, And blazing firebrands kindle all the shore.

        Prevent her rage, while night obscures the skies, And sail before the purple morn arise.

        Who knows what hazards thy delay may bring?

        Woman’s a various and a changeful thing.”

        Thus Hermes in the dream; then took his flight Aloft in air unseen, and mix’d with night.

        Twice warn’d by the celestial messenger, The pious prince arose with hasty fear; Then rous’d his drowsy train without delay: “Haste to your banks; your crooked anchors weigh, And spread your flying sails, and stand to sea.

        A god commands: he stood before my sight, And urg’d us once again to speedy flight.

        O sacred pow’r, what pow’r soe’er thou art, To thy blest orders I resign my heart.

        Lead thou the way; protect thy Trojan bands, And prosper the design thy will commands.”

        He said: and, drawing forth his flaming sword, His thund’ring arm divides the many-twisted cord.

        An emulating zeal inspires his train: They run; they snatch; they rush into the main.

        With headlong haste they leave the desert shores, And brush the liquid seas with lab’ring oars.

        Aurora now had left her saffron bed,

        And beams of early light the heav’ns o’erspread, When, from a tow’r, the queen, with wakeful eyes, Saw day point upward from the rosy skies.

        She look’d to seaward; but the sea was void, And scarce in ken the sailing ships descried.

        Stung with despite, and furious with despair, She struck her trembling breast, and tore her hair.

        “And shall th’ ungrateful traitor go,” she said, “My land forsaken, and my love betray’d?

        Shall we not arm? not rush from ev’ry street, To follow, sink, and burn his perjur’d fleet?

        Haste, haul my galleys out! pursue the foe!

        Bring flaming brands! set sail, and swiftly row!

        What have I said? where am I? Fury turns My brain; and my distemper’d bosom burns.

        Then, when I gave my person and my throne, This hate, this rage, had been more timely shown.

        See now the promis’d faith, the vaunted name, The pious man, who, rushing thro’ the flame, Preserv’d his gods, and to the Phrygian shore The burthen of his feeble father bore!

        I should have torn him piecemeal; strow’d in floods His scatter’d limbs, or left expos’d in woods; Destroy’d his friends and son; and, from the fire, Have set the reeking boy before the sire.

        Events are doubtful, which on battles wait: Yet where’s the doubt, to souls secure of fate?

        My Tyrians, at their injur’d queen’s command, Had toss’d their fires amid the Trojan band; At once extinguish’d all the faithless name; And I myself, in vengeance of my shame, Had fall’n upon the pile, to mend the fun’ral flame.

        Thou Sun, who view’st at once the world below; Thou Juno, guardian of the nuptial vow; Thou Hecate hearken from thy dark abodes!

        Ye Furies, fiends, and violated gods, All pow’rs invok’d with Dido’s dying breath, Attend her curses and avenge her death!

        If so the Fates ordain, Jove commands, Th’ ungrateful wretch should find the Latian lands, Yet let a race untam’d, and haughty foes, His peaceful entrance with dire arms oppose: Oppress’d with numbers in th’ unequal field, His men discourag’d, and himself expell’d, Let him for succor sue from place to place, Torn from his subjects, and his son’s embrace.

        First, let him see his friends in battle slain, And their untimely fate lament in vain; And when, at length, the cruel war shall cease, On hard conditions may he buy his peace: Nor let him then enjoy supreme command; But fall, untimely, by some hostile hand, And lie unburied on the barren sand!

        These are my pray’rs, and this my dying will; And you, my Tyrians, ev’ry curse fulfil.

        Perpetual hate and mortal wars proclaim, Against the prince, the people, and the name.

        These grateful off’rings on my grave bestow; Nor league, nor love, the hostile nations know!

        Now, and from hence, in ev’ry future age, When rage excites your arms, and strength supplies the rage Rise some avenger of our Libyan blood, With fire and sword pursue the perjur’d brood; Our arms, our seas, our shores, oppos’d to theirs; And the same hate descend on all our heirs!”

        This said, within her anxious mind she weighs The means of cutting short her odious days.

        Then to Sichaeus’ nurse she briefly said (For, when she left her country, hers was dead): “Go, Barce, call my sister. Let her care The solemn rites of sacrifice prepare; The sheep, and all th’ atoning off’rings bring, Sprinkling her body from the crystal spring With living drops; then let her come, and thou With sacred fillets bind thy hoary brow.

        Thus will I pay my vows to Stygian Jove, And end the cares of my disastrous love; Then cast the Trojan image on the fire, And, as that burns, my passions shall expire.”

        The nurse moves onward, with officious care, And all the speed her aged limbs can bear.

        But furious Dido, with dark thoughts involv’d, Shook at the mighty mischief she resolv’d.

        With livid spots distinguish’d was her face; Red were her rolling eyes, and discompos’d her pace; Ghastly she gaz’d, with pain she drew her breath, And nature shiver’d at approaching death.

        Then swiftly to the fatal place she pass’d, And mounts the fun’ral pile with furious haste; Unsheathes the sword the Trojan left behind (Not for so dire an enterprise design’d).

        But when she view’d the garments loosely spread, Which once he wore, and saw the conscious bed, She paus’d, and with a sigh the robes embrac’d; Then on the couch her trembling body cast, Repress’d the ready tears, and spoke her last: “Dear pledges of my love, while Heav’n so pleas’d, Receive a soul, of mortal anguish eas’d: My fatal course is finish’d; and I go, A glorious name, among the ghosts below.

        A lofty city by my hands is rais’d,

        Pygmalion punish’d, and my lord appeas’d.

        What could my fortune have afforded more, Had the false Trojan never touch’d my shore!”

        Then kiss’d the couch; and, “Must I die,” she said, “And unreveng’d? ‘T is doubly to be dead!

        Yet ev’n this death with pleasure I receive: On any terms, ‘t is better than to live.

        These flames, from far, may the false Trojan view; These boding omens his base flight pursue!”

        She said, and struck; deep enter’d in her side The piercing steel, with reeking purple dyed: Clogg’d in the wound the cruel weapon stands; The spouting blood came streaming on her hands.

        Her sad attendants saw the deadly stroke, And with loud cries the sounding palace shook.

        Distracted, from the fatal sight they fled, And thro’ the town the dismal rumor spread.

        First from the frighted court the yell began; Redoubled, thence from house to house it ran: The groans of men, with shrieks, laments, and cries Of mixing women, mount the vaulted skies.

        Not less the clamor, than if-ancient Tyre, Or the new Carthage, set by foes on fire-The rolling ruin, with their lov’d abodes, Involv’d the blazing temples of their gods.

        Her sister hears; and, furious with despair, She beats her breast, and rends her yellow hair, And, calling on Eliza’s name aloud,

        Runs breathless to the place, and breaks the crowd.

        “Was all that pomp of woe for this prepar’d; These fires, this fun’ral pile, these altars rear’d?

        Was all this train of plots contriv’d,” said she, “All only to deceive unhappy me?

        Which is the worst? Didst thou in death pretend To scorn thy sister, or delude thy friend?

        Thy summon’d sister, and thy friend, had come; One sword had serv’d us both, one common tomb: Was I to raise the pile, the pow’rs invoke, Not to be present at the fatal stroke?

        At once thou hast destroy’d thyself and me, Thy town, thy senate, and thy colony!

        Bring water; bathe the wound; while I in death Lay close my lips to hers, and catch the flying breath.”

        This said, she mounts the pile with eager haste, And in her arms the gasping queen embrac’d; Her temples chaf’d; and her own garments tore, To stanch the streaming blood, and cleanse the gore.

        Thrice Dido tried to raise her drooping head, And, fainting thrice, fell grov’ling on the bed; Thrice op’d her heavy eyes, and sought the light, But, having found it, sicken’d at the sight, And clos’d her lids at last in endless night.

        Then Juno, grieving that she should sustain A death so ling’ring, and so full of pain, Sent Iris down, to free her from the strife Of lab’ring nature, and dissolve her life.

        For since she died, not doom’d by Heav’n’s decree, Or her own crime, but human casualty, And rage of love, that plung’d her in despair, The Sisters had not cut the topmost hair, Which Proserpine and they can only know; Nor made her sacred to the shades below.

        Downward the various goddess took her flight, And drew a thousand colors from the light; Then stood above the dying lover’s head, And said: “I thus devote thee to the dead.

        This off’ring to th’ infernal gods I bear.”

        Thus while she spoke, she cut the fatal hair: The struggling soul was loos’d, and life dissolv’d in air.

        BOOK V

        Meantime the Trojan cuts his wat’ry way, Fix’d on his voyage, thro’ the curling sea; Then, casting back his eyes, with dire amaze, Sees on the Punic shore the mounting blaze.

        The cause unknown; yet his presaging mind The fate of Dido from the fire divin’d; He knew the stormy souls of womankind, What secret springs their eager passions move, How capable of death for injur’d love.

        Dire auguries from hence the Trojans draw; Till neither fires nor shining shores they saw.

        Now seas and skies their prospect only bound; An empty space above, a floating field around.

        But soon the heav’ns with shadows were o’erspread; A swelling cloud hung hov’ring o’er their head: Livid it look’d, the threat’ning of a storm: Then night and horror ocean’s face deform.

        The pilot, Palinurus, cried aloud:

        “What gusts of weather from that gath’ring cloud My thoughts presage! Ere yet the tempest roars, Stand to your tackle, mates, and stretch your oars; Contract your swelling sails, and luff to wind.”

        The frighted crew perform the task assign’d.

        Then, to his fearless chief: “Not Heav’n,” said he, “Tho’ Jove himself should promise Italy, Can stem the torrent of this raging sea.

        Mark how the shifting winds from west arise, And what collected night involves the skies!

        Nor can our shaken vessels live at sea, Much less against the tempest force their way.

        ‘T is fate diverts our course, and fate we must obey.

        Not far from hence, if I observ’d aright The southing of the stars, and polar light, Sicilia lies, whose hospitable shores In safety we may reach with struggling oars.”

        Aeneas then replied: “Too sure I find We strive in vain against the seas and wind: Now shift your sails; what place can please me more Than what you promise, the Sicilian shore, Whose hallow’d earth Anchises’ bones contains, And where a prince of Trojan lineage reigns?”

        The course resolv’d, before the western wind They scud amain, and make the port assign’d.

        Meantime Acestes, from a lofty stand, Beheld the fleet descending on the land; And, not unmindful of his ancient race, Down from the cliff he ran with eager pace, And held the hero in a strict embrace.

        Of a rough Libyan bear the spoils he wore, And either hand a pointed jav’lin bore.

        His mother was a dame of Dardan blood; His sire Crinisus, a Sicilian flood.

        He welcomes his returning friends ashore With plenteous country cates and homely store.

        Now, when the following morn had chas’d away The flying stars, and light restor’d the day, Aeneas call’d the Trojan troops around, And thus bespoke them from a rising ground: “Offspring of heav’n, divine Dardanian race!

        The sun, revolving thro’ th’ ethereal space, The shining circle of the year has fill’d, Since first this isle my father’s ashes held: And now the rising day renews the year; A day for ever sad, for ever dear.

        This would I celebrate with annual games, With gifts on altars pil’d, and holy flames, Tho’ banish’d to Gaetulia’s barren sands, Caught on the Grecian seas, or hostile lands: But since this happy storm our fleet has driv’n (Not, as I deem, without the will of Heav’n) Upon these friendly shores and flow’ry plains, Which hide Anchises and his blest remains, Let us with joy perform his honors due, And pray for prosp’rous winds, our voyage to renew; Pray, that in towns and temples of our own, The name of great Anchises may be known, And yearly games may spread the gods’ renown.

        Our sports Acestes, of the Trojan race, With royal gifts ordain’d, is pleas’d to grace: Two steers on ev’ry ship the king bestows; His gods and ours shall share your equal vows.

        Besides, if, nine days hence, the rosy morn Shall with unclouded light the skies adorn, That day with solemn sports I mean to grace: Light galleys on the seas shall run a wat’ry race; Some shall in swiftness for the goal contend, And others try the twanging bow to bend; The strong, with iron gauntlets arm’d, shall stand Oppos’d in combat on the yellow sand.

        Let all be present at the games prepar’d, And joyful victors wait the just reward.

        But now assist the rites, with garlands crown’d.”

        He said, and first his brows with myrtle bound.

        Then Helymus, by his example led,

        And old Acestes, each adorn’d his head; Thus young Ascanius, with a sprightly grace, His temples tied, and all the Trojan race.

        Aeneas then advanc’d amidst the train, By thousands follow’d thro’ the flow’ry plain, To great Anchises’ tomb; which when he found, He pour’d to Bacchus, on the hallow’d ground, Two bowls of sparkling wine, of milk two more, And two (from offer’d bulls) of purple gore, With roses then the sepulcher he strow’d And thus his father’s ghost bespoke aloud: “Hail, O ye holy manes! hail again,

        Paternal ashes, now review’d in vain!

        The gods permitted not, that you, with me, Should reach the promis’d shores of Italy, Or Tiber’s flood, what flood soe’er it be.”

        Scarce had he finish’d, when, with speckled pride, A serpent from the tomb began to glide; His hugy bulk on sev’n high volumes roll’d; Blue was his breadth of back, but streak’d with scaly gold: Thus riding on his curls, he seem’d to pass A rolling fire along, and singe the grass.

        More various colors thro’ his body run, Than Iris when her bow imbibes the sun.

        Betwixt the rising altars, and around, The sacred monster shot along the ground; With harmless play amidst the bowls he pass’d, And with his lolling tongue assay’d the taste: Thus fed with holy food, the wondrous guest Within the hollow tomb retir’d to rest.

        The pious prince, surpris’d at what he view’d, The fun’ral honors with more zeal renew’d, Doubtful if this place’s genius were, Or guardian of his father’s sepulcher.

        Five sheep, according to the rites, he slew; As many swine, and steers of sable hue; New gen’rous wine he from the goblets pour’d.

        And call’d his father’s ghost, from hell restor’d.

        The glad attendants in long order come, Off’ring their gifts at great Anchises’ tomb: Some add more oxen: some divide the spoil; Some place the chargers on the grassy soil; Some blow the fires, and off entrails broil.

        Now came the day desir’d. The skies were bright With rosy luster of the rising light: The bord’ring people, rous’d by sounding fame Of Trojan feasts and great Acestes’ name, The crowded shore with acclamations fill, Part to behold, and part to prove their skill.

        And first the gifts in public view they place, Green laurel wreaths, and palm, the victors’ grace: Within the circle, arms and tripods lie, Ingots of gold and silver, heap’d on high, And vests embroider’d, of the Tyrian dye.

        The trumpet’s clangor then the feast proclaims, And all prepare for their appointed games.

        Four galleys first, which equal rowers bear, Advancing, in the wat’ry lists appear.

        The speedy Dolphin, that outstrips the wind, Bore Mnestheus, author of the Memmian kind: Gyas the vast Chimaera’s bulk commands, Which rising, like a tow’ring city stands; Three Trojans tug at ev’ry lab’ring oar; Three banks in three degrees the sailors bore; Beneath their sturdy strokes the billows roar.

        Sergesthus, who began the Sergian race, In the great Centaur took the leading place; Cloanthus on the sea-green Scylla stood, From whom Cluentius draws his Trojan blood.

        Far in the sea, against the foaming shore, There stands a rock: the raging billows roar Above his head in storms; but, when ‘t is clear, Uncurl their ridgy backs, and at his foot appear.

        In peace below the gentle waters run; The cormorants above lie basking in the sun.

        On this the hero fix’d an oak in sight, The mark to guide the mariners aright.

        To bear with this, the seamen stretch their oars; Then round the rock they steer, and seek the former shores.

        The lots decide their place. Above the rest, Each leader shining in his Tyrian vest; The common crew with wreaths of poplar boughs Their temples crown, and shade their sweaty brows: Besmear’d with oil, their naked shoulders shine.

        All take their seats, and wait the sounding sign: They gripe their oars; and ev’ry panting breast Is rais’d by turns with hope, by turns with fear depress’d.

        The clangor of the trumpet gives the sign; At once they start, advancing in a line: With shouts the sailors rend the starry skies; Lash’d with their oars, the smoky billows rise; Sparkles the briny main, and the vex’d ocean fries.

        Exact in time, with equal strokes they row: At once the brushing oars and brazen prow Dash up the sandy waves, and ope the depths below.

        Not fiery coursers, in a chariot race, Invade the field with half so swift a pace; Not the fierce driver with more fury lends The sounding lash, and, ere the stroke descends, Low to the wheels his pliant body bends.

        The partial crowd their hopes and fears divide, And aid with eager shouts the favor’d side.

        Cries, murmurs, clamors, with a mixing sound, From woods to woods, from hills to hills rebound.

        Amidst the loud applauses of the shore, Gyas outstripp’d the rest, and sprung before: Cloanthus, better mann’d, pursued him fast, But his o’er-masted galley check’d his haste.

        The Centaur and the Dolphin brush the brine With equal oars, advancing in a line; And now the mighty Centaur seems to lead, And now the speedy Dolphin gets ahead; Now board to board the rival vessels row, The billows lave the skies, and ocean groans below.

        They reach’d the mark. Proud Gyas and his train In triumph rode, the victors of the main; But, steering round, he charg’d his pilot stand More close to shore, and skim along the sand-

        “Let others bear to sea!” Menoetes heard; But secret shelves too cautiously he fear’d, And, fearing, sought the deep; and still aloof he steer’d.

        With louder cries the captain call’d again: “Bear to the rocky shore, and shun the main.”

        He spoke, and, speaking, at his stern he saw The bold Cloanthus near the shelvings draw.

        Betwixt the mark and him the Scylla stood, And in a closer compass plow’d the flood.

        He pass’d the mark; and, wheeling, got before: Gyas blasphem’d the gods, devoutly swore, Cried out for anger, and his hair he tore.

        Mindless of others’ lives (so high was grown His rising rage) and careless of his own, The trembling dotard to the deck he drew; Then hoisted up, and overboard he threw: This done, he seiz’d the helm; his fellows cheer’d, Turn’d short upon the shelfs, and madly steer’d.

        Hardly his head the plunging pilot rears, Clogg’d with his clothes, and cumber’d with his years: Now dropping wet, he climbs the cliff with pain.

        The crowd, that saw him fall and float again, Shout from the distant shore; and loudly laugh’d, To see his heaving breast disgorge the briny draught.

        The following Centaur, and the Dolphin’s crew, Their vanish’d hopes of victory renew; While Gyas lags, they kindle in the race, To reach the mark. Sergesthus takes the place; Mnestheus pursues; and while around they wind, Comes up, not half his galley’s length behind; Then, on the deck, amidst his mates appear’d, And thus their drooping courage he cheer’d: “My friends, and Hector’s followers heretofore, Exert your vigor; tug the lab’ring oar; Stretch to your strokes, my still unconquer’d crew, Whom from the flaming walls of Troy I drew.

        In this, our common int’rest, let me find That strength of hand, that courage of the mind, As when you stemm’d the strong Malean flood, And o’er the Syrtes’ broken billows row’d.

        I seek not now the foremost palm to gain; Tho’ yet-but, ah! that haughty wish is vain!

        Let those enjoy it whom the gods ordain.

        But to be last, the lags of all the race!-

        Redeem yourselves and me from that disgrace.”

        Now, one and all, they tug amain; they row At the full stretch, and shake the brazen prow.

        The sea beneath ‘em sinks; their lab’ring sides Are swell’d, and sweat runs gutt’ring down in tides.

        Chance aids their daring with unhop’d success; Sergesthus, eager with his beak to press Betwixt the rival galley and the rock, Shuts up th’ unwieldly Centaur in the lock.

        The vessel struck; and, with the dreadful shock, Her oars she shiver’d, and her head she broke.

        The trembling rowers from their banks arise, And, anxious for themselves, renounce the prize.

        With iron poles they heave her off the shores, And gather from the sea their floating oars.

        The crew of Mnestheus, with elated minds, Urge their success, and call the willing winds; Then ply their oars, and cut their liquid way In larger compass on the roomy sea.

        As, when the dove her rocky hold forsakes, Rous’d in a fright, her sounding wings she shakes; The cavern rings with clatt’ring; out she flies, And leaves her callow care, and cleaves the skies: At first she flutters; but at length she springs To smoother flight, and shoots upon her wings: So Mnestheus in the Dolphin cuts the sea; And, flying with a force, that force assists his way.

        Sergesthus in the Centaur soon he pass’d, Wedg’d in the rocky shoals, and sticking fast.

        In vain the victor he with cries implores, And practices to row with shatter’d oars.

        Then Mnestheus bears with Gyas, and outflies: The ship, without a pilot, yields the prize.

        Unvanquish’d Scylla now alone remains; Her he pursues, and all his vigor strains.

        Shouts from the fav’ring multitude arise; Applauding Echo to the shouts replies; Shouts, wishes, and applause run rattling thro’ the skies.

        These clamors with disdain the Scylla heard, Much grudg’d the praise, but more the robb’d reward: Resolv’d to hold their own, they mend their pace, All obstinate to die, or gain the race.

        Rais’d with success, the Dolphin swiftly ran; For they can conquer, who believe they can.

        Both urge their oars, and fortune both supplies, And both perhaps had shar’d an equal prize; When to the seas Cloanthus holds his hands, And succor from the wat’ry pow’rs demands: “Gods of the liquid realms, on which I row!

        If, giv’n by you, the laurel bind my brow, Assist to make me guilty of my vow!

        A snow-white bull shall on your shore be slain; His offer’d entrails cast into the main, And ruddy wine, from golden goblets thrown, Your grateful gift and my return shall own.”

        The choir of nymphs, and Phorcus, from below, With virgin Panopea, heard his vow;

        And old Portunus, with his breadth of hand, Push’d on, and sped the galley to the land.

        Swift as a shaft, or winged wind, she flies, And, darting to the port, obtains the prize.

        The herald summons all, and then proclaims Cloanthus conqu’ror of the naval games.

        The prince with laurel crowns the victor’s head, And three fat steers are to his vessel led, The ship’s reward; with gen’rous wine beside, And sums of silver, which the crew divide.

        The leaders are distinguish’d from the rest; The victor honor’d with a nobler vest, Where gold and purple strive in equal rows, And needlework its happy cost bestows.

        There Ganymede is wrought with living art, Chasing thro’ Ida’s groves the trembling hart: Breathless he seems, yet eager to pursue; When from aloft descends, in open view, The bird of Jove, and, sousing on his prey, With crooked talons bears the boy away.

        In vain, with lifted hands and gazing eyes, His guards behold him soaring thro’ the skies, And dogs pursue his flight with imitated cries.

        Mnestheus the second victor was declar’d; And, summon’d there, the second prize he shard.

        A coat of mail, brave Demoleus bore,

        More brave Aeneas from his shoulders tore, In single combat on the Trojan shore: This was ordain’d for Mnestheus to possess; In war for his defense, for ornament in peace.

        Rich was the gift, and glorious to behold, But yet so pond’rous with its plates of gold, That scarce two servants could the weight sustain; Yet, loaded thus, Demoleus o’er the plain Pursued and lightly seiz’d the Trojan train.

        The third, succeeding to the last reward, Two goodly bowls of massy silver shar’d, With figures prominent, and richly wrought, And two brass caldrons from Dodona brought.

        Thus all, rewarded by the hero’s hands, Their conqu’ring temples bound with purple bands; And now Sergesthus, clearing from the rock, Brought back his galley shatter’d with the shock.

        Forlorn she look’d, without an aiding oar, And, houted by the vulgar, made to shore.

        As when a snake, surpris’d upon the road, Is crush’d athwart her body by the load Of heavy wheels; or with a mortal wound Her belly bruis’d, and trodden to the ground: In vain, with loosen’d curls, she crawls along; Yet, fierce above, she brandishes her tongue; Glares with her eyes, and bristles with her scales; But, groveling in the dust, her parts unsound she trails: So slowly to the port the Centaur tends, But, what she wants in oars, with sails amends.

        Yet, for his galley sav’d, the grateful prince Is pleas’d th’ unhappy chief to recompense.

        Pholoe, the Cretan slave, rewards his care, Beauteous herself, with lovely twins as fair.

        From thence his way the Trojan hero bent Into the neighb’ring plain, with mountains pent, Whose sides were shaded with surrounding wood.

        Full in the midst of this fair valley stood A native theater, which, rising slow

        By just degrees, o’erlook’d the ground below.

        High on a sylvan throne the leader sate; A num’rous train attend in solemn state.

        Here those that in the rapid course delight, Desire of honor and the prize invite.

        The rival runners without order stand; The Trojans mix’d with the Sicilian band.

        First Nisus, with Euryalus, appears;

        Euryalus a boy of blooming years,

        With sprightly grace and equal beauty crown’d; Nisus, for friendship to the youth renown’d.

        Diores next, of Priam’s royal race,

        Then Salius joined with Patron, took their place; (But Patron in Arcadia had his birth, And Salius his from Arcananian earth;) Then two Sicilian youths-the names of these, Swift Helymus, and lovely Panopes:

        Both jolly huntsmen, both in forest bred, And owning old Acestes for their head; With sev’ral others of ignobler name, Whom time has not deliver’d o’er to fame.

        To these the hero thus his thoughts explain’d, In words which gen’ral approbation gain’d: “One common largess is for all design’d, (The vanquish’d and the victor shall be join’d,) Two darts of polish’d steel and Gnosian wood, A silver-studded ax, alike bestow’d.

        The foremost three have olive wreaths decreed: The first of these obtains a stately steed, Adorn’d with trappings; and the next in fame, The quiver of an Amazonian dame,

        With feather’d Thracian arrows well supplied: A golden belt shall gird his manly side, Which with a sparkling diamond shall be tied.

        The third this Grecian helmet shall content.”

        He said. To their appointed base they went; With beating hearts th’ expected sign receive, And, starting all at once, the barrier leave.

        Spread out, as on the winged winds, they flew, And seiz’d the distant goal with greedy view.

        Shot from the crowd, swift Nisus all o’erpass’d; Nor storms, nor thunder, equal half his haste.

        The next, but tho’ the next, yet far disjoin’d, Came Salius, and Euryalus behind;

        Then Helymus, whom young Diores plied, Step after step, and almost side by side, His shoulders pressing; and, in longer space, Had won, or left at least a dubious race.

        Now, spent, the goal they almost reach at last, When eager Nisus, hapless in his haste, Slipp’d first, and, slipping, fell upon the plain, Soak’d with the blood of oxen newly slain.

        The careless victor had not mark’d his way; But, treading where the treach’rous puddle lay, His heels flew up; and on the grassy floor He fell, besmear’d with filth and holy gore.

        Not mindless then, Euryalus, of thee, Nor of the sacred bonds of amity,

        He strove th’ immediate rival’s hope to cross, And caught the foot of Salius as he rose.

        So Salius lay extended on the plain;

        Euryalus springs out, the prize to gain, And leaves the crowd: applauding peals attend The victor to the goal, who vanquish’d by his friend.

        Next Helymus; and then Diores came,

        By two misfortunes made the third in fame.

        But Salius enters, and, exclaiming loud For justice, deafens and disturbs the crowd; Urges his cause may in the court be heard; And pleads the prize is wrongfully conferr’d.

        But favor for Euryalus appears;

        His blooming beauty, with his tender tears, Had brib’d the judges for the promis’d prize.

        Besides, Diores fills the court with cries, Who vainly reaches at the last reward, If the first palm on Salius be conferr’d.

        Then thus the prince: “Let no disputes arise: Where fortune plac’d it, I award the prize.

        But fortune’s errors give me leave to mend, At least to pity my deserving friend.”

        He said, and, from among the spoils, he draws (Pond’rous with shaggy mane and golden paws) A lion’s hide: to Salius this he gives.

        Nisus with envy sees the gift, and grieves.

        “If such rewards to vanquish’d men are due.”

        He said, “and falling is to rise by you, What prize may Nisus from your bounty claim, Who merited the first rewards and fame?

        In falling, both an equal fortune tried; Would fortune for my fall so well provide!”

        With this he pointed to his face, and show’d His hand and all his habit smear’d with blood.

        Th’ indulgent father of the people smil’d, And caus’d to be produc’d an ample shield, Of wondrous art, by Didymaon wrought, Long since from Neptune’s bars in triumph brought.

        This giv’n to Nisus, he divides the rest, And equal justice in his gifts express’d.

        The race thus ended, and rewards bestow’d, Once more the princes bespeaks th’ attentive crowd: “If there he here whose dauntless courage dare In gauntlet-fight, with limbs and body bare, His opposite sustain in open view,

        Stand forth the champion, and the games renew.

        Two prizes I propose, and thus divide: A bull with gilded horns, and fillets tied, Shall be the portion of the conqu’ring chief; A sword and helm shall cheer the loser’s grief.”

        Then haughty Dares in the lists appears; Stalking he strides, his head erected bears: His nervous arms the weighty gauntlet wield, And loud applauses echo thro’ the field.

        Dares alone in combat us’d to stand

        The match of mighty Paris, hand to hand; The same, at Hector’s fun’rals, undertook Gigantic Butes, of th’ Amycian stock, And, by the stroke of his resistless hand, Stretch’d the vast bulk upon the yellow sand.

        Such Dares was; and such he strode along, And drew the wonder of the gazing throng.

        His brawny back and ample breast he shows, His lifted arms around his head he throws, And deals in whistling air his empty blows.

        His match is sought; but, thro’ the trembling band, Not one dares answer to the proud demand.

        Presuming of his force, with sparkling eyes Already he devours the promis’d prize.

        He claims the bull with awless insolence, And having seiz’d his horns, accosts the prince: “If none my matchless valor dares oppose, How long shall Dares wait his dastard foes?

        Permit me, chief, permit without delay, To lead this uncontended gift away.”

        The crowd assents, and with redoubled cries For the proud challenger demands the prize.

        Acestes, fir’d with just disdain, to see The palm usurp’d without a victory,

        Reproach’d Entellus thus, who sate beside, And heard and saw, unmov’d, the Trojan’s pride: “Once, but in vain, a champion of renown, So tamely can you bear the ravish’d crown, A prize in triumph borne before your sight, And shun, for fear, the danger of the fight?

        Where is our Eryx now, the boasted name, The god who taught your thund’ring arm the game?

        Where now your baffled honor? Where the spoil That fill’d your house, and fame that fill’d our isle?”

        Entellus, thus: “My soul is still the same, Unmov’d with fear, and mov’d with martial fame; But my chill blood is curdled in my veins, And scarce the shadow of a man remains.

        O could I turn to that fair prime again, That prime of which this boaster is so vain, The brave, who this decrepid age defies, Should feel my force, without the promis’d prize.”

        He said; and, rising at the word, he threw Two pond’rous gauntlets down in open view; Gauntlets which Eryx wont in fight to wield, And sheathe his hands with in the listed field.

        With fear and wonder seiz’d, the crowd beholds The gloves of death, with sev’n distinguish’d folds Of tough bull hides; the space within is spread With iron, or with loads of heavy lead: Dares himself was daunted at the sight, Renounc’d his challenge, and refus’d to fight.

        Astonish’d at their weight, the hero stands, And pois’d the pond’rous engines in his hands.

        “What had your wonder,” said Entellus, “been, Had you the gauntlets of Alcides seen, Or view’d the stern debate on this unhappy green!

        These which I bear your brother Eryx bore, Still mark’d with batter’d brains and mingled gore.

        With these he long sustain’d th’ Herculean arm; And these I wielded while my blood was warm, This languish’d frame while better spirits fed, Ere age unstrung my nerves, or time o’ersnow’d my head.

        But if the challenger these arms refuse, And cannot wield their weight, or dare not use; If great Aeneas and Acestes join

        In his request, these gauntlets I resign; Let us with equal arms perform the fight, And let him leave to fear, since I resign my right.”

        This said, Entellus for the strife prepares; Stripp’d of his quilted coat, his body bares; Compos’d of mighty bones and brawn he stands, A goodly tow’ring object on the sands.

        Then just Aeneas equal arms supplied, Which round their shoulders to their wrists they tied.

        Both on the tiptoe stand, at full extent, Their arms aloft, their bodies inly bent; Their heads from aiming blows they bear afar; With clashing gauntlets then provoke the war.

        One on his youth and pliant limbs relies; One on his sinews and his giant size.

        The last is stiff with age, his motion slow; He heaves for breath, he staggers to and fro, And clouds of issuing smoke his nostrils loudly blow.

        Yet equal in success, they ward, they strike; Their ways are diff’rent, but their art alike.

        Before, behind, the blows are dealt; around Their hollow sides the rattling thumps resound.

        A storm of strokes, well meant, with fury flies, And errs about their temples, ears, and eyes.

        Nor always errs; for oft the gauntlet draws A sweeping stroke along the crackling jaws.

        Heavy with age, Entellus stands his ground, But with his warping body wards the wound.

        His hand and watchful eye keep even pace; While Dares traverses and shifts his place, And, like a captain who beleaguers round Some strong-built castle on a rising ground, Views all th’ approaches with observing eyes: This and that other part in vain he tries, And more on industry than force relies.

        With hands on high, Entellus threats the foe; But Dares watch’d the motion from below, And slipp’d aside, and shunn’d the long descending blow.

        Entellus wastes his forces on the wind, And, thus deluded of the stroke design’d, Headlong and heavy fell; his ample breast And weighty limbs his ancient mother press’d.

        So falls a hollow pine, that long had stood On Ida’s height, or Erymanthus’ wood, Torn from the roots. The diff’ring nations rise, And shouts and mingled murmurs rend the skies, Acestus runs with eager haste, to raise The fall’n companion of his youthful days.

        Dauntless he rose, and to the fight return’d; With shame his glowing cheeks, his eyes with fury burn’d.

        Disdain and conscious virtue fir’d his breast, And with redoubled force his foe he press’d.

        He lays on load with either hand, amain, And headlong drives the Trojan o’er the plain; Nor stops, nor stays; nor rest nor breath allows; But storms of strokes descend about his brows, A rattling tempest, and a hail of blows.

        But now the prince, who saw the wild increase Of wounds, commands the combatants to cease, And bounds Entellus’ wrath, and bids the peace.

        First to the Trojan, spent with toil, he came, And sooth’d his sorrow for the suffer’d shame.

        “What fury seiz’d my friend? The gods,” said he, “To him propitious, and averse to thee, Have giv’n his arm superior force to thine.

        ‘T is madness to contend with strength divine.”

        The gauntlet fight thus ended, from the shore His faithful friends unhappy Dares bore: His mouth and nostrils pour’d a purple flood, And pounded teeth came rushing with his blood.

        Faintly he stagger’d thro’ the hissing throng, And hung his head, and trail’d his legs along.

        The sword and casque are carried by his train; But with his foe the palm and ox remain.

        The champion, then, before Aeneas came, Proud of his prize, but prouder of his fame: “O goddess-born, and you, Dardanian host, Mark with attention, and forgive my boast; Learn what I was, by what remains; and know From what impending fate you sav’d my foe.”

        Sternly he spoke, and then confronts the bull; And, on his ample forehead aiming full, The deadly stroke, descending, pierc’d the skull.

        Down drops the beast, nor needs a second wound, But sprawls in pangs of death, and spurns the ground.

        Then, thus: “In Dares’ stead I offer this.

        Eryx, accept a nobler sacrifice;

        Take the last gift my wither’d arms can yield: Thy gauntlets I resign, and here renounce the field.”

        This done, Aeneas orders, for the close, The strife of archers with contending bows.

        The mast Sergesthus’ shatter’d galley bore With his own hands he raises on the shore.

        A flutt’ring dove upon the top they tie, The living mark at which their arrows fly.

        The rival archers in a line advance,

        Their turn of shooting to receive from chance.

        A helmet holds their names; the lots are drawn: On the first scroll was read Hippocoon.

        The people shout. Upon the next was found Young Mnestheus, late with naval honors crown’d.

        The third contain’d Eurytion’s noble name, Thy brother, Pandarus, and next in fame, Whom Pallas urg’d the treaty to confound, And send among the Greeks a feather’d wound.

        Acestes in the bottom last remain’d,

        Whom not his age from youthful sports restrain’d.

        Soon all with vigor bend their trusty bows, And from the quiver each his arrow chose.

        Hippocoon’s was the first: with forceful sway It flew, and, whizzing, cut the liquid way.

        Fix’d in the mast the feather’d weapon stands: The fearful pigeon flutters in her bands, And the tree trembled, and the shouting cries Of the pleas’d people rend the vaulted skies.

        Then Mnestheus to the head his arrow drove, With lifted eyes, and took his aim above, But made a glancing shot, and missed the dove; Yet miss’d so narrow, that he cut the cord Which fasten’d by the foot the flitting bird.

        The captive thus releas’d, away she flies, And beats with clapping wings the yielding skies.

        His bow already bent, Eurytion stood; And, having first invok’d his brother god, His winged shaft with eager haste he sped.

        The fatal message reach’d her as she fled: She leaves her life aloft; she strikes the ground, And renders back the weapon in the wound.

        Acestes, grudging at his lot, remains, Without a prize to gratify his pains.

        Yet, shooting upward, sends his shaft, to show An archer’s art, and boast his twanging bow.

        The feather’d arrow gave a dire portent, And latter augurs judge from this event.

        Chaf’d by the speed, it fir’d; and, as it flew, A trail of following flames ascending drew: Kindling they mount, and mark the shiny way; Across the skies as falling meteors play, And vanish into wind, or in a blaze decay.

        The Trojans and Sicilians wildly stare, And, trembling, turn their wonder into pray’r.

        The Dardan prince put on a smiling face, And strain’d Acestes with a close embrace; Then, hon’ring him with gifts above the rest, Turn’d the bad omen, nor his fears confess’d.

        “The gods,” said he, “this miracle have wrought, And order’d you the prize without the lot.

        Accept this goblet, rough with figur’d gold, Which Thracian Cisseus gave my sire of old: This pledge of ancient amity receive, Which to my second sire I justly give.”

        He said, and, with the trumpets’ cheerful sound, Proclaim’d him victor, and with laurel-crown’d.

        Nor good Eurytion envied him the prize, Tho’ he transfix’d the pigeon in the skies.

        Who cut the line, with second gifts was grac’d; The third was his whose arrow pierc’d the mast.

        The chief, before the games were wholly done, Call’d Periphantes, tutor to his son, And whisper’d thus: “With speed Ascanius find; And, if his childish troop be ready join’d, On horseback let him grace his grandsire’s day, And lead his equals arm’d in just array.”

        He said; and, calling out, the cirque he clears.

        The crowd withdrawn, an open plain appears.

        And now the noble youths, of form divine, Advance before their fathers, in a line; The riders grace the steeds; the steeds with glory shine.

        Thus marching on in military pride,

        Shouts of applause resound from side to side.

        Their casques adorn’d with laurel wreaths they wear, Each brandishing aloft a cornel spear.

        Some at their backs their gilded quivers bore; Their chains of burnish’d gold hung down before.

        Three graceful troops they form’d upon the green; Three graceful leaders at their head were seen; Twelve follow’d ev’ry chief, and left a space between.

        The first young Priam led; a lovely boy, Whose grandsire was th’ unhappy king of Troy; His race in after times was known to fame, New honors adding to the Latian name; And well the royal boy his Thracian steed became.

        White were the fetlocks of his feet before, And on his front a snowy star he bore.

        Then beauteous Atys, with Iulus bred, Of equal age, the second squadron led.

        The last in order, but the first in place, First in the lovely features of his face, Rode fair Ascanius on a fiery steed,

        Queen Dido’s gift, and of the Tyrian breed.

        Sure coursers for the rest the king ordains, With golden bits adorn’d, and purple reins.

        The pleas’d spectators peals of shouts renew, And all the parents in the children view; Their make, their motions, and their sprightly grace, And hopes and fears alternate in their face.

        Th’ unfledg’d commanders and their martial train First make the circuit of the sandy plain Around their sires, and, at th’ appointed sign, Drawn up in beauteous order, form a line.

        The second signal sounds, the troop divides In three distinguish’d parts, with three distinguish’d guides Again they close, and once again disjoin; In troop to troop oppos’d, and line to line.

        They meet; they wheel; they throw their darts afar With harmless rage and well-dissembled war.

        Then in a round the mingled bodies run: Flying they follow, and pursuing shun; Broken, they break; and, rallying, they renew In other forms the military shew.

        At last, in order, undiscern’d they join, And march together in a friendly line.

        And, as the Cretan labyrinth of old,

        With wand’ring ways and many a winding fold, Involv’d the weary feet, without redress, In a round error, which denied recess; So fought the Trojan boys in warlike play, Turn’d and return’d, and still a diff’rent way.

        Thus dolphins in the deep each other chase In circles, when they swim around the wat’ry race.

        This game, these carousels, Ascanius taught; And, building Alba, to the Latins brought; Shew’d what he learn’d: the Latin sires impart To their succeeding sons the graceful art; From these imperial Rome receiv’d the game, Which Troy, the youths the Trojan troop, they name.

        Thus far the sacred sports they celebrate: But Fortune soon resum’d her ancient hate; For, while they pay the dead his annual dues, Those envied rites Saturnian Juno views; And sends the goddess of the various bow, To try new methods of revenge below;

        Supplies the winds to wing her airy way, Where in the port secure the navy lay.

        Swiftly fair Iris down her arch descends, And, undiscern’d, her fatal voyage ends.

        She saw the gath’ring crowd; and, gliding thence, The desart shore, and fleet without defense.

        The Trojan matrons, on the sands alone, With sighs and tears Anchises’ death bemoan; Then, turning to the sea their weeping eyes, Their pity to themselves renews their cries.

        “Alas!” said one, “what oceans yet remain For us to sail! what labors to sustain!”

        All take the word, and, with a gen’ral groan, Implore the gods for peace, and places of their own.

        The goddess, great in mischief, views their pains, And in a woman’s form her heav’nly limbs restrains.

        In face and shape old Beroe she became, Doryclus’ wife, a venerable dame,

        Once blest with riches, and a mother’s name.

        Thus chang’d, amidst the crying crowd she ran, Mix’d with the matrons, and these words began: “O wretched we, whom not the Grecian pow’r, Nor flames, destroy’d, in Troy’s unhappy hour!

        O wretched we, reserv’d by cruel fate, Beyond the ruins of the sinking state!

        Now sev’n revolving years are wholly run, Since this improsp’rous voyage we begun; Since, toss’d from shores to shores, from lands to lands, Inhospitable rocks and barren sands,

        Wand’ring in exile thro’ the stormy sea, We search in vain for flying Italy.

        Now cast by fortune on this kindred land, What should our rest and rising walls withstand, Or hinder here to fix our banish’d band?

        O country lost, and gods redeem’d in vain, If still in endless exile we remain!

        Shall we no more the Trojan walls renew, Or streams of some dissembled Simois view!

        Haste, join with me, th’ unhappy fleet consume!

        Cassandra bids; and I declare her doom.

        In sleep I saw her; she supplied my hands (For this I more than dreamt) with flaming brands: ‘With these,’ said she, ‘these wand’ring ships destroy: These are your fatal seats, and this your Troy.’

        Time calls you now; the precious hour employ: Slack not the good presage, while Heav’n inspires Our minds to dare, and gives the ready fires.

        See! Neptune’s altars minister their brands: The god is pleas’d; the god supplies our hands.”

        Then from the pile a flaming fire she drew, And, toss’d in air, amidst the galleys threw.

        Wrapp’d in amaze, the matrons wildly stare: Then Pyrgo, reverenc’d for her hoary hair, Pyrgo, the nurse of Priam’s num’rous race: “No Beroe this, tho’ she belies her face!

        What terrors from her frowning front arise!

        Behold a goddess in her ardent eyes!

        What rays around her heav’nly face are seen!

        Mark her majestic voice, and more than mortal mien!

        Beroe but now I left, whom, pin’d with pain, Her age and anguish from these rites detain,”

        She said. The matrons, seiz’d with new amaze, Roll their malignant eyes, and on the navy gaze.

        They fear, and hope, and neither part obey: They hope the fated land, but fear the fatal way.

        The goddess, having done her task below, Mounts up on equal wings, and bends her painted bow.

        Struck with the sight, and seiz’d with rage divine, The matrons prosecute their mad design: They shriek aloud; they snatch, with impious hands, The food of altars; fires and flaming brands.

        Green boughs and saplings, mingled in their haste, And smoking torches, on the ships they cast.

        The flame, unstopp’d at first, more fury gains, And Vulcan rides at large with loosen’d reins: Triumphant to the painted sterns he soars, And seizes, in this way, the banks and crackling oars.

        Eumelus was the first the news to bear, While yet they crowd the rural theater.

        Then, what they hear, is witness’d by their eyes: A storm of sparkles and of flames arise.

        Ascanius took th’ alarm, while yet he led His early warriors on his prancing steed, And, spurring on, his equals soon o’erpass’d; Nor could his frighted friends reclaim his haste.

        Soon as the royal youth appear’d in view, He sent his voice before him as he flew: “What madness moves you, matrons, to destroy The last remainders of unhappy Troy!

        Not hostile fleets, but your own hopes, you burn, And on your friends your fatal fury turn.

        Behold your own Ascanius!” While he said, He drew his glitt’ring helmet from his head, In which the youths to sportful arms he led.

        By this, Aeneas and his train appear; And now the women, seiz’d with shame and fear, Dispers’d, to woods and caverns take their flight, Abhor their actions, and avoid the light; Their friends acknowledge, and their error find, And shake the goddess from their alter’d mind.

        Not so the raging fires their fury cease, But, lurking in the seams, with seeming peace, Work on their way amid the smold’ring tow, Sure in destruction, but in motion slow.

        The silent plague thro’ the green timber eats, And vomits out a tardy flame by fits.

        Down to the keels, and upward to the sails, The fire descends, or mounts, but still prevails; Nor buckets pour’d, nor strength of human hand, Can the victorious element withstand.

        The pious hero rends his robe, and throws To heav’n his hands, and with his hands his vows.

        “O Jove,” he cried, “if pray’rs can yet have place; If thou abhorr’st not all the Dardan race; If any spark of pity still remain;

        If gods are gods, and not invok’d in vain; Yet spare the relics of the Trojan train!

        Yet from the flames our burning vessels free, Or let thy fury fall alone on me!

        At this devoted head thy thunder throw, And send the willing sacrifice below!”

        Scarce had he said, when southern storms arise: From pole to pole the forky lightning flies; Loud rattling shakes the mountains and the plain; Heav’n bellies downward, and descends in rain.

        Whole sheets of water from the clouds are sent, Which, hissing thro’ the planks, the flames prevent, And stop the fiery pest. Four ships alone Burn to the waist, and for the fleet atone.

        But doubtful thoughts the hero’s heart divide; If he should still in Sicily reside,

        Forgetful of his fates, or tempt the main, In hope the promis’d Italy to gain.

        Then Nautes, old and wise, to whom alone The will of Heav’n by Pallas was foreshown; Vers’d in portents, experienc’d, and inspir’d To tell events, and what the fates requir’d; Thus while he stood, to neither part inclin’d, With cheerful words reliev’d his lab’ring mind: “O goddess-born, resign’d in ev’ry state, With patience bear, with prudence push your fate.

        By suff’ring well, our Fortune we subdue; Fly when she frowns, and, when she calls, pursue.

        Your friend Acestes is of Trojan kind; To him disclose the secrets of your mind: Trust in his hands your old and useless train; Too num’rous for the ships which yet remain: The feeble, old, indulgent of their ease, The dames who dread the dangers of the seas, With all the dastard crew, who dare not stand The shock of battle with your foes by land.

        Here you may build a common town for all, And, from Acestes’ name, Acesta call.”

        The reasons, with his friend’s experience join’d, Encourag’d much, but more disturb’d his mind.

        ‘T was dead of night; when to his slumb’ring eyes His father’s shade descended from the skies, And thus he spoke: “O more than vital breath, Lov’d while I liv’d, and dear ev’n after death; O son, in various toils and troubles toss’d, The King of Heav’n employs my careful ghost On his commands: the god, who sav’d from fire Your flaming fleet, and heard your just desire.

        The wholesome counsel of your friend receive, And here the coward train and woman leave: The chosen youth, and those who nobly dare, Transport, to tempt the dangers of the war.

        The stern Italians will their courage try; Rough are their manners, and their minds are high.

        But first to Pluto’s palace you shall go, And seek my shade among the blest below: For not with impious ghosts my soul remains, Nor suffers with the damn’d perpetual pains, But breathes the living air of soft Elysian plains.

        The chaste Sibylla shall your steps convey, And blood of offer’d victims free the way.

        There shall you know what realms the gods assign, And learn the fates and fortunes of your line.

        But now, farewell! I vanish with the night, And feel the blast of heav’n’s approaching light.”

        He said, and mix’d with shades, and took his airy flight.

        “Whither so fast?” the filial duty cried; “And why, ah why, the wish’d embrace denied?”

        He said, and rose; as holy zeal inspires, He rakes hot embers, and renews the fires; His country gods and Vesta then adores With cakes and incense, and their aid implores.

        Next, for his friends and royal host he sent, Reveal’d his vision, and the gods’ intent, With his own purpose. All, without delay, The will of Jove, and his desires obey.

        They list with women each degenerate name, Who dares not hazard life for future fame.

        These they cashier: the brave remaining few, Oars, banks, and cables, half consum’d, renew.

        The prince designs a city with the plow; The lots their sev’ral tenements allow.

        This part is nam’d from Ilium, that from Troy, And the new king ascends the throne with joy; A chosen senate from the people draws; Appoints the judges, and ordains the laws.

        Then, on the top of Eryx, they begin

        A rising temple to the Paphian queen.

        Anchises, last, is honor’d as a god;

        A priest is added, annual gifts bestow’d, And groves are planted round his blest abode.

        Nine days they pass in feasts, their temples crown’d; And fumes of incense in the fanes abound.

        Then from the south arose a gentle breeze That curl’d the smoothness of the glassy seas; The rising winds a ruffling gale afford, And call the merry mariners aboard.

        Now loud laments along the shores resound, Of parting friends in close embraces bound.

        The trembling women, the degenerate train, Who shunn’d the frightful dangers of the main, Ev’n those desire to sail, and take their share Of the rough passage and the promis’d war: Whom good Aeneas cheers, and recommends To their new master’s care his fearful friends.

        On Eryx’s altars three fat calves he lays; A lamb new-fallen to the stormy seas; Then slips his haulsers, and his anchors weighs.

        High on the deck the godlike hero stands, With olive crown’d, a charger in his hands; Then cast the reeking entrails in the brine, And pour’d the sacrifice of purple wine.

        Fresh gales arise; with equal strokes they vie, And brush the buxom seas, and o’er the billows fly.

        Meantime the mother goddess, full of fears, To Neptune thus address’d, with tender tears: “The pride of Jove’s imperious queen, the rage, The malice which no suff’rings can assuage, Compel me to these pray’rs; since neither fate, Nor time, nor pity, can remove her hate: Ev’n Jove is thwarted by his haughty wife; Still vanquish’d, yet she still renews the strife.

        As if ‘t were little to consume the town Which aw’d the world, and wore th’ imperial crown, She prosecutes the ghost of Troy with pains, And gnaws, ev’n to the bones, the last remains.

        Let her the causes of her hatred tell; But you can witness its effects too well.

        You saw the storm she rais’d on Libyan floods, That mix’d the mounting billows with the clouds; When, bribing Aeolus, she shook the main, And mov’d rebellion in your wat’ry reign.

        With fury she possess’d the Dardan dames, To burn their fleet with execrable flames, And forc’d Aeneas, when his ships were lost, To leave his foll’wers on a foreign coast.

        For what remains, your godhead I implore, And trust my son to your protecting pow’r.

        If neither Jove’s nor Fate’s decree withstand, Secure his passage to the Latian land.”

        Then thus the mighty Ruler of the Main: “What may not Venus hope from Neptune’s reign?

        My kingdom claims your birth; my late defense Of your indanger’d fleet may claim your confidence.

        Nor less by land than sea my deeds declare How much your lov’d Aeneas is my care.

        Thee, Xanthus, and thee, Simois, I attest.

        Your Trojan troops when proud Achilles press’d, And drove before him headlong on the plain, And dash’d against the walls the trembling train; When floods were fill’d with bodies of the slain; When crimson Xanthus, doubtful of his way, Stood up on ridges to behold the sea; (New heaps came tumbling in, and chok’d his way;) When your Aeneas fought, but fought with odds Of force unequal, and unequal gods;

        I spread a cloud before the victor’s sight, Sustain’d the vanquish’d, and secur’d his flight; Ev’n then secur’d him, when I sought with joy The vow’d destruction of ungrateful Troy.

        My will’s the same: fair goddess, fear no more, Your fleet shall safely gain the Latian shore; Their lives are giv’n; one destin’d head alone Shall perish, and for multitudes atone.”

        Thus having arm’d with hopes her anxious mind, His finny team Saturnian Neptune join’d, Then adds the foamy bridle to their jaws, And to the loosen’d reins permits the laws.

        High on the waves his azure car he guides; Its axles thunder, and the sea subsides, And the smooth ocean rolls her silent tides.

        The tempests fly before their father’s face, Trains of inferior gods his triumph grace, And monster whales before their master play, And choirs of Tritons crowd the wat’ry way.

        The marshal’d pow’rs in equal troops divide To right and left; the gods his better side Inclose, and on the worse the Nymphs and Nereids ride.

        Now smiling hope, with sweet vicissitude, Within the hero’s mind his joys renew’d.

        He calls to raise the masts, the sheets display; The cheerful crew with diligence obey; They scud before the wind, and sail in open sea.

        Ahead of all the master pilot steers; And, as he leads, the following navy veers.

        The steeds of Night had travel’d half the sky, The drowsy rowers on their benches lie, When the soft God of Sleep, with easy flight, Descends, and draws behind a trail of light.

        Thou, Palinurus, art his destin’d prey; To thee alone he takes his fatal way.

        Dire dreams to thee, and iron sleep, he bears; And, lighting on thy prow, the form of Phorbas wears.

        Then thus the traitor god began his tale: “The winds, my friend, inspire a pleasing gale; The ships, without thy care, securely sail.

        Now steal an hour of sweet repose; and I Will take the rudder and thy room supply.”

        To whom the yawning pilot, half asleep: “Me dost thou bid to trust the treach’rous deep, The harlot smiles of her dissembling face, And to her faith commit the Trojan race?

        Shall I believe the Siren South again, And, oft betray’d, not know the monster main?”

        He said: his fasten’d hands the rudder keep, And, fix’d on heav’n, his eyes repel invading sleep.

        The god was wroth, and at his temples threw A branch in Lethe dipp’d, and drunk with Stygian dew: The pilot, vanquish’d by the pow’r divine, Soon clos’d his swimming eyes, and lay supine.

        Scarce were his limbs extended at their length, The god, insulting with superior strength, Fell heavy on him, plung’d him in the sea, And, with the stern, the rudder tore away.

        Headlong he fell, and, struggling in the main, Cried out for helping hands, but cried in vain.

        The victor daemon mounts obscure in air, While the ship sails without the pilot’s care.

        On Neptune’s faith the floating fleet relies; But what the man forsook, the god supplies, And o’er the dang’rous deep secure the navy flies; Glides by the Sirens’ cliffs, a shelfy coast, Long infamous for ships and sailors lost, And white with bones. Th’ impetuous ocean roars, And rocks rebellow from the sounding shores.

        The watchful hero felt the knocks, and found The tossing vessel sail’d on shoaly ground.

        Sure of his pilot’s loss, he takes himself The helm, and steers aloof, and shuns the shelf.

        Inly he griev’d, and, groaning from the breast, Deplor’d his death; and thus his pain express’d: “For faith repos’d on seas, and on the flatt’ring sky, Thy naked corpse is doom’d on shores unknown to lie.”

        BOOK VI

        He said, and wept; then spread his sails before The winds, and reach’d at length the Cumaean shore: Their anchors dropp’d, his crew the vessels moor.

        They turn their heads to sea, their sterns to land, And greet with greedy joy th’ Italian strand.

        Some strike from clashing flints their fiery seed; Some gather sticks, the kindled flames to feed, Or search for hollow trees, and fell the woods, Or trace thro’ valleys the discover’d floods.

        Thus, while their sev’ral charges they fulfil, The pious prince ascends the sacred hill Where Phoebus is ador’d; and seeks the shade Which hides from sight his venerable maid.

        Deep in a cave the Sibyl makes abode; Thence full of fate returns, and of the god.

        Thro’ Trivia’s grove they walk; and now behold, And enter now, the temple roof’d with gold.

        When Daedalus, to fly the Cretan shore, His heavy limbs on jointed pinions bore, (The first who sail’d in air,) ‘t is sung by Fame, To the Cumaean coast at length he came, And here alighting, built this costly frame.

        Inscrib’d to Phoebus, here he hung on high The steerage of his wings, that cut the sky: Then o’er the lofty gate his art emboss’d Androgeos’ death, and off’rings to his ghost; Sev’n youths from Athens yearly sent, to meet The fate appointed by revengeful Crete.

        And next to those the dreadful urn was plac’d, In which the destin’d names by lots were cast: The mournful parents stand around in tears, And rising Crete against their shore appears.

        There too, in living sculpture, might be seen The mad affection of the Cretan queen; Then how she cheats her bellowing lover’s eye; The rushing leap, the doubtful progeny, The lower part a beast, a man above,

        The monument of their polluted love.

        Not far from thence he grav’d the wondrous maze, A thousand doors, a thousand winding ways: Here dwells the monster, hid from human view, Not to be found, but by the faithful clew; Till the kind artist, mov’d with pious grief, Lent to the loving maid this last relief, And all those erring paths describ’d so well That Theseus conquer’d and the monster fell.

        Here hapless Icarus had found his part, Had not the father’s grief restrain’d his art.

        He twice assay’d to cast his son in gold; Twice from his hands he dropp’d the forming mold.

        All this with wond’ring eyes Aeneas view’d; Each varying object his delight renew’d: Eager to read the rest-Achates came, And by his side the mad divining dame, The priestess of the god, Deiphobe her name.

        “Time suffers not,” she said, “to feed your eyes With empty pleasures; haste the sacrifice.

        Sev’n bullocks, yet unyok’d, for Phoebus choose, And for Diana sev’n unspotted ewes.”

        This said, the servants urge the sacred rites, While to the temple she the prince invites.

        A spacious cave, within its farmost part, Was hew’d and fashion’d by laborious art Thro’ the hill’s hollow sides: before the place, A hundred doors a hundred entries grace; As many voices issue, and the sound

        Of Sybil’s words as many times rebound.

        Now to the mouth they come. Aloud she cries: “This is the time; enquire your destinies.

        He comes; behold the god!” Thus while she said, (And shiv’ring at the sacred entry stay’d,) Her color chang’d; her face was not the same, And hollow groans from her deep spirit came.

        Her hair stood up; convulsive rage possess’d Her trembling limbs, and heav’d her lab’ring breast.

        Greater than humankind she seem’d to look, And with an accent more than mortal spoke.

        Her staring eyes with sparkling fury roll; When all the god came rushing on her soul.

        Swiftly she turn’d, and, foaming as she spoke: “Why this delay?” she cried- “the pow’rs invoke!

        Thy pray’rs alone can open this abode; Else vain are my demands, and dumb the god.”

        She said no more. The trembling Trojans hear, O’erspread with a damp sweat and holy fear.

        The prince himself, with awful dread possess’d, His vows to great Apollo thus address’d: “Indulgent god, propitious pow’r to Troy, Swift to relieve, unwilling to destroy, Directed by whose hand the Dardan dart Pierc’d the proud Grecian’s only mortal part: Thus far, by fate’s decrees and thy commands, Thro’ ambient seas and thro’ devouring sands, Our exil’d crew has sought th’ Ausonian ground; And now, at length, the flying coast is found.

        Thus far the fate of Troy, from place to place, With fury has pursued her wand’ring race.

        Here cease, ye pow’rs, and let your vengeance end: Troy is no more, and can no more offend.

        And thou, O sacred maid, inspir’d to see Th’ event of things in dark futurity; Give me what Heav’n has promis’d to my fate, To conquer and command the Latian state; To fix my wand’ring gods, and find a place For the long exiles of the Trojan race.

        Then shall my grateful hands a temple rear To the twin gods, with vows and solemn pray’r; And annual rites, and festivals, and games, Shall be perform’d to their auspicious names.

        Nor shalt thou want thy honors in my land; For there thy faithful oracles shall stand, Preserv’d in shrines; and ev’ry sacred lay, Which, by thy mouth, Apollo shall convey: All shall be treasur’d by a chosen train Of holy priests, and ever shall remain.

        But O! commit not thy prophetic mind

        To flitting leaves, the sport of ev’ry wind, Lest they disperse in air our empty fate; Write not, but, what the pow’rs ordain, relate.”

        Struggling in vain, impatient of her load, And lab’ring underneath the pond’rous god, The more she strove to shake him from her breast, With more and far superior force he press’d; Commands his entrance, and, without control, Usurps her organs and inspires her soul.

        Now, with a furious blast, the hundred doors Ope of themselves; a rushing whirlwind roars Within the cave, and Sibyl’s voice restores: “Escap’d the dangers of the wat’ry reign, Yet more and greater ills by land remain.

        The coast, so long desir’d (nor doubt th’ event), Thy troops shall reach, but, having reach’d, repent.

        Wars, horrid wars, I view-a field of blood, And Tiber rolling with a purple flood.

        Simois nor Xanthus shall be wanting there: A new Achilles shall in arms appear,

        And he, too, goddess-born. Fierce Juno’s hate, Added to hostile force, shall urge thy fate.

        To what strange nations shalt not thou resort, Driv’n to solicit aid at ev’ry court!

        The cause the same which Ilium once oppress’d; A foreign mistress, and a foreign guest.

        But thou, secure of soul, unbent with woes, The more thy fortune frowns, the more oppose.

        The dawnings of thy safety shall be shown From whence thou least shalt hope, a Grecian town.”

        Thus, from the dark recess, the Sibyl spoke, And the resisting air the thunder broke; The cave rebellow’d, and the temple shook.

        Th’ ambiguous god, who rul’d her lab’ring breast, In these mysterious words his mind express’d; Some truths reveal’d, in terms involv’d the rest.

        At length her fury fell, her foaming ceas’d, And, ebbing in her soul, the god decreas’d.

        Then thus the chief: “No terror to my view, No frightful face of danger can be new.

        Inur’d to suffer, and resolv’d to dare, The Fates, without my pow’r, shall be without my care.

        This let me crave, since near your grove the road To hell lies open, and the dark abode Which Acheron surrounds, th’ innavigable flood; Conduct me thro’ the regions void of light, And lead me longing to my father’s sight.

        For him, a thousand dangers I have sought, And, rushing where the thickest Grecians fought, Safe on my back the sacred burthen brought.

        He, for my sake, the raging ocean tried, And wrath of Heav’n, my still auspicious guide, And bore beyond the strength decrepid age supplied.

        Oft, since he breath’d his last, in dead of night His reverend image stood before my sight; Enjoin’d to seek, below, his holy shade; Conducted there by your unerring aid.

        But you, if pious minds by pray’rs are won, Oblige the father, and protect the son.

        Yours is the pow’r; nor Proserpine in vain Has made you priestess of her nightly reign.

        If Orpheus, arm’d with his enchanting lyre, The ruthless king with pity could inspire, And from the shades below redeem his wife; If Pollux, off’ring his alternate life, Could free his brother, and can daily go By turns aloft, by turns descend below-Why name I Theseus, or his greater friend, Who trod the downward path, and upward could ascend?

        Not less than theirs from Jove my lineage came; My mother greater, my descent the same.”

        So pray’d the Trojan prince, and, while he pray’d, His hand upon the holy altar laid.

        Then thus replied the prophetess divine: “O goddess-born of great Anchises’ line, The gates of hell are open night and day; Smooth the descent, and easy is the way: But to return, and view the cheerful skies, In this the task and mighty labor lies.

        To few great Jupiter imparts this grace, And those of shining worth and heav’nly race.

        Betwixt those regions and our upper light, Deep forests and impenetrable night

        Possess the middle space: th’ infernal bounds Cocytus, with his sable waves, surrounds.

        But if so dire a love your soul invades, As twice below to view the trembling shades; If you so hard a toil will undertake, As twice to pass th’ innavigable lake; Receive my counsel. In the neighb’ring grove There stands a tree; the queen of Stygian Jove Claims it her own; thick woods and gloomy night Conceal the happy plant from human sight.

        One bough it bears; but (wondrous to behold!) The ductile rind and leaves of radiant gold: This from the vulgar branches must be torn, And to fair Proserpine the present borne, Ere leave be giv’n to tempt the nether skies.

        The first thus rent a second will arise, And the same metal the same room supplies.

        Look round the wood, with lifted eyes, to see The lurking gold upon the fatal tree: Then rend it off, as holy rites command; The willing metal will obey thy hand, Following with ease, if favor’d by thy fate, Thou art foredoom’d to view the Stygian state: If not, no labor can the tree constrain; And strength of stubborn arms and steel are vain.

        Besides, you know not, while you here attend, Th’ unworthy fate of your unhappy friend: Breathless he lies; and his unburied ghost, Depriv’d of fun’ral rites, pollutes your host.

        Pay first his pious dues; and, for the dead, Two sable sheep around his hearse be led; Then, living turfs upon his body lay: This done, securely take the destin’d way, To find the regions destitute of day.”

        She said, and held her peace. Aeneas went Sad from the cave, and full of discontent, Unknowing whom the sacred Sibyl meant.

        Achates, the companion of his breast, Goes grieving by his side, with equal cares oppress’d.

        Walking, they talk’d, and fruitlessly divin’d What friend the priestess by those words design’d.

        But soon they found an object to deplore: Misenus lay extended the shore;

        Son of the God of Winds: none so renown’d The warrior trumpet in the field to sound; With breathing brass to kindle fierce alarms, And rouse to dare their fate in honorable arms.

        He serv’d great Hector, and was ever near, Not with his trumpet only, but his spear.

        But by Pelides’ arms when Hector fell, He chose Aeneas; and he chose as well.

        Swoln with applause, and aiming still at more, He now provokes the sea gods from the shore; With envy Triton heard the martial sound, And the bold champion, for his challenge, drown’d; Then cast his mangled carcass on the strand: The gazing crowd around the body stand.

        All weep; but most Aeneas mourns his fate, And hastens to perform the funeral state.

        In altar-wise, a stately pile they rear; The basis broad below, and top advanc’d in air.

        An ancient wood, fit for the work design’d, (The shady covert of the salvage kind,) The Trojans found: the sounding ax is plied; Firs, pines, and pitch trees, and the tow’ring pride Of forest ashes, feel the fatal stroke, And piercing wedges cleave the stubborn oak.

        Huge trunks of trees, fell’d from the steepy crown Of the bare mountains, roll with ruin down.

        Arm’d like the rest the Trojan prince appears, And by his pious labor urges theirs.

        Thus while he wrought, revolving in his mind The ways to compass what his wish design’d, He cast his eyes upon the gloomy grove, And then with vows implor’d the Queen of Love: “O may thy pow’r, propitious still to me, Conduct my steps to find the fatal tree, In this deep forest; since the Sibyl’s breath Foretold, alas! too true, Misenus’ death.”

        Scarce had he said, when, full before his sight, Two doves, descending from their airy flight, Secure upon the grassy plain alight.

        He knew his mother’s birds; and thus he pray’d: “Be you my guides, with your auspicious aid, And lead my footsteps, till the branch be found, Whose glitt’ring shadow gilds the sacred ground.

        And thou, great parent, with celestial care, In this distress be present to my pray’r!”

        Thus having said, he stopp’d with watchful sight, Observing still the motions of their flight, What course they took, what happy signs they shew.

        They fed, and, flutt’ring, by degrees withdrew Still farther from the place, but still in view: Hopping and flying, thus they led him on To the slow lake, whose baleful stench to shun They wing’d their flight aloft; then, stooping low, Perch’d on the double tree that bears the golden bough.

        Thro’ the green leafs the glitt’ring shadows glow; As, on the sacred oak, the wintry mistletoe, Where the proud mother views her precious brood, And happier branches, which she never sow’d.

        Such was the glitt’ring; such the ruddy rind, And dancing leaves, that wanton’d in the wind.

        He seiz’d the shining bough with griping hold, And rent away, with ease, the ling’ring gold; Then to the Sibyl’s palace bore the prize.

        Meantime the Trojan troops, with weeping eyes, To dead Misenus pay his obsequies.

        First, from the ground a lofty pile they rear, Of pitch trees, oaks, and pines, and unctuous fir: The fabric’s front with cypress twigs they strew, And stick the sides with boughs of baleful yew.

        The topmost part his glitt’ring arms adorn; Warm waters, then, in brazen caldrons borne, Are pour’d to wash his body, joint by joint, And fragrant oils the stiffen’d limbs anoint.

        With groans and cries Misenus they deplore: Then on a bier, with purple cover’d o’er, The breathless body, thus bewail’d, they lay, And fire the pile, their faces turn’d away-Such reverend rites their fathers us’d to pay.

        Pure oil and incense on the fire they throw, And fat of victims, which his friends bestow.

        These gifts the greedy flames to dust devour; Then on the living coals red wine they pour; And, last, the relics by themselves dispose, Which in a brazen urn the priests inclose.

        Old Corynaeus compass’d thrice the crew, And dipp’d an olive branch in holy dew; Which thrice he sprinkled round, and thrice aloud Invok’d the dead, and then dismissed the crowd.

        But good Aeneas order’d on the shore

        A stately tomb, whose top a trumpet bore, A soldier’s fauchion, and a seaman’s oar.

        Thus was his friend interr’d; and deathless fame Still to the lofty cape consigns his name.

        These rites perform’d, the prince, without delay, Hastes to the nether world his destin’d way.

        Deep was the cave; and, downward as it went From the wide mouth, a rocky rough descent; And here th’ access a gloomy grove defends, And there th’ unnavigable lake extends, O’er whose unhappy waters, void of light, No bird presumes to steer his airy flight; Such deadly stenches from the depths arise, And steaming sulphur, that infects the skies.

        From hence the Grecian bards their legends make, And give the name Avernus to the lake.

        Four sable bullocks, in the yoke untaught, For sacrifice the pious hero brought.

        The priestess pours the wine betwixt their horns; Then cuts the curling hair; that first oblation burns, Invoking Hecate hither to repair:

        A pow’rful name in hell and upper air.

        The sacred priests with ready knives bereave The beasts of life, and in full bowls receive The streaming blood: a lamb to Hell and Night (The sable wool without a streak of white) Aeneas offers; and, by fate’s decree, A barren heifer, Proserpine, to thee, With holocausts he Pluto’s altar fills; Sev’n brawny bulls with his own hand he kills; Then on the broiling entrails oil he pours; Which, ointed thus, the raging flame devours.

        Late the nocturnal sacrifice begun,

        Nor ended till the next returning sun.

        Then earth began to bellow, trees to dance, And howling dogs in glimm’ring light advance, Ere Hecate came. “Far hence be souls profane!”

        The Sibyl cried, “and from the grove abstain!

        Now, Trojan, take the way thy fates afford; Assume thy courage, and unsheathe thy sword.”

        She said, and pass’d along the gloomy space; The prince pursued her steps with equal pace.

        Ye realms, yet unreveal’d to human sight, Ye gods who rule the regions of the night, Ye gliding ghosts, permit me to relate The mystic wonders of your silent state!

        Obscure they went thro’ dreary shades, that led Along the waste dominions of the dead.

        Thus wander travelers in woods by night, By the moon’s doubtful and malignant light, When Jove in dusky clouds involves the skies, And the faint crescent shoots by fits before their eyes.

        Just in the gate and in the jaws of hell, Revengeful Cares and sullen Sorrows dwell, And pale Diseases, and repining Age,

        Want, Fear, and Famine’s unresisted rage; Here Toils, and Death, and Death’s half-brother, Sleep, Forms terrible to view, their sentry keep; With anxious Pleasures of a guilty mind, Deep Frauds before, and open Force behind; The Furies’ iron beds; and Strife, that shakes Her hissing tresses and unfolds her snakes.

        Full in the midst of this infernal road, An elm displays her dusky arms abroad: The God of Sleep there hides his heavy head, And empty dreams on ev’ry leaf are spread.

        Of various forms unnumber’d specters more, Centaurs, and double shapes, besiege the door.

        Before the passage, horrid Hydra stands, And Briareus with all his hundred hands; Gorgons, Geryon with his triple frame; And vain Chimaera vomits empty flame.

        The chief unsheath’d his shining steel, prepar’d, Tho’ seiz’d with sudden fear, to force the guard, Off’ring his brandish’d weapon at their face; Had not the Sibyl stopp’d his eager pace, And told him what those empty phantoms were: Forms without bodies, and impassive air.

        Hence to deep Acheron they take their way, Whose troubled eddies, thick with ooze and clay, Are whirl’d aloft, and in Cocytus lost.

        There Charon stands, who rules the dreary coast-A sordid god: down from his hoary chin A length of beard descends, uncomb’d, unclean; His eyes, like hollow furnaces on fire; A girdle, foul with grease, binds his obscene attire.

        He spreads his canvas; with his pole he steers; The freights of flitting ghosts in his thin bottom bears.

        He look’d in years; yet in his years were seen A youthful vigor and autumnal green.

        An airy crowd came rushing where he stood, Which fill’d the margin of the fatal flood: Husbands and wives, boys and unmarried maids, And mighty heroes’ more majestic shades, And youths, intomb’d before their fathers’ eyes, With hollow groans, and shrieks, and feeble cries.

        Thick as the leaves in autumn strow the woods, Or fowls, by winter forc’d, forsake the floods, And wing their hasty flight to happier lands; Such, and so thick, the shiv’ring army stands, And press for passage with extended hands.

        Now these, now those, the surly boatman bore: The rest he drove to distance from the shore.

        The hero, who beheld with wond’ring eyes The tumult mix’d with shrieks, laments, and cries, Ask’d of his guide, what the rude concourse meant; Why to the shore the thronging people bent; What forms of law among the ghosts were us’d; Why some were ferried o’er, and some refus’d.

        “Son of Anchises, offspring of the gods,”

        The Sibyl said, “you see the Stygian floods, The sacred stream which heav’n’s imperial state Attests in oaths, and fears to violate.

        The ghosts rejected are th’ unhappy crew Depriv’d of sepulchers and fun’ral due: The boatman, Charon; those, the buried host, He ferries over to the farther coast; Nor dares his transport vessel cross the waves With such whose bones are not compos’d in graves.

        A hundred years they wander on the shore; At length, their penance done, are wafted o’er.”

        The Trojan chief his forward pace repress’d, Revolving anxious thoughts within his breast, He saw his friends, who, whelm’d beneath the waves, Their fun’ral honors claim’d, and ask’d their quiet graves.

        The lost Leucaspis in the crowd he knew, And the brave leader of the Lycian crew, Whom, on the Tyrrhene seas, the tempests met; The sailors master’d, and the ship o’erset.

        Amidst the spirits, Palinurus press’d, Yet fresh from life, a new-admitted guest, Who, while he steering view’d the stars, and bore His course from Afric to the Latian shore, Fell headlong down. The Trojan fix’d his view, And scarcely thro’ the gloom the sullen shadow knew.

        Then thus the prince: “What envious pow’r, O friend, Brought your lov’d life to this disastrous end?

        For Phoebus, ever true in all he said, Has in your fate alone my faith betray’d.

        The god foretold you should not die, before You reach’d, secure from seas, th’ Italian shore.

        Is this th’ unerring pow’r?” The ghost replied; “Nor Phoebus flatter’d, nor his answers lied; Nor envious gods have sent me to the deep: But, while the stars and course of heav’n I keep, My wearied eyes were seiz’d with fatal sleep.

        I fell; and, with my weight, the helm constrain’d Was drawn along, which yet my gripe retain’d.

        Now by the winds and raging waves I swear, Your safety, more than mine, was then my care; Lest, of the guide bereft, the rudder lost, Your ship should run against the rocky coast.

        Three blust’ring nights, borne by the southern blast, I floated, and discover’d land at last: High on a mounting wave my head I bore, Forcing my strength, and gath’ring to the shore.

        Panting, but past the danger, now I seiz’d The craggy cliffs, and my tir’d members eas’d.

        While, cumber’d with my dropping clothes, I lay, The cruel nation, covetous of prey,

        Stain’d with my blood th’ unhospitable coast; And now, by winds and waves, my lifeless limbs are toss’d: Which O avert, by yon ethereal light, Which I have lost for this eternal night!

        Or, if by dearer ties you may be won, By your dead sire, and by your living son, Redeem from this reproach my wand’ring ghost; Or with your navy seek the Velin coast, And in a peaceful grave my corpse compose; Or, if a nearer way your mother shows, Without whose aid you durst not undertake This frightful passage o’er the Stygian lake, Lend to this wretch your hand, and waft him o’er To the sweet banks of yon forbidden shore.”

        Scarce had he said, the prophetess began: “What hopes delude thee, miserable man?

        Think’st thou, thus unintomb’d, to cross the floods, To view the Furies and infernal gods, And visit, without leave, the dark abodes?

        Attend the term of long revolving years; Fate, and the dooming gods, are deaf to tears.

        This comfort of thy dire misfortune take: The wrath of Heav’n, inflicted for thy sake, With vengeance shall pursue th’ inhuman coast, Till they propitiate thy offended ghost, And raise a tomb, with vows and solemn pray’r; And Palinurus’ name the place shall bear.”

        This calm’d his cares; sooth’d with his future fame, And pleas’d to hear his propagated name.

        Now nearer to the Stygian lake they draw: Whom, from the shore, the surly boatman saw; Observ’d their passage thro’ the shady wood, And mark’d their near approaches to the flood.

        Then thus he call’d aloud, inflam’d with wrath: “Mortal, whate’er, who this forbidden path In arms presum’st to tread, I charge thee, stand, And tell thy name, and bus’ness in the land.

        Know this, the realm of night-the Stygian shore: My boat conveys no living bodies o’er; Nor was I pleas’d great Theseus once to bear, Who forc’d a passage with his pointed spear, Nor strong Alcides-men of mighty fame, And from th’ immortal gods their lineage came.

        In fetters one the barking porter tied, And took him trembling from his sov’reign’s side: Two sought by force to seize his beauteous bride.”

        To whom the Sibyl thus: “Compose thy mind; Nor frauds are here contriv’d, nor force design’d.

        Still may the dog the wand’ring troops constrain Of airy ghosts, and vex the guilty train, And with her grisly lord his lovely queen remain.

        The Trojan chief, whose lineage is from Jove, Much fam’d for arms, and more for filial love, Is sent to seek his sire in your Elysian grove.

        If neither piety, nor Heav’n’s command, Can gain his passage to the Stygian strand, This fatal present shall prevail at least.”

        Then shew’d the shining bough, conceal’d within her vest.

        No more was needful: for the gloomy god Stood mute with awe, to see the golden rod; Admir’d the destin’d off’ring to his queen-A venerable gift, so rarely seen.

        His fury thus appeas’d, he puts to land; The ghosts forsake their seats at his command: He clears the deck, receives the mighty freight; The leaky vessel groans beneath the weight.

        Slowly she sails, and scarcely stems the tides; The pressing water pours within her sides.

        His passengers at length are wafted o’er, Expos’d, in muddy weeds, upon the miry shore.

        No sooner landed, in his den they found The triple porter of the Stygian sound, Grim Cerberus, who soon began to rear His crested snakes, and arm’d his bristling hair.

        The prudent Sibyl had before prepar’d A sop, in honey steep’d, to charm the guard; Which, mix’d with pow’rful drugs, she cast before His greedy grinning jaws, just op’d to roar.

        With three enormous mouths he gapes; and straight, With hunger press’d, devours the pleasing bait.

        Long draughts of sleep his monstrous limbs enslave; He reels, and, falling, fills the spacious cave.

        The keeper charm’d, the chief without delay Pass’d on, and took th’ irremeable way.

        Before the gates, the cries of babes new born, Whom fate had from their tender mothers torn, Assault his ears: then those, whom form of laws Condemn’d to die, when traitors judg’d their cause.

        Nor want they lots, nor judges to review The wrongful sentence, and award a new.

        Minos, the strict inquisitor, appears; And lives and crimes, with his assessors, hears.

        Round in his urn the blended balls he rolls, Absolves the just, and dooms the guilty souls.

        The next, in place and punishment, are they Who prodigally throw their souls away; Fools, who, repining at their wretched state, And loathing anxious life, suborn’d their fate.

        With late repentance now they would retrieve The bodies they forsook, and wish to live; Their pains and poverty desire to bear, To view the light of heav’n, and breathe the vital air: But fate forbids; the Stygian floods oppose, And with circling streams the captive souls inclose.

        Not far from thence, the Mournful Fields appear So call’d from lovers that inhabit there.

        The souls whom that unhappy flame invades, In secret solitude and myrtle shades

        Make endless moans, and, pining with desire, Lament too late their unextinguish’d fire.

        Here Procris, Eriphyle here he found, Baring her breast, yet bleeding with the wound Made by her son. He saw Pasiphae there, With Phaedra’s ghost, a foul incestuous pair.

        There Laodamia, with Evadne, moves,

        Unhappy both, but loyal in their loves: Caeneus, a woman once, and once a man, But ending in the sex she first began.

        Not far from these Phoenician Dido stood, Fresh from her wound, her bosom bath’d in blood; Whom when the Trojan hero hardly knew, Obscure in shades, and with a doubtful view, (Doubtful as he who sees, thro’ dusky night, Or thinks he sees, the moon’s uncertain light,) With tears he first approach’d the sullen shade; And, as his love inspir’d him, thus he said: “Unhappy queen! then is the common breath Of rumor true, in your reported death, And I, alas! the cause? By Heav’n, I vow, And all the pow’rs that rule the realms below, Unwilling I forsook your friendly state, Commanded by the gods, and forc’d by fate-Those gods, that fate, whose unresisted might Have sent me to these regions void of light, Thro’ the vast empire of eternal night.

        Nor dar’d I to presume, that, press’d with grief, My flight should urge you to this dire relief.

        Stay, stay your steps, and listen to my vows: ‘T is the last interview that fate allows!”

        In vain he thus attempts her mind to move With tears, and pray’rs, and late-repenting love.

        Disdainfully she look’d; then turning round, But fix’d her eyes unmov’d upon the ground, And what he says and swears, regards no more Than the deaf rocks, when the loud billows roar; But whirl’d away, to shun his hateful sight, Hid in the forest and the shades of night; Then sought Sichaeus thro’ the shady grove, Who answer’d all her cares, and equal’d all her love.

        Some pious tears the pitying hero paid, And follow’d with his eyes the flitting shade, Then took the forward way, by fate ordain’d, And, with his guide, the farther fields attain’d, Where, sever’d from the rest, the warrior souls remain’d.

        Tydeus he met, with Meleager’s race,

        The pride of armies, and the soldiers’ grace; And pale Adrastus with his ghastly face.

        Of Trojan chiefs he view’d a num’rous train, All much lamented, all in battle slain; Glaucus and Medon, high above the rest, Antenor’s sons, and Ceres’ sacred priest.

        And proud Idaeus, Priam’s charioteer, Who shakes his empty reins, and aims his airy spear.

        The gladsome ghosts, in circling troops, attend And with unwearied eyes behold their friend; Delight to hover near, and long to know What bus’ness brought him to the realms below.

        But Argive chiefs, and Agamemnon’s train, When his refulgent arms flash’d thro’ the shady plain, Fled from his well-known face, with wonted fear, As when his thund’ring sword and pointed spear Drove headlong to their ships, and glean’d the routed rear.

        They rais’d a feeble cry, with trembling notes; But the weak voice deceiv’d their gasping throats.

        Here Priam’s son, Deiphobus, he found, Whose face and limbs were one continued wound: Dishonest, with lopp’d arms, the youth appears, Spoil’d of his nose, and shorten’d of his ears.

        He scarcely knew him, striving to disown His blotted form, and blushing to be known; And therefore first began: “O Tsucer’s race, Who durst thy faultless figure thus deface?

        What heart could wish, what hand inflict, this dire disgrace?

        ‘Twas fam’d, that in our last and fatal night Your single prowess long sustain’d the fight, Till tir’d, not forc’d, a glorious fate you chose, And fell upon a heap of slaughter’d foes.

        But, in remembrance of so brave a deed, A tomb and fun’ral honors I decreed;

        Thrice call’d your manes on the Trojan plains: The place your armor and your name retains.

        Your body too I sought, and, had I found, Design’d for burial in your native ground.”

        The ghost replied: “Your piety has paid All needful rites, to rest my wand’ring shade; But cruel fate, and my more cruel wife, To Grecian swords betray’d my sleeping life.

        These are the monuments of Helen’s love: The shame I bear below, the marks I bore above.

        You know in what deluding joys we pass’d The night that was by Heav’n decreed our last: For, when the fatal horse, descending down, Pregnant with arms, o’erwhelm’d th’ unhappy town She feign’d nocturnal orgies; left my bed, And, mix’d with Trojan dames, the dances led Then, waving high her torch, the signal made, Which rous’d the Grecians from their ambuscade.

        With watching overworn, with cares oppress’d, Unhappy I had laid me down to rest,

        And heavy sleep my weary limbs possess’d.

        Meantime my worthy wife our arms mislaid, And from beneath my head my sword convey’d; The door unlatch’d, and, with repeated calls, Invites her former lord within my walls.

        Thus in her crime her confidence she plac’d, And with new treasons would redeem the past.

        What need I more? Into the room they ran, And meanly murther’d a defenseless man.

        Ulysses, basely born, first led the way.

        Avenging pow’rs! with justice if I pray, That fortune be their own another day!

        But answer you; and in your turn relate, What brought you, living, to the Stygian state: Driv’n by the winds and errors of the sea, Or did you Heav’n’s superior doom obey?

        Or tell what other chance conducts your way, To view with mortal eyes our dark retreats, Tumults and torments of th’ infernal seats.”

        While thus in talk the flying hours they pass, The sun had finish’d more than half his race: And they, perhaps, in words and tears had spent The little time of stay which Heav’n had lent; But thus the Sibyl chides their long delay: “Night rushes down, and headlong drives the day: ‘T is here, in different paths, the way divides; The right to Pluto’s golden palace guides; The left to that unhappy region tends, Which to the depth of Tartarus descends; The seat of night profound, and punish’d fiends.”

        Then thus Deiphobus: “O sacred maid,

        Forbear to chide, and be your will obey’d!

        Lo! to the secret shadows I retire,

        To pay my penance till my years expire.

        Proceed, auspicious prince, with glory crown’d, And born to better fates than I have found.”

        He said; and, while he said, his steps he turn’d To secret shadows, and in silence mourn’d.

        The hero, looking on the left, espied A lofty tow’r, and strong on ev’ry side With treble walls, which Phlegethon surrounds, Whose fiery flood the burning empire bounds; And, press’d betwixt the rocks, the bellowing noise resounds Wide is the fronting gate, and, rais’d on high With adamantine columns, threats the sky.

        Vain is the force of man, and Heav’n’s as vain, To crush the pillars which the pile sustain.

        Sublime on these a tow’r of steel is rear’d; And dire Tisiphone there keeps the ward, Girt in her sanguine gown, by night and day, Observant of the souls that pass the downward way.

        From hence are heard the groans of ghosts, the pains Of sounding lashes and of dragging chains.

        The Trojan stood astonish’d at their cries, And ask’d his guide from whence those yells arise; And what the crimes, and what the tortures were, And loud laments that rent the liquid air.

        She thus replied: “The chaste and holy race Are all forbidden this polluted place.

        But Hecate, when she gave to rule the woods, Then led me trembling thro’ these dire abodes, And taught the tortures of th’ avenging gods.

        These are the realms of unrelenting fate; And awful Rhadamanthus rules the state.

        He hears and judges each committed crime; Enquires into the manner, place, and time.

        The conscious wretch must all his acts reveal, (Loth to confess, unable to conceal), From the first moment of his vital breath, To his last hour of unrepenting death.

        Straight, o’er the guilty ghost, the Fury shakes The sounding whip and brandishes her snakes, And the pale sinner, with her sisters, takes.

        Then, of itself, unfolds th’ eternal door; With dreadful sounds the brazen hinges roar.

        You see, before the gate, what stalking ghost Commands the guard, what sentries keep the post.

        More formidable Hydra stands within,

        Whose jaws with iron teeth severely grin.

        The gaping gulf low to the center lies, And twice as deep as earth is distant from the skies.

        The rivals of the gods, the Titan race, Here, sing’d with lightning, roll within th’ unfathom’d space.

        Here lie th’ Alaean twins, (I saw them both,) Enormous bodies, of gigantic growth,

        Who dar’d in fight the Thund’rer to defy, Affect his heav’n, and force him from the sky.

        Salmoneus, suff’ring cruel pains, I found, For emulating Jove; the rattling sound Of mimic thunder, and the glitt’ring blaze Of pointed lightnings, and their forky rays.

        Thro’ Elis and the Grecian towns he flew; Th’ audacious wretch four fiery coursers drew: He wav’d a torch aloft, and, madly vain, Sought godlike worship from a servile train.

        Ambitious fool! with horny hoofs to pass O’er hollow arches of resounding brass, To rival thunder in its rapid course, And imitate inimitable force!

        But he, the King of Heav’n, obscure on high, Bar’d his red arm, and, launching from the sky His writhen bolt, not shaking empty smoke, Down to the deep abyss the flaming felon strook.

        There Tityus was to see, who took his birth From heav’n, his nursing from the foodful earth.

        Here his gigantic limbs, with large embrace, Infold nine acres of infernal space.

        A rav’nous vulture, in his open’d side, Her crooked beak and cruel talons tried; Still for the growing liver digg’d his breast; The growing liver still supplied the feast; Still are his entrails fruitful to their pains: Th’ immortal hunger lasts, th’ immortal food remains.

        Ixion and Perithous I could name,

        And more Thessalian chiefs of mighty fame.

        High o’er their heads a mold’ring rock is plac’d, That promises a fall, and shakes at ev’ry blast.

        They lie below, on golden beds display’d; And genial feasts with regal pomp are made.

        The Queen of Furies by their sides is set, And snatches from their mouths th’ untasted meat, Which if they touch, her hissing snakes she rears, Tossing her torch, and thund’ring in their ears.

        Then they, who brothers’ better claim disown, Expel their parents, and usurp the throne; Defraud their clients, and, to lucre sold, Sit brooding on unprofitable gold;

        Who dare not give, and ev’n refuse to lend To their poor kindred, or a wanting friend.

        Vast is the throng of these; nor less the train Of lustful youths, for foul adult’ry slain: Hosts of deserters, who their honor sold, And basely broke their faith for bribes of gold.

        All these within the dungeon’s depth remain, Despairing pardon, and expecting pain.

        Ask not what pains; nor farther seek to know Their process, or the forms of law below.

        Some roll a weighty stone; some, laid along, And bound with burning wires, on spokes of wheels are hung Unhappy Theseus, doom’d for ever there, Is fix’d by fate on his eternal chair; And wretched Phlegyas warns the world with cries (Could warning make the world more just or wise): ‘Learn righteousness, and dread th’ avenging deities.’

        To tyrants others have their country sold, Imposing foreign lords, for foreign gold; Some have old laws repeal’d, new statutes made, Not as the people pleas’d, but as they paid; With incest some their daughters’ bed profan’d: All dar’d the worst of ills, and, what they dar’d, attain’d.

        Had I a hundred mouths, a hundred tongues, And throats of brass, inspir’d with iron lungs, I could not half those horrid crimes repeat, Nor half the punishments those crimes have met.

        But let us haste our voyage to pursue: The walls of Pluto’s palace are in view; The gate, and iron arch above it, stands On anvils labor’d by the Cyclops’ hands.

        Before our farther way the Fates allow, Here must we fix on high the golden bough.”

        She said: and thro’ the gloomy shades they pass’d, And chose the middle path. Arriv’d at last, The prince with living water sprinkled o’er His limbs and body; then approach’d the door, Possess’d the porch, and on the front above He fix’d the fatal bough requir’d by Pluto’s love.

        These holy rites perform’d, they took their way Where long extended plains of pleasure lay: The verdant fields with those of heav’n may vie, With ether vested, and a purple sky;

        The blissful seats of happy souls below.

        Stars of their own, and their own suns, they know; Their airy limbs in sports they exercise, And on the green contend the wrestler’s prize.

        Some in heroic verse divinely sing;

        Others in artful measures led the ring.

        The Thracian bard, surrounded by the rest, There stands conspicuous in his flowing vest; His flying fingers, and harmonious quill, Strikes sev’n distinguish’d notes, and sev’n at once they fill.

        Here found they Tsucer’s old heroic race, Born better times and happier years to grace.

        Assaracus and Ilus here enjoy

        Perpetual fame, with him who founded Troy.

        The chief beheld their chariots from afar, Their shining arms, and coursers train’d to war: Their lances fix’d in earth, their steeds around, Free from their harness, graze the flow’ry ground.

        The love of horses which they had, alive, And care of chariots, after death survive.

        Some cheerful souls were feasting on the plain; Some did the song, and some the choir maintain, Beneath a laurel shade, where mighty Po Mounts up to woods above, and hides his head below.

        Here patriots live, who, for their country’s good, In fighting fields, were prodigal of blood: Priests of unblemish’d lives here make abode, And poets worthy their inspiring god; And searching wits, of more mechanic parts, Who grac’d their age with new-invented arts: Those who to worth their bounty did extend, And those who knew that bounty to commend.

        The heads of these with holy fillets bound, And all their temples were with garlands crown’d.

        To these the Sibyl thus her speech address’d, And first to him surrounded by the rest (Tow’ring his height, and ample was his breast): “Say, happy souls, divine Musaeus, say, Where lives Anchises, and where lies our way To find the hero, for whose only sake We sought the dark abodes, and cross’d the bitter lake?”

        To this the sacred poet thus replied: “In no fix’d place the happy souls reside.

        In groves we live, and lie on mossy beds, By crystal streams, that murmur thro’ the meads: But pass yon easy hill, and thence descend; The path conducts you to your journey’s end.”

        This said, he led them up the mountain’s brow, And shews them all the shining fields below.

        They wind the hill, and thro’ the blissful meadows go.

        But old Anchises, in a flow’ry vale,

        Review’d his muster’d race, and took the tale: Those happy spirits, which, ordain’d by fate, For future beings and new bodies wait-With studious thought observ’d th’ illustrious throng, In nature’s order as they pass’d along: Their names, their fates, their conduct, and their care, In peaceful senates and successful war.

        He, when Aeneas on the plain appears, Meets him with open arms, and falling tears.

        “Welcome,” he said, “the gods’ undoubted race!

        O long expected to my dear embrace!

        Once more ‘t is giv’n me to behold your face!

        The love and pious duty which you pay Have pass’d the perils of so hard a way.

        ‘T is true, computing times, I now believ’d The happy day approach’d; nor are my hopes deceiv’d.

        What length of lands, what oceans have you pass’d; What storms sustain’d, and on what shores been cast?

        How have I fear’d your fate! but fear’d it most, When love assail’d you, on the Libyan coast.”

        To this, the filial duty thus replies: “Your sacred ghost before my sleeping eyes Appear’d, and often urg’d this painful enterprise.

        After long tossing on the Tyrrhene sea, My navy rides at anchor in the bay.

        But reach your hand, O parent shade, nor shun The dear embraces of your longing son!”

        He said; and falling tears his face bedew: Then thrice around his neck his arms he threw; And thrice the flitting shadow slipp’d away, Like winds, or empty dreams that fly the day.

        Now, in a secret vale, the Trojan sees A sep’rate grove, thro’ which a gentle breeze Plays with a passing breath, and whispers thro’ the trees; And, just before the confines of the wood, The gliding Lethe leads her silent flood.

        About the boughs an airy nation flew, Thick as the humming bees, that hunt the golden dew; In summer’s heat on tops of lilies feed, And creep within their bells, to suck the balmy seed: The winged army roams the fields around; The rivers and the rocks remurmur to the sound.

        Aeneas wond’ring stood, then ask’d the cause Which to the stream the crowding people draws.

        Then thus the sire: “The souls that throng the flood Are those to whom, by fate, are other bodies ow’d: In Lethe’s lake they long oblivion taste, Of future life secure, forgetful of the past.

        Long has my soul desir’d this time and place, To set before your sight your glorious race, That this presaging joy may fire your mind To seek the shores by destiny design’d.”-

        “O father, can it be, that souls sublime Return to visit our terrestrial clime, And that the gen’rous mind, releas’d by death, Can covet lazy limbs and mortal breath?”

        Anchises then, in order, thus begun

        To clear those wonders to his godlike son: “Know, first, that heav’n, and earth’s compacted frame, And flowing waters, and the starry flame, And both the radiant lights, one common soul Inspires and feeds, and animates the whole.

        This active mind, infus’d thro’ all the space, Unites and mingles with the mighty mass.

        Hence men and beasts the breath of life obtain, And birds of air, and monsters of the main.

        Th’ ethereal vigor is in all the same, And every soul is fill’d with equal flame; As much as earthy limbs, and gross allay Of mortal members, subject to decay,

        Blunt not the beams of heav’n and edge of day.

        From this coarse mixture of terrestrial parts, Desire and fear by turns possess their hearts, And grief, and joy; nor can the groveling mind, In the dark dungeon of the limbs confin’d, Assert the native skies, or own its heav’nly kind: Nor death itself can wholly wash their stains; But long-contracted filth ev’n in the soul remains.

        The relics of inveterate vice they wear, And spots of sin obscene in ev’ry face appear.

        For this are various penances enjoin’d; And some are hung to bleach upon the wind, Some plung’d in waters, others purg’d in fires, Till all the dregs are drain’d, and all the rust expires.

        All have their manes, and those manes bear: The few, so cleans’d, to these abodes repair, And breathe, in ample fields, the soft Elysian air.

        Then are they happy, when by length of time The scurf is worn away of each committed crime; No speck is left of their habitual stains, But the pure ether of the soul remains.

        But, when a thousand rolling years are past, (So long their punishments and penance last,) Whole droves of minds are, by the driving god, Compell’d to drink the deep Lethaean flood, In large forgetful draughts to steep the cares Of their past labors, and their irksome years, That, unrememb’ring of its former pain, The soul may suffer mortal flesh again.”

        Thus having said, the father spirit leads The priestess and his son thro’ swarms of shades, And takes a rising ground, from thence to see The long procession of his progeny.

        “Survey,” pursued the sire, “this airy throng, As, offer’d to thy view, they pass along.

        These are th’ Italian names, which fate will join With ours, and graff upon the Trojan line.

        Observe the youth who first appears in sight, And holds the nearest station to the light, Already seems to snuff the vital air, And leans just forward, on a shining spear: Silvius is he, thy last-begotten race, But first in order sent, to fill thy place; An Alban name, but mix’d with Dardan blood, Born in the covert of a shady wood:

        Him fair Lavinia, thy surviving wife, Shall breed in groves, to lead a solitary life.

        In Alba he shall fix his royal seat,

        And, born a king, a race of kings beget.

        Then Procas, honor of the Trojan name, Capys, and Numitor, of endless fame.

        A second Silvius after these appears; Silvius Aeneas, for thy name he bears; For arms and justice equally renown’d, Who, late restor’d, in Alba shall be crown’d.

        How great they look! how vig’rously they wield Their weighty lances, and sustain the shield!

        But they, who crown’d with oaken wreaths appear, Shall Gabian walls and strong Fidena rear; Nomentum, Bola, with Pometia, found;

        And raise Collatian tow’rs on rocky ground.

        All these shall then be towns of mighty fame, Tho’ now they lie obscure, and lands without a name.

        See Romulus the great, born to restore The crown that once his injur’d grandsire wore.

        This prince a priestess of your blood shall bear, And like his sire in arms he shall appear.

        Two rising crests, his royal head adorn; Born from a god, himself to godhead born: His sire already signs him for the skies, And marks the seat amidst the deities.

        Auspicious chief! thy race, in times to come, Shall spread the conquests of imperial Rome-Rome, whose ascending tow’rs shall heav’n invade, Involving earth and ocean in her shade; High as the Mother of the Gods in place, And proud, like her, of an immortal race.

        Then, when in pomp she makes the Phrygian round, With golden turrets on her temples crown’d; A hundred gods her sweeping train supply; Her offspring all, and all command the sky.

        “Now fix your sight, and stand intent, to see Your Roman race, and Julian progeny.

        The mighty Caesar waits his vital hour, Impatient for the world, and grasps his promis’d pow’r.

        But next behold the youth of form divine, Ceasar himself, exalted in his line;

        Augustus, promis’d oft, and long foretold, Sent to the realm that Saturn rul’d of old; Born to restore a better age of gold.

        Afric and India shall his pow’r obey; He shall extend his propagated sway

        Beyond the solar year, without the starry way, Where Atlas turns the rolling heav’ns around, And his broad shoulders with their lights are crown’d.

        At his foreseen approach, already quake The Caspian kingdoms and Maeotian lake: Their seers behold the tempest from afar, And threat’ning oracles denounce the war.

        Nile hears him knocking at his sev’nfold gates, And seeks his hidden spring, and fears his nephew’s fates.

        Nor Hercules more lands or labors knew, Not tho’ the brazen-footed hind he slew, Freed Erymanthus from the foaming boar, And dipp’d his arrows in Lernaean gore; Nor Bacchus, turning from his Indian war, By tigers drawn triumphant in his car, From Nisus’ top descending on the plains, With curling vines around his purple reins.

        And doubt we yet thro’ dangers to pursue The paths of honor, and a crown in view?

        But what’s the man, who from afar appears?

        His head with olive crown’d, his hand a censer bears, His hoary beard and holy vestments bring His lost idea back: I know the Roman king.

        He shall to peaceful Rome new laws ordain, Call’d from his mean abode a scepter to sustain.

        Him Tullus next in dignity succeeds,

        An active prince, and prone to martial deeds.

        He shall his troops for fighting fields prepare, Disus’d to toils, and triumphs of the war.

        By dint of sword his crown he shall increase, And scour his armor from the rust of peace.

        Whom Ancus follows, with a fawning air, But vain within, and proudly popular.

        Next view the Tarquin kings, th’ avenging sword Of Brutus, justly drawn, and Rome restor’d.

        He first renews the rods and ax severe, And gives the consuls royal robes to wear.

        His sons, who seek the tyrant to sustain, And long for arbitrary lords again,

        With ignominy scourg’d, in open sight, He dooms to death deserv’d, asserting public right.

        Unhappy man, to break the pious laws

        Of nature, pleading in his children’s cause!

        Howeer the doubtful fact is understood, ‘T is love of honor, and his country’s good: The consul, not the father, sheds the blood.

        Behold Torquatus the same track pursue; And, next, the two devoted Decii view: The Drusian line, Camillus loaded home With standards well redeem’d, and foreign foes o’ercome The pair you see in equal armor shine, Now, friends below, in close embraces join; But, when they leave the shady realms of night, And, cloth’d in bodies, breathe your upper light, With mortal hate each other shall pursue: What wars, what wounds, what slaughter shall ensue!

        From Alpine heights the father first descends; His daughter’s husband in the plain attends: His daughter’s husband arms his eastern friends.

        Embrace again, my sons, be foes no more; Nor stain your country with her children’s gore!

        And thou, the first, lay down thy lawless claim, Thou, of my blood, who bearist the Julian name!

        Another comes, who shall in triumph ride, And to the Capitol his chariot guide, From conquer’d Corinth, rich with Grecian spoils.

        And yet another, fam’d for warlike toils, On Argos shall impose the Roman laws, And on the Greeks revenge the Trojan cause; Shall drag in chains their Achillean race; Shall vindicate his ancestors’ disgrace, And Pallas, for her violated place.

        Great Cato there, for gravity renown’d, And conqu’ring Cossus goes with laurels crown’d.

        Who can omit the Gracchi? who declare The Scipios’ worth, those thunderbolts of war, The double bane of Carthage? Who can see Without esteem for virtuous poverty,

        Severe Fabricius, or can cease t’ admire The plowman consul in his coarse attire?

        Tir’d as I am, my praise the Fabii claim; And thou, great hero, greatest of thy name, Ordain’d in war to save the sinking state, And, by delays, to put a stop to fate!

        Let others better mold the running mass Of metals, and inform the breathing brass, And soften into flesh a marble face;

        Plead better at the bar; describe the skies, And when the stars descend, and when they rise.

        But, Rome, ‘t is thine alone, with awful sway, To rule mankind, and make the world obey, Disposing peace and war by thy own majestic way; To tame the proud, the fetter’d slave to free: These are imperial arts, and worthy thee.”

        He paus’d; and, while with wond’ring eyes they view’d The passing spirits, thus his speech renew’d: “See great Marcellus! how, untir’d in toils, He moves with manly grace, how rich with regal spoils!

        He, when his country, threaten’d with alarms, Requires his courage and his conqu’ring arms, Shall more than once the Punic bands affright; Shall kill the Gaulish king in single fight; Then to the Capitol in triumph move,

        And the third spoils shall grace Feretrian Jove.”

        Aeneas here beheld, of form divine,

        A godlike youth in glitt’ring armor shine, With great Marcellus keeping equal pace; But gloomy were his eyes, dejected was his face.

        He saw, and, wond’ring, ask’d his airy guide, What and of whence was he, who press’d the hero’s side: “His son, or one of his illustrious name?

        How like the former, and almost the same!

        Observe the crowds that compass him around; All gaze, and all admire, and raise a shouting sound: But hov’ring mists around his brows are spread, And night, with sable shades, involves his head.”

        “Seek not to know,” the ghost replied with tears, “The sorrows of thy sons in future years.

        This youth (the blissful vision of a day) Shall just be shown on earth, and snatch’d away.

        The gods too high had rais’d the Roman state, Were but their gifts as permanent as great.

        What groans of men shall fill the Martian field!

        How fierce a blaze his flaming pile shall yield!

        What fun’ral pomp shall floating Tiber see, When, rising from his bed, he views the sad solemnity!

        No youth shall equal hopes of glory give, No youth afford so great a cause to grieve; The Trojan honor, and the Roman boast, Admir’d when living, and ador’d when lost!

        Mirror of ancient faith in early youth!

        Undaunted worth, inviolable truth!

        No foe, unpunish’d, in the fighting field Shall dare thee, foot to foot, with sword and shield; Much less in arms oppose thy matchless force, When thy sharp spurs shall urge thy foaming horse.

        Ah! couldst thou break thro’ fate’s severe decree, A new Marcellus shall arise in thee!

        Full canisters of fragrant lilies bring, Mix’d with the purple roses of the spring; Let me with fun’ral flow’rs his body strow; This gift which parents to their children owe, This unavailing gift, at least, I may bestow!”

        Thus having said, he led the hero round The confines of the blest Elysian ground; Which when Anchises to his son had shown, And fir’d his mind to mount the promis’d throne, He tells the future wars, ordain’d by fate; The strength and customs of the Latian state; The prince, and people; and forearms his care With rules, to push his fortune, or to bear.

        Two gates the silent house of Sleep adorn; Of polish’d ivory this, that of transparent horn: True visions thro’ transparent horn arise; Thro’ polish’d ivory pass deluding lies.

        Of various things discoursing as he pass’d, Anchises hither bends his steps at last.

        Then, thro’ the gate of iv’ry, he dismiss’d His valiant offspring and divining guest.

        Straight to the ships Aeneas his way, Embark’d his men, and skimm’d along the sea, Still coasting, till he gain’d Cajeta’s bay.

        At length on oozy ground his galleys moor; Their heads are turn’d to sea, their sterns to shore.

        BOOK VII

        And thou, O matron of immortal fame,

        Here dying, to the shore hast left thy name; Cajeta still the place is call’d from thee, The nurse of great Aeneas’ infancy.

        Here rest thy bones in rich Hesperia’s plains; Thy name (‘t is all a ghost can have) remains.

        Now, when the prince her fun’ral rites had paid, He plow’d the Tyrrhene seas with sails display’d.

        From land a gentle breeze arose by night, Serenely shone the stars, the moon was bright, And the sea trembled with her silver light.

        Now near the shelves of Circe’s shores they run, (Circe the rich, the daughter of the Sun,) A dang’rous coast: the goddess wastes her days In joyous songs; the rocks resound her lays: In spinning, or the loom, she spends the night, And cedar brands supply her father’s light.

        From hence were heard, rebellowing to the main, The roars of lions that refuse the chain, The grunts of bristled boars, and groans of bears, And herds of howling wolves that stun the sailors’ ears.

        These from their caverns, at the close of night, Fill the sad isle with horror and affright.

        Darkling they mourn their fate, whom Circe’s pow’r, (That watch’d the moon and planetary hour,) With words and wicked herbs from humankind Had alter’d, and in brutal shapes confin’d.

        Which monsters lest the Trojans’ pious host Should bear, or touch upon th’ inchanted coast, Propitious Neptune steer’d their course by night With rising gales that sped their happy flight.

        Supplied with these, they skim the sounding shore, And hear the swelling surges vainly roar.

        Now, when the rosy morn began to rise, And wav’d her saffron streamer thro’ the skies; When Thetis blush’d in purple not her own, And from her face the breathing winds were blown, A sudden silence sate upon the sea,

        And sweeping oars, with struggling, urge their way.

        The Trojan, from the main, beheld a wood, Which thick with shades and a brown horror stood: Betwixt the trees the Tiber took his course, With whirlpools dimpled; and with downward force, That drove the sand along, he took his way, And roll’d his yellow billows to the sea.

        About him, and above, and round the wood, The birds that haunt the borders of his flood, That bath’d within, or basked upon his side, To tuneful songs their narrow throats applied.

        The captain gives command; the joyful train Glide thro’ the gloomy shade, and leave the main.

        Now, Erato, thy poet’s mind inspire,

        And fill his soul with thy celestial fire!

        Relate what Latium was; her ancient kings; Declare the past and state of things, When first the Trojan fleet Ausonia sought, And how the rivals lov’d, and how they fought.

        These are my theme, and how the war began, And how concluded by the godlike man: For I shall sing of battles, blood, and rage, Which princes and their people did engage; And haughty souls, that, mov’d with mutual hate, In fighting fields pursued and found their fate; That rous’d the Tyrrhene realm with loud alarms, And peaceful Italy involv’d in arms.

        A larger scene of action is display’d; And, rising hence, a greater work is weigh’d.

        Latinus, old and mild, had long possess’d The Latin scepter, and his people blest: His father Faunus; a Laurentian dame

        His mother; fair Marica was her name.

        But Faunus came from Picus: Picus drew His birth from Saturn, if records be true.

        Thus King Latinus, in the third degree, Had Saturn author of his family.

        But this old peaceful prince, as Heav’n decreed, Was blest with no male issue to succeed: His sons in blooming youth were snatch’d by fate; One only daughter heir’d the royal state.

        Fir’d with her love, and with ambition led, The neighb’ring princes court her nuptial bed.

        Among the crowd, but far above the rest, Young Turnus to the beauteous maid address’d.

        Turnus, for high descent and graceful mien, Was first, and favor’d by the Latian queen; With him she strove to join Lavinia’s hand, But dire portents the purpos’d match withstand.

        Deep in the palace, of long growth, there stood A laurel’s trunk, a venerable wood;

        Where rites divine were paid; whose holy hair Was kept and cut with superstitious care.

        This plant Latinus, when his town he wall’d, Then found, and from the tree Laurentum call’d; And last, in honor of his new abode,

        He vow’d the laurel to the laurel’s god.

        It happen’d once (a boding prodigy!)

        A swarm of bees, that cut the liquid sky, (Unknown from whence they took their airy flight,) Upon the topmost branch in clouds alight; There with their clasping feet together clung, And a long cluster from the laurel hung.

        An ancient augur prophesied from hence: “Behold on Latian shores a foreign prince!

        From the same parts of heav’n his navy stands, To the same parts on earth; his army lands; The town he conquers, and the tow’r commands.”

        Yet more, when fair Lavinia fed the fire Before the gods, and stood beside her sire, (Strange to relate!) the flames, involv’d in smoke Of incense, from the sacred altar broke, Caught her dishevel’d hair and rich attire; Her crown and jewels crackled in the fire: From thence the fuming trail began to spread And lambent glories danc’d about her head.

        This new portent the seer with wonder views, Then pausing, thus his prophecy renews: “The nymph, who scatters flaming fires around, Shall shine with honor, shall herself be crown’d; But, caus’d by her irrevocable fate,

        War shall the country waste, and change the state.”

        Latinus, frighted with this dire ostent, For counsel to his father Faunus went, And sought the shades renown’d for prophecy Which near Albunea’s sulph’rous fountain lie.

        To these the Latian and the Sabine land Fly, when distress’d, and thence relief demand.

        The priest on skins of off’rings takes his ease, And nightly visions in his slumber sees; A swarm of thin aerial shapes appears, And, flutt’ring round his temples, deafs his ears: These he consults, the future fates to know, From pow’rs above, and from the fiends below.

        Here, for the gods’ advice, Latinus flies, Off’ring a hundred sheep for sacrifice: Their woolly fleeces, as the rites requir’d, He laid beneath him, and to rest retir’d.

        No sooner were his eyes in slumber bound, When, from above, a more than mortal sound Invades his ears; and thus the vision spoke: “Seek not, my seed, in Latian bands to yoke Our fair Lavinia, nor the gods provoke.

        A foreign son upon thy shore descends, Whose martial fame from pole to pole extends.

        His race, in arms and arts of peace renown’d, Not Latium shall contain, nor Europe bound: ‘T is theirs whate’er the sun surveys around.”

        These answers, in the silent night receiv’d, The king himself divulg’d, the land believ’d: The fame thro’ all the neighb’ring nations flew, When now the Trojan navy was in view.

        Beneath a shady tree, the hero spread His table on the turf, with cakes of bread; And, with his chiefs, on forest fruits he fed.

        They sate; and, (not without the god’s command,) Their homely fare dispatch’d, the hungry band Invade their trenchers next, and soon devour, To mend the scanty meal, their cakes of flour.

        Ascanius this observ’d, and smiling said: “See, we devour the plates on which we fed.”

        The speech had omen, that the Trojan race Should find repose, and this the time and place.

        Aeneas took the word, and thus replies, Confessing fate with wonder in his eyes: “All hail, O earth! all hail, my household gods!

        Behold the destin’d place of your abodes!

        For thus Anchises prophesied of old,

        And this our fatal place of rest foretold: ‘When, on a foreign shore, instead of meat, By famine forc’d, your trenchers you shall eat, Then ease your weary Trojans will attend, And the long labors of your voyage end.

        Remember on that happy coast to build, And with a trench inclose the fruitful field.’

        This was that famine, this the fatal place Which ends the wand’ring of our exil’d race.

        Then, on to-morrow’s dawn, your care employ, To search the land, and where the cities lie, And what the men; but give this day to joy.

        Now pour to Jove; and, after Jove is blest, Call great Anchises to the genial feast: Crown high the goblets with a cheerful draught; Enjoy the present hour; adjourn the future thought.”

        Thus having said, the hero bound his brows With leafy branches, then perform’d his vows; Adoring first the genius of the place, Then Earth, the mother of the heav’nly race, The nymphs, and native godheads yet unknown, And Night, and all the stars that gild her sable throne, And ancient Cybel, and Idaean Jove,

        And last his sire below, and mother queen above.

        Then heav’n’s high monarch thunder’d thrice aloud, And thrice he shook aloft a golden cloud.

        Soon thro’ the joyful camp a rumor flew, The time was come their city to renew.

        Then ev’ry brow with cheerful green is crown’d, The feasts are doubled, and the bowls go round.

        When next the rosy morn disclos’d the day, The scouts to sev’ral parts divide their way, To learn the natives’ names, their towns explore, The coasts and trendings of the crooked shore: Here Tiber flows, and here Numicus stands; Here warlike Latins hold the happy lands.

        The pious chief, who sought by peaceful ways To found his empire, and his town to raise, A hundred youths from all his train selects, And to the Latian court their course directs, (The spacious palace where their prince resides,) And all their heads with wreaths of olive hides.

        They go commission’d to require a peace, And carry presents to procure access.

        Thus while they speed their pace, the prince designs His new-elected seat, and draws the lines.

        The Trojans round the place a rampire cast, And palisades about the trenches plac’d.

        Meantime the train, proceeding on their way, From far the town and lofty tow’rs survey; At length approach the walls. Without the gate, They see the boys and Latian youth debate The martial prizes on the dusty plain: Some drive the cars, and some the coursers rein; Some bend the stubborn bow for victory, And some with darts their active sinews try.

        A posting messenger, dispatch’d from hence, Of this fair troop advis’d their aged prince, That foreign men of mighty stature came; Uncouth their habit, and unknown their name.

        The king ordains their entrance, and ascends His regal seat, surrounded by his friends.

        The palace built by Picus, vast and proud, Supported by a hundred pillars stood, And round incompass’d with a rising wood.

        The pile o’erlook’d the town, and drew the sight; Surpris’d at once with reverence and delight.

        There kings receiv’d the marks of sov’reign pow’r; In state the monarchs march’d; the lictors bore Their awful axes and the rods before.

        Here the tribunal stood, the house of pray’r, And here the sacred senators repair;

        All at large tables, in long order set, A ram their off’ring, and a ram their meat.

        Above the portal, carv’d in cedar wood, Plac’d in their ranks, their godlike grandsires stood; Old Saturn, with his crooked scythe, on high; And Italus, that led the colony;

        And ancient Janus, with his double face, And bunch of keys, the porter of the place.

        There good Sabinus, planter of the vines, On a short pruning hook his head reclines, And studiously surveys his gen’rous wines; Then warlike kings, who for their country fought, And honorable wounds from battle brought.

        Around the posts hung helmets, darts, and spears, And captive chariots, axes, shields, and bars, And broken beaks of ships, the trophies of their wars.

        Above the rest, as chief of all the band, Was Picus plac’d, a buckler in his hand; His other wav’d a long divining wand.

        Girt in his Gabin gown the hero sate, Yet could not with his art avoid his fate: For Circe long had lov’d the youth in vain, Till love, refus’d, converted to disdain: Then, mixing pow’rful herbs, with magic art, She chang’d his form, who could not change his heart; Constrain’d him in a bird, and made him fly, With party-color’d plumes, a chatt’ring pie.

        In this high temple, on a chair of state, The seat of audience, old Latinus sate; Then gave admission to the Trojan train; And thus with pleasing accents he began: “Tell me, ye Trojans, for that name you own, Nor is your course upon our coasts unknown-Say what you seek, and whither were you bound: Were you by stress of weather cast aground?

        (Such dangers as on seas are often seen, And oft befall to miserable men,)

        Or come, your shipping in our ports to lay, Spent and disabled in so long a way?

        Say what you want: the Latians you shall find Not forc’d to goodness, but by will inclin’d; For, since the time of Saturn’s holy reign, His hospitable customs we retain.

        I call to mind (but time the tale has worn) Th’ Arunci told, that Dardanus, tho’ born On Latian plains, yet sought the Phrygian shore, And Samothracia, Samos call’d before.

        From Tuscan Coritum he claim’d his birth; But after, when exempt from mortal earth, From thence ascended to his kindred skies, A god, and, as a god, augments their sacrifice,”

        He said. Ilioneus made this reply:

        “O king, of Faunus’ royal family!

        Nor wintry winds to Latium forc’d our way, Nor did the stars our wand’ring course betray.

        Willing we sought your shores; and, hither bound, The port, so long desir’d, at length we found; From our sweet homes and ancient realms expell’d; Great as the greatest that the sun beheld.

        The god began our line, who rules above; And, as our race, our king descends from Jove: And hither are we come, by his command, To crave admission in your happy land.

        How dire a tempest, from Mycenae pour’d, Our plains, our temples, and our town devour’d; What was the waste of war, what fierce alarms Shook Asia’s crown with European arms; Ev’n such have heard, if any such there be, Whose earth is bounded by the frozen sea; And such as, born beneath the burning sky And sultry sun, betwixt the tropics lie.

        From that dire deluge, thro’ the wat’ry waste, Such length of years, such various perils past, At last escap’d, to Latium we repair, To beg what you without your want may spare: The common water, and the common air; Sheds which ourselves will build, and mean abodes, Fit to receive and serve our banish’d gods.

        Nor our admission shall your realm disgrace, Nor length of time our gratitude efface.

        Besides, what endless honor you shall gain, To save and shelter Troy’s unhappy train!

        Now, by my sov’reign, and his fate, I swear, Renown’d for faith in peace, for force in war; Oft our alliance other lands desir’d, And, what we seek of you, of us requir’d.

        Despite not then, that in our hands we bear These holy boughs, sue with words of pray’r.

        Fate and the gods, by their supreme command, Have doom’d our ships to seek the Latian land.

        To these abodes our fleet Apollo sends; Here Dardanus was born, and hither tends; Where Tuscan Tiber rolls with rapid force, And where Numicus opes his holy source.

        Besides, our prince presents, with his request, Some small remains of what his sire possess’d.

        This golden charger, snatch’d from burning Troy, Anchises did in sacrifice employ;

        This royal robe and this tiara wore

        Old Priam, and this golden scepter bore In full assemblies, and in solemn games; These purple vests were weav’d by Dardan dames.”

        Thus while he spoke, Latinus roll’d around His eyes, and fix’d a while upon the ground.

        Intent he seem’d, and anxious in his breast; Not by the scepter mov’d, or kingly vest, But pond’ring future things of wondrous weight; Succession, empire, and his daughter’s fate.

        On these he mus’d within his thoughtful mind, And then revolv’d what Faunus had divin’d.

        This was the foreign prince, by fate decreed To share his scepter, and Lavinia’s bed; This was the race that sure portents foreshew To sway the world, and land and sea subdue.

        At length he rais’d his cheerful head, and spoke: “The pow’rs,” said he, “the pow’rs we both invoke, To you, and yours, and mine, propitious be, And firm our purpose with their augury!

        Have what you ask; your presents I receive; Land, where and when you please, with ample leave; Partake and use my kingdom as your own; All shall be yours, while I command the crown: And, if my wish’d alliance please your king, Tell him he should not send the peace, but bring.

        Then let him not a friend’s embraces fear; The peace is made when I behold him here.

        Besides this answer, tell my royal guest, I add to his commands my own request: One only daughter heirs my crown and state, Whom not our oracles, nor Heav’n, nor fate, Nor frequent prodigies, permit to join With any native of th’ Ausonian line.

        A foreign son-in-law shall come from far (Such is our doom), a chief renown’d in war, Whose race shall bear aloft the Latian name, And thro’ the conquer’d world diffuse our fame.

        Himself to be the man the fates require, I firmly judge, and, what I judge, desire.”

        He said, and then on each bestow’d a steed.

        Three hundred horses, in high stables fed, Stood ready, shining all, and smoothly dress’d: Of these he chose the fairest and the best, To mount the Trojan troop. At his command The steeds caparison’d with purple stand, With golden trappings, glorious to behold, And champ betwixt their teeth the foaming gold.

        Then to his absent guest the king decreed A pair of coursers born of heav’nly breed, Who from their nostrils breath’d ethereal fire; Whom Circe stole from her celestial sire, By substituting mares produc’d on earth, Whose wombs conceiv’d a more than mortal birth.

        These draw the chariot which Latinus sends, And the rich present to the prince commends.

        Sublime on stately steeds the Trojans borne, To their expecting lord with peace return.

        But jealous Juno, from Pachynus’ height, As she from Argos took her airy flight, Beheld with envious eyes this hateful sight.

        She saw the Trojan and his joyful train Descend upon the shore, desert the main, Design a town, and, with unhop’d success, Th’ embassadors return with promis’d peace.

        Then, pierc’d with pain, she shook her haughty head, Sigh’d from her inward soul, and thus she said: “O hated offspring of my Phrygian foes!

        O fates of Troy, which Juno’s fates oppose!

        Could they not fall unpitied on the plain, But slain revive, and, taken, scape again?

        When execrable Troy in ashes lay,

        Thro’ fires and swords and seas they forc’d their way.

        Then vanquish’d Juno must in vain contend, Her rage disarm’d, her empire at an end.

        Breathless and tir’d, is all my fury spent?

        Or does my glutted spleen at length relent?

        As if ‘t were little from their town to chase, I thro’ the seas pursued their exil’d race; Ingag’d the heav’ns, oppos’d the stormy main; But billows roar’d, and tempests rag’d in vain.

        What have my Scyllas and my Syrtes done, When these they overpass, and those they shun?

        On Tiber’s shores they land, secure of fate, Triumphant o’er the storms and Juno’s hate.

        Mars could in mutual blood the Centaurs bathe, And Jove himself gave way to Cynthia’s wrath, Who sent the tusky boar to Calydon;

        (What great offense had either people done?) But I, the consort of the Thunderer,

        Have wag’d a long and unsuccessful war, With various arts and arms in vain have toil’d, And by a mortal man at length am foil’d.

        If native pow’r prevail not, shall I doubt To seek for needful succor from without?

        If Jove and Heav’n my just desires deny, Hell shall the pow’r of Heav’n and Jove supply.

        Grant that the Fates have firm’d, by their decree, The Trojan race to reign in Italy;

        At least I can defer the nuptial day, And with protracted wars the peace delay: With blood the dear alliance shall be bought, And both the people near destruction brought; So shall the son-in-law and father join, With ruin, war, and waste of either line.

        O fatal maid, thy marriage is endow’d With Phrygian, Latian, andRutulian blood!

        Bellona leads thee to thy lover’s hand; Another queen brings forth another brand, To burn with foreign fires another land!

        A second Paris, diff’ring but in name, Shall fire his country with a second flame.”

        Thus having said, she sinks beneath the ground, With furious haste, and shoots the Stygian sound, To rouse Alecto from th’ infernal seat Of her dire sisters, and their dark retreat.

        This Fury, fit for her intent, she chose; One who delights in wars and human woes.

        Ev’n Pluto hates his own misshapen race; Her sister Furies fly her hideous face; So frightful are the forms the monster takes, So fierce the hissings of her speckled snakes.

        Her Juno finds, and thus inflames her spite: “O virgin daughter of eternal Night,

        Give me this once thy labor, to sustain My right, and execute my just disdain.

        Let not the Trojans, with a feign’d pretense Of proffer’d peace, delude the Latian prince.

        Expel from Italy that odious name,

        And let not Juno suffer in her fame.

        ‘T is thine to ruin realms, o’erturn a state, Betwixt the dearest friends to raise debate, And kindle kindred blood to mutual hate.

        Thy hand o’er towns the fun’ral torch displays, And forms a thousand ills ten thousand ways.

        Now shake, out thy fruitful breast, the seeds Of envy, discord, and of cruel deeds: Confound the peace establish’d, and prepare Their souls to hatred, and their hands to war.”

        Smear’d as she was with black Gorgonian blood, The Fury sprang above the Stygian flood; And on her wicker wings, sublime thro’ night, She to the Latian palace took her flight: There sought the queen’s apartment, stood before The peaceful threshold, and besieg’d the door.

        Restless Amata lay, her swelling breast Fir’d with disdain for Turnus dispossess’d, And the new nuptials of the Trojan guest.

        From her black bloody locks the Fury shakes Her darling plague, the fav’rite of her snakes; With her full force she threw the poisonous dart, And fix’d it deep within Amata’s heart, That, thus envenom’d, she might kindle rage, And sacrifice to strife her house husband’s age.

        Unseen, unfelt, the fiery serpent skims Betwixt her linen and her naked limbs; His baleful breath inspiring, as he glides, Now like a chain around her neck he rides, Now like a fillet to her head repairs, And with his circling volumes folds her hairs.

        At first the silent venom slid with ease, And seiz’d her cooler senses by degrees; Then, ere th’ infected mass was fir’d too far, In plaintive accents she began the war, And thus bespoke her husband: “Shall,” she said, “A wand’ring prince enjoy Lavinia’s bed?

        If nature plead not in a parent’s heart, Pity my tears, and pity her desert.

        I know, my dearest lord, the time will come, You in vain, reverse your cruel doom; The faithless pirate soon will set to sea, And bear the royal virgin far away!

        A guest like him, a Trojan guest before, In shew of friendship sought the Spartan shore, And ravish’d Helen from her husband bore.

        Think on a king’s inviolable word;

        And think on Turnus, her once plighted lord: To this false foreigner you give your throne, And wrong a friend, a kinsman, and a son.

        Resume your ancient care; and, if the god Your sire, and you, resolve on foreign blood, Know all are foreign, in a larger sense, Not born your subjects, or deriv’d from hence.

        Then, if the line of Turnus you retrace, He springs from Inachus of Argive race.”

        But when she saw her reasons idly spent, And could not move him from his fix’d intent, She flew to rage; for now the snake possess’d Her vital parts, and poison’d all her breast; She raves, she runs with a distracted pace, And fills with horrid howls the public place.

        And, as young striplings whip the top for sport, On the smooth pavement of an empty court; The wooden engine flies and whirls about, Admir’d, with clamors, of the beardless rout; They lash aloud; each other they provoke, And lend their little souls at ev’ry stroke: Thus fares the queen; and thus her fury blows Amidst the crowd, and kindles as she goes.

        Nor yet content, she strains her malice more, And adds new ills to those contriv’d before: She flies the town, and, mixing with a throng Of madding matrons, bears the bride along, Wand’ring thro’ woods and wilds, and devious ways, And with these arts the Trojan match delays.

        She feign’d the rites of Bacchus; cried aloud, And to the buxom god the virgin vow’d.

        “Evoe! O Bacchus!” thus began the song; And “Evoe!” answer’d all the female throng.

        “O virgin! worthy thee alone!” she cried; “O worthy thee alone!” the crew replied.

        “For thee she feeds her hair, she leads thy dance, And with thy winding ivy wreathes her lance.”

        Like fury seiz’d the rest; the progress known, All seek the mountains, and forsake the town: All, clad in skins of beasts, the jav’lin bear, Give to the wanton winds their flowing hair, And shrieks and shoutings rend the suff’ring air.

        The queen herself, inspir’d with rage divine, Shook high above her head a flaming pine; Then roll’d her haggard eyes around the throng, And sung, in Turnus’ name, the nuptial song: “Io, ye Latian dames! if any here

        Hold your unhappy queen, Amata, dear; If there be here,” she said, who dare maintain My right, nor think the name of mother vain; Unbind your fillets, loose your flowing hair, And orgies and nocturnal rites prepare.”

        Amata’s breast the Fury thus invades, And fires with rage, amid the sylvan shades; Then, when she found her venom spread so far, The royal house embroil’d in civil war, Rais’d on her dusky wings, she cleaves the skies, And seeks the palace where young Turnus lies.

        His town, as fame reports, was built of old By Danae, pregnant with almighty gold, Who fled her father’s rage, and, with a train Of following Argives, thro’ the stormy main, Driv’n by the southern blasts, was fated here to reign.

        ‘T was Ardua once; now Ardea’s name it bears; Once a fair city, now consum’d with years.

        Here, in his lofty palace, Turnus lay, Betwixt the confines of the night and day, Secure in sleep. The Fury laid aside

        Her looks and limbs, and with new methods tried The foulness of th’ infernal form to hide.

        Propp’d on a staff, she takes a trembling mien: Her face is furrow’d, and her front obscene; Deep-dinted wrinkles on her cheek she draws; Sunk are her eyes, and toothless are her jaws; Her hoary hair with holy fillets bound, Her temples with an olive wreath are crown’d.

        Old Chalybe, who kept the sacred fane Of Juno, now she seem’d, and thus began, Appearing in a dream, to rouse the careless man: “Shall Turnus then such endless toil sustain In fighting fields, and conquer towns in vain?

        Win, for a Trojan head to wear the prize, Usurp thy crown, enjoy thy victories?

        The bride and scepter which thy blood has bought, The king transfers; and foreign heirs are sought.

        Go now, deluded man, and seek again

        New toils, new dangers, on the dusty plain.

        Repel the Tuscan foes; their city seize; Protect the Latians in luxurious ease.

        This dream all-pow’rful Juno sends; I bear Her mighty mandates, and her words you hear.

        Haste; arm your Ardeans; issue to the plain; With fate to friend, assault the Trojan train: Their thoughtless chiefs, their painted ships, that lie In Tiber’s mouth, with fire and sword destroy.

        The Latian king, unless he shall submit, Own his old promise, and his new forget-Let him, in arms, the pow’r of Turnus prove, And learn to fear whom he disdains to love.

        For such is Heav’n’s command.” The youthful prince With scorn replied, and made this bold defense: “You tell me, mother, what I knew before: The Phrygian fleet is landed on the shore.

        I neither fear nor will provoke the war; My fate is Juno’s most peculiar care.

        But time has made you dote, and vainly tell Of arms imagin’d in your lonely cell.

        Go; be the temple and the gods your care; Permit to men the thought of peace and war.”

        These haughty words Alecto’s rage provoke, And frighted Turnus trembled as she spoke.

        Her eyes grow stiffen’d, and with sulphur burn; Her hideous looks and hellish form return; Her curling snakes with hissings fill the place, And open all the furies of her face:

        Then, darting fire from her malignant eyes, She cast him backward as he strove to rise, And, ling’ring, sought to frame some new replies.

        High on her head she rears two twisted snakes, Her chains she rattles, and her whip she shakes; And, churning bloody foam, thus loudly speaks: “Behold whom time has made to dote, and tell Of arms imagin’d in her lonely cell!

        Behold the Fates’ infernal minister!

        War, death, destruction, in my hand I bear.”

        Thus having said, her smold’ring torch, impress’d With her full force, she plung’d into his breast.

        Aghast he wak’d; and, starting from his bed, Cold sweat, in clammy drops, his limbs o’erspread.

        “Arms! arms!” he cries: “my sword and shield prepare!”

        He breathes defiance, blood, and mortal war.

        So, when with crackling flames a caldron fries, The bubbling waters from the bottom rise: Above the brims they force their fiery way; Black vapors climb aloft, and cloud the day.

        The peace polluted thus, a chosen band He first commissions to the Latian land, In threat’ning embassy; then rais’d the rest, To meet in arms th’ intruding Trojan guest, To force the foes from the Lavinian shore, And Italy’s indanger’d peace restore.

        Himself alone an equal match he boasts, To fight the Phrygian and Ausonian hosts.

        The gods invok’d, the Rutuli prepare

        Their arms, and warn each other to the war.

        His beauty these, and those his blooming age, The rest his house and his own fame ingage.

        While Turnus urges thus his enterprise, The Stygian Fury to the Trojans flies; New frauds invents, and takes a steepy stand, Which overlooks the vale with wide command; Where fair Ascanius and his youthful train, With horns and hounds, a hunting match ordain, And pitch their toils around the shady plain.

        The Fury fires the pack; they snuff, they vent, And feed their hungry nostrils with the scent.

        ‘Twas of a well-grown stag, whose antlers rise High o’er his front; his beams invade the skies.

        From this light cause th’ infernal maid prepares The country churls to mischief, hate, and wars.

        The stately beast the two Tyrrhidae bred, Snatch’d from his dams, and the tame youngling fed.

        Their father Tyrrheus did his fodder bring, Tyrrheus, chief ranger to the Latian king: Their sister Silvia cherish’d with her care The little wanton, and did wreaths prepare To hang his budding horns, with ribbons tied His tender neck, and comb’d his silken hide, And bathed his body. Patient of command In time he grew, and, growing us’d to hand, He waited at his master’s board for food; Then sought his salvage kindred in the wood, Where grazing all the day, at night he came To his known lodgings, and his country dame.

        This household beast, that us’d the woodland grounds, Was view’d at first by the young hero’s hounds, As down the stream he swam, to seek retreat In the cool waters, and to quench his heat.

        Ascanius young, and eager of his game, Soon bent his bow, uncertain in his aim; But the dire fiend the fatal arrow guides, Which pierc’d his bowels thro’ his panting sides.

        The bleeding creature issues from the floods, Possess’d with fear, and seeks his known abodes, His old familiar hearth and household gods.

        He falls; he fills the house with heavy groans, Implores their pity, and his pain bemoans.

        Young Silvia beats her breast, and cries aloud For succor from the clownish neighborhood: The churls assemble; for the fiend, who lay In the close woody covert, urg’d their way.

        One with a brand yet burning from the flame, Arm’d with a knotty club another came: Whate’er they catch or find, without their care, Their fury makes an instrument of war.

        Tyrrheus, the foster father of the beast, Then clench’d a hatchet in his horny fist, But held his hand from the descending stroke, And left his wedge within the cloven oak, To whet their courage and their rage provoke.

        And now the goddess, exercis’d in ill, Who watch’d an hour to work her impious will, Ascends the roof, and to her crooked horn, Such as was then by Latian shepherds borne, Adds all her breath: the rocks and woods around, And mountains, tremble at th’ infernal sound.

        The sacred lake of Trivia from afar,

        The Veline fountains, and sulphureous Nar, Shake at the baleful blast, the signal of the war.

        Young mothers wildly stare, with fear possess’d, And strain their helpless infants to their breast.

        The clowns, a boist’rous, rude, ungovern’d crew, With furious haste to the loud summons flew.

        The pow’rs of Troy, then issuing on the plain, With fresh recruits their youthful chief sustain: Not theirs a raw and unexperienc’d train, But a firm body of embattled men.

        At first, while fortune favor’d neither side, The fight with clubs and burning brands was tried; But now, both parties reinforc’d, the fields Are bright with flaming swords and brazen shields.

        A shining harvest either host displays, And shoots against the sun with equal rays.

        Thus, when a black-brow’d gust begins to rise, White foam at first on the curl’d ocean fries; Then roars the main, the billows mount the skies; Till, by the fury of the storm full blown, The muddy bottom o’er the clouds is thrown.

        First Almon falls, old Tyrrheus’ eldest care, Pierc’d with an arrow from the distant war: Fix’d in his throat the flying weapon stood, And stopp’d his breath, and drank his vital blood Huge heaps of slain around the body rise: Among the rest, the rich Galesus lies; A good old man, while peace he preach’d in vain, Amidst the madness of th’ unruly train: Five herds, five bleating flocks, his pastures fill’d; His lands a hundred yoke of oxen till’d.

        Thus, while in equal scales their fortune stood The Fury bath’d them in each other’s blood; Then, having fix’d the fight, exulting flies, And bears fulfill’d her promise to the skies.

        To Juno thus she speaks: “Behold! It is done, The blood already drawn, the war begun; The discord is complete; nor can they cease The dire debate, nor you command the peace.

        Now, since the Latian and the Trojan brood Have tasted vengeance and the sweets of blood; Speak, and my pow’r shall add this office more: The neighb’ing nations of th’ Ausonian shore Shall hear the dreadful rumor, from afar, Of arm’d invasion, and embrace the war.”

        Then Juno thus: “The grateful work is done, The seeds of discord sow’d, the war begun; Frauds, fears, and fury have possess’d the state, And fix’d the causes of a lasting hate.

        A bloody Hymen shall th’ alliance join Betwixt the Trojan and Ausonian line: But thou with speed to night and hell repair; For not the gods, nor angry Jove, will bear Thy lawless wand’ring walks in upper air.

        Leave what remains to me.” Saturnia said: The sullen fiend her sounding wings display’d, Unwilling left the light, and sought the nether shade.

        In midst of Italy, well known to fame, There lies a lake (Amsanctus is the name) Below the lofty mounts: on either side Thick forests the forbidden entrance hide.

        Full in the center of the sacred wood An arm arises of the Stygian flood,

        Which, breaking from beneath with bellowing sound, Whirls the black waves and rattling stones around.

        Here Pluto pants for breath from out his cell, And opens wide the grinning jaws of hell.

        To this infernal lake the Fury flies; Here hides her hated head, and frees the lab’ring skies.

        Saturnian Juno now, with double care, Attends the fatal process of the war.

        The clowns, return’d, from battle bear the slain, Implore the gods, and to their king complain.

        The corps of Almon and the rest are shown; Shrieks, clamors, murmurs, fill the frighted town.

        Ambitious Turnus in the press appears, And, aggravating crimes, augments their fears; Proclaims his private injuries aloud, A solemn promise made, and disavow’d; A foreign son is sought, and a mix’d mungril brood.

        Then they, whose mothers, frantic with their fear, In woods and wilds the flags of Bacchus bear, And lead his dances with dishevel’d hair, Increase the clamor, and the war demand, (Such was Amata’s interest in the land,) Against the public sanctions of the peace, Against all omens of their ill success.

        With fates averse, the rout in arms resort, To force their monarch, and insult the court.

        But, like a rock unmov’d, a rock that braves The raging tempest and the rising waves-Propp’d on himself he stands; his solid sides Wash off the seaweeds, and the sounding tides-So stood the pious prince, unmov’d, and long Sustain’d the madness of the noisy throng.

        But, when he found that Juno’s pow’r prevail’d, And all the methods of cool counsel fail’d, He calls the gods to witness their offense, Disclaims the war, asserts his innocence.

        “Hurried by fate,” he cries, “and borne before A furious wind, we have the faithful shore.

        O more than madmen! you yourselves shall bear The guilt of blood and sacrilegious war: Thou, Turnus, shalt atone it by thy fate, And pray to Heav’n for peace, but pray too late.

        For me, my stormy voyage at an end,

        I to the port of death securely tend.

        The fun’ral pomp which to your kings you pay, Is all I want, and all you take away.”

        He said no more, but, in his walls confin’d, Shut out the woes which he too well divin’d Nor with the rising storm would vainly strive, But left the helm, and let the vessel drive.

        A solemn custom was observ’d of old,

        Which Latium held, and now the Romans hold, Their standard when in fighting fields they rear Against the fierce Hyrcanians, or declare The Scythian, Indian, or Arabian war; Or from the boasting Parthians would regain Their eagles, lost in Carrhae’s bloody plain.

        Two gates of steel (the name of Mars they bear, And still are worship’d with religious fear) Before his temple stand: the dire abode, And the fear’d issues of the furious god, Are fenc’d with brazen bolts; without the gates, The wary guardian Janus doubly waits.

        Then, when the sacred senate votes the wars, The Roman consul their decree declares, And in his robes the sounding gates unbars.

        The youth in military shouts arise,

        And the loud trumpets break the yielding skies.

        These rites, of old by sov’reign princes us’d, Were the king’s office; but the king refus’d, Deaf to their cries, nor would the gates unbar Of sacred peace, or loose th’ imprison’d war; But hid his head, and, safe from loud alarms, Abhorr’d the wicked ministry of arms.

        Then heav’n’s imperious queen shot down from high: At her approach the brazen hinges fly; The gates are forc’d, and ev’ry falling bar; And, like a tempest, issues out the war.

        The peaceful cities of th’ Ausonian shore, Lull’d in their ease, and undisturb’d before, Are all on fire; and some, with studious care, Their restiff steeds in sandy plains prepare; Some their soft limbs in painful marches try, And war is all their wish, and arms the gen’ral cry.

        Part scour the rusty shields with seam; and part New grind the blunted ax, and point the dart: With joy they view the waving ensigns fly, And hear the trumpet’s clangor pierce the sky.

        Five cities forge their arms: th’ Atinian pow’rs, Antemnae, Tibur with her lofty tow’rs, Ardea the proud, the Crustumerian town: All these of old were places of renown.

        Some hammer helmets for the fighting field; Some twine young sallows to support the shield; The croslet some, and some the cuishes mold, With silver plated, and with ductile gold.

        The rustic honors of the scythe and share Give place to swords and plumes, the pride of war.

        Old fauchions are new temper’d in the fires; The sounding trumpet ev’ry soul inspires.

        The word is giv’n; with eager speed they lace The shining headpiece, and the shield embrace.

        The neighing steeds are to the chariot tied; The trusty weapon sits on ev’ry side.

        And now the mighty labor is begun

        Ye Muses, open all your Helicon.

        Sing you the chiefs that sway’d th’ Ausonian land, Their arms, and armies under their command; What warriors in our ancient clime were bred; What soldiers follow’d, and what heroes led.

        For well you know, and can record alone, What fame to future times conveys but darkly down.

        Mezentius first appear’d upon the plain: Scorn sate upon his brows, and sour disdain, Defying earth and heav’n. Etruria lost, He brings to Turnus’ aid his baffled host.

        The charming Lausus, full of youthful fire, Rode in the rank, and next his sullen sire; To Turnus only second in the grace

        Of manly mien, and features of the face.

        A skilful horseman, and a huntsman bred, With fates averse a thousand men he led: His sire unworthy of so brave a son;

        Himself well worthy of a happier throne.

        Next Aventinus drives his chariot round The Latian plains, with palms and laurels crown’d.

        Proud of his steeds, he smokes along the field; His father’s hydra fills his ample shield: A hundred serpents hiss about the brims; The son of Hercules he justly seems

        By his broad shoulders and gigantic limbs; Of heav’nly part, and part of earthly blood, A mortal woman mixing with a god.

        For strong Alcides, after he had slain The triple Geryon, drove from conquer’d Spain His captive herds; and, thence in triumph led, On Tuscan Tiber’s flow’ry banks they fed.

        Then on Mount Aventine the son of Jove The priestess Rhea found, and forc’d to love.

        For arms, his men long piles and jav’lins bore; And poles with pointed steel their foes in battle gore.

        Like Hercules himself his son appears, In salvage pomp; a lion’s hide he wears; About his shoulders hangs the shaggy skin; The teeth and gaping jaws severely grin.

        Thus, like the god his father, homely dress’d, He strides into the hall, a horrid guest.

        Then two twin brothers from fair Tibur came, (Which from their brother Tiburs took the name,) Fierce Coras and Catillus, void of fear: Arm’d Argive horse they led, and in the front appear.

        Like cloud-born Centaurs, from the mountain’s height With rapid course descending to the fight; They rush along; the rattling woods give way; The branches bend before their sweepy sway.

        Nor was Praeneste’s founder wanting there, Whom fame reports the son of Mulciber: Found in the fire, and foster’d in the plains, A shepherd and a king at once he reigns, And leads to Turnus’ aid his country swains.

        His own Praeneste sends a chosen band, With those who plow Saturnia’s Gabine land; Besides the succor which cold Anien yields, The rocks of Hernicus, and dewy fields, Anagnia fat, and Father Amasene-A num’rous rout, but all of naked men: Nor arms they wear, nor swords and bucklers wield, Nor drive the chariot thro’ the dusty field, But whirl from leathern slings huge balls of lead, And spoils of yellow wolves adorn their head; The left foot naked, when they march to fight, But in a bull’s raw hide they sheathe the right.

        Messapus next, (great Neptune was his sire,) Secure of steel, and fated from the fire, In pomp appears, and with his ardor warms A heartless train, unexercis’d in arms: The just Faliscans he to battle brings, And those who live where Lake Ciminia springs; And where Feronia’s grove and temple stands, Who till Fescennian or Flavinian lands.

        All these in order march, and marching sing The warlike actions of their sea-born king; Like a long team of snowy swans on high, Which clap their wings, and cleave the liquid sky, When, homeward from their wat’ry pastures borne, They sing, and Asia’s lakes their notes return.

        Not one who heard their music from afar, Would think these troops an army train’d to war, But flocks of fowl, that, when the tempests roar, With their hoarse gabbling seek the silent shore.

        Then Clausus came, who led a num’rous band Of troops embodied from the Sabine land, And, in himself alone, an army brought.

        ‘T was he, the noble Claudian race begot, The Claudian race, ordain’d, in times to come, To share the greatness of imperial Rome.

        He led the Cures forth, of old renown, Mutuscans from their olive-bearing town, And all th’ Eretian pow’rs; besides a band That follow’d from Velinum’s dewy land, And Amiternian troops, of mighty fame, And mountaineers, that from Severus came, And from the craggy cliffs of Tetrica, And those where yellow Tiber takes his way, And where Himella’s wanton waters play.

        Casperia sends her arms, with those that lie By Fabaris, and fruitful Foruli:

        The warlike aids of Horta next appear, And the cold Nursians come to close the rear, Mix’d with the natives born of Latine blood, Whom Allia washes with her fatal flood.

        Not thicker billows beat the Libyan main, When pale Orion sets in wintry rain;

        Nor thicker harvests on rich Hermus rise, Or Lycian fields, when Phoebus burns the skies, Than stand these troops: their bucklers ring around; Their trampling turns the turf, and shakes the solid ground.

        High in his chariot then Halesus came, A foe by birth to Troy’s unhappy name: From Agamemnon born-to Turnus’ aid

        A thousand men the youthful hero led, Who till the Massic soil, for wine renown’d, And fierce Auruncans from their hilly ground, And those who live by Sidicinian shores, And where with shoaly fords Vulturnus roars, Cales’ and Osca’s old inhabitants,

        And rough Saticulans, inur’d to wants: Light demi-lances from afar they throw, Fasten’d with leathern thongs, to gall the foe.

        Short crooked swords in closer fight they wear; And on their warding arm light bucklers bear.

        Nor Oebalus, shalt thou be left unsung, From nymph Semethis and old Telon sprung, Who then in Teleboan Capri reign’d;

        But that short isle th’ ambitious youth disdain’d, And o’er Campania stretch’d his ample sway, Where swelling Sarnus seeks the Tyrrhene sea; O’er Batulum, and where Abella sees,

        From her high tow’rs, the harvest of her trees.

        And these (as was the Teuton use of old) Wield brazen swords, and brazen bucklers hold; Sling weighty stones, when from afar they fight; Their casques are cork, a covering thick and light.

        Next these in rank, the warlike Ufens went, And led the mountain troops that Nursia sent.

        The rude Equicolae his rule obey’d;

        Hunting their sport, and plund’ring was their trade.

        In arms they plow’d, to battle still prepar’d: Their soil was barren, and their hearts were hard.

        Umbro the priest the proud Marrubians led, By King Archippus sent to Turnus’ aid, And peaceful olives crown’d his hoary head.

        His wand and holy words, the viper’s rage, And venom’d wounds of serpents could assuage.

        He, when he pleas’d with powerful juice to steep Their temples, shut their eyes in pleasing sleep.

        But vain were Marsian herbs, and magic art, To cure the wound giv’n by the Dardan dart: Yet his untimely fate th’ Angitian woods In sighs remurmur’d to the Fucine floods.

        The son of fam’d Hippolytus was there, Fam’d as his sire, and, as his mother, fair; Whom in Egerian groves Aricia bore,

        And nurs’d his youth along the marshy shore, Where great Diana’s peaceful altars flame, In fruitful fields; and Virbius was his name.

        Hippolytus, as old records have said, Was by his stepdam sought to share her bed; But, when no female arts his mind could move, She turn’d to furious hate her impious love.

        Torn by wild horses on the sandy shore, Another’s crimes th’ unhappy hunter bore, Glutting his father’s eyes with guiltless gore.

        But chaste Diana, who his death deplor’d, With Aesculapian herbs his life restor’d.

        Then Jove, who saw from high, with just disdain, The dead inspir’d with vital breath again, Struck to the center, with his flaming dart, Th’ unhappy founder of the godlike art.

        But Trivia kept in secret shades alone Her care, Hippolytus, to fate unknown; And call’d him Virbius in th’ Egerian grove, Where then he liv’d obscure, but safe from Jove.

        For this, from Trivia’s temple and her wood Are coursers driv’n, who shed their master’s blood, Affrighted by the monsters of the flood.

        His son, the second Virbius, yet retain’d His father’s art, and warrior steeds he rein’d.

        Amid the troops, and like the leading god, High o’er the rest in arms the graceful Turnus rode: A triple of plumes his crest adorn’d, On which with belching flames Chimaera burn’d: The more the kindled combat rises high’r, The more with fury burns the blazing fire.

        Fair Io grac’d his shield; but Io now With horns exalted stands, and seems to lowA noble charge! Her keeper by her side, To watch her walks, his hundred eyes applied; And on the brims her sire, the wat’ry god, Roll’d from a silver urn his crystal flood.

        A cloud of foot succeeds, and fills the fields With swords, and pointed spears, and clatt’ring shields; Of Argives, and of old Sicanian bands, And those who plow the rich Rutulian lands; Auruncan youth, and those Sacrana yields, And the proud Labicans, with painted shields, And those who near Numician streams reside, And those whom Tiber’s holy forests hide, Or Circe’s hills from the main land divide; Where Ufens glides along the lowly lands, Or the black water of Pomptina stands.

        Last, from the Volscians fair Camilla came, And led her warlike troops, a warrior dame; Unbred to spinning, in the loom unskill’d, She chose the nobler Pallas of the field.

        Mix’d with the first, the fierce virago fought, Sustain’d the toils of arms, the danger sought, Outstripp’d the winds in speed upon the plain, Flew o’er the fields, nor hurt the bearded grain: She swept the seas, and, as she skimm’d along, Her flying feet unbath’d on billows hung.

        Men, boys, and women, stupid with surprise, Where’er she passes, fix their wond’ring eyes: Longing they look, and, gaping at the sight, Devour her o’er and o’er with vast delight; Her purple habit sits with such a grace On her smooth shoulders, and so suits her face; Her head with ringlets of her hair is crown’d, And in a golden caul the curls are bound.

        She shakes her myrtle jav’lin; and, behind, Her Lycian quiver dances in the wind.

        BOOK VIII

        When Turnus had assembled all his pow’rs, His standard planted on Laurentum’s tow’rs; When now the sprightly trumpet, from afar, Had giv’n the signal of approaching war, Had rous’d the neighing steeds to scour the fields, While the fierce riders clatter’d on their shields; Trembling with rage, the Latian youth prepare To join th’ allies, and headlong rush to war.

        Fierce Ufens, and Messapus, led the crowd, With bold Mezentius, who blasphem’d aloud.

        These thro’ the country took their wasteful course, The fields to forage, and to gather force.

        Then Venulus to Diomede they send,

        To beg his aid Ausonia to defend,

        Declare the common danger, and inform The Grecian leader of the growing storm: Aeneas, landed on the Latian coast,

        With banish’d gods, and with a baffled host, Yet now aspir’d to conquest of the state, And claim’d a title from the gods and fate; What num’rous nations in his quarrel came, And how they spread his formidable name.

        What he design’d, what mischief might arise, If fortune favor’d his first enterprise, Was left for him to weigh, whose equal fears, And common interest, was involv’d in theirs.

        While Turnus and th’ allies thus urge the war, The Trojan, floating in a flood of care, Beholds the tempest which his foes prepare.

        This way and that he turns his anxious mind; Thinks, and rejects the counsels he design’d; Explores himself in vain, in ev’ry part, And gives no rest to his distracted heart.

        So, when the sun by day, or moon by night, Strike on the polish’d brass their trembling light, The glitt’ring species here and there divide, And cast their dubious beams from side to side; Now on the walls, now on the pavement play, And to the ceiling flash the glaring day.

        ‘T was night; and weary nature lull’d asleep The birds of air, and fishes of the deep, And beasts, and mortal men. The Trojan chief Was laid on Tiber’s banks, oppress’d with grief, And found in silent slumber late relief.

        Then, thro’ the shadows of the poplar wood, Arose the father of the Roman flood;

        An azure robe was o’er his body spread, A wreath of shady reeds adorn’d his head: Thus, manifest to sight, the god appear’d, And with these pleasing words his sorrow cheer’d: “Undoubted offspring of ethereal race, O long expected in this promis’d place!

        Who thro’ the foes hast borne thy banish’d gods, Restor’d them to their hearths, and old abodes; This is thy happy home, the clime where fate Ordains thee to restore the Trojan state.

        Fear not! The war shall end in lasting peace, And all the rage of haughty Juno cease.

        And that this nightly vision may not seem Th’ effect of fancy, or an idle dream, A sow beneath an oak shall lie along, All white herself, and white her thirty young.

        When thirty rolling years have run their race, Thy son Ascanius, on this empty space, Shall build a royal town, of lasting fame, Which from this omen shall receive the name.

        Time shall approve the truth. For what remains, And how with sure success to crown thy pains, With patience next attend. A banish’d band, Driv’n with Evander from th’ Arcadian land, Have planted here, and plac’d on high their walls; Their town the founder Pallanteum calls, Deriv’d from Pallas, his great-grandsire’s name: But the fierce Latians old possession claim, With war infesting the new colony.

        These make thy friends, and on their aid rely.

        To thy free passage I submit my streams.

        Wake, son of Venus, from thy pleasing dreams; And, when the setting stars are lost in day, To Juno’s pow’r thy just devotion pay; With sacrifice the wrathful queen appease: Her pride at length shall fall, her fury cease.

        When thou return’st victorious from the war, Perform thy vows to me with grateful care.

        The god am I, whose yellow water flows Around these fields, and fattens as it goes: Tiber my name; among the rolling floods Renown’d on earth, esteem’d among the gods.

        This is my certain seat. In times to come, My waves shall wash the walls of mighty Rome.”

        He said, and plung’d below. While yet he spoke, His dream Aeneas and his sleep forsook.

        He rose, and looking up, beheld the skies With purple blushing, and the day arise.

        Then water in his hollow palm he took From Tiber’s flood, and thus the pow’rs bespoke: “Laurentian nymphs, by whom the streams are fed, And Father Tiber, in thy sacred bed

        Receive Aeneas, and from danger keep.

        Whatever fount, whatever holy deep,

        Conceals thy wat’ry stores; where’er they rise, And, bubbling from below, salute the skies; Thou, king of horned floods, whose plenteous urn Suffices fatness to the fruitful corn, For this thy kind compassion of our woes, Shalt share my morning song and ev’ning vows.

        But, O be present to thy people’s aid, And firm the gracious promise thou hast made!”

        Thus having said, two galleys from his stores, With care he chooses, mans, and fits with oars.

        Now on the shore the fatal swine is found.

        Wondrous to tell!- She lay along the ground: Her well-fed offspring at her udders hung; She white herself, and white her thirty young.

        Aeneas takes the mother and her brood, And all on Juno’s altar are bestow’d.

        The foll’wing night, and the succeeding day, Propitious Tiber smooth’d his wat’ry way: He roll’d his river back, and pois’d he stood, A gentle swelling, and a peaceful flood.

        The Trojans mount their ships; they put from shore, Borne on the waves, and scarcely dip an oar.

        Shouts from the land give omen to their course, And the pitch’d vessels glide with easy force.

        The woods and waters wonder at the gleam Of shields, and painted ships that stem the stream.

        One summer’s night and one whole day they pass Betwixt the greenwood shades, and cut the liquid glass.

        The fiery sun had finish’d half his race, Look’d back, and doubted in the middle space, When they from far beheld the rising tow’rs, The tops of sheds, and shepherds’ lowly bow’rs, Thin as they stood, which, then of homely clay, Now rise in marble, from the Roman sway.

        These cots (Evander’s kingdom, mean and poor) The Trojan saw, and turn’d his ships to shore.

        ‘T was on a solemn day: th’ Arcadian states, The king and prince, without the city gates, Then paid their off’rings in a sacred grove To Hercules, the warrior son of Jove.

        Thick clouds of rolling smoke involve the skies, And fat of entrails on his altar fries.

        But, when they saw the ships that stemm’d the flood, And glitter’d thro’ the covert of the wood, They rose with fear, and left th’ unfinish’d feast, Till dauntless Pallas reassur’d the rest To pay the rites. Himself without delay A jav’lin seiz’d, and singly took his way; Then gain’d a rising ground, and call’d from far: “Resolve me, strangers, whence, and what you are; Your bus’ness here; and bring you peace or war?”

        High on the stern Aeneas his stand,

        And held a branch of olive in his hand, While thus he spoke: “The Phrygians’ arms you see, Expell’d from Troy, provok’d in Italy By Latian foes, with war unjustly made; At first affianc’d, and at last betray’d.

        This message bear: ‘The Trojans and their chief Bring holy peace, and beg the king’s relief.’

        Struck with so great a name, and all on fire, The youth replies: “Whatever you require, Your fame exacts. Upon our shores descend.

        A welcome guest, and, what you wish, a friend.”

        He said, and, downward hasting to the strand, Embrac’d the stranger prince, and join’d his hand.

        Conducted to the grove, Aeneas broke

        The silence first, and thus the king bespoke: “Best of the Greeks, to whom, by fate’s command, I bear these peaceful branches in my hand, Undaunted I approach you, tho’ I know Your birth is Grecian, and your land my foe; From Atreus tho’ your ancient lineage came, And both the brother kings your kindred claim; Yet, my self-conscious worth, your high renown, Your virtue, thro’ the neighb’ring nations blown, Our fathers’ mingled blood, Apollo’s voice, Have led me hither, less by need than choice.

        Our founder Dardanus, as fame has sung, And Greeks acknowledge, from Electra sprung: Electra from the loins of Atlas came; Atlas, whose head sustains the starry frame.

        Your sire is Mercury, whom long before On cold Cyllene’s top fair Maia bore.

        Maia the fair, on fame if we rely,

        Was Atlas’ daughter, who sustains the sky.

        Thus from one common source our streams divide; Ours is the Trojan, yours th’ Areadian side.

        Rais’d by these hopes, I sent no news before, Nor ask’d your leave, nor did your faith implore; But come, without a pledge, my own ambassador.

        The same Rutulians, who with arms pursue The Trojan race, are equal foes to you.

        Our host expell’d, what farther force can stay The victor troops from universal sway?

        Then will they stretch their pow’r athwart the land, And either sea from side to side command.

        Receive our offer’d faith, and give us thine; Ours is a gen’rous and experienc’d line: We want not hearts nor bodies for the war; In council cautious, and in fields we dare.”

        He said; and while spoke, with piercing eyes Evander view’d the man with vast surprise, Pleas’d with his action, ravish’d with his face: Then answer’d briefly, with a royal grace: “O valiant leader of the Trojan line, In whom the features of thy father shine, How I recall Anchises! how I see

        His motions, mien, and all my friend, in thee!

        Long tho’ it be, ‘t is fresh within my mind, When Priam to his sister’s court design’d A welcome visit, with a friendly stay, And thro’ th’ Arcadian kingdom took his way.

        Then, past a boy, the callow down began To shade my chin, and call me first a man.

        I saw the shining train with vast delight, And Priam’s goodly person pleas’d my sight: But great Anchises, far above the rest, With awful wonder fir’d my youthful breast.

        I long’d to join in friendship’s holy bands Our mutual hearts, and plight our mutual hands.

        I first accosted him: I sued, I sought, And, with a loving force, to Pheneus brought.

        He gave me, when at length constrain’d to go, A Lycian quiver and a Gnossian bow,

        A vest embroider’d, glorious to behold, And two rich bridles, with their bits of gold, Which my son’s coursers in obedience hold.

        The league you ask, I offer, as your right; And, when to-morrow’s sun reveals the light, With swift supplies you shall be sent away.

        Now celebrate with us this solemn day, Whose holy rites admit no long delay.

        Honor our annual feast; and take your seat, With friendly welcome, at a homely treat.”

        Thus having said, the bowls (remov’d for fear) The youths replac’d, and soon restor’d the cheer.

        On sods of turf he set the soldiers round: A maple throne, rais’d higher from the ground, Receiv’d the Trojan chief; and, o’er the bed, A lion’s shaggy hide for ornament they spread.

        The loaves were serv’d in canisters; the wine In bowls; the priest renew’d the rites divine: Broil’d entrails are their food, and beef’s continued chine.

        But when the rage of hunger was repress’d, Thus spoke Evander to his royal guest: “These rites, these altars, and this feast, O king, From no vain fears or superstition spring, Or blind devotion, or from blinder chance, Or heady zeal, or brutal ignorance;

        But, sav’d from danger, with a grateful sense, The labors of a god we recompense.

        See, from afar, yon rock that mates the sky, About whose feet such heaps of rubbish lie; Such indigested ruin; bleak and bare, How desart now it stands, expos’d in air!

        ‘T was once a robber’s den, inclos’d around With living stone, and deep beneath the ground.

        The monster Cacus, more than half a beast, This hold, impervious to the sun, possess’d.

        The pavement ever foul with human gore; Heads, and their mangled members, hung the door.

        Vulcan this plague begot; and, like his sire, Black clouds he belch’d, and flakes of livid fire.

        Time, long expected, eas’d us of our load, And brought the needful presence of a god.

        Th’ avenging force of Hercules, from Spain, Arriv’d in triumph, from Geryon slain: Thrice liv’d the giant, and thrice liv’d in vain.

        His prize, the lowing herds, Alcides drove Near Tiber’s bank, to graze the shady grove.

        Allur’d with hope of plunder, and intent By force to rob, by fraud to circumvent, The brutal Cacus, as by chance they stray’d, Four oxen thence, and four fair kine convey’d; And, lest the printed footsteps might be seen, He dragg’d ‘em backwards to his rocky den.

        The tracks averse a lying notice gave, And led the searcher backward from the cave.

        “Meantime the herdsman hero shifts his place, To find fresh pasture and untrodden grass.

        The beasts, who miss’d their mates, fill’d all around With bellowings, and the rocks restor’d the sound.

        One heifer, who had heard her love complain, Roar’d from the cave, and made the project vain.

        Alcides found the fraud; with rage he shook, And toss’d about his head his knotted oak.

        Swift as the winds, or Scythian arrows’ flight, He clomb, with eager haste, th’ aerial height.

        Then first we saw the monster mend his pace; Fear his eyes, and paleness in his face, Confess’d the god’s approach. Trembling he springs, As terror had increas’d his feet with wings; Nor stay’d for stairs; but down the depth he threw His body, on his back the door he drew (The door, a rib of living rock; with pains His father hew’d it out, and bound with iron chains): He broke the heavy links, the mountain clos’d, And bars and levers to his foe oppos’d.

        The wretch had hardly made his dungeon fast; The fierce avenger came with bounding haste; Survey’d the mouth of the forbidden hold, And here and there his raging eyes he roll’d.

        He gnash’d his teeth; and thrice he compass’d round With winged speed the circuit of the ground.

        Thrice at the cavern’s mouth he pull’d in vain, And, panting, thrice desisted from his pain.

        A pointed flinty rock, all bare and black, Grew gibbous from behind the mountain’s back; Owls, ravens, all ill omens of the night, Here built their nests, and hither wing’d their flight.

        The leaning head hung threat’ning o’er the flood, And nodded to the left. The hero stood Adverse, with planted feet, and, from the right, Tugg’d at the solid stone with all his might.

        Thus heav’d, the fix’d foundations of the rock Gave way; heav’n echo’d at the rattling shock.

        Tumbling, it chok’d the flood: on either side The banks leap backward, and the streams divide; The sky shrunk upward with unusual dread, And trembling Tiber div’d beneath his bed.

        The court of Cacus stands reveal’d to sight; The cavern glares with new-admitted light.

        So the pent vapors, with a rumbling sound, Heave from below, and rend the hollow ground; A sounding flaw succeeds; and, from on high, The gods with hate beheld the nether sky: The ghosts repine at violated night,

        And curse th’ invading sun, and sicken at the sight.

        The graceless monster, caught in open day, Inclos’d, and in despair to fly away, Howls horrible from underneath, and fills His hollow palace with unmanly yells.

        The hero stands above, and from afar

        Plies him with darts, and stones, and distant war.

        He, from his nostrils huge mouth, expires Black clouds of smoke, amidst his father’s fires, Gath’ring, with each repeated blast, the night, To make uncertain aim, and erring sight.

        The wrathful god then plunges from above, And, where in thickest waves the sparkles drove, There lights; and wades thro’ fumes, and gropes his way, Half sing’d, half stifled, till he grasps his prey.

        The monster, spewing fruitless flames, he found; He squeez’d his throat; he writh’d his neck around, And in a knot his crippled members bound; Then from their sockets tore his burning eyes: Roll’d on a heap, the breathless robber lies.

        The doors, unbarr’d, receive the rushing day, And thoro’ lights disclose the ravish’d prey.

        The bulls, redeem’d, breathe open air again.

        Next, by the feet, they drag him from his den.

        The wond’ring neighborhood, with glad surprise, Behold his shagged breast, his giant size, His mouth that flames no more, and his extinguish’d eyes.

        From that auspicious day, with rites divine, We worship at the hero’s holy shrine.

        Potitius first ordain’d these annual vows: As priests, were added the Pinarian house, Who rais’d this altar in the sacred shade, Where honors, ever due, for ever shall be paid.

        For these deserts, and this high virtue shown, Ye warlike youths, your heads with garlands crown: Fill high the goblets with a sparkling flood, And with deep draughts invoke our common god.”

        This said, a double wreath Evander twin’d, And poplars black and white his temples bind.

        Then brims his ample bowl. With like design The rest invoke the gods, with sprinkled wine.

        Meantime the sun descended from the skies, And the bright evening star began to rise.

        And now the priests, Potitius at their head, In skins of beasts involv’d, the long procession led; Held high the flaming tapers in their hands, As custom had prescrib’d their holy bands; Then with a second course the tables load, And with full chargers offer to the god.

        The Salii sing, and cense his altars round With Saban smoke, their heads with poplar bound-One choir of old, another of the young, To dance, and bear the burthen of the song.

        The lay records the labors, and the praise, And all th’ immortal acts of Hercules: First, how the mighty babe, when swath’d in bands, The serpents strangled with his infant hands; Then, as in years and matchless force he grew, Th’ Oechalian walls, and Trojan, overthrew.

        Besides, a thousand hazards they relate, Procur’d by Juno’s and Eurystheus’ hate: “Thy hands, unconquer’d hero, could subdue The cloud-born Centaurs, and the monster crew: Nor thy resistless arm the bull withstood, Nor he, the roaring terror of the wood.

        The triple porter of the Stygian seat, With lolling tongue, lay fawning at thy feet, And, seiz’d with fear, forgot his mangled meat.

        Th’ infernal waters trembled at thy sight; Thee, god, no face of danger could affright; Not huge Typhoeus, nor th’ unnumber’d snake, Increas’d with hissing heads, in Lerna’s lake.

        Hail, Jove’s undoubted son! an added grace To heav’n and the great author of thy race!

        Receive the grateful off’rings which we pay, And smile propitious on thy solemn day!”

        In numbers thus they sung; above the rest, The den and death of Cacus crown the feast.

        The woods to hollow vales convey the sound, The vales to hills, and hills the notes rebound.

        The rites perform’d, the cheerful train retire.

        Betwixt young Pallas and his aged sire, The Trojan pass’d, the city to survey, And pleasing talk beguil’d the tedious way.

        The stranger cast around his curious eyes, New objects viewing still, with new surprise; With greedy joy enquires of various things, And acts and monuments of ancient kings.

        Then thus the founder of the Roman tow’rs: “These woods were first the seat of sylvan pow’rs, Of Nymphs and Fauns, and salvage men, who took Their birth from trunks of trees and stubborn oak.

        Nor laws they knew, nor manners, nor the care Of lab’ring oxen, or the shining share, Nor arts of gain, nor what they gain’d to spare.

        Their exercise the chase; the running flood Supplied their thirst, the trees supplied their food.

        Then Saturn came, who fled the pow’r of Jove, Robb’d of his realms, and banish’d from above.

        The men, dispers’d on hills, to towns he brought, And laws ordain’d, and civil customs taught, And Latium call’d the land where safe he lay From his unduteous son, and his usurping sway.

        With his mild empire, peace and plenty came; And hence the golden times deriv’d their name.

        A more degenerate and discolor’d age

        Succeeded this, with avarice and rage.

        Th’ Ausonians then, and bold Sicanians came; And Saturn’s empire often chang’d the name.

        Then kings, gigantic Tybris, and the rest, With arbitrary sway the land oppress’d: For Tiber’s flood was Albula before,

        Till, from the tyrant’s fate, his name it bore.

        I last arriv’d, driv’n from my native home By fortune’s pow’r, and fate’s resistless doom.

        Long toss’d on seas, I sought this happy land, Warn’d by my mother nymph, and call’d by Heav’n’s command.”

        Thus, walking on, he spoke, and shew’d the gate, Since call’d Carmental by the Roman state; Where stood an altar, sacred to the name Of old Carmenta, the prophetic dame,

        Who to her son foretold th’ Aenean race, Sublime in fame, and Rome’s imperial place: Then shews the forest, which, in after times, Fierce Romulus for perpetrated crimes A sacred refuge made; with this, the shrine Where Pan below the rock had rites divine: Then tells of Argus’ death, his murder’d guest, Whose grave and tomb his innocence attest.

        Thence, to the steep Tarpeian rock he leads; Now roof’d with gold, then thatch’d with homely reeds.

        A reverent fear (such superstition reigns Among the rude) ev’n then possess’d the swains.

        Some god, they knew-what god, they could not tell-Did there amidst the sacred horror dwell.

        Th’ Arcadians thought him Jove; and said they saw The mighty Thund’rer with majestic awe, Who took his shield, and dealt his bolts around, And scatter’d tempests on the teeming ground.

        Then saw two heaps of ruins, (once they stood Two stately towns, on either side the flood,) Saturnia’s and Janicula’s remains;

        And either place the founder’s name retains.

        Discoursing thus together, they resort Where poor Evander kept his country court.

        They view’d the ground of Rome’s litigious hall; (Once oxen low’d, where now the lawyers bawl;) Then, stooping, thro’ the narrow gate they press’d, When thus the king bespoke his Trojan guest: “Mean as it is, this palace, and this door, Receiv’d Alcides, then a conqueror.

        Dare to be poor; accept our homely food, Which feasted him, and emulate a god.”

        Then underneath a lowly roof he led

        The weary prince, and laid him on a bed; The stuffing leaves, with hides of bears o’erspread.

        Now Night had shed her silver dews around, And with her sable wings embrac’d the ground, When love’s fair goddess, anxious for her son, (New tumults rising, and new wars begun,) Couch’d with her husband in his golden bed, With these alluring words invokes his aid; And, that her pleasing speech his mind may move, Inspires each accent with the charms of love: “While cruel fate conspir’d with Grecian pow’rs, To level with the ground the Trojan tow’rs, I ask’d not aid th’ unhappy to restore, Nor did the succor of thy skill implore; Nor urg’d the labors of my lord in vain, A sinking empire longer to sustain,

        Tho’much I ow’d to Priam’s house, and more The dangers of Aeneas did deplore.

        But now, by Jove’s command, and fate’s decree, His race is doom’d to reign in Italy: With humble suit I beg thy needful art, O still propitious pow’r, that rules my heart!

        A mother kneels a suppliant for her son.

        By Thetis and Aurora thou wert won

        To forge impenetrable shields, and grace With fated arms a less illustrious race.

        Behold, what haughty nations are combin’d Against the relics of the Phrygian kind, With fire and sword my people to destroy, And conquer Venus twice, in conqu’ring Troy.”

        She said; and straight her arms, of snowy hue, About her unresolving husband threw.

        Her soft embraces soon infuse desire; His bones and marrow sudden warmth inspire; And all the godhead feels the wonted fire.

        Not half so swift the rattling thunder flies, Or forky lightnings flash along the skies.

        The goddess, proud of her successful wiles, And conscious of her form, in secret smiles.

        Then thus the pow’r, obnoxious to her charms, Panting, and half dissolving in her arms: “Why seek you reasons for a cause so just, Or your own beauties or my love distrust?

        Long since, had you requir’d my helpful hand, Th’ artificer and art you might command, To labor arms for Troy: nor Jove, nor fate, Confin’d their empire to so short a date.

        And, if you now desire new wars to wage, My skill I promise, and my pains engage.

        Whatever melting metals can conspire, Or breathing bellows, or the forming fire, Is freely yours: your anxious fears remove, And think no task is difficult to love.”

        Trembling he spoke; and, eager of her charms, He snatch’d the willing goddess to his arms; Till in her lap infus’d, he lay possess’d Of full desire, and sunk to pleasing rest.

        Now when the Night her middle race had rode, And his first slumber had refresh’d the god-The time when early housewives leave the bed; When living embers on the hearth they spread, Supply the lamp, and call the maids to rise-With yawning mouths, and with half-open’d eyes, They ply the distaff by the winking light, And to their daily labor add the night: Thus frugally they earn their children’s bread, And uncorrupted keep the nuptial bed-Not less concern’d, nor at a later hour, Rose from his downy couch the forging pow’r.

        Sacred to Vulcan’s name, an isle there lay, Betwixt Sicilia’s coasts and Lipare,

        Rais’d high on smoking rocks; and, deep below, In hollow caves the fires of Aetna glow.

        The Cyclops here their heavy hammers deal; Loud strokes, and hissings of tormented steel, Are heard around; the boiling waters roar, And smoky flames thro’ fuming tunnels soar.

        Hether the Father of the Fire, by night, Thro’ the brown air precipitates his flight.

        On their eternal anvils here he found The brethren beating, and the blows go round.

        A load of pointless thunder now there lies Before their hands, to ripen for the skies: These darts, for angry Jove, they daily cast; Consum’d on mortals with prodigious waste.

        Three rays of writhen rain, of fire three more, Of winged southern winds and cloudy store As many parts, the dreadful mixture frame; And fears are added, and avenging flame.

        Inferior ministers, for Mars, repair

        His broken axletrees and blunted war, And send him forth again with furbish’d arms, To wake the lazy war with trumpets’ loud alarms.

        The rest refresh the scaly snakes that fold The shield of Pallas, and renew their gold.

        Full on the crest the Gorgon’s head they place, With eyes that roll in death, and with distorted face.

        “My sons,” said Vulcan, “set your tasks aside; Your strength and master-skill must now be tried.

        Arms for a hero forge; arms that require Your force, your speed, and all your forming fire.”

        He said. They set their former work aside, And their new toils with eager haste divide.

        A flood of molten silver, brass, and gold, And deadly steel, in the large furnace roll’d; Of this, their artful hands a shield prepare, Alone sufficient to sustain the war.

        Sev’n orbs within a spacious round they close: One stirs the fire, and one the bellows blows.

        The hissing steel is in the smithy drown’d; The grot with beaten anvils groans around.

        By turns their arms advance, in equal time; By turns their hands descend, and hammers chime.

        They turn the glowing mass with crooked tongs; The fiery work proceeds, with rustic songs.

        While, at the Lemnian god’s command, they urge Their labors thus, and ply th’ Aeolian forge, The cheerful morn salutes Evander’s eyes, And songs of chirping birds invite to rise.

        He leaves his lowly bed: his buskins meet Above his ankles; sandals sheathe his feet: He sets his trusty sword upon his side, And o’er his shoulder throws a panther’s hide.

        Two menial dogs before their master press’d.

        Thus clad, and guarded thus, he seeks his kingly guest.

        Mindful of promis’d aid, he mends his pace, But meets Aeneas in the middle space.

        Young Pallas did his father’s steps attend, And true Achates waited on his friend.

        They join their hands; a secret seat they choose; Th’ Arcadian first their former talk renews: “Undaunted prince, I never can believe The Trojan empire lost, while you survive.

        Command th’ assistance of a faithful friend; But feeble are the succors I can send.

        Our narrow kingdom here the Tiber bounds; That other side the Latian state surrounds, Insults our walls, and wastes our fruitful grounds.

        But mighty nations I prepare, to join Their arms with yours, and aid your just design.

        You come, as by your better genius sent, And fortune seems to favor your intent.

        Not far from hence there stands a hilly town, Of ancient building, and of high renown, Torn from the Tuscans by the Lydian race, Who gave the name of Caere to the place, Once Agyllina call’d. It flourish’d long, In pride of wealth and warlike people strong, Till curs’d Mezentius, in a fatal hour, Assum’d the crown, with arbitrary pow’r.

        What words can paint those execrable times, The subjects’ suff’rings, and the tyrant’s crimes!

        That blood, those murthers, O ye gods, replace On his own head, and on his impious race!

        The living and the dead at his command Were coupled, face to face, and hand to hand, Till, chok’d with stench, in loath’d embraces tied, The ling’ring wretches pin’d away and died.

        Thus plung’d in ills, and meditating more-The people’s patience, tir’d, no longer bore The raging monster; but with arms beset His house, and vengeance and destruction threat.

        They fire his palace: while the flame ascends, They force his guards, and execute his friends.

        He cleaves the crowd, and, favor’d by the night, To Turnus’ friendly court directs his flight.

        By just revenge the Tuscans set on fire, With arms, their king to punishment require: Their num’rous troops, now muster’d on the strand, My counsel shall submit to your command.

        Their navy swarms upon the coasts; they cry To hoist their anchors, but the gods deny.

        An ancient augur, skill’d in future fate, With these foreboding words restrains their hate: ‘Ye brave in arms, ye Lydian blood, the flow’r Of Tuscan youth, and choice of all their pow’r, Whom just revenge against Mezentius arms, To seek your tyrant’s death by lawful arms; Know this: no native of our land may lead This pow’rful people; seek a foreign head.’

        Aw’d with these words, in camps they still abide, And wait with longing looks their promis’d guide.

        Tarchon, the Tuscan chief, to me has sent Their crown, and ev’ry regal ornament: The people join their own with his desire; And all my conduct, as their king, require.

        But the chill blood that creeps within my veins, And age, and listless limbs unfit for pains, And a soul conscious of its own decay, Have forc’d me to refuse imperial sway.

        My Pallas were more fit to mount the throne, And should, but he’s a Sabine mother’s son, And half a native; but, in you, combine A manly vigor, and a foreign line.

        Where Fate and smiling Fortune shew the way, Pursue the ready path to sov’reign sway.

        The staff of my declining days, my son, Shall make your good or ill success his own; In fighting fields from you shall learn to dare, And serve the hard apprenticeship of war; Your matchless courage and your conduct view, And early shall begin t’ admire and copy you.

        Besides, two hundred horse he shall command; Tho’ few, a warlike and well-chosen band.

        These in my name are listed; and my son As many more has added in his own.”

        Scarce had he said; Achates and his guest, With downcast eyes, their silent grief express’d; Who, short of succors, and in deep despair, Shook at the dismal prospect of the war.

        But his bright mother, from a breaking cloud, To cheer her issue, thunder’d thrice aloud; Thrice forky lightning flash’d along the sky, And Tyrrhene trumpets thrice were heard on high.

        Then, gazing up, repeated peals they hear; And, in a heav’n serene, refulgent arms appear: Redd’ning the skies, and glitt’ring all around, The temper’d metals clash, and yield a silver sound.

        The rest stood trembling, struck with awe divine; Aeneas only, conscious to the sign,

        Presag’d th’ event, and joyful view’d, above, Th’ accomplish’d promise of the Queen of Love.

        Then, to th’ Arcadian king: “This prodigy (Dismiss your fear) belongs alone to me.

        Heav’n calls me to the war: th’ expected sign Is giv’n of promis’d aid, and arms divine.

        My goddess mother, whose indulgent care Foresaw the dangers of the growing war, This omen gave, when bright Vulcanian arms, Fated from force of steel by Stygian charms, Suspended, shone on high: she then foreshow’d Approaching fights, and fields to float in blood.

        Turnus shall dearly pay for faith forsworn; And corps, and swords, and shields, on Tiber borne, Shall choke his flood: now sound the loud alarms; And, Latian troops, prepare your perjur’d arms.”

        He said, and, rising from his homely throne, The solemn rites of Hercules begun,

        And on his altars wak’d the sleeping fires; Then cheerful to his household gods retires; There offers chosen sheep. Th’ Arcadian king And Trojan youth the same oblations bring.

        Next, of his men and ships he makes review; Draws out the best and ablest of the crew.

        Down with the falling stream the refuse run, To raise with joyful news his drooping son.

        Steeds are prepar’d to mount the Trojan band, Who wait their leader to the Tyrrhene land.

        A sprightly courser, fairer than the rest, The king himself presents his royal guest: A lion’s hide his back and limbs infold, Precious with studded work, and paws of gold.

        Fame thro’ the little city spreads aloud Th’ intended march, amid the fearful crowd: The matrons beat their breasts, dissolve in tears, And double their devotion in their fears.

        The war at hand appears with more affright, And rises ev’ry moment to the sight.

        Then old Evander, with a close embrace, Strain’d his departing friend; and tears o’erflow his face.

        “Would Heav’n,” said he, “my strength and youth recall, Such as I was beneath Praeneste’s wall; Then when I made the foremost foes retire, And set whole heaps of conquer’d shields on fire; When Herilus in single fight I slew,

        Whom with three lives Feronia did endue; And thrice I sent him to the Stygian shore, Till the last ebbing soul return’d no more-Such if I stood renew’d, not these alarms, Nor death, should rend me from my Pallas’ arms; Nor proud Mezentius, thus unpunish’d, boast His rapes and murthers on the Tuscan coast.

        Ye gods, and mighty Jove, in pity bring Relief, and hear a father and a king!

        If fate and you reserve these eyes, to see My son return with peace and victory; If the lov’d boy shall bless his father’s sight; If we shall meet again with more delight; Then draw my life in length; let me sustain, In hopes of his embrace, the worst of pain.

        But if your hard decrees-which, O! I dread-Have doom’d to death his undeserving head; This, O this very moment, let me die!

        While hopes and fears in equal balance lie; While, yet possess’d of all his youthful charms, I strain him close within these aged arms; Before that fatal news my soul shall wound!”

        He said, and, swooning, sunk upon the ground.

        His servants bore him off, and softly laid His languish’d limbs upon his homely bed.

        The horsemen march; the gates are open’d wide; Aeneas at their head, Achates by his side.

        Next these, the Trojan leaders rode along; Last follows in the rear th’ Arcadian throng.

        Young Pallas shone conspicuous o’er the rest; Gilded his arms, embroider’d was his vest.

        So, from the seas, exerts his radiant head The star by whom the lights of heav’n are led; Shakes from his rosy locks the pearly dews, Dispels the darkness, and the day renews.

        The trembling wives the walls and turrets crowd, And follow, with their eyes, the dusty cloud, Which winds disperse by fits, and shew from far The blaze of arms, and shields, and shining war.

        The troops, drawn up in beautiful array, O’er heathy plains pursue the ready way.

        Repeated peals of shouts are heard around; The neighing coursers answer to the sound, And shake with horny hoofs the solid ground.

        A greenwood shade, for long religion known, Stands by the streams that wash the Tuscan town, Incompass’d round with gloomy hills above, Which add a holy horror to the grove.

        The first inhabitants of Grecian blood, That sacred forest to Silvanus vow’d, The guardian of their flocks and fields; and pay Their due devotions on his annual day.

        Not far from hence, along the river’s side, In tents secure, the Tuscan troops abide, By Tarchon led. Now, from a rising ground, Aeneas cast his wond’ring eyes around, And all the Tyrrhene army had in sight, Stretch’d on the spacious plain from left to right.

        Thether his warlike train the Trojan led, Refresh’d his men, and wearied horses fed.

        Meantime the mother goddess, crown’d with charms, Breaks thro’ the clouds, and brings the fated arms.

        Within a winding vale she finds her son, On the cool river’s banks, retir’d alone.

        She shews her heav’nly form without disguise, And gives herself to his desiring eyes.

        “Behold,” she said, “perform’d in ev’ry part, My promise made, and Vulcan’s labor’d art.

        Now seek, secure, the Latian enemy,

        And haughty Turnus to the field defy.”

        She said; and, having first her son embrac’d, The radiant arms beneath an oak she plac’d, Proud of the gift, he roll’d his greedy sight Around the work, and gaz’d with vast delight.

        He lifts, he turns, he poises, and admires The crested helm, that vomits radiant fires: His hands the fatal sword and corslet hold, One keen with temper’d steel, one stiff with gold: Both ample, flaming both, and beamy bright; So shines a cloud, when edg’d with adverse light.

        He shakes the pointed spear, and longs to try The plated cuishes on his manly thigh; But most admires the shield’s mysterious mold, And Roman triumphs rising on the gold: For these, emboss’d, the heav’nly smith had wrought (Not in the rolls of future fate untaught) The wars in order, and the race divine Of warriors issuing from the Julian line.

        The cave of Mars was dress’d with mossy greens: There, by the wolf, were laid the martial twins.

        Intrepid on her swelling dugs they hung; The foster dam loll’d out her fawning tongue: They suck’d secure, while, bending back her head, She lick’d their tender limbs, and form’d them as they fed.

        Not far from thence new Rome appears, with games Projected for the rape of Sabine dames.

        The pit resounds with shrieks; a war succeeds, For breach of public faith, and unexampled deeds.

        Here for revenge the Sabine troops contend; The Romans there with arms the prey defend.

        Wearied with tedious war, at length they cease; And both the kings and kingdoms plight the peace.

        The friendly chiefs before Jove’s altar stand, Both arm’d, with each a charger in his hand: A fatted sow for sacrifice is led,

        With imprecations on the perjur’d head.

        Near this, the traitor Metius, stretch’d between Four fiery steeds, is dragg’d along the green, By Tullus’ doom: the brambles drink his blood, And his torn limbs are left the vulture’s food.

        There, Porsena to Rome proud Tarquin brings, And would by force restore the banish’d kings.

        One tyrant for his fellow-tyrant fights; The Roman youth assert their native rights.

        Before the town the Tuscan army lies, To win by famine, or by fraud surprise.

        Their king, half-threat’ning, half-disdaining stood, While Cocles broke the bridge, and stemm’d the flood.

        The captive maids there tempt the raging tide, Scap’d from their chains, with Cloelia for their guide.

        High on a rock heroic Manlius stood,

        To guard the temple, and the temple’s god.

        Then Rome was poor; and there you might behold The palace thatch’d with straw, now roof’d with gold.

        The silver goose before the shining gate There flew, and, by her cackle, sav’d the state.

        She told the Gauls’ approach; th’ approaching Gauls, Obscure in night, ascend, and seize the walls.

        The gold dissembled well their yellow hair, And golden chains on their white necks they wear.

        Gold are their vests; long Alpine spears they wield, And their left arm sustains a length of shield.

        Hard by, the leaping Salian priests advance; And naked thro’ the streets the mad Luperci dance, In caps of wool; the targets dropp’d from heav’n.

        Here modest matrons, in soft litters driv’n, To pay their vows in solemn pomp appear, And odorous gums in their chaste hands they bear.

        Far hence remov’d, the Stygian seats are seen; Pains of the damn’d, and punish’d Catiline Hung on a rock-the traitor; and, around, The Furies hissing from the nether ground.

        Apart from these, the happy souls he draws, And Cato’s holy ghost dispensing laws.

        Betwixt the quarters flows a golden sea; But foaming surges there in silver play.

        The dancing dolphins with their tails divide The glitt’ring waves, and cut the precious tide.

        Amid the main, two mighty fleets engage Their brazen beaks, oppos’d with equal rage.

        Actium surveys the well-disputed prize; Leucate’s wat’ry plain with foamy billows fries.

        Young Caesar, on the stern, in armor bright, Here leads the Romans and their gods to fight: His beamy temples shoot their flames afar, And o’er his head is hung the Julian star.

        Agrippa seconds him, with prosp’rous gales, And, with propitious gods, his foes assails: A naval crown, that binds his manly brows, The happy fortune of the fight foreshows.

        Rang’d on the line oppos’d, Antonius brings Barbarian aids, and troops of Eastern kings; Th’ Arabians near, and Bactrians from afar, Of tongues discordant, and a mingled war: And, rich in gaudy robes, amidst the strife, His ill fate follows him-th’ Egyptian wife.

        Moving they fight; with oars and forky prows The froth is gather’d, and the water glows.

        It seems, as if the Cyclades again

        Were rooted up, and justled in the main; Or floating mountains floating mountains meet; Such is the fierce encounter of the fleet.

        Fireballs are thrown, and pointed jav’lins fly; The fields of Neptune take a purple dye.

        The queen herself, amidst the loud alarms, With cymbals toss’d her fainting soldiers warms-Fool as she was! who had not yet divin’d Her cruel fate, nor saw the snakes behind.

        Her country gods, the monsters of the sky, Great Neptune, Pallas, and Love’s Queen defy: The dog Anubis barks, but barks in vain, Nor longer dares oppose th’ ethereal train.

        Mars in the middle of the shining shield Is grav’d, and strides along the liquid field.

        The Dirae souse from heav’n with swift descent; And Discord, dyed in blood, with garments rent, Divides the prease: her steps Bellona treads, And shakes her iron rod above their heads.

        This seen, Apollo, from his Actian height, Pours down his arrows; at whose winged flight The trembling Indians and Egyptians yield, And soft Sabaeans quit the wat’ry field.

        The fatal mistress hoists her silken sails, And, shrinking from the fight, invokes the gales.

        Aghast she looks, and heaves her breast for breath, Panting, and pale with fear of future death.

        The god had figur’d her as driv’n along By winds and waves, and scudding thro’ the throng.

        Just opposite, sad Nilus opens wide

        His arms and ample bosom to the tide, And spreads his mantle o’er the winding coast, In which he wraps his queen, and hides the flying host.

        The victor to the gods his thanks express’d, And Rome, triumphant, with his presence bless’d.

        Three hundred temples in the town he plac’d; With spoils and altars ev’ry temple grac’d.

        Three shining nights, and three succeeding days, The fields resound with shouts, the streets with praise, The domes with songs, the theaters with plays.

        All altars flame: before each altar lies, Drench’d in his gore, the destin’d sacrifice.

        Great Caesar sits sublime upon his throne, Before Apollo’s porch of Parian stone; Accepts the presents vow’d for victory, And hangs the monumental crowns on high.

        Vast crowds of vanquish’d nations march along, Various in arms, in habit, and in tongue.

        Here, Mulciber assigns the proper place For Carians, and th’ ungirt Numidian race; Then ranks the Thracians in the second row, With Scythians, expert in the dart and bow.

        And here the tam’d Euphrates humbly glides, And there the Rhine submits her swelling tides, And proud Araxes, whom no bridge could bind; The Danes’ unconquer’d offspring march behind, And Morini, the last of humankind.

        These figures, on the shield divinely wrought, By Vulcan labor’d, and by Venus brought, With joy and wonder fill the hero’s thought.

        Unknown the names, he yet admires the grace, And bears aloft the fame and fortune of his race.

        BOOK IX

        While these affairs in distant places pass’d, The various Iris Juno sends with haste, To find bold Turnus, who, with anxious thought, The secret shade of his great grandsire sought.

        Retir’d alone she found the daring man, And op’d her rosy lips, and thus began: “What none of all the gods could grant thy vows, That, Turnus, this auspicious day bestows.

        Aeneas, gone to seek th’ Arcadian prince, Has left the Trojan camp without defense; And, short of succors there, employs his pains In parts remote to raise the Tuscan swains.

        Now snatch an hour that favors thy designs; Unite thy forces, and attack their lines.”

        This said, on equal wings she pois’d her weight, And form’d a radiant rainbow in her flight.

        The Daunian hero lifts his hands eyes, And thus invokes the goddess as she flies: “Iris, the grace of heav’n, what pow’r divine Has sent thee down, thro’ dusky clouds to shine?

        See, they divide; immortal day appears, And glitt’ring planets dancing in their spheres!

        With joy, these happy omens I obey,

        And follow to the war the god that leads the way.”

        Thus having said, as by the brook he stood, He scoop’d the water from the crystal flood; Then with his hands the drops to heav’n he throws, And loads the pow’rs above with offer’d vows.

        Now march the bold confed’rates thro’ the plain, Well hors’d, well clad; a rich and shining train.

        Messapus leads the van; and, in the rear, The sons of Tyrrheus in bright arms appear.

        In the main battle, with his flaming crest, The mighty Turnus tow’rs above the rest.

        Silent they move, majestically slow,

        Like ebbing Nile, or Ganges in his flow.

        The Trojans view the dusty cloud from far, And the dark menace of the distant war.

        Caicus from the rampire saw it rise,

        Black’ning the fields, and thick’ning thro’ the skies.

        Then to his fellows thus aloud he calls: “What rolling clouds, my friends, approach the walls?

        Arm! arm! and man the works! prepare your spears And pointed darts! the Latian host appears.”

        Thus warn’d, they shut their gates; with shouts ascend The bulwarks, and, secure, their foes attend: For their wise gen’ral, with foreseeing care, Had charg’d them not to tempt the doubtful war, Nor, tho’ provok’d, in open fields advance, But close within their lines attend their chance.

        Unwilling, yet they keep the strict command, And sourly wait in arms the hostile band.

        The fiery Turnus flew before the rest: A piebald steed of Thracian strain he press’d; His helm of massy gold, and crimson was his crest.

        With twenty horse to second his designs, An unexpected foe, he fac’d the lines.

        “Is there,” he said, “in arms, who bravely dare His leader’s honor and his danger share?”

        Then spurring on, his brandish’d dart he threw, In sign of war: applauding shouts ensue.

        Amaz’d to find a dastard race, that run Behind the rampires and the battle shun, He rides around the camp, with rolling eyes, And stops at ev’ry post, and ev’ry passage tries.

        So roams the nightly wolf about the fold: Wet with descending show’rs, and stiff with cold, He howls for hunger, and he grins for pain, (His gnashing teeth are exercis’d in vain,) And, impotent of anger, finds no way

        In his distended paws to grasp the prey.

        The mothers listen; but the bleating lambs Securely swig the dug, beneath the dams.

        Thus ranges eager Turnus o’er the plain.

        Sharp with desire, and furious with disdain; Surveys each passage with a piercing sight, To force his foes in equal field to fight.

        Thus while he gazes round, at length he spies, Where, fenc’d with strong redoubts, their navy lies, Close underneath the walls; the washing tide Secures from all approach this weaker side.

        He takes the wish’d occasion, fills his hand With ready fires, and shakes a flaming brand.

        Urg’d by his presence, ev’ry soul is warm’d, And ev’ry hand with kindled firs is arm’d.

        From the fir’d pines the scatt’ring sparkles fly; Fat vapors, mix’d with flames, involve the sky.

        What pow’r, O Muses, could avert the flame Which threaten’d, in the fleet, the Trojan name?

        Tell: for the fact, thro’ length of time obscure, Is hard to faith; yet shall the fame endure.

        ‘T is said that, when the chief prepar’d his flight, And fell’d his timber from Mount Ida’s height, The grandam goddess then approach’d her son, And with a mother’s majesty begun:

        “Grant me,” she said, “the sole request I bring, Since conquer’d heav’n has own’d you for its king.

        On Ida’s brows, for ages past, there stood, With firs and maples fill’d, a shady wood; And on the summit rose a sacred grove, Where I was worship’d with religious love.

        Those woods, that holy grove, my long delight, I gave the Trojan prince, to speed his flight.

        Now, fill’d with fear, on their behalf I come; Let neither winds o’erset, nor waves intomb The floating forests of the sacred pine; But let it be their safety to be mine.”

        Then thus replied her awful son, who rolls The radiant stars, and heav’n and earth controls: “How dare you, mother, endless date demand For vessels molded by a mortal hand?

        What then is fate? Shall bold Aeneas ride, Of safety certain, on th’ uncertain tide?

        Yet, what I can, I grant; when, wafted o’er, The chief is landed on the Latian shore, Whatever ships escape the raging storms, At my command shall change their fading forms To nymphs divine, and plow the wat’ry way, Like Dotis and the daughters of the sea.”

        To seal his sacred vow, by Styx he swore, The lake of liquid pitch, the dreary shore, And Phlegethon’s innavigable flood,

        And the black regions of his brother god.

        He said; and shook the skies with his imperial nod.

        And now at length the number’d hours were come, Prefix’d by fate’s irrevocable doom,

        When the great Mother of the Gods was free To save her ships, and finish Jove’s decree.

        First, from the quarter of the morn, there sprung A light that sign’d the heav’ns, and shot along; Then from a cloud, fring’d round with golden fires, Were timbrels heard, and Berecynthian choirs; And, last, a voice, with more than mortal sounds, Both hosts, in arms oppos’d, with equal horror wounds: “O Trojan race, your needless aid forbear, And know, my ships are my peculiar care.

        With greater ease the bold Rutulian may, With hissing brands, attempt to burn the sea, Than singe my sacred pines. But you, my charge, Loos’d from your crooked anchors, launch at large, Exalted each a nymph: forsake the sand, And swim the seas, at Cybele’s command.”

        No sooner had the goddess ceas’d to speak, When, lo! th’ obedient ships their haulsers break; And, strange to tell, like dolphins, in the main They plunge their prows, and dive, and spring again: As many beauteous maids the billows sweep, As rode before tall vessels on the deep.

        The foes, surpris’d with wonder, stood aghast; Messapus curb’d his fiery courser’s haste; Old Tiber roar’d, and, raising up his head, Call’d back his waters to their oozy bed.

        Turnus alone, undaunted, bore the shock, And with these words his trembling troops bespoke: “These monsters for the Trojans’ fate are meant, And are by Jove for black presages sent.

        He takes the cowards’ last relief away; For fly they cannot, and, constrain’d to stay, Must yield unfought, a base inglorious prey.

        The liquid half of all the globe is lost; Heav’n shuts the seas, and we secure the coast.

        Theirs is no more than that small spot of ground Which myriads of our martial men surround.

        Their fates I fear not, or vain oracles.

        ‘T was giv’n to Venus they should cross the seas, And land secure upon the Latian plains: Their promis’d hour is pass’d, and mine remains.

        ‘T is in the fate of Turnus to destroy, With sword and fire, the faithless race of Troy.

        Shall such affronts as these alone inflame The Grecian brothers, and the Grecian name?

        My cause and theirs is one; a fatal strife, And final ruin, for a ravish’d wife.

        Was ‘t not enough, that, punish’d for the crime, They fell; but will they fall a second time?

        One would have thought they paid enough before, To curse the costly sex, and durst offend no more.

        Can they securely trust their feeble wall, A slight partition, a thin interval,

        Betwixt their fate and them; when Troy, tho’ built By hands divine, yet perish’d by their guilt?

        Lend me, for once, my friends, your valiant hands, To force from out their lines these dastard bands.

        Less than a thousand ships will end this war, Nor Vulcan needs his fated arms prepare.

        Let all the Tuscans, all th’ Arcadians, join!

        Nor these, nor those, shall frustrate my design.

        Let them not fear the treasons of the night, The robb’d Palladium, the pretended flight: Our onset shall be made in open light.

        No wooden engine shall their town betray; Fires they shall have around, but fires by day.

        No Grecian babes before their camp appear, Whom Hector’s arms detain’d to the tenth tardy year.

        Now, since the sun is rolling to the west, Give we the silent night to needful rest: Refresh your bodies, and your arms prepare; The morn shall end the small remains of war.”

        The post of honor to Messapus falls,

        To keep the nightly guard, to watch the walls, To pitch the fires at distances around, And close the Trojans in their scanty ground.

        Twice seven Rutulian captains ready stand, And twice seven hundred horse these chiefs command; All clad in shining arms the works invest, Each with a radiant helm and waving crest.

        Stretch’d at their length, they press the grassy ground; They laugh, they sing, (the jolly bowls go round,) With lights and cheerful fires renew the day, And pass the wakeful night in feasts and play.

        The Trojans, from above, their foes beheld, And with arm’d legions all the rampires fill’d.

        Seiz’d with affright, their gates they first explore; Join works to works with bridges, tow’r to tow’r: Thus all things needful for defense abound.

        Mnestheus and brave Seresthus walk the round, Commission’d by their absent prince to share The common danger, and divide the care.

        The soldiers draw their lots, and, as they fall, By turns relieve each other on the wall.

        Nigh where the foes their utmost guards advance, To watch the gate was warlike Nisus’ chance.

        His father Hyrtacus of noble blood;

        His mother was a huntress of the wood, And sent him to the wars. Well could he bear His lance in fight, and dart the flying spear, But better skill’d unerring shafts to send.

        Beside him stood Euryalus, his friend: Euryalus, than whom the Trojan host

        No fairer face, or sweeter air, could boast-Scarce had the down to shade his cheeks begun.

        One was their care, and their delight was one: One common hazard in the war they shar’d, And now were both by choice upon the guard.

        Then Nisus thus: “Or do the gods inspire This warmth, or make we gods of our desire?

        A gen’rous ardor boils within my breast, Eager of action, enemy to rest:

        This urges me to fight, and fires my mind To leave a memorable name behind.

        Thou see’st the foe secure; how faintly shine Their scatter’d fires! the most, in sleep supine Along the ground, an easy conquest lie: The wakeful few the fuming flagon ply; All hush’d around. Now hear what I revolve-A thought unripe-and scarcely yet resolve.

        Our absent prince both camp and council mourn; By message both would hasten his return: If they confer what I demand on thee, (For fame is recompense enough for me,) Methinks, beneath yon hill, I have espied A way that safely will my passage guide.”

        Euryalus stood list’ning while he spoke, With love of praise and noble envy struck; Then to his ardent friend expos’d his mind: “All this, alone, and leaving me behind!

        Am I unworthy, Nisus, to be join’d?

        Thinkist thou I can my share of glory yield, Or send thee unassisted to the field?

        Not so my father taught my childhood arms; Born in a siege, and bred among alarms!

        Nor is my youth unworthy of my friend, Nor of the heav’n-born hero I attend.

        The thing call’d life, with ease I can disclaim, And think it over-sold to purchase fame.”

        Then Nisus thus: “Alas! thy tender years Would minister new matter to my fears.

        So may the gods, who view this friendly strife, Restore me to thy lov’d embrace with life, Condemn’d to pay my vows, (as sure I trust,) This thy request is cruel and unjust.

        But if some chance-as many chances are, And doubtful hazards, in the deeds of war-If one should reach my head, there let it fall, And spare thy life; I would not perish all.

        Thy bloomy youth deserves a longer date: Live thou to mourn thy love’s unhappy fate; To bear my mangled body from the foe, Or buy it back, and fun’ral rites bestow.

        Or, if hard fortune shall those dues deny, Thou canst at least an empty tomb supply.

        O let not me the widow’s tears renew!

        Nor let a mother’s curse my name pursue: Thy pious parent, who, for love of thee, Forsook the coasts of friendly Sicily, Her age committing to the seas and wind, When ev’ry weary matron stay’d behind.”

        To this, Euryalus: “You plead in vain, And but protract the cause you cannot gain.

        No more delays, but haste!” With that, he wakes The nodding watch; each to his office takes.

        The guard reliev’d, the gen’rous couple went To find the council at the royal tent.

        All creatures else forgot their daily care, And sleep, the common gift of nature, share; Except the Trojan peers, who wakeful sate In nightly council for th’ indanger’d state.

        They vote a message to their absent chief, Shew their distress, and beg a swift relief.

        Amid the camp a silent seat they chose, Remote from clamor, and secure from foes.

        On their left arms their ample shields they bear, The right reclin’d upon the bending spear.

        Now Nisus and his friend approach the guard, And beg admission, eager to be heard: Th’ affair important, not to be deferr’d.

        Ascanius bids ‘em be conducted in,

        Ord’ring the more experienc’d to begin.

        Then Nisus thus: “Ye fathers, lend your ears; Nor judge our bold attempt beyond our years.

        The foe, securely drench’d in sleep and wine, Neglect their watch; the fires but thinly shine; And where the smoke in cloudy vapors flies, Cov’ring the plain, and curling to the skies, Betwixt two paths, which at the gate divide, Close by the sea, a passage we have spied, Which will our way to great Aeneas guide.

        Expect each hour to see him safe again, Loaded with spoils of foes in battle slain.

        Snatch we the lucky minute while we may; Nor can we be mistaken in the way;

        For, hunting in the vale, we both have seen The rising turrets, and the stream between, And know the winding course, with ev’ry ford.”

        He ceas’d; and old Alethes took the word: “Our country gods, in whom our trust we place, Will yet from ruin save the Trojan race, While we behold such dauntless worth appear In dawning youth, and souls so void of fear.”

        Then into tears of joy the father broke; Each in his longing arms by turns he took; Panted and paus’d; and thus again he spoke: “Ye brave young men, what equal gifts can we, In recompense of such desert, decree?

        The greatest, sure, and best you can receive, The gods and your own conscious worth will give.

        The rest our grateful gen’ral will bestow, And young Ascanius till his manhood owe.”

        “And I, whose welfare in my father lies,”

        Ascanius adds, “by the great deities, By my dear country, by my household gods, By hoary Vesta’s rites and dark abodes, Adjure you both, (on you my fortune stands; That and my faith I plight into your hands,) Make me but happy in his safe return, Whose wanted presence I can only mourn; Your common gift shall two large goblets be Of silver, wrought with curious imagery, And high emboss’d, which, when old Priam reign’d, My conqu’ring sire at sack’d Arisba gain’d; And more, two tripods cast in antic mold, With two great talents of the finest gold; Beside a costly bowl, ingrav’d with art, Which Dido gave, when first she gave her heart.

        But, if in conquer’d Italy we reign,

        When spoils by lot the victor shall obtain-Thou saw’st the courser by proud Turnus press’d: That, Nisus, and his arms, and nodding crest, And shield, from chance exempt, shall be thy share: Twelve lab’ring slaves, twelve handmaids young and fair All clad in rich attire, and train’d with care; And, last, a Latian field with fruitful plains, And a large portion of the king’s domains.

        But thou, whose years are more to mine allied-No fate my vow’d affection shall divide From thee, heroic youth! Be wholly mine; Take full possession; all my soul is thine.

        One faith, one fame, one fate, shall both attend; My life’s companion, and my bosom friend: My peace shall be committed to thy care, And to thy conduct my concerns in war.”

        Then thus the young Euryalus replied: “Whatever fortune, good or bad, betide, The same shall be my age, as now my youth; No time shall find me wanting to my truth.

        This only from your goodness let me gain (And, this ungranted, all rewards are vain) Of Priam’s royal race my mother came-And sure the best that ever bore the name-Whom neither Troy nor Sicily could hold From me departing, but, o’erspent and old, My fate she follow’d. Ignorant of this (Whatever) danger, neither parting kiss, Nor pious blessing taken, her I leave, And in this only act of all my life deceive.

        By this right hand and conscious Night I swear, My soul so sad a farewell could not bear.

        Be you her comfort; fill my vacant place (Permit me to presume so great a grace) Support her age, forsaken and distress’d.

        That hope alone will fortify my breast Against the worst of fortunes, and of fears.”

        He said. The mov’d assistants melt in tears.

        Then thus Ascanius, wonderstruck to see That image of his filial piety:

        “So great beginnings, in so green an age, Exact the faith which I again ingage.

        Thy mother all the dues shall justly claim, Creusa had, and only want the name.

        Whate’er event thy bold attempt shall have, ‘T is merit to have borne a son so brave.

        Now by my head, a sacred oath, I swear, (My father us’d it,) what, returning here Crown’d with success, I for thyself prepare, That, if thou fail, shall thy lov’d mother share.”

        He said, and weeping, while he spoke the word, From his broad belt he drew a shining sword, Magnificent with gold. Lycaon made,

        And in an ivory scabbard sheath’d the blade.

        This was his gift. Great Mnestheus gave his friend A lion’s hide, his body to defend;

        And good Alethes furnish’d him, beside, With his own trusty helm, of temper tried.

        Thus arm’d they went. The noble Trojans wait Their issuing forth, and follow to the gate With prayers and vows. Above the rest appears Ascanius, manly far beyond his years, And messages committed to their care, Which all in winds were lost, and flitting air.

        The trenches first they pass’d; then took their way Where their proud foes in pitch’d pavilions lay; To many fatal, ere themselves were slain.

        They found the careless host dispers’d upon the plain, Who, gorg’d, and drunk with wine, supinely snore.

        Unharness’d chariots stand along the shore: Amidst the wheels and reins, the goblet by, A medley of debauch and war, they lie.

        Observing Nisus shew’d his friend the sight: “Behold a conquest gain’d without a fight.

        Occasion offers, and I stand prepar’d; There lies our way; be thou upon the guard, And look around, while I securely go, And hew a passage thro’ the sleeping foe.”

        Softly he spoke; then striding took his way, With his drawn sword, where haughty Rhamnes lay; His head rais’d high on tapestry beneath, And heaving from his breast, he drew his breath; A king and prophet, by King Turnus lov’d: But fate by prescience cannot be remov’d.

        Him and his sleeping slaves he slew; then spies Where Remus, with his rich retinue, lies.

        His armor-bearer first, and next he kills His charioteer, intrench’d betwixt the wheels And his lov’d horses; last invades their lord; Full on his neck he drives the fatal sword: The gasping head flies off; a purple flood Flows from the trunk, that welters in the blood, Which, by the spurning heels dispers’d around, The bed besprinkles and bedews the ground.

        Lamus the bold, and Lamyrus the strong, He slew, and then Serranus fair and young.

        From dice and wine the youth retir’d to rest, And puff’d the fumy god from out his breast: Ev’n then he dreamt of drink and lucky play-More lucky, had it lasted till the day.

        The famish’d lion thus, with hunger bold, O’erleaps the fences of the nightly fold, And tears the peaceful flocks: with silent awe Trembling they lie, and pant beneath his paw.

        Nor with less rage Euryalus employs

        The wrathful sword, or fewer foes destroys; But on th’ ignoble crowd his fury flew; He Fadus, Hebesus, and Rhoetus slew.

        Oppress’d with heavy sleep the former fell, But Rhoetus wakeful, and observing all: Behind a spacious jar he slink’d for fear; The fatal iron found and reach’d him there; For, as he rose, it pierc’d his naked side, And, reeking, thence return’d in crimson dyed.

        The wound pours out a stream of wine and blood; The purple soul comes floating in the flood.

        Now, where Messapus quarter’d, they arrive.

        The fires were fainting there, and just alive; The warrior-horses, tied in order, fed.

        Nisus observ’d the discipline, and said: “Our eager thirst of blood may both betray; And see the scatter’d streaks of dawning day, Foe to nocturnal thefts. No more, my friend; Here let our glutted execution end.

        A lane thro’ slaughter’d bodies we have made.”

        The bold Euryalus, tho’ loth, obey’d.

        Of arms, and arras, and of plate, they find A precious load; but these they leave behind.

        Yet, fond of gaudy spoils, the boy would stay To make the rich caparison his prey,

        Which on the steed of conquer’d Rhamnes lay.

        Nor did his eyes less longingly behold The girdle-belt, with nails of burnish’d gold.

        This present Caedicus the rich bestow’d On Remulus, when friendship first they vow’d, And, absent, join’d in hospitable ties: He, dying, to his heir bequeath’d the prize; Till, by the conqu’ring Ardean troops oppress’d, He fell; and they the glorious gift possess’d.

        These glitt’ring spoils (now made the victor’s gain) He to his body suits, but suits in vain: Messapus’ helm he finds among the rest, And laces on, and wears the waving crest.

        Proud of their conquest, prouder of their prey, They leave the camp, and take the ready way.

        But far they had not pass’d, before they spied Three hundred horse, with Volscens for their guide.

        The queen a legion to King Turnus sent; But the swift horse the slower foot prevent, And now, advancing, sought the leader’s tent.

        They saw the pair; for, thro’ the doubtful shade, His shining helm Euryalus betray’d,

        On which the moon with full reflection play’d.

        “‘T is not for naught,” cried Volscens from the crowd, “These men go there;” then rais’d his voice aloud: “Stand! stand! why thus in arms? And whither bent?

        From whence, to whom, and on what errand sent?”

        Silent they scud away, and haste their flight To neighb’ring woods, and trust themselves to night.

        The speedy horse all passages belay,

        And spur their smoking steeds to cross their way, And watch each entrance of the winding wood.

        Black was the forest: thick with beech it stood, Horrid with fern, and intricate with thorn; Few paths of human feet, or tracks of beasts, were worn.

        The darkness of the shades, his heavy prey, And fear, misled the younger from his way.

        But Nisus hit the turns with happier haste, And, thoughtless of his friend, the forest pass’d, And Alban plains, from Alba’s name so call’d, Where King Latinus then his oxen stall’d; Till, turning at the length, he stood his ground, And miss’d his friend, and cast his eyes around: “Ah wretch!” he cried, “where have I left behind Th’ unhappy youth? where shall I hope to find?

        Or what way take?” Again he ventures back, And treads the mazes of his former track.

        He winds the wood, and, list’ning, hears the noise Of tramping coursers, and the riders’ voice.

        The sound approach’d; and suddenly he view’d The foes inclosing, and his friend pursued, Forelaid and taken, while he strove in vain The shelter of the friendly shades to gain.

        What should he next attempt? what arms employ, What fruitless force, to free the captive boy?

        Or desperate should he rush and lose his life, With odds oppress’d, in such unequal strife?

        Resolv’d at length, his pointed spear he shook; And, casting on the moon a mournful look: “Guardian of groves, and goddess of the night, Fair queen,” he said, “direct my dart aright.

        If e’er my pious father, for my sake, Did grateful off’rings on thy altars make, Or I increas’d them with my sylvan toils, And hung thy holy roofs with savage spoils, Give me to scatter these.” Then from his ear He pois’d, and aim’d, and launch’d the trembling spear.

        The deadly weapon, hissing from the grove, Impetuous on the back of Sulmo drove; Pierc’d his thin armor, drank his vital blood, And in his body left the broken

        He staggers round; his eyeballs roll in death, And with short sobs he gasps away his breath.

        All stand amaz’d-a second jav’lin flies With equal strength, and quivers thro’ the skies.

        This thro’ thy temples, Tagus, forc’d the way, And in the brainpan warmly buried lay.

        Fierce Volscens foams with rage, and, gazing round, Descried not him who gave the fatal wound, Nor knew to fix revenge: “But thou,” he cries, “Shalt pay for both,” and at the pris’ner flies With his drawn sword. Then, struck with deep despair, That cruel sight the lover could not bear; But from his covert rush’d in open view, And sent his voice before him as he flew: “Me! me!” he cried- “turn all your swords alone On me-the fact confess’d, the fault my own.

        He neither could nor durst, the guiltless youth: Ye moon and stars, bear witness to the truth!

        His only crime (if friendship can offend) Is too much love to his unhappy friend.”

        Too late he speaks: the sword, which fury guides, Driv’n with full force, had pierc’d his tender sides.

        Down fell the beauteous youth: the yawning wound Gush’d out a purple stream, and stain’d the ground.

        His snowy neck reclines upon his breast, Like a fair flow’r by the keen share oppress’d; Like a white poppy sinking on the plain, Whose heavy head is overcharg’d with rain.

        Despair, and rage, and vengeance justly vow’d, Drove Nisus headlong on the hostile crowd.

        Volscens he seeks; on him alone he bends: Borne back and bor’d by his surrounding friends, Onward he press’d, and kept him still in sight; Then whirl’d aloft his sword with all his might: Th’ unerring steel descended while he spoke, Piered his wide mouth, and thro’ his weazon broke.

        Dying, he slew; and, stagg’ring on the plain, With swimming eyes he sought his lover slain; Then quiet on his bleeding bosom fell, Content, in death, to be reveng’d so well.

        O happy friends! for, if my verse can give Immortal life, your fame shall ever live, Fix’d as the Capitol’s foundation lies, And spread, where’er the Roman eagle flies!

        The conqu’ring party first divide the prey, Then their slain leader to the camp convey.

        With wonder, as they went, the troops were fill’d, To see such numbers whom so few had kill’d.

        Serranus, Rhamnes, and the rest, they found: Vast crowds the dying and the dead surround; And the yet reeking blood o’erflows the ground.

        All knew the helmet which Messapus lost, But mourn’d a purchase that so dear had cost.

        Now rose the ruddy morn from Tithon’s bed, And with the dawn of day the skies o’erspread; Nor long the sun his daily course withheld, But added colors to the world reveal’d: When early Turnus, wak’ning with the light, All clad in armor, calls his troops to fight.

        His martial men with fierce harangue he fir’d, And his own ardor in their souls inspir’d.

        This done-to give new terror to his foes, The heads of Nisus and his friend he shows, Rais’d high on pointed spears-a ghastly sight: Loud peals of shouts ensue, and barbarous delight.

        Meantime the Trojans run, where danger calls; They line their trenches, and they man their walls.

        In front extended to the left they stood; Safe was the right, surrounded by the flood.

        But, casting from their tow’rs a frightful view, They saw the faces, which too well they knew, Tho’ then disguis’d in death, and smear’d all o’er With filth obscene, and dropping putrid gore.

        Soon hasty fame thro’ the sad city bears The mournful message to the mother’s ears.

        An icy cold benumbs her limbs; she shakes; Her cheeks the blood, her hand the web forsakes.

        She runs the rampires round amidst the war, Nor fears the flying darts; she rends her hair, And fills with loud laments the liquid air.

        “Thus, then, my lov’d Euryalus appears!

        Thus looks the prop my declining years!

        Was’t on this face my famish’d eyes I fed?

        Ah! how unlike the living is the dead!

        And could’st thou leave me, cruel, thus alone?

        Not one kind kiss from a departing son!

        No look, no last adieu before he went, In an ill-boding hour to slaughter sent!

        Cold on the ground, and pressing foreign clay, To Latian dogs and fowls he lies a prey!

        Nor was I near to close his dying eyes, To wash his wounds, to weep his obsequies, To call about his corpse his crying friends, Or spread the mantle (made for other ends) On his dear body, which I wove with care, Nor did my daily pains or nightly labor spare.

        Where shall I find his corpse? what earth sustains His trunk dismember’d, and his cold remains?

        For this, alas! I left my needful ease, Expos’d my life to winds and winter seas!

        If any pity touch Rutulian hearts,

        Here empty all your quivers, all your darts; Or, if they fail, thou, Jove, conclude my woe, And send me thunderstruck to shades below!”

        Her shrieks and clamors pierce the Trojans’ ears, Unman their courage, and augment their fears; Nor young Ascanius could the sight sustain, Nor old Ilioneus his tears restrain,

        But Actor and Idaeus jointly sent,

        To bear the madding mother to her tent.

        And now the trumpets terribly, from far, With rattling clangor, rouse the sleepy war.

        The soldiers’ shouts succeed the brazen sounds; And heav’n, from pole to pole, the noise rebounds.

        The Volscians bear their shields upon their head, And, rushing forward, form a moving shed.

        These fill the ditch; those pull the bulwarks down: Some raise the ladders; others scale the town.

        But, where void spaces on the walls appear, Or thin defense, they pour their forces there.

        With poles and missive weapons, from afar, The Trojans keep aloof the rising war.

        Taught, by their ten years’ siege, defensive fight, They roll down ribs of rocks, an unresisted weight, To break the penthouse with the pond’rous blow, Which yet the patient Volscians undergo: But could not bear th’ unequal combat long; For, where the Trojans find the thickest throng, The ruin falls: their shatter’d shields give way, And their crush’d heads become an easy prey.

        They shrink for fear, abated of their rage, Nor longer dare in a blind fight engage; Contented now to gall them from below With darts and slings, and with the distant bow.

        Elsewhere Mezentius, terrible to view, A blazing pine within the trenches threw.

        But brave Messapus, Neptune’s warlike son, Broke down the palisades, the trenches won, And loud for ladders calls, to scale the town.

        Calliope, begin! Ye sacred Nine,

        Inspire your poet in his high design, To sing what slaughter manly Turnus made, What souls he sent below the Stygian shade, What fame the soldiers with their captain share, And the vast circuit of the fatal war; For you in singing martial facts excel; You best remember, and alone can tell.

        There stood a tow’r, amazing to the sight, Built up of beams, and of stupendous height: Art, and the nature of the place, conspir’d To furnish all the strength that war requir’d.

        To level this, the bold Italians join; The wary Trojans obviate their design; With weighty stones o’erwhelm their troops below, Shoot thro’ the loopholes, and sharp jav’lins throw.

        Turnus, the chief, toss’d from his thund’ring hand Against the wooden walls, a flaming brand: It stuck, the fiery plague; the winds were high; The planks were season’d, and the timber dry.

        Contagion caught the posts; it spread along, Scorch’d, and to distance drove the scatter’d throng.

        The Trojans fled; the fire pursued amain, Still gath’ring fast upon the trembling train; Till, crowding to the corners of the wall, Down the defense and the defenders fall.

        The mighty flaw makes heav’n itself resound: The dead and dying Trojans strew the ground.

        The tow’r, that follow’d on the fallen crew, Whelm’d o’er their heads, and buried whom it slew: Some stuck upon the darts themselves had sent; All the same equal ruin underwent.

        Young Lycus and Helenor only scape;

        Sav’d-how, they know not-from the steepy leap.

        Helenor, elder of the two: by birth,

        On one side royal, one a son of earth, Whom to the Lydian king Licymnia bare, And sent her boasted bastard to the war (A privilege which none but freemen share).

        Slight were his arms, a sword and silver shield: No marks of honor charg’d its empty field.

        Light as he fell, so light the youth arose, And rising, found himself amidst his foes; Nor flight was left, nor hopes to force his way.

        Embolden’d by despair, he stood at bay; And-like a stag, whom all the troop surrounds Of eager huntsmen and invading hounds-Resolv’d on death, he dissipates his fears, And bounds aloft against the pointed spears: So dares the youth, secure of death; and throws His dying body on his thickest foes.

        But Lycus, swifter of his feet by far, Runs, doubles, winds and turns, amidst the war; Springs to the walls, and leaves his foes behind, And snatches at the beam he first can find; Looks up, and leaps aloft at all the stretch, In hopes the helping hand of some kind friend to reach.

        But Turnus follow’d hard his hunted prey (His spear had almost reach’d him in the way, Short of his reins, and scarce a span behind) “Fool!” said the chief, “tho’ fleeter than the wind, Couldst thou presume to scape, when I pursue?”

        He said, and downward by the feet he drew The trembling dastard; at the tug he falls; Vast ruins come along, rent from the smoking walls.

        Thus on some silver swan, or tim’rous hare, Jove’s bird comes sousing down from upper air; Her crooked talons truss the fearful prey: Then out of sight she soars, and wings her way.

        So seizes the grim wolf the tender lamb, In vain lamented by the bleating dam.

        Then rushing onward with a barb’rous cry, The troops of Turnus to the combat fly.

        The ditch with fagots fill’d, the daring foe Toss’d firebrands to the steepy turrets throw.

        Ilioneus, as bold Lucetius came

        To force the gate, and feed the kindling flame, Roll’d down the fragment of a rock so right, It crush’d him double underneath the weight.

        Two more young Liger and Asylas slew: To bend the bow young Liger better knew; Asylas best the pointed jav’lin threw.

        Brave Caeneus laid Ortygius on the plain; The victor Caeneus was by Turnus slain.

        By the same hand, Clonius and Itys fall, Sagar, and Ida, standing on the wall.

        From Capys’ arms his fate Privernus found: Hurt by Themilla first-but slight the wound-His shield thrown by, to mitigate the smart, He clapp’d his hand upon the wounded part: The second shaft came swift and unespied, And pierc’d his hand, and nail’d it to his side, Transfix’d his breathing lungs and beating heart: The soul came issuing out, and hiss’d against the dart.

        The son of Arcens shone amid the rest, In glitt’ring armor and a purple vest, (Fair was his face, his eyes inspiring love,) Bred by his father in the Martian grove, Where the fat altars of Palicus flame, And send in arms to purchase early fame.

        Him when he spied from far, the Tuscan king Laid by the lance, and took him to the sling, Thrice whirl’d the thong around his head, and threw: The heated lead half melted as it flew; It pierc’d his hollow temples and his brain; The youth came tumbling down, and spurn’d the plain.

        Then young Ascanius, who, before this day, Was wont in woods to shoot the savage prey, First bent in martial strife the twanging bow, And exercis’d against a human foe-With this bereft Numanus of his life, Who Turnus’ younger sister took to wife.

        Proud of his realm, and of his royal bride, Vaunting before his troops, and lengthen’d with a stride, In these insulting terms the Trojans he defied: “Twice-conquer’d cowards, now your shame is shown-Coop’d up a second time within your town!

        Who dare not issue forth in open field, But hold your walls before you for a shield.

        Thus threat you war? thus our alliance force?

        What gods, what madness, hether steer’d your course?

        You shall not find the sons of Atreus here, Nor need the frauds of sly Ulysses fear.

        Strong from the cradle, of a sturdy brood, We bear our newborn infants to the flood; There bath’d amid the stream, our boys we hold, With winter harden’d, and inur’d to cold.

        They wake before the day to range the wood, Kill ere they eat, nor taste unconquer’d food.

        No sports, but what belong to war, they know: To break the stubborn colt, to bend the bow.

        Our youth, of labor patient, earn their bread; Hardly they work, with frugal diet fed.

        From plows and harrows sent to seek renown, They fight in fields, and storm the shaken town.

        No part of life from toils of war is free, No change in age, or diff’rence in degree.

        We plow and till in arms; our oxen feel, Instead of goads, the spur and pointed steel; Th’ inverted lance makes furrows in the plain.

        Ev’n time, that changes all, yet changes us in vain: The body, not the mind; nor can control Th’ immortal vigor, or abate the soul.

        Our helms defend the young, disguise the gray: We live by plunder, and delight in prey.

        Your vests embroider’d with rich purple shine; In sloth you glory, and in dances join.

        Your vests have sweeping sleeves; with female pride Your turbants underneath your chins are tied.

        Go, Phrygians, to your Dindymus again!

        Go, less than women, in the shapes of men!

        Go, mix’d with eunuchs, in the Mother’s rites, Where with unequal sound the flute invites; Sing, dance, and howl, by turns, in Ida’s shade: Resign the war to men, who know the martial trade!”

        This foul reproach Ascanius could not hear With patience, or a vow’d revenge forbear.

        At the full stretch of both his hands he drew, And almost join’d the horns of the tough yew.

        But, first, before the throne of Jove he stood, And thus with lifted hands invok’d the god: “My first attempt, great Jupiter, succeed!

        An annual off’ring in thy grove shall bleed; A snow-white steer, before thy altar led, Who, like his mother, bears aloft his head, Butts with his threat’ning brows, and bellowing stands, And dares the fight, and spurns the yellow sands.”

        Jove bow’d the heav’ns, and lent a gracious ear, And thunder’d on the left, amidst the clear.

        Sounded at once the bow; and swiftly flies The feather’d death, and hisses thro’ the skies.

        The steel thro’ both his temples forc’d the way: Extended on the ground, Numanus lay.

        “Go now, vain boaster, and true valor scorn!

        The Phrygians, twice subdued, yet make this third return.”

        Ascanius said no more. The Trojans shake The heav’ns with shouting, and new vigor take.

        Apollo then bestrode a golden cloud,

        To view the feats of arms, and fighting crowd; And thus the beardless victor he bespoke aloud: “Advance, illustrious youth, increase in fame, And wide from east to west extend thy name; Offspring of gods thyself; and Rome shall owe To thee a race of demigods below.

        This is the way to heav’n: the pow’rs divine From this beginning date the Julian line.

        To thee, to them, and their victorious heirs, The conquer’d war is due, and the vast world is theirs.

        Troy is too narrow for thy name.” He said, And plunging downward shot his radiant head; Dispell’d the breathing air, that broke his flight: Shorn of his beams, a man to mortal sight.

        Old Butes’ form he took, Anchises’ squire, Now left, to rule Ascanius, by his sire: His wrinkled visage, and his hoary hairs, His mien, his habit, and his arms, he wears, And thus salutes the boy, too forward for his years: “Suffice it thee, thy father’s worthy son, The warlike prize thou hast already won.

        The god of archers gives thy youth a part Of his own praise, nor envies equal art.

        Now tempt the war no more.” He said, and flew Obscure in air, and vanish’d from their view.

        The Trojans, by his arms, their patron know, And hear the twanging of his heav’nly bow.

        Then duteous force they use, and Phoebus’ name, To keep from fight the youth too fond of fame.

        Undaunted, they themselves no danger shun; From wall to wall the shouts and clamors run.

        They bend their bows; they whirl their slings around; Heaps of spent arrows fall, and strew the ground; And helms, and shields, and rattling arms resound.

        The combat thickens, like the storm that flies From westward, when the show’ry Kids arise; Or patt’ring hail comes pouring on the main, When Jupiter descends in harden’d rain, Or bellowing clouds burst with a stormy sound, And with an armed winter strew the ground.

        Pand’rus and Bitias, thunderbolts of war, Whom Hiera to bold Alcanor bare

        On Ida’s top, two youths of height and size Like firs that on their mother mountain rise, Presuming on their force, the gates unbar, And of their own accord invite the war.

        With fates averse, against their king’s command, Arm’d, on the right and on the left they stand, And flank the passage: shining steel they wear, And waving crests above their heads appear.

        Thus two tall oaks, that Padus’ banks adorn, Lift up to heav’n their leafy heads unshorn, And, overpress’d with nature’s heavy load, Dance to the whistling winds, and at each other nod.

        In flows a tide of Latians, when they see The gate set open, and the passage free; Bold Quercens, with rash Tmarus, rushing on, Equicolus, that in bright armor shone, And Haemon first; but soon repuls’d they fly, Or in the well-defended pass they die.

        These with success are fir’d, and those with rage, And each on equal terms at length ingage.

        Drawn from their lines, and issuing on the plain, The Trojans hand to hand the fight maintain.

        Fierce Turnus in another quarter fought, When suddenly th’ unhop’d-for news was brought, The foes had left the fastness of their place, Prevail’d in fight, and had his men in chase.

        He quits th’ attack, and, to prevent their fate, Runs where the giant brothers guard the gate.

        The first he met, Antiphates the brave, But base-begotten on a Theban slave,

        Sarpedon’s son, he slew: the deadly dart Found passage thro’ his breast, and pierc’d his heart.

        Fix’d in the wound th’ Italian cornel stood, Warm’d in his lungs, and in his vital blood.

        Aphidnus next, and Erymanthus dies,

        And Meropes, and the gigantic size

        Of Bitias, threat’ning with his ardent eyes.

        Not by the feeble dart he fell oppress’d (A dart were lost within that roomy breast), But from a knotted lance, large, heavy, strong, Which roar’d like thunder as it whirl’d along: Not two bull hides th’ impetuous force withhold, Nor coat of double mail, with scales of gold.

        Down sunk the monster bulk and press’d the ground; His arms and clatt’ring shield on the vast body sound, Not with less ruin than the Bajan mole, Rais’d on the seas, the surges to control-At once comes tumbling down the rocky wall; Prone to the deep, the stones disjointed fall Of the vast pile; the scatter’d ocean flies; Black sands, discolor’d froth, and mingled mud arise: The frighted billows roll, and seek the shores; Then trembles Prochyta, then Ischia roars: Typhoeus, thrown beneath, by Jove’s command, Astonish’d at the flaw that shakes the land, Soon shifts his weary side, and, scarce awake, With wonder feels the weight press lighter on his back.

        The warrior god the Latian troops inspir’d, New strung their sinews, and their courage fir’d, But chills the Trojan hearts with cold affright: Then black despair precipitates their flight.

        When Pandarus beheld his brother kill’d, The town with fear and wild confusion fill’d, He turns the hinges of the heavy gate With both his hands, and adds his shoulders to the weight Some happier friends within the walls inclos’d; The rest shut out, to certain death expos’d: Fool as he was, and frantic in his care, T’ admit young Turnus, and include the war!

        He thrust amid the crowd, securely bold, Like a fierce tiger pent amid the fold.

        Too late his blazing buckler they descry, And sparkling fires that shot from either eye, His mighty members, and his ample breast, His rattling armor, and his crimson crest.

        Far from that hated face the Trojans fly, All but the fool who sought his destiny.

        Mad Pandarus steps forth, with vengeance vow’d For Bitias’ death, and threatens thus aloud: “These are not Ardea’s walls, nor this the town Amata proffers with Lavinia’s crown:

        ‘T is hostile earth you tread. Of hope bereft, No means of safe return by flight are left.”

        To whom, with count’nance calm, and soul sedate, Thus Turnus: “Then begin, and try thy fate: My message to the ghost of Priam bear; Tell him a new Achilles sent thee there.”

        A lance of tough ground ash the Trojan threw, Rough in the rind, and knotted as it grew: With his full force he whirl’d it first around; But the soft yielding air receiv’d the wound: Imperial Juno turn’d the course before, And fix’d the wand’ring weapon in the door.

        “But hope not thou,” said Turnus, “when I strike, To shun thy fate: our force is not alike, Nor thy steel temper’d by the Lemnian god.”

        Then rising, on his utmost stretch he stood, And aim’d from high: the full descending blow Cleaves the broad front and beardless cheeks in two.

        Down sinks the giant with a thund’ring sound: His pond’rous limbs oppress the trembling ground; Blood, brains, and foam gush from the gaping wound: Scalp, face, and shoulders the keen steel divides, And the shar’d visage hangs on equal sides.

        The Trojans fly from their approaching fate; And, had the victor then secur’d the gate, And to his troops without unclos’d the bars, One lucky day had ended all his wars.

        But boiling youth, and blind desire of blood, Push’d on his fury, to pursue the crowd.

        Hamstring’d behind, unhappy Gyges died; Then Phalaris is added to his side.

        The pointed jav’lins from the dead he drew, And their friends’ arms against their fellows threw.

        Strong Halys stands in vain; weak Phlegys flies; Saturnia, still at hand, new force and fire supplies.

        Then Halius, Prytanis, Alcander fall—

        Ingag’d against the foes who scal’d the wall: But, whom they fear’d without, they found within.

        At last, tho’ late, by Lynceus he was seen.

        He calls new succors, and assaults the prince: But weak his force, and vain is their defense.

        Turn’d to the right, his sword the hero drew, And at one blow the bold aggressor slew.

        He joints the neck; and, with a stroke so strong, The helm flies off, and bears the head along.

        Next him, the huntsman Amycus he kill’d, In darts invenom’d and in poison skill’d.

        Then Clytius fell beneath his fatal spear, And Creteus, whom the Muses held so dear: He fought with courage, and he sung the fight; Arms were his bus’ness, verses his delight.

        The Trojan chiefs behold, with rage and grief, Their slaughter’d friends, and hasten their relief.

        Bold Mnestheus rallies first the broken train, Whom brave Seresthus and his troop sustain.

        To save the living, and revenge the dead, Against one warrior’s arms all Troy they led.

        “O, void of sense and courage!” Mnestheus cried, “Where can you hope your coward heads to hide?

        Ah! where beyond these rampires can you run?

        One man, and in your camp inclos’d, you shun!

        Shall then a single sword such slaughter boast, And pass unpunish’d from a num’rous host?

        Forsaking honor, and renouncing fame, Your gods, your country, and your king you shame!”

        This just reproach their virtue does excite: They stand, they join, they thicken to the fight.

        Now Turnus doubts, and yet disdains to yield, But with slow paces measures back the field, And inches to the walls, where Tiber’s tide, Washing the camp, defends the weaker side.

        The more he loses, they advance the more, And tread in ev’ry step he trod before.

        They shout: they bear him back; and, whom by might They cannot conquer, they oppress with weight.

        As, compass’d with a wood of spears around, The lordly lion still maintains his ground; Grins horrible, retires, and turns again; Threats his distended paws, and shakes his mane; He loses while in vain he presses on, Nor will his courage let him dare to run: So Turnus fares, and, unresolved of flight, Moves tardy back, and just recedes from fight.

        Yet twice, inrag’d, the combat he renews, Twice breaks, and twice his broken foes pursues.

        But now they swarm, and, with fresh troops supplied, Come rolling on, and rush from ev’ry side: Nor Juno, who sustain’d his arms before, Dares with new strength suffice th’ exhausted store; For Jove, with sour commands, sent Iris down, To force th’ invader from the frighted town.

        With labor spent, no longer can he wield The heavy fanchion, or sustain the shield, O’erwhelm’d with darts, which from afar they fling: The weapons round his hollow temples ring; His golden helm gives way, with stony blows Batter’d, and flat, and beaten to his brows.

        His crest is rash’d away; his ample shield Is falsified, and round with jav’lins fill’d.

        The foe, now faint, the Trojans overwhelm; And Mnestheus lays hard load upon his helm.

        Sick sweat succeeds; he drops at ev’ry pore; With driving dust his cheeks are pasted o’er; Shorter and shorter ev’ry gasp he takes; And vain efforts and hurtless blows he makes.

        Plung’d in the flood, and made the waters fly.

        The yellow god the welcome burthen bore, And wip’d the sweat, and wash’d away the gore; Then gently wafts him to the farther coast, And sends him safe to cheer his anxious host.

        BOOK X

        The gates of heav’n unfold: Jove summons all The gods to council in the common hall.

        Sublimely seated, he surveys from far The fields, the camp, the fortune of the war, And all th’ inferior world. From first to last, The sov’reign senate in degrees are plac’d.

        Then thus th’ almighty sire began: “Ye gods, Natives or denizens of blest abodes,

        From whence these murmurs, and this change of mind, This backward fate from what was first design’d?

        Why this protracted war, when my commands Pronounc’d a peace, and gave the Latian lands?

        What fear or hope on either part divides Our heav’ns, and arms our powers on diff’rent sides?

        A lawful time of war at length will come, (Nor need your haste anticipate the doom), When Carthage shall contend the world with Rome, Shall force the rigid rocks and Alpine chains, And, like a flood, come pouring on the plains.

        Then is your time for faction and debate, For partial favor, and permitted hate.

        Let now your immature dissension cease; Sit quiet, and compose your souls to peace.”

        Thus Jupiter in few unfolds the charge; But lovely Venus thus replies at large: “O pow’r immense, eternal energy,

        (For to what else protection can we fly?) Seest thou the proud Rutulians, how they dare In fields, unpunish’d, and insult my care?

        How lofty Turnus vaunts amidst his train, In shining arms, triumphant on the plain?

        Ev’n in their lines and trenches they contend, And scarce their walls the Trojan troops defend: The town is fill’d with slaughter, and o’erfloats, With a red deluge, their increasing moats.

        Aeneas, ignorant, and far from thence, Has left a camp expos’d, without defense.

        This endless outrage shall they still sustain?

        Shall Troy renew’d be forc’d and fir’d again?

        A second siege my banish’d issue fears, And a new Diomede in arms appears.

        One more audacious mortal will be found; And I, thy daughter, wait another wound.

        Yet, if with fates averse, without thy leave, The Latian lands my progeny receive,

        Bear they the pains of violated law,

        And thy protection from their aid withdraw.

        But, if the gods their sure success foretell; If those of heav’n consent with those of hell, To promise Italy; who dare debate

        The pow’r of Jove, or fix another fate?

        What should I tell of tempests on the main, Of Aeolus usurping Neptune’s reign?

        Of Iris sent, with Bacchanalian heat

        T’ inspire the matrons, and destroy the fleet?

        Now Juno to the Stygian sky descends, Solicits hell for aid, and arms the fiends.

        That new example wanted yet above:

        An act that well became the wife of Jove!

        Alecto, rais’d by her, with rage inflames The peaceful bosoms of the Latian dames.

        Imperial sway no more exalts my mind; (Such hopes I had indeed, while Heav’n was kind;) Now let my happier foes possess my place, Whom Jove prefers before the Trojan race; And conquer they, whom you with conquest grace.

        Since you can spare, from all your wide command, No spot of earth, no hospitable land, Which may my wand’ring fugitives receive; (Since haughty Juno will not give you leave;) Then, father, (if I still may use that name,) By ruin’d Troy, yet smoking from the flame, I beg you, let Ascanius, by my care,

        Be freed from danger, and dismiss’d the war: Inglorious let him live, without a crown.

        The father may be cast on coasts unknown, Struggling with fate; but let me save the son.

        Mine is Cythera, mine the Cyprian tow’rs: In those recesses, and those sacred bow’rs, Obscurely let him rest; his right resign To promis’d empire, and his Julian line.

        Then Carthage may th’ Ausonian towns destroy, Nor fear the race of a rejected boy.

        What profits it my son to scape the fire, Arm’d with his gods, and loaded with his sire; To pass the perils of the seas and wind; Evade the Greeks, and leave the war behind; To reach th’ Italian shores; if, after all, Our second Pergamus is doom’d to fall?

        Much better had he curb’d his high desires, And hover’d o’er his ill-extinguish’d fires.

        To Simois’ banks the fugitives restore, And give them back to war, and all the woes before.”

        Deep indignation swell’d Saturnia’s heart: “And must I own,” she said, “my secret smart-What with more decence were in silence kept, And, but for this unjust reproach, had slept?

        Did god or man your fav’rite son advise, With war unhop’d the Latians to surprise?

        By fate, you boast, and by the gods’ decree, He left his native land for Italy!

        Confess the truth; by mad Cassandra, more Than Heav’n inspir’d, he sought a foreign shore!

        Did I persuade to trust his second Troy To the raw conduct of a beardless boy, With walls unfinish’d, which himself forsakes, And thro’ the waves a wand’ring voyage takes?

        When have I urg’d him meanly to demand The Tuscan aid, and arm a quiet land?

        Did I or Iris give this mad advice,

        Or made the fool himself the fatal choice?

        You think it hard, the Latians should destroy With swords your Trojans, and with fires your Troy!

        Hard and unjust indeed, for men to draw Their native air, nor take a foreign law!

        That Turnus is permitted still to live, To whom his birth a god and goddess give!

        But yet is just and lawful for your line To drive their fields, and force with fraud to join; Realms, not your own, among your clans divide, And from the bridegroom tear the promis’d bride; Petition, while you public arms prepare; Pretend a peace, and yet provoke a war!

        ‘T was giv’n to you, your darling son to shroud, To draw the dastard from the fighting crowd, And, for a man, obtend an empty cloud.

        From flaming fleets you turn’d the fire away, And chang’d the ships to daughters of the sea.

        But is my crime-the Queen of Heav’n offends, If she presume to save her suff’ring friends!

        Your son, not knowing what his foes decree, You say, is absent: absent let him be.

        Yours is Cythera, yours the Cyprian tow’rs, The soft recesses, and the sacred bow’rs.

        Why do you then these needless arms prepare, And thus provoke a people prone to war?

        Did I with fire the Trojan town deface, Or hinder from return your exil’d race?

        Was I the cause of mischief, or the man Whose lawless lust the fatal war began?

        Think on whose faith th’ adult’rous youth relied; Who promis’d, who procur’d, the Spartan bride?

        When all th’ united states of Greece combin’d, To purge the world of the perfidious kind, Then was your time to fear the Trojan fate: Your quarrels and complaints are now too late.”

        Thus Juno. Murmurs rise, with mix’d applause, Just as they favor or dislike the cause.

        So winds, when yet unfledg’d in woods they lie, In whispers first their tender voices try, Then issue on the main with bellowing rage, And storms to trembling mariners presage.

        Then thus to both replied th’ imperial god, Who shakes heav’n’s axles with his awful nod.

        (When he begins, the silent senate stand With rev’rence, list’ning to the dread command: The clouds dispel; the winds their breath restrain; And the hush’d waves lie flatted on the main.) “Celestials, your attentive ears incline!

        Since,” said the god, “the Trojans must not join In wish’d alliance with the Latian line; Since endless jarrings and immortal hate Tend but to discompose our happy state; The war henceforward be resign’d to fate: Each to his proper fortune stand or fall; Equal and unconcern’d I look on all.

        Rutulians, Trojans, are the same to me; And both shall draw the lots their fates decree.

        Let these assault, if Fortune be their friend; And, if she favors those, let those defend: The Fates will find their way.” The Thund’rer said, And shook the sacred honors of his head, Attesting Styx, th’ inviolable flood, And the black regions of his brother god.

        Trembled the poles of heav’n, and earth confess’d the nod.

        This end the sessions had: the senate rise, And to his palace wait their sov’reign thro’ the skies.

        Meantime, intent upon their siege, the foes Within their walls the Trojan host inclose: They wound, they kill, they watch at ev’ry gate; Renew the fires, and urge their happy fate.

        Th’ Aeneans wish in vain their wanted chief, Hopeless of flight, more hopeless of relief.

        Thin on the tow’rs they stand; and ev’n those few A feeble, fainting, and dejected crew.

        Yet in the face of danger some there stood: The two bold brothers of Sarpedon’s blood, Asius and Acmon; both th’ Assaraci;

        Young Haemon, and tho’ young, resolv’d to die.

        With these were Clarus and Thymoetes join’d; Tibris and Castor, both of Lycian kind.

        From Acmon’s hands a rolling stone there came, So large, it half deserv’d a mountain’s name: Strong-sinew’d was the youth, and big of bone; His brother Mnestheus could not more have done, Or the great father of th’ intrepid son.

        Some firebrands throw, some flights of arrows send; And some with darts, and some with stones defend.

        Amid the press appears the beauteous boy, The care of Venus, and the hope of Troy.

        His lovely face unarm’d, his head was bare; In ringlets o’er his shoulders hung his hair.

        His forehead circled with a diadem;

        Distinguish’d from the crowd, he shines a gem, Enchas’d in gold, or polish’d iv’ry set, Amidst the meaner foil of sable jet.

        Nor Ismarus was wanting to the war,

        Directing pointed arrows from afar,

        And death with poison arm’d-in Lydia born, Where plenteous harvests the fat fields adorn; Where proud Pactolus floats the fruitful lands, And leaves a rich manure of golden sands.

        There Capys, author of the Capuan name, And there was Mnestheus too, increas’d in fame, Since Turnus from the camp he cast with shame.

        Thus mortal war was wag’d on either side.

        Meantime the hero cuts the nightly tide: For, anxious, from Evander when he went, He sought the Tyrrhene camp, and Tarchon’s tent; Expos’d the cause of coming to the chief; His name and country told, and ask’d relief; Propos’d the terms; his own small strength declar’d; What vengeance proud Mezentius had prepar’d: What Turnus, bold and violent, design’d; Then shew’d the slipp’ry state of humankind, And fickle fortune; warn’d him to beware, And to his wholesome counsel added pray’r.

        Tarchon, without delay, the treaty signs, And to the Trojan troops the Tuscan joins.

        They soon set sail; nor now the fates withstand; Their forces trusted with a foreign hand.

        Aeneas leads; upon his stern appear

        Two lions carv’d, which rising Ida bear-Ida, to wand’ring Trojans ever dear.

        Under their grateful shade Aeneas sate, Revolving war’s events, and various fate.

        His left young Pallas kept, fix’d to his side, And oft of winds enquir’d, and of the tide; Oft of the stars, and of their wat’ry way; And what he suffer’d both by land and sea.

        Now, sacred sisters, open all your spring!

        The Tuscan leaders, and their army sing, Which follow’d great Aeneas to the war: Their arms, their numbers, and their names declare.

        A thousand youths brave Massicus obey, Borne in the Tiger thro’ the foaming sea; From Asium brought, and Cosa, by his care: For arms, light quivers, bows and shafts, they bear.

        Fierce Abas next: his men bright armor wore; His stern Apollo’s golden statue bore.

        Six hundred Populonia sent along,

        All skill’d in martial exercise, and strong.

        Three hundred more for battle Ilva joins, An isle renown’d for steel, and unexhausted mines.

        Asylas on his prow the third appears, Who heav’n interprets, and the wand’ring stars; From offer’d entrails prodigies expounds, And peals of thunder, with presaging sounds.

        A thousand spears in warlike order stand, Sent by the Pisans under his command.

        Fair Astur follows in the wat’ry field, Proud of his manag’d horse and painted shield.

        Gravisca, noisome from the neighb’ring fen, And his own Caere, sent three hundred men; With those which Minio’s fields and Pyrgi gave, All bred in arms, unanimous, and brave.

        Thou, Muse, the name of Cinyras renew, And brave Cupavo follow’d but by few; Whose helm confess’d the lineage of the man, And bore, with wings display’d, a silver swan.

        Love was the fault of his fam’d ancestry, Whose forms and fortunes in his ensigns fly.

        For Cycnus lov’d unhappy Phaeton,

        And sung his loss in poplar groves, alone, Beneath the sister shades, to soothe his grief.

        Heav’n heard his song, and hasten’d his relief, And chang’d to snowy plumes his hoary hair, And wing’d his flight, to chant aloft in air.

        His son Cupavo brush’d the briny flood: Upon his stern a brawny Centaur stood, Who heav’d a rock, and, threat’ning still to throw, With lifted hands alarm’d the seas below: They seem’d to fear the formidable sight, And roll’d their billows on, to speed his flight.

        Ocnus was next, who led his native train Of hardy warriors thro’ the wat’ry plain: The son of Manto by the Tuscan stream, From whence the Mantuan town derives the name-An ancient city, but of mix’d descent: Three sev’ral tribes compose the government; Four towns are under each; but all obey The Mantuan laws, and own the Tuscan sway.

        Hate to Mezentius arm’d five hundred more, Whom Mincius from his sire Benacus bore: Mincius, with wreaths of reeds his forehead cover’d o’er.

        These grave Auletes leads: a hundred sweep With stretching oars at once the glassy deep.

        Him and his martial train the Triton bears; High on his poop the sea-green god appears: Frowning he seems his crooked shell to sound, And at the blast the billows dance around.

        A hairy man above the waist he shows; A porpoise tail beneath his belly grows; And ends a fish: his breast the waves divides, And froth and foam augment the murm’ring tides.

        Full thirty ships transport the chosen train For Troy’s relief, and scour the briny main.

        Now was the world forsaken by the sun, And Phoebe half her nightly race had run.

        The careful chief, who never clos’d his eyes, Himself the rudder holds, the sails supplies.

        A choir of Nereids meet him on the flood, Once his own galleys, hewn from Ida’s wood; But now, as many nymphs, the sea they sweep, As rode, before, tall vessels on the deep.

        They know him from afar; and in a ring Inclose the ship that bore the Trojan king.

        Cymodoce, whose voice excell’d the rest, Above the waves advanc’d her snowy breast; Her right hand stops the stern; her left divides The curling ocean, and corrects the tides.

        She spoke for all the choir, and thus began With pleasing words to warn th’ unknowing man: “Sleeps our lov’d lord? O goddess-born, awake!

        Spread ev’ry sail, pursue your wat’ry track, And haste your course. Your navy once were we, From Ida’s height descending to the sea; Till Turnus, as at anchor fix’d we stood, Presum’d to violate our holy wood.

        Then, loos’d from shore, we fled his fires profane (Unwillingly we broke our master’s chain), And since have sought you thro’ the Tuscan main.

        The mighty Mother chang’d our forms to these, And gave us life immortal in the seas.

        But young Ascanius, in his camp distress’d, By your insulting foes is hardly press’d.

        Th’ Arcadian horsemen, and Etrurian host, Advance in order on the Latian coast: To cut their way the Daunian chief designs, Before their troops can reach the Trojan lines.

        Thou, when the rosy morn restores the light, First arm thy soldiers for th’ ensuing fight: Thyself the fated sword of Vulcan wield, And bear aloft th’ impenetrable shield.

        To-morrow’s sun, unless my skill be vain, Shall see huge heaps of foes in battle slain.”

        Parting, she spoke; and with immortal force Push’d on the vessel in her wat’ry course; For well she knew the way. Impell’d behind, The ship flew forward, and outstripp’d the wind.

        The rest make up. Unknowing of the cause, The chief admires their speed, and happy omens draws.

        Then thus he pray’d, and fix’d on heav’n his eyes: “Hear thou, great Mother of the deities.

        With turrets crown’d! (on Ida’s holy hill Fierce tigers, rein’d and curb’d, obey thy will.) Firm thy own omens; lead us on to fight; And let thy Phrygians conquer in thy right.”

        He said no more. And now renewing day Had chas’d the shadows of the night away.

        He charg’d the soldiers, with preventing care, Their flags to follow, and their arms prepare; Warn’d of th’ ensuing fight, and bade ‘em hope the war.

        Now, his lofty poop, he view’d below

        His camp incompass’d, and th’ inclosing foe.

        His blazing shield, imbrac’d, he held on high; The camp receive the sign, and with loud shouts reply.

        Hope arms their courage: from their tow’rs they throw Their darts with double force, and drive the foe.

        Thus, at the signal giv’n, the cranes arise Before the stormy south, and blacken all the skies.

        King Turnus wonder’d at the fight renew’d, Till, looking back, the Trojan fleet he view’d, The seas with swelling canvas cover’d o’er, And the swift ships descending on the shore.

        The Latians saw from far, with dazzled eyes, The radiant crest that seem’d in flames to rise, And dart diffusive fires around the field, And the keen glitt’ring the golden shield.

        Thus threat’ning comets, when by night they rise, Shoot sanguine streams, and sadden all the skies: So Sirius, flashing forth sinister lights, Pale humankind with plagues and with dry famine fright: Yet Turnus with undaunted mind is bent To man the shores, and hinder their descent, And thus awakes the courage of his friends: “What you so long have wish’d, kind Fortune sends; In ardent arms to meet th’ invading foe: You find, and find him at advantage now.

        Yours is the day: you need but only dare; Your swords will make you masters of the war.

        Your sires, your sons, your houses, and your lands, And dearest wifes, are all within your hands.

        Be mindful of the race from whence you came, And emulate in arms your fathers’ fame.

        Now take the time, while stagg’ring yet they stand With feet unfirm, and prepossess the strand: Fortune befriends the bold.” Nor more he said, But balanc’d whom to leave, and whom to lead; Then these elects, the landing to prevent; And those he leaves, to keep the city pent.

        Meantime the Trojan sends his troops ashore: Some are by boats expos’d, by bridges more.

        With lab’ring oars they bear along the strand, Where the tide languishes, and leap aland.

        Tarchon observes the coast with careful eyes, And, where no ford he finds, no water fries, Nor billows with unequal murmurs roar, But smoothly slide along, and swell the shore, That course he steer’d, and thus he gave command: “Here ply your oars, and at all hazard land: Force on the vessel, that her keel may wound This hated soil, and furrow hostile ground.

        Let me securely land-I ask no more;

        Then sink my ships, or shatter on the shore.”

        This fiery speech inflames his fearful friends: They tug at ev’ry oar, and ev’ry stretcher bends; They run their ships aground; the vessels knock, (Thus forc’d ashore,) and tremble with the shock.

        Tarchon’s alone was lost, that stranded stood, Stuck on a bank, and beaten by the flood: She breaks her back; the loosen’d sides give way, And plunge the Tuscan soldiers in the sea.

        Their broken oars and floating planks withstand Their passage, while they labor to the land, And ebbing tides bear back upon th’ uncertain sand.

        Now Turnus leads his troops without delay, Advancing to the margin of the sea.

        The trumpets sound: Aeneas first assail’d The clowns new-rais’d and raw, and soon prevail’d.

        Great Theron fell, an omen of the fight; Great Theron, large of limbs, of giant height.

        He first in open field defied the prince: But armor scal’d with gold was no defense Against the fated sword, which open’d wide His plated shield, and pierc’d his naked side.

        Next, Lichas fell, who, not like others born, Was from his wretched mother ripp’d and torn; Sacred, O Phoebus, from his birth to thee; For his beginning life from biting steel was free.

        Not far from him was Gyas laid along, Of monstrous bulk; with Cisseus fierce and strong: Vain bulk and strength! for, when the chief assail’d, Nor valor nor Herculean arms avail’d, Nor their fam’d father, wont in war to go With great Alcides, while he toil’d below.

        The noisy Pharos next receiv’d his death: Aeneas writh’d his dart, and stopp’d his bawling breath.

        Then wretched Cydon had receiv’d his doom, Who courted Clytius in his beardless bloom, And sought with lust obscene polluted joys: The Trojan sword had curd his love of boys, Had not his sev’n bold brethren stopp’d the course Of the fierce champions, with united force.

        Sev’n darts were thrown at once; and some rebound From his bright shield, some on his helmet sound: The rest had reach’d him; but his mother’s care Prevented those, and turn’d aside in air.

        The prince then call’d Achates, to supply The spears that knew the way to victory-

        “Those fatal weapons, which, inur’d to blood, In Grecian bodies under Ilium stood:

        Not one of those my hand shall toss in vain Against our foes, on this contended plain.”

        He said; then seiz’d a mighty spear, and threw; Which, wing’d with fate, thro’ Maeon’s buckler flew, Pierc’d all the brazen plates, and reach’d his heart: He stagger’d with intolerable smart.

        Alcanor saw; and reach’d, but reach’d in vain, His helping hand, his brother to sustain.

        A second spear, which kept the former course, From the same hand, and sent with equal force, His right arm pierc’d, and holding on, bereft His use of both, and pinion’d down his left.

        Then Numitor from his dead brother drew Th’ ill-omen’d spear, and at the Trojan threw: Preventing fate directs the lance awry, Which, glancing, only mark’d Achates’ thigh.

        In pride of youth the Sabine Clausus came, And, from afar, at Dryops took his aim.

        The spear flew hissing thro’ the middle space, And pierc’d his throat, directed at his face; It stopp’d at once the passage of his wind, And the free soul to flitting air resign’d: His forehead was the first that struck the ground; Lifeblood and life rush’d mingled thro’ the wound.

        He slew three brothers of the Borean race, And three, whom Ismarus, their native place, Had sent to war, but all the sons of Thrace.

        Halesus, next, the bold Aurunci leads: The son of Neptune to his aid succeeds, Conspicuous on his horse. On either hand, These fight to keep, and those to win, the land.

        With mutual blood th’ Ausonian soil is dyed, While on its borders each their claim decide.

        As wintry winds, contending in the sky, With equal force of lungs their titles try: They rage, they roar; the doubtful rack of heav’n Stands without motion, and the tide undriv’n: Each bent to conquer, neither side to yield, They long suspend the fortune of the field.

        Both armies thus perform what courage can; Foot set to foot, and mingled man to man.

        But, in another part, th’ Arcadian horse With ill success ingage the Latin force: For, where th’ impetuous torrent, rushing down, Huge craggy stones and rooted trees had thrown, They left their coursers, and, unus’d to fight On foot, were scatter’d in a shameful flight.

        Pallas, who with disdain and grief had view’d His foes pursuing, and his friends pursued, Us’d threat’nings mix’d with pray’rs, his last resource, With these to move their minds, with those to fire their force “Which way, companions? whether would you run?

        By you yourselves, and mighty battles won, By my great sire, by his establish’d name, And early promise of my future fame;

        By my youth, emulous of equal right

        To share his honors-shun ignoble flight!

        Trust not your feet: your hands must hew way Thro’ yon black body, and that thick array: ‘T is thro’ that forward path that we must come; There lies our way, and that our passage home.

        Nor pow’rs above, nor destinies below Oppress our arms: with equal strength we go, With mortal hands to meet a mortal foe.

        See on what foot we stand: a scanty shore, The sea behind, our enemies before;

        No passage left, unless we swim the main; Or, forcing these, the Trojan trenches gain.”

        This said, he strode with eager haste along, And bore amidst the thickest of the throng.

        Lagus, the first he met, with fate to foe, Had heav’d a stone of mighty weight, to throw: Stooping, the spear descended on his chine, Just where the bone distinguished either loin: It stuck so fast, so deeply buried lay, That scarce the victor forc’d the steel away.

        Hisbon came on: but, while he mov’d too slow To wish’d revenge, the prince prevents his blow; For, warding his at once, at once he press’d, And plung’d the fatal weapon in his breast.

        Then lewd Anchemolus he laid in dust, Who stain’d his stepdam’s bed with impious lust.

        And, after him, the Daucian twins were slain, Laris and Thymbrus, on the Latian plain; So wondrous like in feature, shape, and size, As caus’d an error in their parents’ eyes-Grateful mistake! but soon the sword decides The nice distinction, and their fate divides: For Thymbrus’ head was lopp’d; and Laris’ hand, Dismember’d, sought its owner on the strand: The trembling fingers yet the fauchion strain, And threaten still th’ intended stroke in vain.

        Now, to renew the charge, th’ Arcadians came: Sight of such acts, and sense of honest shame, And grief, with anger mix’d, their minds inflame.

        Then, with a casual blow was Rhoeteus slain, Who chanc’d, as Pallas threw, to cross the plain: The flying spear was after Ilus sent; But Rhoeteus happen’d on a death unmeant: From Teuthras and from Tyres while he fled, The lance, athwart his body, laid him dead: Roll’d from his chariot with a mortal wound, And intercepted fate, he spurn’d the ground.

        As when, in summer, welcome winds arise, The watchful shepherd to the forest flies, And fires the midmost plants; contagion spreads, And catching flames infect the neighb’ring heads; Around the forest flies the furious blast, And all the leafy nation sinks at last, And Vulcan rides in triumph o’er the waste; The pastor, pleas’d with his dire victory, Beholds the satiate flames in sheets ascend the sky: So Pallas’ troops their scatter’d strength unite, And, pouring on their foes, their prince delight.

        Halesus came, fierce with desire of blood; But first collected in his arms he stood: Advancing then, he plied the spear so well, Ladon, Demodocus, and Pheres fell.

        Around his head he toss’d his glitt’ring brand, And from Strymonius hew’d his better hand, Held up to guard his throat; then hurl’d a stone At Thoas’ ample front, and pierc’d the bone: It struck beneath the space of either eye; And blood, and mingled brains, together fly.

        Deep skill’d in future fates, Halesus’ sire Did with the youth to lonely groves retire: But, when the father’s mortal race was run, Dire destiny laid hold upon the son,

        And haul’d him to the war, to find, beneath Th’ Evandrian spear, a memorable death.

        Pallas th’ encounter seeks, but, ere he throws, To Tuscan Tiber thus address’d his vows: “O sacred stream, direct my flying dart, And give to pass the proud Halesus’ heart!

        His arms and spoils thy holy oak shall bear.”

        Pleas’d with the bribe, the god receiv’d his pray’r: For, while his shield protects a friend distress’d, The dart came driving on, and pierc’d his breast.

        But Lausus, no small portion of the war, Permits not panic fear to reign too far, Caus’d by the death of so renown’d a knight; But by his own example cheers the fight.

        Fierce Abas first he slew; Abas, the stay Of Trojan hopes, and hindrance of the day.

        The Phrygian troops escap’d the Greeks in vain: They, and their mix’d allies, now load the plain.

        To the rude shock of war both armies came; Their leaders equal, and their strength the same.

        The rear so press’d the front, they could not wield Their angry weapons, to dispute the field.

        Here Pallas urges on, and Lausus there: Of equal youth and beauty both appear, But both by fate forbid to breathe their native air.

        Their congress in the field great Jove withstands: Both doom’d to fall, but fall by greater hands.

        Meantime Juturna warns the Daunian chief Of Lausus’ danger, urging swift relief.

        With his driv’n chariot he divides the crowd, And, making to his friends, thus calls aloud: “Let none presume his needless aid to join; Retire, and clear the field; the fight is mine: To this right hand is Pallas only due; O were his father here, my just revenge to view!”

        From the forbidden space his men retir’d.

        Pallas their awe, and his stern words, admir’d; Survey’d him o’er and o’er with wond’ring sight, Struck with his haughty mien, and tow’ring height.

        Then to the king: “Your empty vaunts forbear; Success I hope, and fate I cannot fear; Alive or dead, I shall deserve a name; Jove is impartial, and to both the same.”

        He said, and to the void advanc’d his pace: Pale horror sate on each Arcadian face.

        Then Turnus, from his chariot leaping light, Address’d himself on foot to single fight.

        And, as a lion-when he spies from far A bull that seems to meditate the war, Bending his neck, and spurning back the sand-Runs roaring downward from his hilly stand: Imagine eager Turnus not more slow,

        To rush from high on his unequal foe.

        Young Pallas, when he saw the chief advance Within due distance of his flying lance, Prepares to charge him first, resolv’d to try If fortune would his want of force supply; And thus to Heav’n and Hercules address’d: “Alcides, once on earth Evander’s guest, His son adjures you by those holy rites, That hospitable board, those genial nights; Assist my great attempt to gain this prize, And let proud Turnus view, with dying eyes, His ravish’d spoils.” ‘T was heard, the vain request; Alcides mourn’d, and stifled sighs within his breast.

        Then Jove, to soothe his sorrow, thus began: “Short bounds of life are set to mortal man.

        ‘T is virtue’s work alone to stretch the narrow span.

        So many sons of gods, in bloody fight, Around the walls of Troy, have lost the light: My own Sarpedon fell beneath his foe; Nor I, his mighty sire, could ward the blow.

        Ev’n Turnus shortly shall resign his breath, And stands already on the verge of death.”

        This said, the god permits the fatal fight, But from the Latian fields averts his sight.

        Now with full force his spear young Pallas threw, And, having thrown, his shining fauchion drew The steel just graz’d along the shoulder joint, And mark’d it slightly with the glancing point, Fierce Turnus first to nearer distance drew, And pois’d his pointed spear, before he threw: Then, as the winged weapon whizz’d along, “See now,” said he, “whose arm is better strung.”

        The spear kept on the fatal course, unstay’d By plates of ir’n, which o’er the shield were laid: Thro’ folded brass and tough bull hides it pass’d, His corslet pierc’d, and reach’d his heart at last.

        In vain the youth tugs at the broken wood; The soul comes issuing with the vital blood: He falls; his arms upon his body sound; And with his bloody teeth he bites the ground.

        Turnus bestrode the corpse: “Arcadians, hear,”

        Said he; “my message to your master bear: Such as the sire deserv’d, the son I send; It costs him dear to be the Phrygians’ friend.

        The lifeless body, tell him, I bestow, Unask’d, to rest his wand’ring ghost below.”

        He said, and trampled down with all the force Of his left foot, and spurn’d the wretched corse; Then snatch’d the shining belt, with gold inlaid; The belt Eurytion’s artful hands had made, Where fifty fatal brides, express’d to sight, All in the compass of one mournful night, Depriv’d their bridegrooms of returning light.

        In an ill hour insulting Turnus tore

        Those golden spoils, and in a worse he wore.

        O mortals, blind in fate, who never know To bear high fortune, or endure the low!

        The time shall come, when Turnus, but in vain, Shall wish untouch’d the trophies of the slain; Shall wish the fatal belt were far away, And curse the dire remembrance of the day.

        The sad Arcadians, from th’ unhappy field, Bear back the breathless body on a shield.

        O grace and grief of war! at once restor’d, With praises, to thy sire, at once deplor’d!

        One day first sent thee to the fighting field, Beheld whole heaps of foes in battle kill’d; One day beheld thee dead, and borne upon thy shield.

        This dismal news, not from uncertain fame, But sad spectators, to the hero came: His friends upon the brink of ruin stand, Unless reliev’d by his victorious hand.

        He whirls his sword around, without delay, And hews thro’ adverse foes an ample way, To find fierce Turnus, of his conquest proud: Evander, Pallas, all that friendship ow’d To large deserts, are present to his eyes; His plighted hand, and hospitable ties.

        Four sons of Sulmo, four whom Ufens bred, He took in fight, and living victims led, To please the ghost of Pallas, and expire, In sacrifice, before his fun’ral fire.

        At Magus next he threw: he stoop’d below The flying spear, and shunn’d the promis’d blow; Then, creeping, clasp’d the hero’s knees, and pray’d: “By young Iulus, by thy father’s shade, O spare my life, and send me back to see My longing sire, and tender progeny!

        A lofty house I have, and wealth untold, In silver ingots, and in bars of gold: All these, and sums besides, which see no day, The ransom of this one poor life shall pay.

        If I survive, will Troy the less prevail?

        A single soul’s too light to turn the scale.”

        He said. The hero sternly thus replied: “Thy bars and ingots, and the sums beside, Leave for thy children’s lot. Thy Turnus broke All rules of war by one relentless stroke, When Pallas fell: so deems, nor deems alone My father’s shadow, but my living son.”

        Thus having said, of kind remorse bereft, He seiz’d his helm, and dragg’d him with his left; Then with his right hand, while his neck he wreath’d, Up to the hilts his shining fauchion sheath’d.

        Apollo’s priest, Emonides, was near;

        His holy fillets on his front appear; Glitt’ring in arms, he shone amidst the crowd; Much of his god, more of his purple, proud.

        Him the fierce Trojan follow’d thro’ the field: The holy coward fell; and, forc’d to yield, The prince stood o’er the priest, and, at one blow, Sent him an off’ring to the shades below.

        His arms Seresthus on his shoulders bears, Design’d a trophy to the God of Wars.

        Vulcanian Caeculus renews the fight,

        And Umbro, born upon the mountains’ height.

        The champion cheers his troops t’ encounter those, And seeks revenge himself on other foes.

        At Anxur’s shield he drove; and, at the blow, Both shield and arm to ground together go.

        Anxur had boasted much of magic charms, And thought he wore impenetrable arms, So made by mutter’d spells; and, from the spheres, Had life secur’d, in vain, for length of years.

        Then Tarquitus the field triumph trod; A nymph his mother, his sire a god.

        Exulting in bright arms, he braves the prince: With his protended lance he makes defense; Bears back his feeble foe; then, pressing on, Arrests his better hand, and drags him down; Stands o’er the prostrate wretch, and, as he lay, Vain tales inventing, and prepar’d to pray, Mows off his head: the trunk a moment stood, Then sunk, and roll’d along the sand in blood.

        The vengeful victor thus upbraids the slain: “Lie there, proud man, unpitied, on the plain; Lie there, inglorious, and without a tomb, Far from thy mother and thy native home, Exposed to savage beasts, and birds of prey, Or thrown for food to monsters of the sea.”

        On Lycas and Antaeus next he ran,

        Two chiefs of Turnus, and who led his van.

        They fled for fear; with these, he chas’d along Camers the yellow-lock’d, and Numa strong; Both great in arms, and both were fair and young.

        Camers was son to Volscens lately slain, In wealth surpassing all the Latian train, And in Amycla fix’d his silent easy reign.

        And, as Aegaeon, when with heav’n he strove, Stood opposite in arms to mighty Jove; Mov’d all his hundred hands, provok’d the war, Defied the forky lightning from afar; At fifty mouths his flaming breath expires, And flash for flash returns, and fires for fires; In his right hand as many swords he wields, And takes the thunder on as many shields: With strength like his, the Trojan hero stood; And soon the fields with falling corps were strow’d, When once his fauchion found the taste of blood.

        With fury scarce to be conceiv’d, he flew Against Niphaeus, whom four coursers drew.

        They, when they see the fiery chief advance, And pushing at their chests his pointed lance, Wheel’d with so swift a motion, mad with fear, They threw their master headlong from the chair.

        They stare, they start, nor stop their course, before They bear the bounding chariot to the shore.

        Now Lucagus and Liger scour the plains, With two white steeds; but Liger holds the reins, And Lucagus the lofty seat maintains: Bold brethren both. The former wav’d in air His flaming sword: Aeneas couch’d his spear, Unus’d to threats, and more unus’d to fear.

        Then Liger thus: “Thy confidence is vain To scape from hence, as from the Trojan plain: Nor these the steeds which Diomede bestrode, Nor this the chariot where Achilles rode; Nor Venus’ veil is here, near Neptune’s shield; Thy fatal hour is come, and this the field.”

        Thus Liger vainly vaunts: the Trojan

        Return’d his answer with his flying spear.

        As Lucagus, to lash his horses, bends, Prone to the wheels, and his left foot protends, Prepar’d for fight; the fatal dart arrives, And thro’ the borders of his buckler drives; Pass’d thro’ and pierc’d his groin: the deadly wound, Cast from his chariot, roll’d him on the ground.

        Whom thus the chief upbraids with scornful spite: “Blame not the slowness of your steeds in flight; Vain shadows did not force their swift retreat; But you yourself forsake your empty seat.”

        He said, and seiz’d at once the loosen’d rein; For Liger lay already on the plain,

        By the same shock: then, stretching out his hands, The recreant thus his wretched life demands: “Now, by thyself, O more than mortal man!

        By her and him from whom thy breath began, Who form’d thee thus divine, I beg thee, spare This forfeit life, and hear thy suppliant’s pray’r.”

        Thus much he spoke, and more he would have said; But the stern hero turn’d aside his head, And cut him short: “I hear another man; You talk’d not thus before the fight began.

        Now take your turn; and, as a brother should, Attend your brother to the Stygian flood.”

        Then thro’ his breast his fatal sword he sent, And the soul issued at the gaping vent.

        As storms the skies, and torrents tear the ground, Thus rag’d the prince, and scatter’d deaths around.

        At length Ascanius and the Trojan train Broke from the camp, so long besieg’d in vain.

        Meantime the King of Gods and Mortal Man Held conference with his queen, and thus began: “My sister goddess, and well-pleasing wife, Still think you Venus’ aid supports the strife-Sustains her Trojans-or themselves, alone, With inborn valor force their fortune on?

        How fierce in fight, with courage undecay’d!

        Judge if such warriors want immortal aid.”

        To whom the goddess with the charming eyes, Soft in her tone, submissively replies: “Why, O my sov’reign lord, whose frown I fear, And cannot, unconcern’d, your anger bear; Why urge you thus my grief? when, if I still (As once I was) were mistress of your will, From your almighty pow’r your pleasing wife Might gain the grace of length’ning Turnus’ life, Securely snatch him from the fatal fight, And give him to his aged father’s sight.

        Now let him perish, since you hold it good, And glut the Trojans with his pious blood.

        Yet from our lineage he derives his name, And, in the fourth degree, from god Pilumnus came; Yet he devoutly pays you rites divine, And offers daily incense at your shrine.”

        Then shortly thus the sov’reign god replied: “Since in my pow’r and goodness you confide, If for a little space, a lengthen’d span, You beg reprieve for this expiring man, I grant you leave to take your Turnus hence From instant fate, and can so far dispense.

        But, if some secret meaning lies beneath, To save the short-liv’d youth from destin’d death, Or if a farther thought you entertain, To change the fates; you feed your hopes in vain.”

        To whom the goddess thus, with weeping eyes: “And what if that request, your tongue denies, Your heart should grant; and not a short reprieve, But length of certain life, to Turnus give?

        Now speedy death attends the guiltless youth, If my presaging soul divines with truth; Which, O! I wish, might err thro’ causeless fears, And you (for you have pow’r) prolong his years!”

        Thus having said, involv’d in clouds, she flies, And drives a storm before her thro’ the skies.

        Swift she descends, alighting on the plain, Where the fierce foes a dubious fight maintain.

        Of air condens’d a specter soon she made; And, what Aeneas was, such seem’d the shade.

        Adorn’d with Dardan arms, the phantom bore His head aloft; a plumy crest he wore; This hand appear’d a shining sword to wield,.

        And that sustain’d an imitated shield.

        With manly mien he stalk’d along the ground, Nor wanted voice belied, nor vaunting sound.

        (Thus haunting ghosts appear to waking sight, Or dreadful visions in our dreams by night.) The specter seems the Daunian chief to dare, And flourishes his empty sword in air.

        At this, advancing, Turnus hurl’d his spear: The phantom wheel’d, and seem’d to fly for fear.

        Deluded Turnus thought the Trojan fled, And with vain hopes his haughty fancy fed.

        “Whether, O coward?” (thus he calls aloud, Nor found he spoke to wind, and chas’d a cloud,) “Why thus forsake your bride! Receive from me The fated land you sought so long by sea.”

        He said, and, brandishing at once his blade, With eager pace pursued the flying shade.

        By chance a ship was fasten’d to the shore, Which from old Clusium King Osinius bore: The plank was ready laid for safe ascent; For shelter there the trembling shadow bent, And skipp’t and skulk’d, and under hatches went.

        Exulting Turnus, with regardless haste, Ascends the plank, and to the galley pass’d.

        Scarce had he reach’d the prow: Saturnia’s hand The haulsers cuts, and shoots the ship from land.

        With wind in poop, the vessel plows the sea, And measures back with speed her former way.

        Meantime Aeneas seeks his absent foe, And sends his slaughter’d troops to shades below.

        The guileful phantom now forsook the shroud, And flew sublime, and vanish’d in a cloud.

        Too late young Turnus the delusion found, Far on the sea, still making from the ground.

        Then, thankless for a life redeem’d by shame, With sense of honor stung, and forfeit fame, Fearful besides of what in fight had pass’d, His hands and haggard eyes to heav’n he cast; “O Jove!” he cried, “for what offense have Deserv’d to bear this endless infamy?

        Whence am I forc’d, and whether am I borne?

        How, and with what reproach, shall I return?

        Shall ever I behold the Latian plain, Or see Laurentum’s lofty tow’rs again?

        What will they say of their deserting chief The war was mine: I fly from their relief; I led to slaughter, and in slaughter leave; And ev’n from hence their dying groans receive.

        Here, overmatch’d in fight, in heaps they lie; There, scatter’d o’er the fields, ignobly fly.

        Gape wide, O earth, and draw me down alive!

        Or, O ye pitying winds, a wretch relieve!

        On sands or shelves the splitting vessel drive; Or set me shipwrack’d on some desart shore, Where no Rutulian eyes may see me more, Unknown to friends, or foes, or conscious Fame, Lest she should follow, and my flight proclaim.”

        Thus Turnus rav’d, and various fates revolv’d: The choice was doubtful, but the death resolv’d.

        And now the sword, and now the sea took place, That to revenge, and this to purge disgrace.

        Sometimes he thought to swim the stormy main, By stretch of arms the distant shore to gain.

        Thrice he the sword assay’d, and thrice the flood; But Juno, mov’d with pity, both withstood.

        And thrice repress’d his rage; strong gales supplied, And push’d the vessel o’er the swelling tide.

        At length she lands him on his native shores, And to his father’s longing arms restores.

        Meantime, by Jove’s impulse, Mezentius arm’d, Succeeding Turnus, with his ardor warm’d His fainting friends, reproach’d their shameful flight, Repell’d the victors, and renew’d the fight.

        Against their king the Tuscan troops conspire; Such is their hate, and such their fierce desire Of wish’d revenge: on him, and him alone, All hands employ’d, and all their darts are thrown.

        He, like a solid rock by seas inclos’d, To raging winds and roaring waves oppos’d, From his proud summit looking down, disdains Their empty menace, and unmov’d remains.

        Beneath his feet fell haughty Hebrus dead, Then Latagus, and Palmus as he fled.

        At Latagus a weighty stone he flung:

        His face was flatted, and his helmet rung.

        But Palmus from behind receives his wound; Hamstring’d he falls, and grovels on the ground: His crest and armor, from his body torn, Thy shoulders, Lausus, and thy head adorn.

        Evas and Mimas, both of Troy, he slew.

        Mimas his birth from fair Theano drew, Born on that fatal night, when, big with fire, The queen produc’d young Paris to his sire: But Paris in the Phrygian fields was slain, Unthinking Mimas on the Latian plain.

        And, as a savage boar, on mountains bred, With forest mast and fatt’ning marshes fed, When once he sees himself in toils inclos’d, By huntsmen and their eager hounds oppos’d-He whets his tusks, and turns, and dares the war; Th’ invaders dart their jav’lins from afar: All keep aloof, and safely shout around; But none presumes to give a nearer wound: He frets and froths, erects his bristled hide, And shakes a grove of lances from his side: Not otherwise the troops, with hate inspir’d, And just revenge against the tyrant fir’d, Their darts with clamor at a distance drive, And only keep the languish’d war alive.

        From Coritus came Acron to the fight, Who left his spouse betroth’d, and unconsummate night.

        Mezentius sees him thro’ the squadrons ride, Proud of the purple favors of his bride.

        Then, as a hungry lion, who beholds

        A gamesome goat, who frisks about the folds, Or beamy stag, that grazes on the plain-He runs, he roars, he shakes his rising mane, He grins, and opens wide his greedy jaws; The prey lies panting underneath his paws: He fills his famish’d maw; his mouth runs o’er With unchew’d morsels, while he churns the gore: So proud Mezentius rushes on his foes, And first unhappy Acron overthrows:

        Stretch’d at his length, he spurns the swarthy ground; The lance, besmear’d with blood, lies broken in the wound.

        Then with disdain the haughty victor view’d Orodes flying, nor the wretch pursued, Nor thought the dastard’s back deserv’d a wound, But, running, gain’d th’ advantage of the ground: Then turning short, he met him face to face, To give his victor the better grace.

        Orodes falls, equal fight oppress’d:

        Mezentius fix’d his foot upon his breast, And rested lance; and thus aloud he cries: “Lo! here the champion of my rebels lies!”

        The fields around with Io Paean! ring; And peals of shouts applaud the conqu’ring king.

        At this the vanquish’d, with his dying breath, Thus faintly spoke, and prophesied in death: “Nor thou, proud man, unpunish’d shalt remain: Like death attends thee on this fatal plain.”

        Then, sourly smiling, thus the king replied: “For what belongs to me, let Jove provide; But die thou first, whatever chance ensue.”

        He said, and from the wound the weapon drew.

        A hov’ring mist came swimming o’er his sight, And seal’d his eyes in everlasting night.

        By Caedicus, Alcathous was slain;

        Sacrator laid Hydaspes on the plain;

        Orses the strong to greater strength must yield; He, with Parthenius, were by Rapo kill’d.

        Then brave Messapus Ericetes slew,

        Who from Lycaon’s blood his lineage drew.

        But from his headstrong horse his fate he found, Who threw his master, as he made a bound: The chief, alighting, stuck him to the ground; Then Clonius, hand to hand, on foot assails: The Trojan sinks, and Neptune’s son prevails.

        Agis the Lycian, stepping forth with pride, To single fight the boldest foe defied; Whom Tuscan Valerus by force o’ercame, And not belied his mighty father’s fame.

        Salius to death the great Antronius sent: But the same fate the victor underwent, Slain by Nealces’ hand, well-skill’d to throw The flying dart, and draw the far-deceiving bow.

        Thus equal deaths are dealt with equal chance; By turns they quit their ground, by turns advance: Victors and vanquish’d, in the various field, Nor wholly overcome, nor wholly yield.

        The gods from heav’n survey the fatal strife, And mourn the miseries of human life.

        Above the rest, two goddesses appear

        Concern’d for each: here Venus, Juno there.

        Amidst the crowd, infernal Ate shakes Her scourge aloft, and crest of hissing snakes.

        Once more the proud Mezentius, with disdain, Brandish’d his spear, and rush’d into the plain, Where tow’ring in the midmost rank she stood, Like tall Orion stalking o’er the flood.

        (When with his brawny breast he cuts the waves, His shoulders scarce the topmost billow laves), Or like a mountain ash, whose roots are spread, Deep fix’d in earth; in clouds he hides his head.

        The Trojan prince beheld him from afar, And dauntless undertook the doubtful war.

        Collected in his strength, and like a rock, Pois’d on his base, Mezentius stood the shock.

        He stood, and, measuring first with careful eyes The space his spear could reach, aloud he cries: “My strong right hand, and sword, assist my stroke!

        (Those only gods Mezentius will invoke.) His armor, from the Trojan pirate torn, By my triumphant Lausus shall be worn.”

        He said; and with his utmost force he threw The massy spear, which, hissing as it flew, Reach’d the celestial shield, that stopp’d the course; But, glancing thence, the yet unbroken force Took a new bent obliquely, and betwixt The side and bowels fam’d Anthores fix’d.

        Anthores had from Argos travel’d far, Alcides’ friend, and brother of the war; Till, tir’d with toils, fair Italy he chose, And in Evander’s palace sought repose.

        Now, falling by another’s wound, his eyes He cast to heav’n, on Argos thinks, and dies.

        The pious Trojan then his jav’lin sent; The shield gave way; thro’ treble plates it went Of solid brass, of linen trebly roll’d, And three bull hides which round the buckler fold.

        All these it pass’d, resistless in the course, Transpierc’d his thigh, and spent its dying force.

        The gaping wound gush’d out a crimson flood.

        The Trojan, glad with sight of hostile blood, His faunchion drew, to closer fight address’d, And with new force his fainting foe oppress’d.

        His father’s peril Lausus view’d with grief; He sigh’d, he wept, he ran to his relief.

        And here, heroic youth, ‘t is here I must To thy immortal memory be just,

        And sing an act so noble and so new,

        Posterity will scarce believe ‘t is true.

        Pain’d with his wound, and useless for the fight, The father sought to save himself by flight: Incumber’d, slow he dragg’d the spear along, Which pierc’d his thigh, and in his buckler hung.

        The pious youth, resolv’d on death, below The lifted sword springs forth to face the foe; Protects his parent, and prevents the blow.

        Shouts of applause ran ringing thro’ the field, To see the son the vanquish’d father shield.

        All, fir’d with gen’rous indignation, strive, And with a storm of darts to distance drive The Trojan chief, who, held at bay from far, On his Vulcanian orb sustain’d the war.

        As, when thick hail comes rattling in the wind, The plowman, passenger, and lab’ring hind For shelter to the neighb’ring covert fly, Or hous’d, or safe in hollow caverns lie; But, that o’erblown, when heav’n above ‘em smiles, Return to travel, and renew their toils: Aeneas thus, o’erwhelmed on ev’ry side, The storm of darts, undaunted, did abide; And thus to Lausus loud with friendly threat’ning cried: “Why wilt thou rush to certain death, and rage In rash attempts, beyond thy tender age, Betray’d by pious love?” Nor, thus forborne, The youth desists, but with insulting scorn Provokes the ling’ring prince, whose patience, tir’d, Gave place; and all his breast with fury fir’d.

        For now the Fates prepar’d their sharpen’d shears; And lifted high the flaming sword appears, Which, full descending with a frightful sway, Thro’ shield and corslet forc’d th’ impetuous way, And buried deep in his fair bosom lay.

        The purple streams thro’ the thin armor strove, And drench’d th’ imbroider’d coat his mother wove; And life at length forsook his heaving heart, Loth from so sweet a mansion to depart.

        But when, with blood and paleness all o’erspread, The pious prince beheld young Lausus dead, He griev’d; he wept; the sight an image brought Of his own filial love, a sadly pleasing thought: Then stretch’d his hand to hold him up, and said: “Poor hapless youth! what praises can be paid To love so great, to such transcendent store Of early worth, and sure presage of more?

        Accept whate’er Aeneas can afford;

        Untouch’d thy arms, untaken be thy sword; And all that pleas’d thee living, still remain Inviolate, and sacred to the slain.

        Thy body on thy parents I bestow,

        To rest thy soul, at least, if shadows know, Or have a sense of human things below.

        There to thy fellow ghosts with glory tell: ”T was by the great Aeneas hand I fell.’”

        With this, his distant friends he beckons near, Provokes their duty, and prevents their fear: Himself assists to lift him from the ground, With clotted locks, and blood that well’d from out the wound.

        Meantime, his father, now no father, stood, And wash’d his wounds by Tiber’s yellow flood: Oppress’d with anguish, panting, and o’erspent, His fainting limbs against an oak he leant.

        A bough his brazen helmet did sustain; His heavier arms lay scatter’d on the plain: A chosen train of youth around him stand; His drooping head was rested on his hand: His grisly beard his pensive bosom sought; And all on Lausus ran his restless thought.

        Careful, concern’d his danger to prevent, He much enquir’d, and many a message sent To warn him from the field-alas! in vain!

        Behold, his mournful followers bear him slain!

        O’er his broad shield still gush’d the yawning wound, And drew a bloody trail along the ground.

        Far off he heard their cries, far off divin’d The dire event, with a foreboding mind.

        With dust he sprinkled first his hoary head; Then both his lifted hands to heav’n he spread; Last, the dear corpse embracing, thus he said: “What joys, alas! could this frail being give, That I have been so covetous to live?

        To see my son, and such a son, resign His life, a ransom for preserving mine!

        And am I then preserv’d, and art thou lost?

        How much too dear has that redemption cost!

        ‘T is now my bitter banishment I feel: This is a wound too deep for time to heal.

        My guilt thy growing virtues did defame; My blackness blotted thy unblemish’d name.

        Chas’d from a throne, abandon’d, and exil’d For foul misdeeds, were punishments too mild: I ow’d my people these, and, from their hate, With less resentment could have borne my fate.

        And yet I live, and yet sustain the sight Of hated men, and of more hated light: But will not long.” With that he rais’d from ground His fainting limbs, that stagger’d with his wound; Yet, with a mind resolv’d, and unappall’d With pains or perils, for his courser call’d Well-mouth’d, well-manag’d, whom himself did dress With daily care, and mounted with success; His aid in arms, his ornament in peace.

        Soothing his courage with a gentle stroke, The steed seem’d sensible, while thus he spoke: “O Rhoebus, we have liv’d too long for me-If life and long were terms that could agree!

        This day thou either shalt bring back the head And bloody trophies of the Trojan dead; This day thou either shalt revenge my woe, For murther’d Lausus, on his cruel foe; Or, if inexorable fate deny

        Our conquest, with thy conquer’d master die: For, after such a lord, rest secure,

        Thou wilt no foreign reins, or Trojan load endure.”

        He said; and straight th’ officious courser kneels, To take his wonted weight. His hands he fills With pointed jav’lins; on his head he lac’d His glitt’ring helm, which terribly was grac’d With waving horsehair, nodding from afar; Then spurr’d his thund’ring steed amidst the war.

        Love, anguish, wrath, and grief, to madness wrought, Despair, and secret shame, and conscious thought Of inborn worth, his lab’ring soul oppress’d, Roll’d in his eyes, and rag’d within his breast.

        Then loud he call’d Aeneas thrice by name: The loud repeated voice to glad Aeneas came.

        “Great Jove,” he said, “and the far-shooting god, Inspire thy mind to make thy challenge good!”

        He spoke no more; but hasten’d, void of fear, And threaten’d with his long protended spear.

        To whom Mezentius thus: “Thy vaunts are vain.

        My Lausus lies extended on the plain: He’s lost! thy conquest is already won; The wretched sire is murther’d in the son.

        Nor fate I fear, but all the gods defy.

        Forbear thy threats: my bus’ness is to die; But first receive this parting legacy.”

        He said; and straight a whirling dart he sent; Another after, and another went.

        Round in a spacious ring he rides the field, And vainly plies th’ impenetrable shield.

        Thrice rode he round; and thrice Aeneas wheel’d, Turn’d as he turn’d: the golden orb withstood The strokes, and bore about an iron wood.

        Impatient of delay, and weary grown,

        Still to defend, and to defend alone, To wrench the darts which in his buckler light, Urg’d and o’er-labor’d in unequal fight; At length resolv’d, he throws with all his force Full at the temples of the warrior horse.

        Just where the stroke was aim’d, th’ unerring spear Made way, and stood transfix’d thro’ either ear.

        Seiz’d with unwonted pain, surpris’d with fright, The wounded steed curvets, and, rais’d upright, Lights on his feet before; his hoofs behind Spring up in air aloft, and lash the wind.

        Down comes the rider headlong from his height: His horse came after with unwieldy weight, And, flound’ring forward, pitching on his head, His lord’s incumber’d shoulder overlaid.

        From either host, the mingled shouts and cries Of Trojans and Rutulians rend the skies.

        Aeneas, hast’ning, wav’d his fatal sword High o’er his head, with this reproachful word: “Now; where are now thy vaunts, the fierce disdain Of proud Mezentius, and the lofty strain?”

        Struggling, and wildly staring on the skies, With scarce recover’d sight he thus replies: “Why these insulting words, this waste of breath, To souls undaunted, and secure of death?

        ‘T is no dishonor for the brave to die, Nor came I here with hope victory;

        Nor ask I life, nor fought with that design: As I had us’d my fortune, use thou thine.

        My dying son contracted no such band; The gift is hateful from his murd’rer’s hand.

        For this, this only favor let me sue, If pity can to conquer’d foes be due: Refuse it not; but let my body have

        The last retreat of humankind, a grave.

        Too well I know th’ insulting people’s hate; Protect me from their vengeance after fate: This refuge for my poor remains provide, And lay my much-lov’d Lausus by my side.”

        He said, and to the sword his throat applied.

        The crimson stream distain’d his arms around, And the disdainful soul came rushing thro’ the wound.

        BOOK XI

        Scarce had the rosy Morning rais’d her head Above the waves, and left her wat’ry bed; The pious chief, whom double cares attend For his unburied soldiers and his friend, Yet first to Heav’n perform’d a victor’s vows: He bar’d an ancient oak of all her boughs; Then on a rising ground the trunk he plac’d, Which with the spoils of his dead foe he grac’d.

        The coat of arms by proud Mezentius worn, Now on a naked snag in triumph borne, Was hung on high, and glitter’d from afar, A trophy sacred to the God of War.

        Above his arms, fix’d on the leafless wood, Appear’d his plumy crest, besmear’d with blood: His brazen buckler on the left was seen; Truncheons of shiver’d lances hung between; And on the right was placed his corslet, bor’d; And to the neck was tied his unavailing sword.

        A crowd of chiefs inclose the godlike man, Who thus, conspicuous in the midst, began: “Our toils, my friends, are crown’d with sure success; The greater part perform’d, achieve the less.

        Now follow cheerful to the trembling town; Press but an entrance, and presume it won.

        Fear is no more, for fierce Mezentius lies, As the first fruits of war, a sacrifice.

        Turnus shall fall extended on the plain, And, in this omen, is already slain.

        Prepar’d in arms, pursue your happy chance; That none unwarn’d may plead his ignorance, And I, at Heav’n’s appointed hour, may find Your warlike ensigns waving in the wind.

        Meantime the rites and fun’ral pomps prepare, Due to your dead companions of the war: The last respect the living can bestow, To shield their shadows from contempt below.

        That conquer’d earth be theirs, for which they fought, And which for us with their own blood they bought; But first the corpse of our unhappy friend To the sad city of Evander send,

        Who, not inglorious, in his age’s bloom, Was hurried hence by too severe a doom.”

        Thus, weeping while he spoke, he took his way, Where, new in death, lamented Pallas lay.

        Acoetes watch’d the corpse; whose youth deserv’d The father’s trust; and now the son he serv’d With equal faith, but less auspicious care.

        Th’ attendants of the slain his sorrow share.

        A troop of Trojans mix’d with these appear, And mourning matrons with dishevel’d hair.

        Soon as the prince appears, they raise a cry; All beat their breasts, and echoes rend the sky.

        They rear his drooping forehead from the ground; But, when Aeneas view’d the grisly wound Which Pallas in his manly bosom bore, And the fair flesh distain’d with purple gore; First, melting into tears, the pious man Deplor’d so sad a sight, then thus began: “Unhappy youth! when Fortune gave the rest Of my full wishes, she refus’d the best!

        She came; but brought not thee along, to bless My longing eyes, and share in my success: She grudg’d thy safe return, the triumphs due To prosp’rous valor, in the public view.

        Not thus I promis’d, when thy father lent Thy needless succor with a sad consent; Embrac’d me, parting for th’ Etrurian land, And sent me to possess a large command.

        He warn’d, and from his own experience told, Our foes were warlike, disciplin’d, and bold.

        And now perhaps, in hopes of thy return, Rich odors on his loaded altars burn, While we, with vain officious pomp, prepare To send him back his portion of the war, A bloody breathless body, which can owe No farther debt, but to the pow’rs below.

        The wretched father, ere his race is run, Shall view the fun’ral honors of his son.

        These are my triumphs of the Latian war, Fruits of my plighted faith and boasted care!

        And yet, unhappy sire, thou shalt not see A son whose death disgrac’d his ancestry; Thou shalt not blush, old man, however griev’d: Thy Pallas no dishonest wound receiv’d.

        He died no death to make thee wish, too late, Thou hadst not liv’d to see his shameful fate: But what a champion has th’ Ausonian coast, And what a friend hast thou, Ascanius, lost!”

        Thus having mourn’d, he gave the word around, To raise the breathless body from the ground; And chose a thousand horse, the flow’r of all His warlike troops, to wait the funeral, To bear him back and share Evander’s grief: A well-becoming, but a weak relief.

        Of oaken twigs they twist an easy bier, Then on their shoulders the sad burden rear.

        The body on this rural hearse is borne: Strew’d leaves and funeral greens the bier adorn.

        All pale he lies, and looks a lovely flow’r, New cropp’d by virgin hands, to dress the bow’r: Unfaded yet, but yet unfed below,

        No more to mother earth or the green stern shall owe.

        Then two fair vests, of wondrous work and cost, Of purple woven, and with gold emboss’d, For ornament the Trojan hero brought, Which with her hands Sidonian Dido wrought.

        One vest array’d the corpse; and one they spread O’er his clos’d eyes, and wrapp’d around his head, That, when the yellow hair in flame should fall, The catching fire might burn the golden caul.

        Besides, the spoils of foes in battle slain, When he descended on the Latian plain; Arms, trappings, horses, by the hearse are led In long array-th’ achievements of the dead.

        Then, pinion’d with their hands behind, appear Th’ unhappy captives, marching in the rear, Appointed off’rings in the victor’s name, To sprinkle with their blood the fun’ral flame.

        Inferior trophies by the chiefs are borne; Gauntlets and helms their loaded hands adorn; And fair inscriptions fix’d, and titles read Of Latian leaders conquer’d by the dead.

        Acoetes on his pupil’s corpse attends, With feeble steps, supported by his friends.

        Pausing at ev’ry pace, in sorrow drown’d, Betwixt their arms he sinks upon the ground; Where grov’ling while he lies in deep despair, He beats his breast, and rends his hoary hair.

        The champion’s chariot next is seen to roll, Besmear’d with hostile blood, and honorably foul.

        To close the pomp, Aethon, the steed of state, Is led, the fun’rals of his lord to wait.

        Stripp’d of his trappings, with a sullen pace He walks; and the big tears run rolling down his face.

        The lance of Pallas, and the crimson crest, Are borne behind: the victor seiz’d the rest.

        The march begins: the trumpets hoarsely sound; The pikes and lances trail along the ground.

        Thus while the Trojan and Arcadian horse To Pallantean tow’rs direct their course, In long procession rank’d, the pious chief Stopp’d in the rear, and gave a vent to grief: “The public care,” he said, “which war attends, Diverts our present woes, at least suspends.

        Peace with the manes of great Pallas dwell!

        Hail, holy relics! and a last farewell!”

        He said no more, but, inly thro’ he mourn’d, Restrained his tears, and to the camp return’d.

        Now suppliants, from Laurentum sent, demand A truce, with olive branches in their hand; Obtest his clemency, and from the plain Beg leave to draw the bodies of their slain.

        They plead, that none those common rites deny To conquer’d foes that in fair battle die.

        All cause of hate was ended in their death; Nor could he war with bodies void of breath.

        A king, they hop’d, would hear a king’s request, Whose son he once was call’d, and once his guest.

        Their suit, which was too just to be denied, The hero grants, and farther thus replied: “O Latian princes, how severe a fate

        In causeless quarrels has involv’d your state, And arm’d against an unoffending man, Who sought your friendship ere the war began!

        You beg a truce, which I would gladly give, Not only for the slain, but those who live.

        I came not hither but by Heav’n’s command, And sent by fate to share the Latian land.

        Nor wage I wars unjust: your king denied My proffer’d friendship, and my promis’d bride; Left me for Turnus. Turnus then should try His cause in arms, to conquer or to die.

        My right and his are in dispute: the slain Fell without fault, our quarrel to maintain.

        In equal arms let us alone contend;

        And let him vanquish, whom his fates befriend.

        This is the way (so tell him) to possess The royal virgin, and restore the peace.

        Bear this message back, with ample leave, That your slain friends may fun’ral rites receive.”

        Thus having said-th’ embassadors, amaz’d, Stood mute a while, and on each other gaz’d.

        Drances, their chief, who harbor’d in his breast Long hate to Turnus, as his foe profess’d, Broke silence first, and to the godlike man, With graceful action bowing, thus began: “Auspicious prince, in arms a mighty name, But yet whose actions far transcend your fame; Would I your justice or your force express, Thought can but equal; and all words are less.

        Your answer we shall thankfully relate, And favors granted to the Latian state.

        If wish’d success our labor shall attend, Think peace concluded, and the king your friend: Let Turnus leave the realm to your command, And seek alliance in some other land: Build you the city which your fates assign; We shall be proud in the great work to join.”

        Thus Drances; and his words so well persuade The rest impower’d, that soon a truce is made.

        Twelve days the term allow’d: and, during those, Latians and Trojans, now no longer foes, Mix’d in the woods, for fun’ral piles prepare To fell the timber, and forget the war.

        Loud axes thro’ the groaning groves resound; Oak, mountain ash, and poplar spread the ground; First fall from high; and some the trunks receive In loaden wains; with wedges some they cleave.

        And now the fatal news by Fame is blown Thro’ the short circuit of th’ Arcadian town, Of Pallas slain-by Fame, which just before His triumphs on distended pinions bore.

        Rushing from out the gate, the people stand, Each with a fun’ral flambeau in his hand.

        Wildly they stare, distracted with amaze: The fields are lighten’d with a fiery blaze, That cast a sullen splendor on their friends, The marching troop which their dead prince attends.

        Both parties meet: they raise a doleful cry; The matrons from the walls with shrieks reply, And their mix’d mourning rends the vaulted sky.

        The town is fill’d with tumult and with tears, Till the loud clamors reach Evander’s ears: Forgetful of his state, he runs along, With a disorder’d pace, and cleaves the throng; Falls on the corpse; and groaning there he lies, With silent grief, that speaks but at his eyes.

        Short sighs and sobs succeed; till sorrow breaks A passage, and at once he weeps and speaks: “O Pallas! thou hast fail’d thy plighted word, To fight with caution, not to tempt the sword!

        I warn’d thee, but in vain; for well I knew What perils youthful ardor would pursue, That boiling blood would carry thee too far, Young as thou wert in dangers, raw to war!

        O curst essay of arms, disastrous doom, Prelude of bloody fields, and fights to come!

        Hard elements of unauspicious war,

        Vain vows to Heav’n, and unavailing care!

        Thrice happy thou, dear partner of my bed, Whose holy soul the stroke of Fortune fled, Praescious of ills, and leaving me behind, To drink the dregs of life by fate assign’d!

        Beyond the goal of nature I have gone: My Pallas late set out, but reach’d too soon.

        If, for my league against th’ Ausonian state, Amidst their weapons I had found my fate, (Deserv’d from them,) then I had been return’d A breathless victor, and my son had mourn’d.

        Yet will I not my Trojan friend upbraid, Nor grudge th’ alliance I so gladly made.

        ‘T was not his fault, my Pallas fell so young, But my own crime, for having liv’d too long.

        Yet, since the gods had destin’d him to die, At least he led the way to victory:

        First for his friends he won the fatal shore, And sent whole herds of slaughter’d foes before; A death too great, too glorious to deplore.

        Nor will I add new honors to thy grave, Content with those the Trojan hero gave: That funeral pomp thy Phrygian friends design’d, In which the Tuscan chiefs and army join’d.

        Great spoils and trophies, gain’d by thee, they bear: Then let thy own achievements be thy share.

        Even thou, O Turnus, hadst a trophy stood, Whose mighty trunk had better grac’d the wood, If Pallas had arriv’d, with equal length Of years, to match thy bulk with equal strength.

        But why, unhappy man, dost thou detain These troops, to view the tears thou shedd’st in vain?

        Go, friends, this message to your lord relate: Tell him, that, if I bear my bitter fate, And, after Pallas’ death, live ling’ring on, ‘T is to behold his vengeance for my son.

        I stay for Turnus, whose devoted head Is owing to the living and the dead.

        My son and I expect it from his hand; ‘T is all that he can give, or we demand.

        Joy is no more; but I would gladly go, To greet my Pallas with such news below.”

        The morn had now dispell’d the shades of night, Restoring toils, when she restor’d the light.

        The Trojan king and Tuscan chief command To raise the piles along the winding strand.

        Their friends convey the dead fun’ral fires; Black smold’ring smoke from the green wood expires; The light of heav’n is chok’d, and the new day retires.

        Then thrice around the kindled piles they go (For ancient custom had ordain’d it so) Thrice horse and foot about the fires are led; And thrice, with loud laments, they hail the dead.

        Tears, trickling down their breasts, bedew the ground, And drums and trumpets mix their mournful sound.

        Amid the blaze, their pious brethren throw The spoils, in battle taken from the foe: Helms, bits emboss’d, and swords of shining steel; One casts a target, one a chariot wheel; Some to their fellows their own arms restore: The fauchions which in luckless fight they bore, Their bucklers pierc’d, their darts bestow’d in vain, And shiver’d lances gather’d from the plain.

        Whole herds of offer’d bulls, about the fire, And bristled boars, and woolly sheep expire.

        Around the piles a careful troop attends, To watch the wasting flames, and weep their burning friends; Ling’ring along the shore, till dewy night New decks the face of heav’n with starry light.

        The conquer’d Latians, with like pious care, Piles without number for their dead prepare.

        Part in the places where they fell are laid; And part are to the neighb’ring fields convey’d.

        The corps of kings, and captains of renown, Borne off in state, are buried in the town; The rest, unhonor’d, and without a name, Are cast a common heap to feed the flame.

        Trojans and Latians vie with like desires To make the field of battle shine with fires, And the promiscuous blaze to heav’n aspires.

        Now had the morning thrice renew’d the light, And thrice dispell’d the shadows of the night, When those who round the wasted fires remain, Perform the last sad office to the slain.

        They rake the yet warm ashes from below; These, and the bones unburn’d, in earth bestow; These relics with their country rites they grace, And raise a mount of turf to mark the place.

        But, in the palace of the king, appears A scene more solemn, and a pomp of tears.

        Maids, matrons, widows, mix their common moans; Orphans their sires, and sires lament their sons.

        All in that universal sorrow share,

        And curse the cause of this unhappy war: A broken league, a bride unjustly sought, A crown usurp’d, which with their blood is bought!

        These are the crimes with which they load the name Of Turnus, and on him alone exclaim:

        “Let him who lords it o’er th’ Ausonian land Engage the Trojan hero hand to hand:

        His is the gain; our lot is but to serve; ‘T is just, the sway he seeks, he should deserve.”

        This Drances aggravates; and adds, with spite: “His foe expects, and dares him to the fight.”

        Nor Turnus wants a party, to support

        His cause and credit in the Latian court.

        His former acts secure his present fame, And the queen shades him with her mighty name.

        While thus their factious minds with fury burn, The legates from th’ Aetolian prince return: Sad news they bring, that, after all the cost And care employ’d, their embassy is lost; That Diomedes refus’d his aid in war, Unmov’d with presents, and as deaf to pray’r.

        Some new alliance must elsewhere be sought, Or peace with Troy on hard conditions bought.

        Latinus, sunk in sorrow, finds too late, A foreign son is pointed out by fate; And, till Aeneas shall Lavinia wed,

        The wrath of Heav’n is hov’ring o’er his head.

        The gods, he saw, espous’d the juster side, When late their titles in the field were tried: Witness the fresh laments, and fun’ral tears undried.

        Thus, full of anxious thought, he summons all The Latian senate to the council hall.

        The princes come, commanded by their head, And crowd the paths that to the palace lead.

        Supreme in pow’r, and reverenc’d for his years, He takes the throne, and in the midst appears.

        Majestically sad, he sits in state,

        And bids his envoys their success relate.

        When Venulus began, the murmuring sound Was hush’d, and sacred silence reign’d around.

        “We have,” said he, “perform’d your high command, And pass’d with peril a long tract of land: We reach’d the place desir’d; with wonder fill’d, The Grecian tents and rising tow’rs beheld.

        Great Diomede has compass’d round with walls The city, which Argyripa he calls,

        From his own Argos nam’d. We touch’d, with joy, The royal hand that raz’d unhappy Troy.

        When introduc’d, our presents first we bring, Then crave an instant audience from the king.

        His leave obtain’d, our native soil we name, And tell th’ important cause for which we came.

        Attentively he heard us, while we spoke; Then, with soft accents, and a pleasing look, Made this return: ‘Ausonian race, of old Renown’d for peace, and for an age of gold, What madness has your alter’d minds possess’d, To change for war hereditary rest,

        Solicit arms unknown, and tempt the sword, A needless ill your ancestors abhorr’d?

        We-for myself I speak, and all the name Of Grecians, who to Troy’s destruction came, Omitting those who were in battle slain, Or borne by rolling Simois to the main-Not one but suffer’d, and too dearly bought The prize of honor which in arms he sought; Some doom’d to death, and some in exile driv’n.

        Outcasts, abandon’d by the care of Heav’n; So worn, so wretched, so despis’d a crew, As ev’n old Priam might with pity view.

        Witness the vessels by Minerva toss’d In storms; the vengeful Capharean coast; Th’ Euboean rocks! the prince, whose brother led Our armies to revenge his injur’d bed, In Egypt lost! Ulysses with his men

        Have seen Charybdis and the Cyclops’ den.

        Why should I name Idomeneus, in vain

        Restor’d to scepters, and expell’d again?

        Or young Achilles, by his rival slain?

        Ev’n he, the King of Men, the foremost name Of all the Greeks, and most renown’d by fame, The proud revenger of another’s wife, Yet by his own adult’ress lost his life; Fell at his threshold; and the spoils of Troy The foul polluters of his bed enjoy.

        The gods have envied me the sweets of life, My much lov’d country, and my more lov’d wife: Banish’d from both, I mourn; while in the sky, Transform’d to birds, my lost companions fly: Hov’ring about the coasts, they make their moan, And cuff the cliffs with pinions not their own.

        What squalid specters, in the dead of night, Break my short sleep, and skim before my sight!

        I might have promis’d to myself those harms, Mad as I was, when I, with mortal arms, Presum’d against immortal pow’rs to move, And violate with wounds the Queen of Love.

        Such arms this hand shall never more employ; No hate remains with me to ruin’d Troy.

        I war not with its dust; nor am I glad To think of past events, or good or bad.

        Your presents I return: whate’er you bring To buy my friendship, send the Trojan king.

        We met in fight; I know him, to my cost: With what a whirling force his lance he toss’d!

        Heav’ns! what a spring was in his arm, to throw!

        How high he held his shield, and rose at ev’ry blow!

        Had Troy produc’d two more his match in might, They would have chang’d the fortune of the fight: Th’ invasion of the Greeks had been return’d, Our empire wasted, and our cities burn’d.

        The long defense the Trojan people made, The war protracted, and the siege delay’d, Were due to Hector’s and this hero’s hand: Both brave alike, and equal in command; Aeneas, not inferior in the field,

        In pious reverence to the gods excell’d.

        Make peace, ye Latians, and avoid with care Th’ impending dangers of a fatal war.’

        He said no more; but, with this cold excuse, Refus’d th’ alliance, and advis’d a truce.”

        Thus Venulus concluded his report.

        A jarring murmur fill’d the factious court: As, when a torrent rolls with rapid force, And dashes o’er the stones that stop the course, The flood, constrain’d within a scanty space, Roars horrible along th’ uneasy race; White foam in gath’ring eddies floats around; The rocky shores rebellow to the sound.

        The murmur ceas’d: then from his lofty throne The king invok’d the gods, and thus begun: “I wish, ye Latins, what we now debate Had been resolv’d before it was too late.

        Much better had it been for you and me, Unforc’d by this our last necessity,

        To have been earlier wise, than now to call A council, when the foe surrounds the wall.

        O citizens, we wage unequal war,

        With men not only Heav’n’s peculiar care, But Heav’n’s own race; unconquer’d in the field, Or, conquer’d, yet unknowing how to yield.

        What hopes you had in Diomedes, lay down: Our hopes must center on ourselves alone.

        Yet those how feeble, and, indeed, how vain, You see too well; nor need my words explain.

        Vanquish’d without resource; laid flat by fate; Factions within, a foe without the gate!

        Not but I grant that all perform’d their parts With manly force, and with undaunted hearts: With our united strength the war we wag’d; With equal numbers, equal arms, engag’d.

        You see th’ event.- Now hear what I propose, To save our friends, and satisfy our foes.

        A tract of land the Latins have possess’d Along the Tiber, stretching to the west, Which now Rutulians and Auruncans till, And their mix’d cattle graze the fruitful hill.

        Those mountains fill’d with firs, that lower land, If you consent, the Trojan shall command, Call’d into part of what is ours; and there, On terms agreed, the common country share.

        There let’em build and settle, if they please; Unless they choose once more to cross the seas, In search of seats remote from Italy, And from unwelcome inmates set us free.

        Then twice ten galleys let us build with speed, Or twice as many more, if more they need.

        Materials are at hand; a well-grown wood Runs equal with the margin of the flood: Let them the number and the form assign; The care and cost of all the stores be mine.

        To treat the peace, a hundred senators Shall be commission’d hence with ample pow’rs, With olive the presents they shall bear, A purple robe, a royal iv’ry chair,

        And all the marks of sway that Latian monarchs wear, And sums of gold. Among yourselves debate This great affair, and save the sinking state.”

        Then Drances took the word, who grudg’d, long since, The rising glories of the Daunian prince.

        Factious and rich, bold at the council board, But cautious in the field, he shunn’d the sword; A close caballer, and tongue-valiant lord.

        Noble his mother was, and near the throne; But, what his father’s parentage, unknown.

        He rose, and took th’ advantage of the times, To load young Turnus with invidious crimes.

        “Such truths, O king,” said he, “your words contain, As strike the sense, and all replies are vain; Nor are your loyal subjects now to seek What common needs require, but fear to speak.

        Let him give leave of speech, that haughty man, Whose pride this unauspicious war began; For whose ambition (let me dare to say, Fear set apart, tho’ death is in my way) The plains of Latium run with blood around.

        So many valiant heroes bite the ground; Dejected grief in ev’ry face appears; A town in mourning, and a land in tears; While he, th’ undoubted author of our harms, The man who menaces the gods with arms, Yet, after all his boasts, forsook the fight, And sought his safety in ignoble flight.

        Now, best of kings, since you propose to send Such bounteous presents to your Trojan friend; Add yet a greater at our joint request, One which he values more than all the rest: Give him the fair Lavinia for his bride; With that alliance let the league be tied, And for the bleeding land a lasting peace provide.

        Let insolence no longer awe the throne; But, with a father’s right, bestow your own.

        For this maligner of the general good, If still we fear his force, he must be woo’d; His haughty godhead we with pray’rs implore, Your scepter to release, and our just rights restore.

        O cursed cause of all our ills, must we Wage wars unjust, and fall in fight, for thee!

        What right hast thou to rule the Latian state, And send us out to meet our certain fate?

        ‘T is a destructive war: from Turnus’ hand Our peace and public safety we demand.

        Let the fair bride to the brave chief remain; If not, the peace, without the pledge, is vain.

        Turnus, I know you think me not your friend, Nor will I much with your belief contend: I beg your greatness not to give the law In others’ realms, but, beaten, to withdraw.

        Pity your own, or pity our estate;

        Nor twist our fortunes with your sinking fate.

        Your interest is, the war should never cease; But we have felt enough to wish the peace: A land exhausted to the last remains, Depopulated towns, and driven plains.

        Yet, if desire of fame, and thirst of pow’r, A beauteous princess, with a crown in dow’r, So fire your mind, in arms assert your right, And meet your foe, who dares you to the fight.

        Mankind, it seems, is made for you alone; We, but the slaves who mount you to the throne: A base ignoble crowd, without a name, Unwept, unworthy, of the fun’ral flame, By duty bound to forfeit each his life, That Turnus may possess a royal wife.

        Permit not, mighty man, so mean a crew Should share such triumphs, and detain from you The post of honor, your undoubted due.

        Rather alone your matchless force employ, To merit what alone you must enjoy.”

        These words, so full of malice mix’d with art, Inflam’d with rage the youthful hero’s heart.

        Then, groaning from the bottom of his breast, He heav’d for wind, and thus his wrath express’d: “You, Drances, never want a stream of words, Then, when the public need requires our swords.

        First in the council hall to steer the state, And ever foremost in a tongue-debate, While our strong walls secure us from the foe, Ere yet with blood our ditches overflow: But let the potent orator declaim,

        And with the brand of coward blot my name; Free leave is giv’n him, when his fatal hand Has cover’d with more corps the sanguine strand, And high as mine his tow’ring trophies stand.

        If any doubt remains, who dares the most, Let us decide it at the Trojan’s cost, And issue both abreast, where honor calls-Foes are not far to seek without the walls-Unless his noisy tongue can only fight, And feet were giv’n him but to speed his flight.

        I beaten from the field? I forc’d away?

        Who, but so known a dastard, dares to say?

        Had he but ev’n beheld the fight, his eyes Had witness’d for me what his tongue denies: What heaps of Trojans by this hand were slain, And how the bloody Tiber swell’d the main.

        All saw, but he, th’ Arcadian troops retire In scatter’d squadrons, and their prince expire.

        The giant brothers, in their camp, have found, I was not forc’d with ease to quit my ground.

        Not such the Trojans tried me, when, inclos’d, I singly their united arms oppos’d:

        First forc’d an entrance thro’ their thick array; Then, glutted with their slaughter, freed my way.

        ‘T is a destructive war? So let it be, But to the Phrygian pirate, and to thee!

        Meantime proceed to fill the people’s ears With false reports, their minds with panic fears: Extol the strength of a twice-conquer’d race; Our foes encourage, and our friends debase.

        Believe thy fables, and the Trojan town Triumphant stands; the Grecians are o’erthrown; Suppliant at Hector’s feet Achilles lies, And Diomede from fierce Aeneas flies.

        Say rapid Aufidus with awful dread

        Runs backward from the sea, and hides his head, When the great Trojan on his bank appears; For that’s as true as thy dissembled fears Of my revenge. Dismiss that vanity:

        Thou, Drances, art below a death from me.

        Let that vile soul in that vile body rest; The lodging is well worthy of the guest.

        “Now, royal father, to the present state Of our affairs, and of this high debate: If in your arms thus early you diffide, And think your fortune is already tried; If one defeat has brought us down so low, As never more in fields to meet the foe; Then I conclude for peace: ‘t is time to treat, And lie like vassals at the victor’s feet.

        But, O! if any ancient blood remains, One drop of all our fathers’, in our veins, That man would I prefer before the rest, Who dar’d his death with an undaunted breast; Who comely fell, by no dishonest wound, To shun that sight, and, dying, gnaw’d the ground.

        But, if we still have fresh recruits in store, If our confederates can afford us more; If the contended field we bravely fought, And not a bloodless victory was bought; Their losses equal’d ours; and, for their slain, With equal fires they fill’d the shining plain; Why thus, unforc’d, should we so tamely yield, And, ere the trumpet sounds, resign the field?

        Good unexpected, evils unforeseen,

        Appear by turns, as fortune shifts the scene: Some, rais’d aloft, come tumbling down amain; Then fall so hard, they bound and rise again.

        If Diomede refuse his aid to lend,

        The great Messapus yet remains our friend: Tolumnius, who foretells events, is ours; Th’ Italian chiefs and princes join their pow’rs: Nor least in number, nor in name the last, Your own brave subjects have your cause embrac’d Above the rest, the Volscian Amazon

        Contains an army in herself alone,

        And heads a squadron, terrible to sight, With glitt’ring shields, in brazen armor bright.

        Yet, if the foe a single fight demand, And I alone the public peace withstand; If you consent, he shall not be refus’d, Nor find a hand to victory unus’d.

        This new Achilles, let him take the field, With fated armor, and Vulcanian shield!

        For you, my royal father, and my fame, I, Turnus, not the least of all my name, Devote my soul. He calls me hand to hand, And I alone will answer his demand.

        Drances shall rest secure, and neither share The danger, nor divide the prize of war.”

        While they debate, nor these nor those will yield, Aeneas draws his forces to the field, And moves his camp. The scouts with flying speed Return, and thro’ the frighted city spread Th’ unpleasing news, the Trojans are descried, In battle marching by the river side, And bending to the town. They take th’ alarm: Some tremble, some are bold; all in confusion arm.

        Th’ impetuous youth press forward to the field; They clash the sword, and clatter on the shield: The fearful matrons raise a screaming cry; Old feeble men with fainter groans reply; A jarring sound results, and mingles in the sky, Like that of swans remurm’ring to the floods, Or birds of diff’ring kinds in hollow woods.

        Turnus th’ occasion takes, and cries aloud: “Talk on, ye quaint haranguers of the crowd: Declaim in praise of peace, when danger calls, And the fierce foes in arms approach the walls.”

        He said, and, turning short, with speedy pace, Casts back a scornful glance, and quits the place: “Thou, Volusus, the Volscian troops command To mount; and lead thyself our Ardean band.

        Messapus and Catillus, post your force Along the fields, to charge the Trojan horse.

        Some guard the passes, others man the wall; Drawn up in arms, the rest attend my call.”

        They swarm from ev’ry quarter of the town, And with disorder’d haste the rampires crown.

        Good old Latinus, when he saw, too late, The gath’ring storm just breaking on the state, Dismiss’d the council till a fitter time, And own’d his easy temper as his crime, Who, forc’d against his reason, had complied To break the treaty for the promis’d bride.

        Some help to sink new trenches; others aid To ram the stones, or raise the palisade.

        Hoarse trumpets sound th’ alarm; around the walls Runs a distracted crew, whom their last labor calls.

        A sad procession in the streets is seen, Of matrons, that attend the mother queen: High in her chair she sits, and, at her side, With downcast eyes, appears the fatal bride.

        They mount the cliff, where Pallas’ temple stands; Pray’rs in their mouths, and presents in their hands, With censers first they fume the sacred shrine, Then in this common supplication join: “O patroness of arms, unspotted maid, Propitious hear, and lend thy Latins aid!

        Break short the pirate’s lance; pronounce his fate, And lay the Phrygian low before the gate.”

        Now Turnus arms for fight. His back and breast Well-temper’d steel and scaly brass invest: The cuishes which his brawny thighs infold Are mingled metal damask’d o’er with gold.

        His faithful fauchion sits upon his side; Nor casque, nor crest, his manly features hide: But, bare to view, amid surrounding friends, With godlike grace, he from the tow’r descends.

        Exulting in his strength, he seems to dare His absent rival, and to promise war.

        Freed from his keepers, thus, with broken reins, The wanton courser prances o’er the plains, Or in the pride of youth o’erleaps the mounds, And snuffs the females in forbidden grounds.

        Or seeks his wat’ring in the well-known flood, To quench his thirst, and cool his fiery blood: He swims luxuriant in the liquid plain, And o’er his shoulder flows his waving mane: He neighs, he snorts, he bears his head on high; Before his ample chest the frothy waters fly.

        Soon as the prince appears without the gate, The Volscians, with their virgin leader, wait His last commands. Then, with a graceful mien, Lights from her lofty steed the warrior queen: Her squadron imitates, and each descends; Whose common suit Camilla thus commends: “If sense of honor, if a soul secure

        Of inborn worth, that can all tests endure, Can promise aught, or on itself rely

        Greatly to dare, to conquer or to die; Then, I alone, sustain’d by these, will meet The Tyrrhene troops, and promise their defeat.

        Ours be the danger, ours the sole renown: You, gen’ral, stay behind, and guard the town:”

        Turnus a while stood mute, with glad surprise, And on the fierce virago fix’d his eyes; Then thus return’d: “O grace of Italy, With what becoming thanks can I reply?

        Not only words lie lab’ring in my breast, But thought itself is by thy praise oppress’d.

        Yet rob me not of all; but let me join My toils, my hazard, and my fame, with thine.

        The Trojan, not in stratagem unskill’d, Sends his light horse before to scour the field: Himself, thro’ steep ascents and thorny brakes, A larger compass to the city takes.

        This news my scouts confirm, and I prepare To foil his cunning, and his force to dare; With chosen foot his passage to forelay, And place an ambush in the winding way.

        Thou, with thy Volscians, face the Tuscan horse; The brave Messapus shall thy troops inforce With those of Tibur, and the Latian band, Subjected all to thy supreme command.”

        This said, he warns Messapus to the war, Then ev’ry chief exhorts with equal care.

        All thus encourag’d, his own troops he joins, And hastes to prosecute his deep designs.

        Inclos’d with hills, a winding valley lies, By nature form’d for fraud, and fitted for surprise.

        A narrow track, by human steps untrode, Leads, thro’ perplexing thorns, to this obscure abode.

        High o’er the vale a steepy mountain stands, Whence the surveying sight the nether ground commands.

        The top is level, an offensive seat

        Of war; and from the war a safe retreat: For, on the right and left, is room to press The foes at hand, or from afar distress; To drive ‘em headlong downward, and to pour On their descending backs a stony show’r.

        Thither young Turnus took the well-known way, Possess’d the pass, and in blind ambush lay.

        Meantime Latonian Phoebe, from the skies, Beheld th’ approaching war with hateful eyes, And call’d the light-foot Opis to her aid, Her most belov’d and ever-trusty maid; Then with a sigh began: “Camilla goes To meet her death amidst her fatal foes: The nymphs I lov’d of all my mortal train, Invested with Diana’s arms, in vain.

        Nor is my kindness for the virgin new: ‘T was born with her; and with her years it grew.

        Her father Metabus, when forc’d away

        From old Privernum, for tyrannic sway, Snatch’d up, and sav’d from his prevailing foes, This tender babe, companion of his woes.

        Casmilla was her mother; but he drown’d One hissing letter in a softer sound, And call’d Camilla. Thro’ the woods he flies; Wrapp’d in his robe the royal infant lies.

        His foes in sight, he mends his weary pace; With shout and clamors they pursue the chase.

        The banks of Amasene at length he gains: The raging flood his farther flight restrains, Rais’d o’er the borders with unusual rains.

        Prepar’d to plunge into the stream, he fears, Not for himself, but for the charge he bears.

        Anxious, he stops a while, and thinks in haste; Then, desp’rate in distress, resolves at last.

        A knotty lance of well-boil’d oak he bore; The middle part with cork he cover’d o’er: He clos’d the child within the hollow space; With twigs of bending osier bound the case; Then pois’d the spear, heavy with human weight, And thus invok’d my favor for the freight: ‘Accept, great goddess of the woods,’ he said, ‘Sent by her sire, this dedicated maid!

        Thro’ air she flies a suppliant to thy shrine; And the first weapons that she knows, are thine.’

        He said; and with full force the spear he threw: Above the sounding waves Camilla flew.

        Then, press’d by foes, he stemm’d the stormy tide, And gain’d, by stress of arms, the farther side.

        His fasten’d spear he pull’d from out the ground, And, victor of his vows, his infant nymph unbound; Nor, after that, in towns which walls inclose, Would trust his hunted life amidst his foes; But, rough, in open air he chose to lie; Earth was his couch, his cov’ring was the sky.

        On hills unshorn, or in a desart den, He shunn’d the dire society of men.

        A shepherd’s solitary life he led;

        His daughter with the milk of mares he fed.

        The dugs of bears, and ev’ry salvage beast, He drew, and thro’ her lips the liquor press’d.

        The little Amazon could scarcely go:

        He loads her with a quiver and a bow; And, that she might her stagg’ring steps command, He with a slender jav’lin fills her hand.

        Her flowing hair no golden fillet bound; Nor swept her trailing robe the dusty ground.

        Instead of these, a tiger’s hide o’erspread Her back and shoulders, fasten’d to her head.

        The flying dart she first attempts to fling, And round her tender temples toss’d the sling; Then, as her strength with years increas’d, began To pierce aloft in air the soaring swan, And from the clouds to fetch the heron and the crane.

        The Tuscan matrons with each other vied, To bless their rival sons with such a bride; But she disdains their love, to share with me The sylvan shades and vow’d virginity.

        And, O! I wish, contented with my cares Of salvage spoils, she had not sought the wars!

        Then had she been of my celestial train, And shunn’d the fate that dooms her to be slain.

        But since, opposing Heav’n’s decree, she goes To find her death among forbidden foes, Haste with these arms, and take thy steepy flight.

        Where, with the gods, averse, the Latins fight.

        This bow to thee, this quiver I bequeath, This chosen arrow, to revenge her death: By whate’er hand Camilla shall be slain, Or of the Trojan or Italian train,

        Let him not pass unpunish’d from the plain.

        Then, in a hollow cloud, myself will aid To bear the breathless body of my maid: Unspoil’d shall be her arms, and unprofan’d Her holy limbs with any human hand,

        And in a marble tomb laid in her native land.”

        She said. The faithful nymph descends from high With rapid flight, and cuts the sounding sky: Black clouds and stormy winds around her body fly.

        By this, the Trojan and the Tuscan horse, Drawn up in squadrons, with united force, Approach the walls: the sprightly coursers bound, Press forward on their bits, and shift their ground.

        Shields, arms, and spears flash horribly from far; And the fields glitter with a waving war.

        Oppos’d to these, come on with furious force Messapus, Coras, and the Latian horse; These in the body plac’d, on either hand Sustain’d and clos’d by fair Camilla’s band.

        Advancing in a line, they couch their spears; And less and less the middle space appears.

        Thick smoke obscures the field; and scarce are seen The neighing coursers, and the shouting men.

        In distance of their darts they stop their course; Then man to man they rush, and horse to horse.

        The face of heav’n their flying jav’lins hide, And deaths unseen are dealt on either side.

        Tyrrhenus, and Aconteus, void of fear, By mettled coursers borne in full career, Meet first oppos’d; and, with a mighty shock, Their horses’ heads against each other knock.

        Far from his steed is fierce Aconteus cast, As with an engine’s force, or lightning’s blast: He rolls along in blood, and breathes his last.

        The Latin squadrons take a sudden fright, And sling their shields behind, to save their backs in flight Spurring at speed to their own walls they drew; Close in the rear the Tuscan troops pursue, And urge their flight: Asylas leads the chase; Till, seiz’d, with shame, they wheel about and face, Receive their foes, and raise a threat’ning cry.

        The Tuscans take their turn to fear and fly.

        So swelling surges, with a thund’ring roar, Driv’n on each other’s backs, insult the shore, Bound o’er the rocks, incroach upon the land, And far upon the beach eject the sand; Then backward, with a swing, they take their way, Repuls’d from upper ground, and seek their mother sea; With equal hurry quit th’ invaded shore, And swallow back the sand and stones they spew’d before.

        Twice were the Tuscans masters of the field, Twice by the Latins, in their turn, repell’d.

        Asham’d at length, to the third charge they ran; Both hosts resolv’d, and mingled man to man.

        Now dying groans are heard; the fields are strow’d With falling bodies, and are drunk with blood.

        Arms, horses, men, on heaps together lie: Confus’d the fight, and more confus’d the cry.

        Orsilochus, who durst not press too near Strong Remulus, at distance drove his spear, And stuck the steel beneath his horse’s ear.

        The fiery steed, impatient of the wound, Curvets, and, springing upward with a bound, His helpless lord cast backward on the ground.

        Catillus pierc’d Iolas first; then drew His reeking lance, and at Herminius threw, The mighty champion of the Tuscan crew.

        His neck and throat unarm’d, his head was bare, But shaded with a length of yellow hair: Secure, he fought, expos’d on ev’ry part, A spacious mark for swords, and for the flying dart.

        Across the shoulders came the feather’d wound; Transfix’d he fell, and doubled to the ground.

        The sands with streaming blood are sanguine dyed, And death with honor sought on either side.

        Resistless thro’ the war Camilla rode, In danger unappall’d, and pleas’d with blood.

        One side was bare for her exerted breast; One shoulder with her painted quiver press’d.

        Now from afar her fatal jav’lins play; Now with her ax’s edge she hews her way: Diana’s arms upon her shoulder sound; And when, too closely press’d, she quits the ground, From her bent bow she sends a backward wound.

        Her maids, in martial pomp, on either side, Larina, Tulla, fierce Tarpeia, ride:

        Italians all; in peace, their queen’s delight; In war, the bold companions of the fight.

        So march’d the Tracian Amazons of old, When Thermodon with bloody billows roll’d: Such troops as these in shining arms were seen, When Theseus met in fight their maiden queen: Such to the field Penthisilea led,

        From the fierce virgin when the Grecians fled; With such, return’d triumphant from the war, Her maids with cries attend the lofty car; They clash with manly force their moony shields; With female shouts resound the Phrygian fields.

        Who foremost, and who last, heroic maid, On the cold earth were by thy courage laid?

        Thy spear, of mountain ash, Eumenius first, With fury driv’n, from side to side transpierc’d: A purple stream came spouting from the wound; Bath’d in his blood he lies, and bites the ground.

        Liris and Pegasus at once she slew:

        The former, as the slacken’d reins he drew Of his faint steed; the latter, as he stretch’d His arm to prop his friend, the jav’lin reach’d.

        By the same weapon, sent from the same hand, Both fall together, and both spurn the sand.

        Amastrus next is added to the slain:

        The rest in rout she follows o’er the plain: Tereus, Harpalycus, Demophoon,

        And Chromis, at full speed her fury shun.

        Of all her deadly darts, not one she lost; Each was attended with a Trojan ghost.

        Young Ornithus bestrode a hunter steed, Swift for the chase, and of Apulian breed.

        Him from afar she spied, in arms unknown: O’er his broad back an ox’s hide was thrown; His helm a wolf, whose gaping jaws were spread A cov’ring for his cheeks, and grinn’d around his head, He clench’d within his hand an iron prong, And tower’d above the rest, conspicuous in the throng.

        Him soon she singled from the flying train, And slew with ease; then thus insults the slain: “Vain hunter, didst thou think thro’ woods to chase The savage herd, a vile and trembling race?

        Here cease thy vaunts, and own my victory: A woman warrior was too strong for thee.

        Yet, if the ghosts demand the conqu’ror’s name, Confessing great Camilla, save thy shame.”

        Then Butes and Orsilochus she slew,

        The bulkiest bodies of the Trojan crew; But Butes breast to breast: the spear descends Above the gorget, where his helmet ends, And o’er the shield which his left side defends.

        Orsilochus and she their courses ply: He seems to follow, and she seems to fly; But in a narrower ring she makes the race; And then he flies, and she pursues the chase.

        Gath’ring at length on her deluded foe, She swings her ax, and rises to the blow Full on the helm behind, with such a sway The weapon falls, the riven steel gives way: He groans, he roars, he sues in vain for grace; Brains, mingled with his blood, besmear his face.

        Astonish’d Aunus just arrives by chance, To see his fall; nor farther dares advance; But, fixing on the horrid maid his eye, He stares, and shakes, and finds it vain to fly; Yet, like a true Ligurian, born to cheat, (At least while fortune favor’d his deceit,) Cries out aloud: “What courage have you shown, Who trust your courser’s strength, and not your own?

        Forego the vantage of your horse, alight, And then on equal terms begin the fight: It shall be seen, weak woman, what you can, When, foot to foot, you combat with a man,”

        He said. She glows with anger and disdain, Dismounts with speed to dare him on the plain, And leaves her horse at large among her train; With her drawn sword defies him to the field, And, marching, lifts aloft her maiden shield.

        The youth, who thought his cunning did succeed, Reins round his horse, and urges all his speed; Adds the remembrance of the spur, and hides The goring rowels in his bleeding sides.

        “Vain fool, and coward!” cries the lofty maid, “Caught in the train which thou thyself hast laid!

        On others practice thy Ligurian arts; Thin stratagems and tricks of little hearts Are lost on me: nor shalt thou safe retire, With vaunting lies, to thy fallacious sire.”

        At this, so fast her flying feet she sped, That soon she strain’d beyond his horse’s head: Then turning short, at once she seiz’d the rein, And laid the boaster grov’ling on the plain.

        Not with more ease the falcon, from above, Trusses in middle air the trembling dove, Then plumes the prey, in her strong pounces bound: The feathers, foul with blood, come tumbling to the ground.

        Now mighty Jove, from his superior height, With his broad eye surveys th’ unequal fight.

        He fires the breast of Tarchon with disdain, And sends him to redeem th’ abandon’d plain.

        Betwixt the broken ranks the Tuscan rides, And these encourages, and those he chides; Recalls each leader, by his name, from flight; Renews their ardor, and restores the fight.

        “What panic fear has seiz’d your souls? O shame, O brand perpetual of th’ Etrurian name!

        Cowards incurable, a woman’s hand

        Drives, breaks, and scatters your ignoble band!

        Now cast away the sword, and quit the shield!

        What use of weapons which you dare not wield?

        Not thus you fly your female foes by night, Nor shun the feast, when the full bowls invite; When to fat off’rings the glad augur calls, And the shrill hornpipe sounds to bacchanals.

        These are your studied cares, your lewd delight: Swift to debauch, but slow to manly fight.”

        Thus having said, he spurs amid the foes, Not managing the life he meant to lose.

        The first he found he seiz’d with headlong haste, In his strong gripe, and clasp’d around the waist; ‘T was Venulus, whom from his horse he tore, And, laid athwart his own, in triumph bore.

        Loud shouts ensue; the Latins turn their eyes, And view th’ unusual sight with vast surprise.

        The fiery Tarchon, flying o’er the plains, Press’d in his arms the pond’rous prey sustains; Then, with his shorten’d spear, explores around His jointed arms, to fix a deadly wound.

        Nor less the captive struggles for his life: He writhes his body to prolong the strife, And, fencing for his naked throat, exerts His utmost vigor, and the point averts.

        So stoops the yellow eagle from on high, And bears a speckled serpent thro’ the sky, Fast’ning his crooked talons on the prey: The pris’ner hisses thro’ the liquid way; Resists the royal hawk; and, tho’ oppress’d, She fights in volumes, and erects her crest: Turn’d to her foe, she stiffens ev’ry scale, And shoots her forky tongue, and whisks her threat’ning tail.

        Against the victor, all defense is weak: Th’ imperial bird still plies her with his beak; He tears her bowels, and her breast he gores; Then claps his pinions, and securely soars.

        Thus, thro’ the midst of circling enemies, Strong Tarchon snatch’d and bore away his prize.

        The Tyrrhene troops, that shrunk before, now press The Latins, and presume the like success.

        Then Aruns, doom’d to death, his arts assay’d, To murther, unespied, the Volscian maid: This way and that his winding course he bends, And, whereso’er she turns, her steps attends.

        When she retires victorious from the chase, He wheels about with care, and shifts his place; When, rushing on, she seeks her foes flight, He keeps aloof, but keeps her still in sight: He threats, and trembles, trying ev’ry way, Unseen to kill, and safely to betray.

        Chloreus, the priest of Cybele, from far, Glitt’ring in Phrygian arms amidst the war, Was by the virgin view’d. The steed he press’d Was proud with trappings, and his brawny chest With scales of gilded brass was cover’d o’er; A robe of Tyrian dye the rider wore.

        With deadly wounds he gall’d the distant foe; Gnossian his shafts, and Lycian was his bow: A golden helm his front and head surrounds A gilded quiver from his shoulder sounds.

        Gold, weav’d with linen, on his thighs he wore, With flowers of needlework distinguish’d o’er, With golden buckles bound, and gather’d up before.

        Him the fierce maid beheld with ardent eyes, Fond and ambitious of so rich a prize, Or that the temple might his trophies hold, Or else to shine herself in Trojan gold.

        Blind in her haste, she chases him alone.

        And seeks his life, regardless of her own.

        This lucky moment the sly traitor chose: Then, starting from his ambush, up he rose, And threw, but first to Heav’n address’d his vows: “O patron of Socrates’ high abodes,

        Phoebus, the ruling pow’r among the gods, Whom first we serve, whole woods of unctuous pine Are fell’d for thee, and to thy glory shine; By thee protected with our naked soles, Thro’ flames unsing’d we march, and tread the kindled coals Give me, propitious pow’r, to wash away The stains of this dishonorable day:

        Nor spoils, nor triumph, from the fact I claim, But with my future actions trust my fame.

        Let me, by stealth, this female plague o’ercome, And from the field return inglorious home.”

        Apollo heard, and, granting half his pray’r, Shuffled in winds the rest, and toss’d in empty air.

        He gives the death desir’d; his safe return By southern tempests to the seas is borne.

        Now, when the jav’lin whizz’d along the skies, Both armies on Camilla turn’d their eyes, Directed by the sound. Of either host, Th’ unhappy virgin, tho’ concern’d the most, Was only deaf; so greedy was she bent On golden spoils, and on her prey intent; Till in her pap the winged weapon stood Infix’d, and deeply drunk the purple blood.

        Her sad attendants hasten to sustain

        Their dying lady, drooping on the plain.

        Far from their sight the trembling Aruns flies, With beating heart, and fear confus’d with joys; Nor dares he farther to pursue his blow, Or ev’n to bear the sight of his expiring foe.

        As, when the wolf has torn a bullock’s hide At unawares, or ranch’d a shepherd’s side, Conscious of his audacious deed, he flies, And claps his quiv’ring tail between his thighs: So, speeding once, the wretch no more attends, But, spurring forward, herds among his friends.

        She wrench’d the jav’lin with her dying hands, But wedg’d within her breast the weapon stands; The wood she draws, the steely point remains; She staggers in her seat with agonizing pains: (A gath’ring mist o’erclouds her cheerful eyes, And from her cheeks the rosy color flies:) Then turns to her, whom of her female train She trusted most, and thus she speaks with pain: “Acca, ‘t is past! he swims before my sight, Inexorable Death; and claims his right.

        Bear my last words to Turnus; fly with speed, And bid him timely to my charge succeed, Repel the Trojans, and the town relieve: Farewell! and in this kiss my parting breath receive.”

        She said, and, sliding, sunk upon the plain: Dying, her open’d hand forsakes the rein; Short, and more short, she pants; by slow degrees Her mind the passage from her body frees.

        She drops her sword; she nods her plumy crest, Her drooping head declining on her breast: In the last sigh her struggling soul expires, And, murm’ring with disdain, to Stygian sounds retires.

        A shout, that struck the golden stars, ensued; Despair and rage the languish’d fight renew’d.

        The Trojan troops and Tuscans, in a line, Advance to charge; the mix’d Arcadians join.

        But Cynthia’s maid, high seated, from afar Surveys the field, and fortune of the war, Unmov’d a while, till, prostrate on the plain, Welt’ring in blood, she sees Camilla slain, And, round her corpse, of friends and foes a fighting train.

        Then, from the bottom of her breast, she drew A mournful sigh, and these sad words ensue: “Too dear a fine, ah much lamented maid, For warring with the Trojans, thou hast paid!

        Nor aught avail’d, in this unhappy strife, Diana’s sacred arms, to save thy life.

        Yet unreveng’d thy goddess will not leave Her vot’ry’s death, nor; with vain sorrow grieve.

        Branded the wretch, and be his name abhorr’d; But after ages shall thy praise record.

        Th’ inglorious coward soon shall press the plain: Thus vows thy queen, and thus the Fates ordain.”

        High o’er the field there stood a hilly mound, Sacred the place, and spread with oaks around, Where, in a marble tomb, Dercennus lay, A king that once in Latium bore the sway.

        The beauteous Opis thither bent her flight, To mark the traitor Aruns from the height.

        Him in refulgent arms she soon espied, Swoln with success; and loudly thus she cried: “Thy backward steps, vain boaster, are too late; Turn like a man, at length, and meet thy fate.

        Charg’d with my message, to Camilla go, And say I sent thee to the shades below, An honor undeserv’d from Cynthia’s bow.”

        She said, and from her quiver chose with speed The winged shaft, predestin’d for the deed; Then to the stubborn yew her strength applied, Till the far distant horns approach’d on either side.

        The bowstring touch’d her breast, so strong she drew; Whizzing in air the fatal arrow flew.

        At once the twanging bow and sounding dart The traitor heard, and felt the point within his heart.

        Him, beating with his heels in pangs of death, His flying friends to foreign fields bequeath.

        The conqu’ring damsel, with expanded wings, The welcome message to her mistress brings.

        Their leader lost, the Volscians quit the field, And, unsustain’d, the chiefs of Turnus yield.

        The frighted soldiers, when their captains fly, More on their speed than on their strength rely.

        Confus’d in flight, they bear each other down, And spur their horses headlong to the town.

        Driv’n by their foes, and to their fears resign’d, Not once they turn, but take their wounds behind.

        These drop the shield, and those the lance forego, Or on their shoulders bear the slacken’d bow.

        The hoofs of horses, with a rattling sound, Beat short and thick, and shake the rotten ground.

        Black clouds of dust come rolling in the sky, And o’er the darken’d walls and rampires fly.

        The trembling matrons, from their lofty stands, Rend heav’n with female shrieks, and wring their hands.

        All pressing on, pursuers and pursued, Are crush’d in crowds, a mingled multitude.

        Some happy few escape: the throng too late Rush on for entrance, till they choke the gate.

        Ev’n in the sight of home, the wretched sire Looks on, and sees his helpless son expire.

        Then, in a fright, the folding gates they close, But leave their friends excluded with their foes.

        The vanquish’d cry; the victors loudly shout; ‘T is terror all within, and slaughter all without.

        Blind in their fear, they bounce against the wall, Or, to the moats pursued, precipitate their fall.

        The Latian virgins, valiant with despair, Arm’d on the tow’rs, the common danger share: So much of zeal their country’s cause inspir’d; So much Camilla’s great example fir’d.

        Poles, sharpen’d in the flames, from high they throw, With imitated darts, to gall the foe.

        Their lives for godlike freedom they bequeath, And crowd each other to be first in death.

        Meantime to Turnus, ambush’d in the shade, With heavy tidings came th’ unhappy maid: “The Volscians overthrown, Camilla kill’d; The foes, entirely masters of the field, Like a resistless flood, come rolling on: The cry goes off the plain, and thickens to the town.”

        Inflam’d with rage, (for so the Furies fire The Daunian’s breast, and so the Fates require,) He leaves the hilly pass, the woods in vain Possess’d, and downward issues on the plain.

        Scarce was he gone, when to the straits, now freed From secret foes, the Trojan troops succeed.

        Thro’ the black forest and the ferny brake, Unknowingly secure, their way they take; From the rough mountains to the plain descend, And there, in order drawn, their line extend.

        Both armies now in open fields are seen; Nor far the distance of the space between.

        Both to the city bend. Aeneas sees,

        Thro’ smoking fields, his hast’ning enemies; And Turnus views the Trojans in array, And hears th’ approaching horses proudly neigh.

        Soon had their hosts in bloody battle join’d; But westward to the sea the sun declin’d.

        Intrench’d before the town both armies lie, While Night with sable wings involves the sky.

        BOOK XII

        When Turnus saw the Latins leave the field, Their armies broken, and their courage quell’d, Himself become the mark of public spite, His honor question’d for the promis’d fight; The more he was with vulgar hate oppress’d, The more his fury boil’d within his breast: He rous’d his vigor for the last debate, And rais’d his haughty soul to meet his fate.

        As, when the swains the Libyan lion chase, He makes a sour retreat, nor mends his pace; But, if the pointed jav’lin pierce his side, The lordly beast returns with double pride: He wrenches out the steel, he roars for pain; His sides he lashes, and erects his mane: So Turnus fares; his eyeballs flash with fire, Thro’ his wide nostrils clouds of smoke expire.

        Trembling with rage, around the court he ran, At length approach’d the king, and thus began: “No more excuses or delays: I stand

        In arms prepar’d to combat, hand to hand, This base deserter of his native land.

        The Trojan, by his word, is bound to take The same conditions which himself did make.

        Renew the truce; the solemn rites prepare, And to my single virtue trust the war.

        The Latians unconcern’d shall see the fight; This arm unaided shall assert your right: Then, if my prostrate body press the plain, To him the crown and beauteous bride remain.”

        To whom the king sedately thus replied: “Brave youth, the more your valor has been tried, The more becomes it us, with due respect, To weigh the chance of war, which you neglect.

        You want not wealth, or a successive throne, Or cities which your arms have made your own: My towns and treasures are at your command, And stor’d with blooming beauties is my land; Laurentum more than one Lavinia sees, Unmarried, fair, of noble families.

        Now let me speak, and you with patience hear, Things which perhaps may grate a lover’s ear, But sound advice, proceeding from a heart Sincerely yours, and free from fraudful art.

        The gods, by signs, have manifestly shown, No prince Italian born should heir my throne: Oft have our augurs, in prediction skill’d, And oft our priests, foreign son reveal’d.

        Yet, won by worth that cannot be withstood, Brib’d by my kindness to my kindred blood, Urg’d by my wife, who would not be denied, I promis’d my Lavinia for your bride: Her from her plighted lord by force I took; All ties of treaties, and of honor, broke: On your account I wag’d an impious war-With what success, ‘t is needless to declare; I and my subjects feel, and you have had your share.

        Twice vanquish’d while in bloody fields we strive, Scarce in our walls we keep our hopes alive: The rolling flood runs warm with human gore; The bones of Latians blanch the neighb’ring shore.

        Why put I not an end to this debate,

        Still unresolv’d, and still a slave to fate?

        If Turnus’ death a lasting peace can give, Why should I not procure it whilst you live?

        Should I to doubtful arms your youth betray, What would my kinsmen the Rutulians say?

        And, should you fall in fight, (which Heav’n defend!) How curse the cause which hasten’d to his end The daughter’s lover and the father’s friend?

        Weigh in your mind the various chance of war; Pity your parent’s age, and ease his care.”

        Such balmy words he pour’d, but all in vain: The proffer’d med’cine but provok’d the pain.

        The wrathful youth, disdaining the relief, With intermitting sobs thus vents his grief: “The care, O best of fathers, which you take For my concerns, at my desire forsake.

        Permit me not to languish out my days, But make the best exchange of life for praise.

        This arm, this lance, can well dispute the prize; And the blood follows, where the weapon flies.

        His goddess mother is not near, to shroud The flying coward with an empty cloud.”

        But now the queen, who fear’d for Turnus’ life, And loath’d the hard conditions of the strife, Held him by force; and, dying in his death, In these sad accents gave her sorrow breath: “O Turnus, I adjure thee by these tears, And whate’er price Amata’s honor bears Within thy breast, since thou art all my hope, My sickly mind’s repose, my sinking age’s prop; Since on the safety of thy life alone Depends Latinus, and the Latian throne: Refuse me not this one, this only pray’r, To waive the combat, and pursue the war.

        Whatever chance attends this fatal strife, Think it includes, in thine, Amata’s life.

        I cannot live a slave, or see my throne Usurp’d by strangers or a Trojan son.”

        At this, a flood of tears Lavinia shed; A crimson blush her beauteous face o’erspread, Varying her cheeks by turns with white and red.

        The driving colors, never at a stay,

        Run here and there, and flush, and fade away.

        Delightful change! Thus Indian iv’ry shows, Which with the bord’ring paint of purple glows; Or lilies damask’d by the neighb’ring rose.

        The lover gaz’d, and, burning with desire, The more he look’d, the more he fed the fire: Revenge, and jealous rage, and secret spite, Roll in his breast, and rouse him to the fight.

        Then fixing on the queen his ardent eyes, Firm to his first intent, he thus replies: “O mother, do not by your tears prepare Such boding omens, and prejudge the war.

        Resolv’d on fight, I am no longer free To shun my death, if Heav’n my death decree.”

        Then turning to the herald, thus pursues: “Go, greet the Trojan with ungrateful news; Denounce from me, that, when to-morrow’s light Shall gild the heav’ns, he need not urge the fight; The Trojan and Rutulian troops no more Shall dye, with mutual blood, the Latian shore: Our single swords the quarrel shall decide, And to the victor be the beauteous bride.”

        He said, and striding on, with speedy pace, He sought his coursers of the Thracian race.

        At his approach they toss their heads on high, And, proudly neighing, promise victory.

        The sires of these Orythia sent from far, To grace Pilumnus, when he went to war.

        The drifts of Thracian snows were scarce so white, Nor northern winds in fleetness match’d their flight.

        Officious grooms stand ready by his side; And some with combs their flowing manes divide, And others stroke their chests and gently soothe their pride He sheath’d his limbs in arms; a temper’d mass Of golden metal those, and mountain brass.

        Then to his head his glitt’ring helm he tied, And girt his faithful fauchion to his side.

        In his Aetnaean forge, the God of Fire That fauchion labor’d for the hero’s sire; Immortal keenness on the blade bestow’d, And plung’d it hissing in the Stygian flood.

        Propp’d on a pillar, which the ceiling bore, Was plac’d the lance Auruncan Actor wore; Which with such force he brandish’d in his hand, The tough ash trembled like an osier wand: Then cried: “O pond’rous spoil of Actor slain, And never yet by Turnus toss’d in vain, Fail not this day thy wonted force; but go, Sent by this hand, to pierce the Trojan foe!

        Give me to tear his corslet from his breast, And from that eunuch head to rend the crest; Dragg’d in the dust, his frizzled hair to soil, Hot from the vexing ir’n, and smear’d with fragrant oil!”

        Thus while he raves, from his wide nostrils flies A fiery steam, and sparkles from his eyes.

        So fares the bull in his lov’d female’s sight: Proudly he bellows, and preludes the fight; He tries his goring horns against a tree, And meditates his absent enemy;

        He pushes at the winds; he digs the strand With his black hoofs, and spurns the yellow sand.

        Nor less the Trojan, in his Lemnian arms, To future fight his manly courage warms: He whets his fury, and with joy prepares To terminate at once the ling’ring wars; To cheer his chiefs and tender son, relates What Heav’n had promis’d, and expounds the fates.

        Then to the Latian king he sends, to cease The rage of arms, and ratify the peace.

        The morn ensuing, from the mountain’s height, Had scarcely spread the skies with rosy light; Th’ ethereal coursers, bounding from the sea, From out their flaming nostrils breath’d the day; When now the Trojan and Rutulian guard, In friendly labor join’d, the list prepar’d.

        Beneath the walls they measure out the space; Then sacred altars rear, on sods of grass, Where, with religious their common gods they place.

        In purest white the priests their heads attire; And living waters bear, and holy fire; And, o’er their linen hoods and shaded hair, Long twisted wreaths of sacred veryain wear, In order issuing from the town appears The Latin legion, arm’d with pointed spears; And from the fields, advancing on a line, The Trojan and the Tuscan forces join: Their various arms afford a pleasing sight; A peaceful train they seem, in peace prepar’d for fight.

        Betwixt the ranks the proud commanders ride, Glitt’ring with gold, and vests in purple dyed; Here Mnestheus, author of the Memmian line, And there Messapus, born of seed divine.

        The sign is giv’n; and, round the listed space, Each man in order fills his proper place.

        Reclining on their ample shields, they stand, And fix their pointed lances in the sand.

        Now, studious of the sight, a num’rous throng Of either sex promiscuous, old and young, Swarm the town: by those who rest behind, The gates and walls and houses’ tops are lin’d.

        Meantime the Queen of Heav’n beheld the sight, With eyes unpleas’d, from Mount Albano’s height (Since call’d Albano by succeeding fame, But then an empty hill, without a name).

        She thence survey’d the field, the Trojan pow’rs, The Latian squadrons, and Laurentine tow’rs.

        Then thus the goddess of the skies bespoke, With sighs and tears, the goddess of the lake, King Turnus’ sister, once a lovely maid, Ere to the lust of lawless Jove betray’d: Compress’d by force, but, by the grateful god, Now made the Nais of the neighb’ring flood.

        “O nymph, the pride of living lakes,” said she, “O most renown’d, and most belov’d by me, Long hast thou known, nor need I to record, The wanton sallies of my wand’ring lord.

        Of ev’ry Latian fair whom Jove misled To mount by stealth my violated bed,

        To thee alone I grudg’d not his embrace, But gave a part of heav’n, and an unenvied place.

        Now learn from me thy near approaching grief, Nor think my wishes want to thy relief.

        While fortune favor’d, nor Heav’n’s King denied To lend my succor to the Latian side, I sav’d thy brother, and the sinking state: But now he struggles with unequal fate, And goes, with gods averse, o’ermatch’d in might, To meet inevitable death in fight;

        Nor must I break the truce, nor can sustain the sight.

        Thou, if thou dar’st thy present aid supply; It well becomes a sister’s care to try.”

        At this the lovely nymph, with grief oppress’d, Thrice tore her hair, and beat her comely breast.

        To whom Saturnia thus: “Thy tears are late: Haste, snatch him, if he can be snatch’d from fate: New tumults kindle; violate the truce: Who knows what changeful fortune may produce?

        ‘T is not a crime t’ attempt what I decree; Or, if it were, discharge the crime on me.”

        She said, and, sailing on the winged wind, Left the sad nymph suspended in her mind.

        And now pomp the peaceful kings appear: Four steeds the chariot of Latinus bear; Twelve golden beams around his temples play, To mark his lineage from the God of Day.

        Two snowy coursers Turnus’ chariot yoke, And in his hand two massy spears he shook: Then issued from the camp, in arms divine, Aeneas, author of the Roman line;

        And by his side Ascanius took his place, The second hope of Rome’s immortal race.

        Adorn’d in white, a rev’rend priest appears, And off’rings to the flaming altars bears; A porket, and a lamb that never suffer’d shears.

        Then to the rising sun he turns his eyes, And strews the beasts, design’d for sacrifice, With salt and meal: with like officious care He marks their foreheads, and he clips their hair.

        Betwixt their horns the purple wine he sheds; With the same gen’rous juice the flame he feeds.

        Aeneas then unsheath’d his shining sword, And thus with pious pray’rs the gods ador’d: “All-seeing sun, and thou, Ausonian soil, For which I have sustain’d so long a toil, Thou, King of Heav’n, and thou, the Queen of Air, Propitious now, and reconcil’d by pray’r; Thou, God of War, whose unresisted sway The labors and events of arms obey;

        Ye living fountains, and ye running floods, All pow’rs of ocean, all ethereal gods, Hear, and bear record: if I fall in field, Or, recreant in the fight, to Turnus yield, My Trojans shall encrease Evander’s town; Ascanius shall renounce th’ Ausonian crown: All claims, all questions of debate, shall cease; Nor he, nor they, with force infringe the peace.

        But, if my juster arms prevail in fight, (As sure they shall, if I divine aright,) My Trojans shall not o’er th’ Italians reign: Both equal, both unconquer’d shall remain, Join’d in their laws, their lands, and their abodes; I ask but altars for my weary gods.

        The care of those religious rites be mine; The crown to King Latinus I resign:

        His be the sov’reign sway. Nor will I share His pow’r in peace, or his command in war.

        For me, my friends another town shall frame, And bless the rising tow’rs with fair Lavinia’s name.”

        Thus he. Then, with erected eyes and hands, The Latian king before his altar stands.

        “By the same heav’n,” said he, “and earth, and main, And all the pow’rs that all the three contain; By hell below, and by that upper god

        Whose thunder signs the peace, who seals it with his nod; So let Latona’s double offspring hear, And double-fronted Janus, what I swear: I touch the sacred altars, touch the flames, And all those pow’rs attest, and all their names; Whatever chance befall on either side, No term of time this union shall divide: No force, no fortune, shall my vows unbind, Or shake the steadfast tenor of my mind; Not tho’ the circling seas should break their bound, O’erflow the shores, or sap the solid ground; Not tho’ the lamps of heav’n their spheres forsake, Hurl’d down, and hissing in the nether lake: Ev’n as this royal scepter” (for he bore A scepter in his hand) “shall never more Shoot out in branches, or renew the birth: An orphan now, cut from the mother earth By the keen ax, dishonor’d of its hair, And cas’d in brass, for Latian kings to bear.”

        When thus in public view the peace was tied With solemn vows, and sworn on either side, All dues perform’d which holy rites require; The victim beasts are slain before the fire, The trembling entrails from their bodies torn, And to the fatten’d flames in chargers borne.

        Already the Rutulians deem their man

        O’ermatch’d in arms, before the fight began.

        First rising fears are whisper’d thro’ the crowd; Then, gath’ring sound, they murmur more aloud.

        Now, side to side, they measure with their eyes The champions’ bulk, their sinews, and their size: The nearer they approach, the more is known Th’ apparent disadvantage of their own.

        Turnus himself appears in public sight Conscious of fate, desponding of the fight.

        Slowly he moves, and at his altar stands With eyes dejected, and with trembling hands; And, while he mutters undistinguish’d pray’rs, A livid deadness in his cheeks appears.

        With anxious pleasure when Juturna view’d Th’ increasing fright of the mad multitude, When their short sighs and thick’ning sobs she heard, And found their ready minds for change prepar’d; Dissembling her immortal form, she took Camertus’ mien, his habit, and his look; A chief of ancient blood; in arms well known Was his great sire, and he his greater son.

        His shape assum’d, amid the ranks she ran, And humoring their first motions, thus began: “For shame, Rutulians, can you bear the sight Of one expos’d for all, in single fight?

        Can we, before the face of heav’n, confess Our courage colder, or our numbers less?

        View all the Trojan host, th’ Arcadian band, And Tuscan army; count ‘em as they stand: Undaunted to the battle if we go,

        Scarce ev’ry second man will share a foe.

        Turnus, ‘t is true, in this unequal strife, Shall lose, with honor, his devoted life, Or change it rather for immortal fame, Succeeding to the gods, from whence he came: But you, a servile and inglorious band, For foreign lords shall sow your native land, Those fruitful fields your fighting fathers gain’d, Which have so long their lazy sons sustain’d.”

        With words like these, she carried her design: A rising murmur runs along the line.

        Then ev’n the city troops, and Latians, tir’d With tedious war, seem with new souls inspir’d: Their champion’s fate with pity they lament, And of the league, so lately sworn, repent.

        Nor fails the goddess to foment the rage With lying wonders, and a false presage; But adds a sign, which, present to their eyes, Inspires new courage, and a glad surprise.

        For, sudden, in the fiery tracts above, Appears in pomp th’ imperial bird of Jove: A plump of fowl he spies, that swim the lakes, And o’er their heads his sounding pinions shakes; Then, stooping on the fairest of the train, In his strong talons truss’d a silver swan.

        Th’ Italians wonder at th’ unusual sight; But, while he lags, and labors in his flight, Behold, the dastard fowl return anew, And with united force the foe pursue: Clam’rous around the royal hawk they fly, And, thick’ning in a cloud, o’ershade the sky.

        They cuff, they scratch, they cross his airy course; Nor can th’ incumber’d bird sustain their force; But vex’d, not vanquish’d, drops the pond’rous prey, And, lighten’d of his burthen, wings his way.

        Th’ Ausonian bands with shouts salute the sight, Eager of action, and demand the fight.

        Then King Tolumnius, vers’d in augurs’ arts, Cries out, and thus his boasted skill imparts: “At length ‘t is granted, what I long desir’d!

        This, this is what my frequent vows requir’d.

        Ye gods, I take your omen, and obey.

        Advance, my friends, and charge! I lead the way.

        These are the foreign foes, whose impious band, Like that rapacious bird, infest our land: But soon, like him, they shall be forc’d to sea By strength united, and forego the prey.

        Your timely succor to your country bring, Haste to the rescue, and redeem your king.”

        He said; and, pressing onward thro’ the crew, Pois’d in his lifted arm, his lance he threw.

        The winged weapon, whistling in the wind, Came driving on, nor miss’d the mark design’d.

        At once the cornel rattled in the skies; At once tumultuous shouts and clamors rise.

        Nine brothers in a goodly band there stood, Born of Arcadian mix’d with Tuscan blood, Gylippus’ sons: the fatal jav’lin flew, Aim’d at the midmost of the friendly crew.

        A passage thro’ the jointed arms it found, Just where the belt was to the body bound, And struck the gentle youth extended on the ground.

        Then, fir’d with pious rage, the gen’rous train Run madly forward to revenge the slain.

        And some with eager haste their jav’lins throw; And some with sword in hand assault the foe.

        The wish’d insult the Latine troops embrace, And meet their ardor in the middle space.

        The Trojans, Tuscans, and Arcadian line, With equal courage obviate their design.

        Peace leaves the violated fields, and hate Both armies urges to their mutual fate.

        With impious haste their altars are o’erturn’d, The sacrifice half-broil’d, and half-unburn’d.

        Thick storms of steel from either army fly, And clouds of clashing darts obscure the sky; Brands from the fire are missive weapons made, With chargers, bowls, and all the priestly trade.

        Latinus, frighted, hastens from the fray, And bears his unregarded gods away.

        These on their horses vault; those yoke the car; The rest, with swords on high, run headlong to the war.

        Messapus, eager to confound the peace, Spurr’d his hot courser thro’ the fighting prease, At King Aulestes, by his purple known A Tuscan prince, and by his regal crown; And, with a shock encount’ring, bore him down.

        Backward he fell; and, as his fate design’d, The ruins of an altar were behind:

        There, pitching on his shoulders and his head, Amid the scatt’ring fires he lay supinely spread.

        The beamy spear, descending from above, His cuirass pierc’d, and thro’ his body drove.

        Then, with a scornful smile, the victor cries: “The gods have found a fitter sacrifice.”

        Greedy of spoils, th’ Italians strip the dead Of his rich armor, and uncrown his head.

        Priest Corynaeus, arm’d his better hand, From his own altar, with a blazing brand; And, as Ebusus with a thund’ring pace Advanc’d to battle, dash’d it on his face: His bristly beard shines out with sudden fires; The crackling crop a noisome scent expires.

        Following the blow, he seiz’d his curling crown With his left hand; his other cast him down.

        The prostrate body with his knees he press’d, And plung’d his holy poniard in his breast.

        While Podalirius, with his sword, pursued The shepherd Alsus thro’ the flying crowd, Swiftly he turns, and aims a deadly blow Full on the front of his unwary foe.

        The broad ax enters with a crashing sound, And cleaves the chin with one continued wound; Warm blood, and mingled brains, besmear his arms around An iron sleep his stupid eyes oppress’d, And seal’d their heavy lids in endless rest.

        But good Aeneas rush’d amid the bands; Bare was his head, and naked were his hands, In sign of truce: then thus he cries aloud: “What sudden rage, what new desire of blood, Inflames your alter’d minds? O Trojans, cease From impious arms, nor violate the peace!

        By human sanctions, and by laws divine, The terms are all agreed; the war is mine.

        Dismiss your fears, and let the fight ensue; This hand alone shall right the gods and you: Our injur’d altars, and their broken vow, To this avenging sword the faithless Turnus owe.”

        Thus while he spoke, unmindful of defense, A winged arrow struck the pious prince.

        But, whether from some human hand it came, Or hostile god, is left unknown by fame: No human hand or hostile god was found, To boast the triumph of so base a wound.

        When Turnus saw the Trojan quit the plain, His chiefs dismay’d, his troops a fainting train, Th’ unhop’d event his heighten’d soul inspires: At once his arms and coursers he requires; Then, with a leap, his lofty chariot gains, And with a ready hand assumes the reins.

        He drives impetuous, and, where’er he goes, He leaves behind a lane of slaughter’d foes.

        These his lance reaches; over those he rolls His rapid car, and crushes out their souls: In vain the vanquish’d fly; the victor sends The dead men’s weapons at their living friends.

        Thus, on the banks of Hebrus’ freezing flood, The God of Battles, in his angry mood, Clashing his sword against his brazen shield, Let loose the reins, and scours along the field: Before the wind his fiery coursers fly; Groans the sad earth, resounds the rattling sky.

        Wrath, Terror, Treason, Tumult, and Despair (Dire faces, and deform’d) surround the car; Friends of the god, and followers of the war.

        With fury not unlike, nor less disdain, Exulting Turnus flies along the plain: His smoking horses, at their utmost speed, He lashes on, and urges o’er the dead.

        Their fetlocks run with blood; and, when they bound, The gore and gath’ring dust are dash’d around.

        Thamyris and Pholus, masters of the war, He kill’d at hand, but Sthenelus afar: From far the sons of Imbracus he slew, Glaucus and Lades, of the Lycian crew; Both taught to fight on foot, in battle join’d, Or mount the courser that outstrips the wind.

        Meantime Eumedes, vaunting in the field, New fir’d the Trojans, and their foes repell’d.

        This son of Dolon bore his grandsire’s name, But emulated more his father’s fame;

        His guileful father, sent a nightly spy, The Grecian camp and order to descry: Hard enterprise! and well he might require Achilles’ car and horses, for his hire: But, met upon the scout, th’ Aetolian prince In death bestow’d a juster recompense.

        Fierce Turnus view’d the Trojan from afar, And launch’d his jav’lin from his lofty car; Then lightly leaping down, pursued the blow, And, pressing with his foot his prostrate foe, Wrench’d from his feeble hold the shining sword, And plung’d it in the bosom of its lord.

        “Possess,” said he, “the fruit of all thy pains, And measure, at thy length, our Latian plains.

        Thus are my foes rewarded by my hand; Thus may they build their town, and thus enjoy the land!”

        Then Dares, Butes, Sybaris he slew,

        Whom o’er his neck his flound’ring courser threw.

        As when loud Boreas, with his blust’ring train, Stoops from above, incumbent on the main; Where’er he flies, he drives the rack before, And rolls the billows on th’ Aegaean shore: So, where resistless Turnus takes his course, The scatter’d squadrons bend before his force; His crest of horses’ hair is blown behind By adverse air, and rustles in the wind.

        This haughty Phegeus saw with high disdain, And, as the chariot roll’d along the plain, Light from the ground he leapt, and seiz’d the rein.

        Thus hung in air, he still retain’d his hold, The coursers frighted, and their course controll’d.

        The lance of Turnus reach’d him as he hung, And pierc’d his plated arms, but pass’d along, And only raz’d the skin. He turn’d, and held Against his threat’ning foe his ample shield; Then call’d for aid: but, while he cried in vain, The chariot bore him backward on the plain.

        He lies revers’d; the victor king descends, And strikes so justly where his helmet ends, He lops the head. The Latian fields are drunk With streams that issue from the bleeding trunk.

        While he triumphs, and while the Trojans yield, The wounded prince is forc’d to leave the field: Strong Mnestheus, and Achates often tried, And young Ascanius, weeping by his side, Conduct him to his tent. Scarce can he rear His limbs from earth, supported on his spear.

        Resolv’d in mind, regardless of the smart, He tugs with both his hands, and breaks the dart.

        The steel remains. No readier way he found To draw the weapon, than t’ inlarge the wound.

        Eager of fight, impatient of delay,

        He begs; and his unwilling friends obey.

        Iapis was at hand to prove his art,

        Whose blooming youth so fir’d Apollo’s heart, That, for his love, he proffer’d to bestow His tuneful harp and his unerring bow.

        The pious youth, more studious how to save His aged sire, now sinking to the grave, Preferr’d the pow’r of plants, and silent praise Of healing arts, before Phoebean bays.

        Propp’d on his lance the pensive hero stood, And heard and saw, unmov’d, the mourning crowd.

        The fam’d physician tucks his robes around With ready hands, and hastens to the wound.

        With gentle touches he performs his part, This way and that, soliciting the dart, And exercises all his heav’nly art.

        All soft’ning simples, known of sov’reign use, He presses out, and pours their noble juice.

        These first infus’d, to lenify the pain, He tugs with pincers, but he tugs in vain.

        Then to the patron of his art he pray’d: The patron of his art refus’d his aid.

        Meantime the war approaches to the tents; Th’ alarm grows hotter, and the noise augments: The driving dust proclaims the danger near; And first their friends, and then their foes appear: Their friends retreat; their foes pursue the rear.

        The camp is fill’d with terror and affright: The hissing shafts within the trench alight; An undistinguish’d noise ascends the sky, The shouts those who kill, and groans of those who die.

        But now the goddess mother, mov’d with grief, And pierc’d with pity, hastens her relief.

        A branch of healing dittany she brought, Which in the Cretan fields with care she sought: Rough is the stern, which woolly leafs surround; The leafs with flow’rs, the flow’rs with purple crown’d, Well known to wounded goats; a sure relief To draw the pointed steel, and ease the grief.

        This Venus brings, in clouds involv’d, and brews Th’ extracted liquor with ambrosian dews, And odorous panacee. Unseen she stands, Temp’ring the mixture with her heav’nly hands, And pours it in a bowl, already crown’d With juice of med’c’nal herbs prepar’d to bathe the wound.

        The leech, unknowing of superior art

        Which aids the cure, with this foments the part; And in a moment ceas’d the raging smart.

        Stanch’d is the blood, and in the bottom stands: The steel, but scarcely touch’d with tender hands, Moves up, and follows of its own accord, And health and vigor are at once restor’d.

        Iapis first perceiv’d the closing wound, And first the footsteps of a god he found.

        “Arms! arms!” he cries; “the sword and shield prepare, And send the willing chief, renew’d, to war.

        This is no mortal work, no cure of mine, Nor art’s effect, but done by hands divine.

        Some god our general to the battle sends; Some god preserves his life for greater ends.”

        The hero arms in haste; his hands infold His thighs with cuishes of refulgent gold: Inflam’d to fight, and rushing to the field, That hand sustaining the celestial shield, This gripes the lance, and with such vigor shakes, That to the rest the beamy weapon quakes.

        Then with a close embrace he strain’d his son, And, kissing thro’ his helmet, thus begun: “My son, from my example learn the war, In camps to suffer, and in fields to dare; But happier chance than mine attend thy care!

        This day my hand thy tender age shall shield, And crown with honors of the conquer’d field: Thou, when thy riper years shall send thee forth To toils of war, be mindful of my worth; Assert thy birthright, and in arms be known, For Hector’s nephew, and Aeneas’ son.”

        He said; and, striding, issued on the plain.

        Anteus and Mnestheus, and a num’rous train, Attend his steps; the rest their weapons take, And, crowding to the field, the camp forsake.

        A cloud of blinding dust is rais’d around, Labors beneath their feet the trembling ground.

        Now Turnus, posted on a hill, from far Beheld the progress of the moving war: With him the Latins view’d the cover’d plains, And the chill blood ran backward in their veins.

        Juturna saw th’ advancing troops appear, And heard the hostile sound, and fled for fear.

        Aeneas leads; and draws a sweeping train, Clos’d in their ranks, and pouring on the plain.

        As when a whirlwind, rushing to the shore From the mid ocean, drives the waves before; The painful hind with heavy heart foresees The flatted fields, and slaughter of the trees; With like impetuous rage the prince appears Before his doubled front, nor less destruction bears.

        And now both armies shock in open field; Osiris is by strong Thymbraeus kill’d.

        Archetius, Ufens, Epulon, are slain

        (All fam’d in arms, and of the Latian train) By Gyas’, Mnestheus’, and Achates’ hand.

        The fatal augur falls, by whose command The truce was broken, and whose lance, embrued With Trojan blood, th’ unhappy fight renew’d.

        Loud shouts and clamors rend the liquid sky, And o’er the field the frighted Latins fly.

        The prince disdains the dastards to pursue, Nor moves to meet in arms the fighting few; Turnus alone, amid the dusky plain,

        He seeks, and to the combat calls in vain.

        Juturna heard, and, seiz’d with mortal fear, Forc’d from the beam her brother’s charioteer; Assumes his shape, his armor, and his mien, And, like Metiscus, in his seat is seen.

        As the black swallow near the palace plies; O’er empty courts, and under arches, flies; Now hawks aloft, now skims along the flood, To furnish her loquacious nest with food: So drives the rapid goddess o’er the plains; The smoking horses run with loosen’d reins.

        She steers a various course among the foes; Now here, now there, her conqu’ring brother shows; Now with a straight, now with a wheeling flight, She turns, and bends, but shuns the single fight.

        Aeneas, fir’d with fury, breaks the crowd, And seeks his foe, and calls by name aloud: He runs within a narrower ring, and tries To stop the chariot; but the chariot flies.

        If he but gain a glimpse, Juturna fears, And far away the Daunian hero bears.

        What should he do! Nor arts nor arms avail; And various cares in vain his mind assail.

        The great Messapus, thund’ring thro’ the field, In his left hand two pointed jav’lins held: Encount’ring on the prince, one dart he drew, And with unerring aim and utmost vigor threw.

        Aeneas saw it come, and, stooping low Beneath his buckler, shunn’d the threat’ning blow.

        The weapon hiss’d above his head, and tore The waving plume which on his helm he wore.

        Forced by this hostile act, and fir’d with spite, That flying Turnus still declin’d the fight, The Prince, whose piety had long repell’d His inborn ardor, now invades the field; Invokes the pow’rs of violated peace, Their rites and injur’d altars to redress; Then, to his rage abandoning the rein, With blood and slaughter’d bodies fills the plain.

        What god can tell, what numbers can display, The various labors of that fatal day; What chiefs and champions fell on either side, In combat slain, or by what deaths they died; Whom Turnus, whom the Trojan hero kill’d; Who shar’d the fame and fortune of the field!

        Jove, could’st thou view, and not avert thy sight, Two jarring nations join’d in cruel fight, Whom leagues of lasting love so shortly shall unite!

        Aeneas first Rutulian Sucro found,

        Whose valor made the Trojans quit their ground; Betwixt his ribs the jav’lin drove so just, It reach’d his heart, nor needs a second thrust.

        Now Turnus, at two blows, two brethren slew; First from his horse fierce Amycus he threw: Then, leaping on the ground, on foot assail’d Diores, and in equal fight prevail’d.

        Their lifeless trunks he leaves upon the place; Their heads, distilling gore, his chariot grace.

        Three cold on earth the Trojan hero threw, Whom without respite at one charge he slew: Cethegus, Tanais, Tagus, fell oppress’d, And sad Onythes, added to the rest,

        Of Theban blood, whom Peridia bore.

        Turnus two brothers from the Lycian shore, And from Apollo’s fane to battle sent, O’erthrew; nor Phoebus could their fate prevent.

        Peaceful Menoetes after these he kill’d, Who long had shunn’d the dangers of the field: On Lerna’s lake a silent life he led, And with his nets and angle earn’d his bread; Nor pompous cares, nor palaces, he knew, But wisely from th’ infectious world withdrew: Poor was his house; his father’s painful hand Discharg’d his rent, and plow’d another’s land.

        As flames among the lofty woods are thrown On diff’rent sides, and both by winds are blown; The laurels crackle in the sputt’ring fire; The frighted sylvans from their shades retire: Or as two neighb’ring torrents fall from high; Rapid they run; the foamy waters fry; They roll to sea with unresisted force, And down the rocks precipitate their course: Not with less rage the rival heroes take Their diff’rent ways, nor less destruction make.

        With spears afar, with swords at hand, they strike; And zeal of slaughter fires their souls alike.

        Like them, their dauntless men maintain the field; And hearts are pierc’d, unknowing how to yield: They blow for blow return, and wound for wound; And heaps of bodies raise the level ground.

        Murranus, boasting of his blood, that springs From a long royal race of Latian kings, Is by the Trojan from his chariot thrown, Crush’d with the weight of an unwieldy stone: Betwixt the wheels he fell; the wheels, that bore His living load, his dying body tore.

        His starting steeds, to shun the glitt’ring sword, Paw down his trampled limbs, forgetful of their lord.

        Fierce Hyllus threaten’d high, and, face to face, Affronted Turnus in the middle space: The prince encounter’d him in full career, And at his temples aim’d the deadly spear; So fatally the flying weapon sped,

        That thro’ his helm it pierc’d his head.

        Nor, Cisseus, couldst thou scape from Turnus’ hand, In vain the strongest of th’ Arcadian band: Nor to Cupentus could his gods afford Availing aid against th’ Aenean sword, Which to his naked heart pursued the course; Nor could his plated shield sustain the force.

        Iolas fell, whom not the Grecian pow’rs, Nor great subverter of the Trojan tow’rs, Were doom’d to kill, while Heav’n prolong’d his date; But who can pass the bounds, prefix’d by fate?

        In high Lyrnessus, and in Troy, he held Two palaces, and was from each expell’d: Of all the mighty man, the last remains A little spot of foreign earth contains.

        And now both hosts their broken troops unite In equal ranks, and mix in mortal fight.

        Seresthus and undaunted Mnestheus join The Trojan, Tuscan, and Arcadian line: Sea-born Messapus, with Atinas, heads The Latin squadrons, and to battle leads.

        They strike, they push, they throng the scanty space, Resolv’d on death, impatient of disgrace; And, where one falls, another fills his place.

        The Cyprian goddess now inspires her son To leave th’ unfinish’d fight, and storm the town: For, while he rolls his eyes around the plain In quest of Turnus, whom he seeks in vain, He views th’ unguarded city from afar, In careless quiet, and secure of war.

        Occasion offers, and excites his mind To dare beyond the task he first design’d.

        Resolv’d, he calls his chiefs; they leave the fight: Attended thus, he takes a neighb’ring height; The crowding troops about their gen’ral stand, All under arms, and wait his high command.

        Then thus the lofty prince: “Hear and obey, Ye Trojan bands, without the least delay Jove is with us; and what I have decreed Requires our utmost vigor, and our speed.

        Your instant arms against the town prepare, The source of mischief, and the seat of war.

        This day the Latian tow’rs, that mate the sky, Shall level with the plain in ashes lie: The people shall be slaves, unless in time They kneel for pardon, and repent their crime.

        Twice have our foes been vanquish’d on the plain: Then shall I wait till Turnus will be slain?

        Your force against the perjur’d city bend.

        There it began, and there the war shall end.

        The peace profan’d our rightful arms requires; Cleanse the polluted place with purging fires.”

        He finish’d; and, one soul inspiring all, Form’d in a wedge, the foot approach the wall.

        Without the town, an unprovided train Of gaping, gazing citizens are slain.

        Some firebrands, others scaling ladders bear, And those they toss aloft, and these they rear: The flames now launch’d, the feather’d arrows fly, And clouds of missive arms obscure the sky.

        Advancing to the front, the hero stands, And, stretching out to heav’n his pious hands, Attests the gods, asserts his innocence, Upbraids with breach of faith th’ Ausonian prince; Declares the royal honor doubly stain’d, And twice the rites of holy peace profan’d.

        Dissenting clamors in the town arise; Each will be heard, and all at once advise.

        One part for peace, and one for war contends; Some would exclude their foes, and some admit their friends.

        The helpless king is hurried in the throng, And, whate’er tide prevails, is borne along.

        Thus, when the swain, within a hollow rock, Invades the bees with suffocating smoke, They run around, or labor on their wings, Disus’d to flight, and shoot their sleepy stings; To shun the bitter fumes in vain they try; Black vapors, issuing from the vent, involve the sky.

        But fate and envious fortune now prepare To plunge the Latins in the last despair.

        The queen, who saw the foes invade the town, And brands on tops of burning houses thrown, Cast round her eyes, distracted with her fear-No troops of Turnus in the field appear.

        Once more she stares abroad, but still in vain, And then concludes the royal youth is slain.

        Mad with her anguish, impotent to bear The mighty grief, she loathes the vital air.

        She calls herself the cause of all this ill, And owns the dire effects of her ungovern’d will; She raves against the gods; she beats her breast; She tears with both her hands her purple vest: Then round a beam a running noose she tied, And, fasten’d by the neck, obscenely died.

        Soon as the fatal news by Fame was blown, And to her dames and to her daughter known, The sad Lavinia rends her yellow hair And rosy cheeks; the rest her sorrow share: With shrieks the palace rings, and madness of despair.

        The spreading rumor fills the public place: Confusion, fear, distraction, and disgrace, And silent shame, are seen in ev’ry face.

        Latinus tears his garments as he goes, Both for his public and his private woes; With filth his venerable beard besmears, And sordid dust deforms his silver hairs.

        And much he blames the softness of his mind, Obnoxious to the charms of womankind, And soon seduc’d to change what he so well design’d; To break the solemn league so long desir’d, Nor finish what his fates, and those of Troy, requir’d.

        Now Turnus rolls aloof o’er empty plains, And here and there some straggling foes he gleans.

        His flying coursers please him less and less, Asham’d of easy fight and cheap success.

        Thus half-contented, anxious in his mind, The distant cries come driving in the wind, Shouts from the walls, but shouts in murmurs drown’d; A jarring mixture, and a boding sound.

        “Alas!” said he, “what mean these dismal cries?

        What doleful clamors from the town arise?”

        Confus’d, he stops, and backward pulls the reins.

        She who the driver’s office now sustains, Replies: “Neglect, my lord, these new alarms; Here fight, and urge the fortune of your arms: There want not others to defend the wall.

        If by your rival’s hand th’ Italians fall, So shall your fatal sword his friends oppress, In honor equal, equal in success.”

        To this, the prince: “O sister-for I knew The peace infring’d proceeded first from you; I knew you, when you mingled first in fight; And now in vain you would deceive my sight-Why, goddess, this unprofitable care?

        Who sent you down from heav’n, involv’d in air, Your share of mortal sorrows to sustain, And see your brother bleeding on the plain?

        For to what pow’r can Turnus have recourse, Or how resist his fate’s prevailing force?

        These eyes beheld Murranus bite the ground: Mighty the man, and mighty was the wound.

        I heard my dearest friend, with dying breath, My name invoking to revenge his death.

        Brave Ufens fell with honor on the place, To shun the shameful sight of my disgrace.

        On earth supine, a manly corpse he lies; His vest and armor are the victor’s prize.

        Then, shall I see Laurentum in a flame, Which only wanted, to complete my shame?

        How will the Latins hoot their champion’s flight!

        How Drances will insult and point them to the sight!

        Is death so hard to bear? Ye gods below, (Since those above so small compassion show,) Receive a soul unsullied yet with shame, Which not belies my great forefather’s name!”

        He said; and while he spoke, with flying speed Came Sages urging on his foamy steed: Fix’d on his wounded face a shaft he bore, And, seeking Turnus, sent his voice before: “Turnus, on you, on you alone, depends Our last relief: compassionate your friends!

        Like lightning, fierce Aeneas, rolling on, With arms invests, with flames invades the town: The brands are toss’d on high; the winds conspire To drive along the deluge of the fire.

        All eyes are fix’d on you: your foes rejoice; Ev’n the king staggers, and suspends his choice; Doubts to deliver or defend the town, Whom to reject, or whom to call his son.

        The queen, on whom your utmost hopes were plac’d, Herself suborning death, has breath’d her last.

        ‘T is true, Messapus, fearless of his fate, With fierce Atinas’ aid, defends the gate: On ev’ry side surrounded by the foe,

        The more they kill, the greater numbers grow; An iron harvest mounts, and still remains to mow.

        You, far aloof from your forsaken bands, Your rolling chariot drive o’er empty Stupid he sate, his eyes on earth declin’d, And various cares revolving in his mind: Rage, boiling from the bottom of his breast, And sorrow mix’d with shame, his soul oppress’d; And conscious worth lay lab’ring in his thought, And love by jealousy to madness wrought.

        By slow degrees his reason drove away The mists of passion, and resum’d her sway.

        Then, rising on his car, he turn’d his look, And saw the town involv’d in fire and smoke.

        A wooden tow’r with flames already blaz’d, Which his own hands on beams and rafters rais’d; And bridges laid above to join the space, And wheels below to roll from place to place.

        “Sister, the Fates have vanquish’d: let us go The way which Heav’n and my hard fortune show.

        The fight is fix’d; nor shall the branded name Of a base coward blot your brother’s fame.

        Death is my choice; but suffer me to try My force, and vent my rage before I die.”

        He said; and, leaping down without delay, Thro’ crowds of scatter’d foes he freed his way.

        Striding he pass’d, impetuous as the wind, And left the grieving goddess far behind.

        As when a fragment, from a mountain torn By raging tempests, or by torrents borne, Or sapp’d by time, or loosen’d from the roots-Prone thro’ the void the rocky ruin shoots, Rolling from crag to crag, from steep to steep; Down sink, at once, the shepherds and their sheep: Involv’d alike, they rush to nether ground; Stunn’d with the shock they fall, and stunn’d from earth rebound: So Turnus, hasting headlong to the town, Should’ring and shoving, bore the squadrons down.

        Still pressing onward, to the walls he drew, Where shafts, and spears, and darts promiscuous flew, And sanguine streams the slipp’ry ground embrue.

        First stretching out his arm, in sign of peace, He cries aloud, to make the combat cease: “Rutulians, hold; and Latin troops, retire!

        The fight is mine; and me the gods require.

        ‘T is just that I should vindicate alone The broken truce, or for the breach atone.

        This day shall free from wars th’ Ausonian state, Or finish my misfortunes in my fate.”

        Both armies from their bloody work desist, And, bearing backward, form a spacious list.

        The Trojan hero, who receiv’d from fame The welcome sound, and heard the champion’s name, Soon leaves the taken works and mounted walls, Greedy of war where greater glory calls.

        He springs to fight, exulting in his force His jointed armor rattles in the course.

        Like Eryx, or like Athos, great he shows, Or Father Apennine, when, white with snows, His head divine obscure in clouds he hides, And shakes the sounding forest on his sides.

        The nations, overaw’d, surcease the fight; Immovable their bodies, fix’d their sight.

        Ev’n death stands still; nor from above they throw Their darts, nor drive their batt’ring-rams below.

        In silent order either army stands,

        And drop their swords, unknowing, from their hands.

        Th’ Ausonian king beholds, with wond’ring sight, Two mighty champions match’d in single fight, Born under climes remote, and brought by fate, With swords to try their titles to the state.

        Now, in clos’d field, each other from afar They view; and, rushing on, begin the war.

        They launch their spears; then hand to hand they meet; The trembling soil resounds beneath their feet: Their bucklers clash; thick blows descend from high, And flakes of fire from their hard helmets fly.

        Courage conspires with chance, and both ingage With equal fortune yet, and mutual rage.

        As when two bulls for their fair female fight In Sila’s shades, or on Taburnus’ height; With horns adverse they meet; the keeper flies; Mute stands the herd; the heifers roll their eyes, And wait th’ event; which victor they shall bear, And who shall be the lord, to rule the lusty year: With rage of love the jealous rivals burn, And push for push, and wound for wound return; Their dewlaps gor’d, their sides are lav’d in blood; Loud cries and roaring sounds rebellow thro’ the wood: Such was the combat in the listed ground; So clash their swords, and so their shields resound.

        Jove sets the beam; in either scale he lays The champions’ fate, and each exactly weighs.

        On this side, life and lucky chance ascends; Loaded with death, that other scale descends.

        Rais’d on the stretch, young Turnus aims a blow Full on the helm of his unguarded foe: Shrill shouts and clamors ring on either side, As hopes and fears their panting hearts divide.

        But all in pieces flies the traitor sword, And, in the middle stroke, deserts his lord.

        Now is but death, or flight; disarm’d he flies, When in his hand an unknown hilt he spies.

        Fame says that Turnus, when his steeds he join’d, Hurrying to war, disorder’d in his mind, Snatch’d the first weapon which his haste could find.

        ‘T was not the fated sword his father bore, But that his charioteer Metiscus wore.

        This, while the Trojans fled, the toughness held; But, vain against the great Vulcanian shield, The mortal-temper’d steel deceiv’d his hand: The shiver’d fragments shone amid the sand.

        Surpris’d with fear, he fled along the field, And now forthright, and now in orbits wheel’d; For here the Trojan troops the list surround, And there the pass is clos’d with pools and marshy ground.

        Aeneas hastens, tho’ with heavier pace-His wound, so newly knit, retards the chase, And oft his trembling knees their aid refuse-Yet, pressing foot by foot, his foe pursues.

        Thus, when a fearful stag is clos’d around With crimson toils, or in a river found, High on the bank the deep-mouth’d hound appears, Still opening, following still, where’er he steers; The persecuted creature, to and fro,

        Turns here and there, to scape his Umbrian foe: Steep is th’ ascent, and, if he gains the land, The purple death is pitch’d along the strand.

        His eager foe, determin’d to the chase, Stretch’d at his length, gains ground at ev’ry pace; Now to his beamy head he makes his way, And now he holds, or thinks he holds, his prey: Just at the pinch, the stag springs out with fear; He bites the wind, and fills his sounding jaws with air: The rocks, the lakes, the meadows ring with cries; The mortal tumult mounts, and thunders in the skies.

        Thus flies the Daunian prince, and, flying, blames His tardy troops, and, calling by their names, Demands his trusty sword. The Trojan threats The realm with ruin, and their ancient seats To lay in ashes, if they dare supply

        With arms or aid his vanquish’d enemy: Thus menacing, he still pursues the course, With vigor, tho’ diminish’d of his force.

        Ten times already round the listed place One chief had fled, and t’ other giv’n the chase: No trivial prize is play’d; for on the life Or death of Turnus now depends the strife.

        Within the space, an olive tree had stood, A sacred shade, a venerable wood,

        For vows to Faunus paid, the Latins’ guardian god.

        Here hung the vests, and tablets were ingrav’d, Of sinking mariners from shipwrack sav’d.

        With heedless hands the Trojans fell’d the tree, To make the ground inclos’d for combat free.

        Deep in the root, whether by fate, or chance, Or erring haste, the Trojan drove his lance; Then stoop’d, and tugg’d with force immense, to free Th’ incumber’d spear from the tenacious tree; That, whom his fainting limbs pursued in vain, His flying weapon might from far attain.

        Confus’d with fear, bereft of human aid, Then Turnus to the gods, and first to Faunus pray’d: “O Faunus, pity! and thou Mother Earth, Where I thy foster son receiv’d my birth, Hold fast the steel! If my religious hand Your plant has honor’d, which your foes profan’d, Propitious hear my pious pray’r!” He said, Nor with successless vows invok’d their aid.

        Th’ incumbent hero wrench’d, and pull’d, and strain’d; But still the stubborn earth the steel detain’d.

        Juturna took her time; and, while in vain He strove, assum’d Meticus’ form again, And, in that imitated shape, restor’d To the despairing prince his Daunian sword.

        The Queen of Love, who, with disdain and grief, Saw the bold nymph afford this prompt relief, T’ assert her offspring with a greater deed, From the tough root the ling’ring weapon freed.

        Once more erect, the rival chiefs advance: One trusts the sword, and one the pointed lance; And both resolv’d alike to try their fatal chance.

        Meantime imperial Jove to Juno spoke, Who from a shining cloud beheld the shock: “What new arrest, O Queen of Heav’n, is sent To stop the Fates now lab’ring in th’ event?

        What farther hopes are left thee to pursue?

        Divine Aeneas, (and thou know’st it too,) Foredoom’d, to these celestial seats are due.

        What more attempts for Turnus can be made, That thus thou ling’rest in this lonely shade?

        Is it becoming of the due respect

        And awful honor of a god elect,

        A wound unworthy of our state to feel, Patient of human hands and earthly steel?

        Or seems it just, the sister should restore A second sword, when one was lost before, And arm a conquer’d wretch against his conqueror?

        For what, without thy knowledge and avow, Nay more, thy dictate, durst Juturna do?

        At last, in deference to my love, forbear To lodge within thy soul this anxious care; Reclin’d upon my breast, thy grief unload: Who should relieve the goddess, but the god?

        Now all things to their utmost issue tend, Push’d by the Fates to their appointed While leave was giv’n thee, and a lawful hour For vengeance, wrath, and unresisted pow’r, Toss’d on the seas, thou couldst thy foes distress, And, driv’n ashore, with hostile arms oppress; Deform the royal house; and, from the side Of the just bridegroom, tear the plighted bride: Now cease at my command.” The Thund’rer said; And, with dejected eyes, this answer Juno made: “Because your dread decree too well I knew, From Turnus and from earth unwilling I withdrew.

        Else should you not behold me here, alone, Involv’d in empty clouds, my friends bemoan, But, girt with vengeful flames, in open sight Engag’d against my foes in mortal fight.

        ‘T is true, Juturna mingled in the strife By my command, to save her brother’s life-At least to try; but, by the Stygian lake, (The most religious oath the gods can take,) With this restriction, not to bend the bow, Or toss the spear, or trembling dart to throw.

        And now, resign’d to your superior might, And tir’d with fruitless toils, I loathe the fight.

        This let me beg (and this no fates withstand) Both for myself and for your father’s land, That, when the nuptial bed shall bind the peace, (Which I, since you ordain, consent to bless,) The laws of either nation be the same; But let the Latins still retain their name, Speak the same language which they spoke before, Wear the same habits which their grandsires wore.

        Call them not Trojans: perish the renown And name of Troy, with that detested town.

        Latium be Latium still; let Alba reign And Rome’s immortal majesty remain.”

        Then thus the founder of mankind replies (Unruffled was his front, serene his eyes) “Can Saturn’s issue, and heav’n’s other heir, Such endless anger in her bosom bear?

        Be mistress, and your full desires obtain; But quench the choler you foment in vain.

        From ancient blood th’ Ausonian people sprung, Shall keep their name, their habit, and their tongue.

        The Trojans to their customs shall be tied: I will, myself, their common rites provide; The natives shall command, the foreigners subside.

        All shall be Latium; Troy without a name; And her lost sons forget from whence they came.

        From blood so mix’d, a pious race shall flow, Equal to gods, excelling all below.

        No nation more respect to you shall pay, Or greater off’rings on your altars lay.”

        Juno consents, well pleas’d that her desires Had found success, and from the cloud retires.

        The peace thus made, the Thund’rer next prepares To force the wat’ry goddess from the wars.

        Deep in the dismal regions void of light, Three daughters at a birth were born to Night: These their brown mother, brooding on her care, Indued with windy wings to flit in air, With serpents girt alike, and crown’d with hissing hair.

        In heav’n the Dirae call’d, and still at hand, Before the throne of angry Jove they stand, His ministers of wrath, and ready still The minds of mortal men with fears to fill, Whene’er the moody sire, to wreak his hate On realms or towns deserving of their fate, Hurls down diseases, death and deadly care, And terrifies the guilty world with war.

        One sister plague if these from heav’n he sent, To fright Juturna with a dire portent.

        The pest comes whirling down: by far more slow Springs the swift arrow from the Parthian bow, Or Cydon yew, when, traversing the skies, And drench’d in pois’nous juice, the sure destruction flies.

        With such a sudden and unseen a flight Shot thro’ the clouds the daughter of the night.

        Soon as the field inclos’d she had in view, And from afar her destin’d quarry knew, Contracted, to the boding bird she turns, Which haunts the ruin’d piles and hallow’d urns, And beats about the tombs with nightly wings, Where songs obscene on sepulchers she sings.

        Thus lessen’d in her form, with frightful cries The Fury round unhappy Turnus flies,

        Flaps on his shield, and flutters o’er his eyes.

        A lazy chillness crept along his blood; Chok’d was his voice; his hair with horror stood.

        Juturna from afar beheld her fly,

        And knew th’ ill omen, by her screaming cry And stridor of her wings. Amaz’d with fear, Her beauteous breast she beat, and rent her flowing hair.

        “Ah me!” she cries, “in this unequal strife What can thy sister more to save thy life?

        Weak as I am, can I, alas! contend

        In arms with that inexorable fiend?

        Now, now, I quit the field! forbear to fright My tender soul, ye baleful birds of night; The lashing of your wings I know too well, The sounding flight, and fun’ral screams of hell!

        These are the gifts you bring from haughty Jove, The worthy recompense of ravish’d love!

        Did he for this exempt my life from fate?

        O hard conditions of immortal state,

        Tho’ born to death, not privileg’d to die, But forc’d to bear impos’d eternity!

        Take back your envious bribes, and let me go Companion to my brother’s ghost below!

        The joys are vanish’d: nothing now remains, Of life immortal, but immortal pains.

        What earth will open her devouring womb, To rest a weary goddess in the tomb!”

        She drew a length of sighs; nor more she said, But in her azure mantle wrapp’d her head, Then plung’d into her stream, with deep despair, And her last sobs came bubbling up in air.

        Now stern Aeneas his weighty spear

        Against his foe, and thus upbraids his fear: “What farther subterfuge can Turnus find?

        What empty hopes are harbor’d in his mind?

        ‘T is not thy swiftness can secure thy flight; Not with their feet, but hands, the valiant fight.

        Vary thy shape in thousand forms, and dare What skill and courage can attempt in war; Wish for the wings of winds, to mount the sky; Or hid, within the hollow earth to lie!”

        The champion shook his head, and made this short reply: “No threats of thine my manly mind can move; ‘T is hostile heav’n I dread, and partial Jove.”

        He said no more, but, with a sigh, repress’d The mighty sorrow in his swelling breast.

        Then, as he roll’d his troubled eyes around, An antique stone he saw, the common bound Of neighb’ring fields, and barrier of the ground; So vast, that twelve strong men of modern days Th’ enormous weight from earth could hardly raise.

        He heav’d it at a lift, and, pois’d on high, Ran stagg’ring on against his enemy,

        But so disorder’d, that he scarcely knew His way, or what unwieldly weight he threw.

        His knocking knees are bent beneath the load, And shiv’ring cold congeals his vital blood.

        The stone drops from his arms, and, falling short For want of vigor, mocks his vain effort.

        And as, when heavy sleep has clos’d the sight, The sickly fancy labors in the night; We seem to run; and, destitute of force, Our sinking limbs forsake us in the course: In vain we heave for breath; in vain we cry; The nerves, unbrac’d, their usual strength deny; And on the tongue the falt’ring accents die: So Turnus far’d; whatever means he tried, All force of arms and points of art employ’d, The Fury flew athwart, and made th’ endeavor void.

        A thousand various thoughts his soul confound; He star’d about, nor aid nor issue found; His own men stop the pass, and his own walls surround.

        Once more he pauses, and looks out again, And seeks the goddess charioteer in vain.

        Trembling he views the thund’ring chief advance, And brandishing aloft the deadly lance: Amaz’d he cow’rs beneath his conqu’ring foe, Forgets to ward, and waits the coming blow.

        Astonish’d while he stands, and fix’d with fear, Aim’d at his shield he sees th’ impending spear.

        The hero measur’d first, with narrow view, The destin’d mark; and, rising as he threw, With its full swing the fatal weapon flew.

        Not with less rage the rattling thunder falls, Or stones from batt’ring-engines break the walls: Swift as a whirlwind, from an arm so strong, The lance drove on, and bore the death along.

        Naught could his sev’nfold shield the prince avail, Nor aught, beneath his arms, the coat of mail: It pierc’d thro’ all, and with a grisly wound Transfix’d his thigh, and doubled him to ground.

        With groans the Latins rend the vaulted sky: Woods, hills, and valleys, to the voice reply.

        Now low on earth the lofty chief is laid, With eyes cast upward, and with arms display’d, And, recreant, thus to the proud victor pray’d: “I know my death deserv’d, nor hope to live: Use what the gods and thy good fortune give.

        Yet think, O think, if mercy may be shown-Thou hadst a father once, and hast a son-Pity my sire, now sinking to the grave; And for Anchises’ sake old Daunus save!

        Or, if thy vow’d revenge pursue my death, Give to my friends my body void of breath!

        The Latian chiefs have seen me beg my life; Thine is the conquest, thine the royal wife: Against a yielded man, ‘t is mean ignoble strife.”

        In deep suspense the Trojan seem’d to stand, And, just prepar’d to strike, repress’d his hand.

        He roll’d his eyes, and ev’ry moment felt His manly soul with more compassion melt; When, casting down a casual glance, he spied The golden belt that glitter’d on his side, The fatal spoils which haughty Turnus tore From dying Pallas, and in triumph wore.

        Then, rous’d anew to wrath, he loudly cries (Flames, while he spoke, came flashing from his eyes) “Traitor, dost thou, dost thou to grace pretend, Clad, as thou art, in trophies of my friend?

        To his sad soul a grateful off’ring go!

        ‘T is Pallas, Pallas gives this deadly blow.”

        He rais’d his arm aloft, and, at the word, Deep in his bosom drove the shining sword.

        The streaming blood distain’d his arms around, And the disdainful soul came rushing thro’ the wound.

      13. Geoffrey Chaucer《The Canterbury Tales and Other Poems》2

        Other Poems
        THE ASSEMBLY OF FOWLS
        THE HOUSE OF FAME
        TROILUS AND CRESSIDA
        THE PROLOGUE TO THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN
        CHAUCER’S A.B.C.
        MISCELLANEOUS POEMS
        THE ASSEMBLY OF FOWLS.

        [In “The Assembly of Fowls” — which Chaucer’s “Retractation” describes as “The Book of Saint Valentine’s Day, or of the Parliament of Birds” — we are presented with a picture of the mediaeval “Court of Love” far closer to the reality than we find in Chaucer’s poem which bears that express title. We have a regularly constituted conclave or tribunal, under a president whose decisions are final. A difficult question is proposed for the consideration and judgment of the Court — the disputants advancing and vindicating their claims in person. The attendants upon the Court, through specially chosen mouthpieces, deliver their opinions on the cause; and finally a decision is authoritatively pronounced by the president — which, as in many of the cases actually judged before the Courts of Love in France, places the reasonable and modest wish of a sensitive and chaste lady above all the eagerness of her lovers, all the incongruous counsels of representative courtiers. So far, therefore, as the poem reproduces the characteristic features of procedure in those romantic Middle Age halls of amatory justice, Chaucer’s “Assembly of Fowls” is his real “Court of Love;” for although, in the castle and among the courtiers of Admetus and Alcestis, we have all the personages and machinery necessary for one of those erotic contentions, in the present poem we see the personages and the machinery actually at work, upon another scene and under other guises. The allegory which makes the contention arise out of the loves, and proceed in the assembly, of the feathered race, is quite in keeping with the fanciful yet nature-loving spirit of the poetry of Chaucer’s time, in which the influence of the Troubadours was still largely present. It is quite in keeping, also, with the principles that regulated the Courts, the purpose of which was more to discuss and determine the proper conduct of love affairs, than to secure conviction or acquittal, sanction or reprobation, in particular cases — though the jurisdiction and the judgments of such assemblies often closely concerned individuals. Chaucer introduces us to his main theme through the vestibule of a fancied dream — a method which be repeatedly employs with great relish, as for instance in “The House of Fame.” He has spent the whole day over Cicero’s account of the Dream of Scipio (Africanus the Younger); and, having gone to bed, he dreams that Africanus the Elder appears to him — just as in the book he appeared to his namesake — and carries him into a beautiful park, in which is a fair garden by a river-side. Here the poet is led into a splendid temple, through a crowd of courtiers allegorically representing the various instruments, pleasures, emotions, and encouragements of Love; and in the temple Venus herself is found, sporting with her porter Richess. Returning into the garden, he sees the Goddess of Nature seated on a hill of flowers; and before her are assembled all the birds — for it is Saint Valentine’s Day, when every fowl chooses her mate. Having with a graphic touch enumerated and described the principal birds, the poet sees that on her hand Nature bears a female eagle of surpassing loveliness and virtue, for which three male eagles advance contending claims. The disputation lasts all day; and at evening the assembled birds, eager to be gone with their mates, clamour for a decision. The tercelet, the goose, the cuckoo, and the turtle —for birds of prey, waterfowl, worm-fowl, and seed-fowl respectively — pronounce their verdicts on the dispute, in speeches full of character and humour; but Nature refers the decision between the three claimants to the female eagle herself, who prays that she may have a year’s respite. Nature grants the prayer, pronounces judgment accordingly, and dismisses the assembly; and after a chosen choir has sung a roundel in honour of the Goddess, all the birds fly away, and the poet awakes. It is probable that Chaucer derived the idea of the poem from a French source; Mr Bell gives the outline of a fabliau, of which three versions existed, and in which a contention between two ladies regarding the merits of their respective lovers, a knight and a clerk, is decided by Cupid in a Court composed of birds, which assume their sides according to their different natures.

        Whatever the source of the idea, its management, and the whole workmanship of the poem, especially in the more humorous passages, are essentially Chaucer’s own.]

        THE life so short, the craft so long to learn, Th’assay so hard, so sharp the conquering, The dreadful joy, alway that *flits so yern; fleets so fast*

        All this mean I by* Love, that my feeling with reference to Astoneth with his wonderful working, amazes So sore, y-wis, that, when I on him think, Naught wit I well whether I fleet or sink, float For all be* that I know not Love indeed, albeit, although

        Nor wot how that he *quiteth folk their hire, rewards folk for Yet happeth me full oft in books to read their service*

        Of his miracles, and of his cruel ire; There read I well, he will be lord and sire; I dare not saye, that his strokes be sore; But God save such a lord! I can no more.

        Of usage, what for lust and what for lore, On bookes read I oft, as I you told.

        But wherefore speak I alle this? Not yore Agone, it happed me for to behold

        Upon a book written with letters old;

        And thereupon, a certain thing to learn, The longe day full fast I read and yern. eagerly For out of the old fieldes, as men saith, Cometh all this new corn, from year to year; And out of olde bookes, in good faith, Cometh all this new science that men lear. learn But now to purpose as of this mattere: To reade forth it gan me so delight,

        That all the day me thought it but a lite. little while This book, of which I make mention,

        Entitled was right thus, as I shall tell; “Tullius, of the Dream of Scipion:” <1>

        Chapters seven it had, of heav’n, and hell, And earth, and soules that therein do dwell; Of which, as shortly as I can it treat, Of his sentence I will you say the great. important part First telleth it, when Scipio was come To Africa, how he met Massinisse,

        That him for joy in armes hath y-nome. taken <2>

        Then telleth he their speech, and all the bliss That was between them till the day gan miss. fail And how his ancestor Africane so dear

        Gan in his sleep that night to him appear.

        Then telleth it, that from a starry place How Africane hath him Carthage y-shew’d, And warned him before of all his grace, <3>

        And said him, what man, learned either lewd, ignorant That loveth *common profit,* well y-thew’d, the public advantage

        He should unto a blissful place wend, go Where as the joy is without any end.

        Then asked he,* if folk that here be dead *i.e. the younger Scipio Have life, and dwelling, in another place?

        And Africane said, “Yea, withoute dread;” doubt And how our present worldly lives’ space Meant but a manner death, <4> what way we trace; And rightful folk should go, after they die, To Heav’n; and showed him the galaxy.

        Then show’d he him the little earth that here is, *To regard* the heaven’s quantity; *by comparison with And after show’d he him the nine spheres; <5>

        And after that the melody heard he,

        That cometh of those spheres thrice three, That wells of music be and melody

        In this world here, and cause of harmony.

        Then said he him, since earthe was so lite, small And full of torment and of *harde grace, evil fortune That he should not him in this world delight.

        Then told he him, in certain yeares’ space, That ev’ry star should come into his place, Where it was first; and all should *out of mind, perish from memory*

        That in this world is done of all mankind.

        Then pray’d him Scipio, to tell him all The way to come into that Heaven’s bliss; And he said: “First know thyself immortal, And look aye busily that thou work and wiss guide affairs To common profit, and thou shalt not miss To come swiftly unto that place dear,

        That full of bliss is, and of soules clear. noble <6>

        “And breakers of the law, the sooth to sayn, And likerous* folk, after that they be dead, lecherous Shall whirl about the world always in pain, Till many a world be passed, out of dread; without doubt*

        And then, forgiven all their wicked deed, They shalle come unto that blissful place, To which to come God thee sende grace!”

        The day gan failen, and the darke night, That reaveth* beastes from their business, *taketh away Berefte me my book for lack of light,

        And to my bed I gan me for to dress, prepare Full fill’d of thought and busy heaviness; For both I hadde thing which that I n’old, would not And eke I had not that thing that I wo’ld.

        But, finally, my spirit at the last,

        Forweary* of my labour all that day, utterly wearied Took rest, that made me to sleepe fast; And in my sleep I mette, as that I say, dreamed How Africane, right in the self array same garb*

        That Scipio him saw before that tide, time Was come, and stood right at my bedde’s side.

        The weary hunter, sleeping in his bed, To wood again his mind goeth anon;

        The judge dreameth how his pleas be sped; The carter dreameth how his cartes go’n; The rich of gold, the knight fights with his fone; foes The sicke mette he drinketh of the tun; <7>

        The lover mette he hath his lady won.

        I cannot say, if that the cause were,

        For* I had read of Africane beforn, because That made me to mette that he stood there; But thus said he; “Thou hast thee so well borne In looking of mine old book all to-torn, Of which Macrobius raught not a lite, recked not a little*

        That *somedeal of thy labour would I quite.” I would reward you for some of your labour*

        Cytherea, thou blissful Lady sweet!

        That with thy firebrand dauntest *when thee lest, when you please*

        That madest me this sweven* for to mette, *dream Be thou my help in this, for thou may’st best!

        As wisly* as I saw the north-north-west, <8> *surely When I began my sweven for to write,

        So give me might to rhyme it and endite. write down This foresaid Africane me hent* anon, *took And forth with him unto a gate brought Right of a park, walled with greene stone; And o’er the gate, with letters large y-wrought, There were verses written, as me thought, On either half, of full great difference, Of which I shall you say the plain sentence. meaning “Through me men go into the blissful place <9>

        Of hearte’s heal and deadly woundes’ cure; Through me men go unto the well of grace; Where green and lusty May shall ever dure; This is the way to all good adventure; Be glad, thou reader, and thy sorrow off cast; All open am I; pass in and speed thee fast.”

        “Through me men go,” thus spake the other side, “Unto the mortal strokes of the spear, Of which disdain and danger is the guide; There never tree shall fruit nor leaves bear; This stream you leadeth to the sorrowful weir, Where as the fish in prison is all dry; <10>

        Th’eschewing is the only remedy.”

        These verses of gold and azure written were, On which I gan astonish’d to behold;

        For with that one increased all my fear, And with that other gan my heart to bold; take courage That one me het,* that other did me cold; heated No wit had I, for error, for to choose *perplexity, confusion To enter or fly, or me to save or lose.

        Right as betwixten adamantes* two *magnets Of even weight, a piece of iron set,

        Ne hath no might to move to nor fro;

        For what the one may hale,* the other let;* attract **restrain So far’d I, that *n’ist whether me was bet knew not whether it was T’ enter or leave, till Africane, my guide, better for me*

        Me hent* and shov’d in at the gates wide. caught And said, “It standeth written in thy face, Thine error, though thou tell it not to me; perplexity, confusion But dread thou not to come into this place; For this writing is nothing meant by* thee, does not refer to

        Nor by none, but* he Love’s servant be; *unless For thou of Love hast lost thy taste, I guess, As sick man hath of sweet and bitterness.

        “But natheless, although that thou be dull, That thou canst not do, yet thou mayest see; For many a man that may not stand a pull, Yet likes it him at wrestling for to be, And deeme* whether he doth bet,** or he; judge *better And, if thou haddest cunning* to endite, skill I shall thee showe matter of to write.” to write about*

        With that my hand in his he took anon, Of which I comfort caught,* and went in fast. *took But, Lord! so I was glad and well-begone! fortunate For *over all,* where I my eyen cast, everywhere

        Were trees y-clad with leaves that ay shall last, Each in his kind, with colour fresh and green As emerald, that joy it was to see’n.

        The builder oak; and eke the hardy ash; The pillar elm, the coffer unto carrain; The box, pipe tree; the holm, to whippe’s lash The sailing fir; the cypress death to plain; The shooter yew; the aspe for shaftes plain; Th’olive of peace, and eke the drunken vine; The victor palm; the laurel, too, divine. <11>

        A garden saw I, full of blossom’d boughes,
        Upon a river, in a greene mead,
        Where as sweetness evermore enow is,
        With flowers white, blue, yellow, and red,
        And colde welle* streames, nothing dead, *fountain
        That swamme full of smalle fishes light,
        With finnes red, and scales silver bright.

        On ev’ry bough the birdes heard I sing, With voice of angels in their harmony, That busied them their birdes forth to bring; The pretty conies* to their play gan hie; rabbits *haste And further all about I gan espy

        The dreadful* roe, the buck, the hart, and hind, *timid Squirrels, and beastes small, of gentle kind. nature Of instruments of stringes in accord

        Heard I so play a ravishing sweetness, That God, that Maker is of all and Lord, Ne hearde never better, as I guess:

        Therewith a wind, unneth* it might be less, scarcely Made in the leaves green a noise soft, Accordant the fowles’ song on loft.* in keeping with **above Th’air of the place so attemper* was, mild That ne’er was there grievance of hot nor cold; annoyance There was eke ev’ry wholesome spice and grass, Nor no man may there waxe sick nor old: Yet was there more joy a thousand fold *moreover Than I can tell, or ever could or might; There ever is clear day, and never night.

        Under a tree, beside a well, I sey saw Cupid our lord his arrows forge and file; polish And at his feet his bow all ready lay; And well his daughter temper’d, all the while, The heades in the well; and with her wile cleverness She couch’d* them after, as they shoulde serve *arranged in order Some for to slay, and some to wound and kerve. carve, cut Then was I ware of Pleasance anon right, And of Array, and Lust, and Courtesy,

        And of the Craft, that can and hath the might To do* by force a wight to do folly; make Disfigured was she, I will not lie; *disguised And by himself, under an oak, I guess, Saw I Delight, that stood with Gentleness.

        Then saw I Beauty, with a nice attire, And Youthe, full of game and jollity,

        Foolhardiness, Flattery, and Desire,

        Messagerie, and Meed, and other three; <12>

        Their names shall not here be told for me: And upon pillars great of jasper long

        I saw a temple of brass y-founded strong.

        And [all] about the temple danc’d alway Women enough, of whiche some there were Fair of themselves, and some of them were gay In kirtles* all dishevell’d went they there; tunics That was their office ever, from year to year; *duty, occupation And on the temple saw I, white and fair, Of doves sitting many a thousand pair. <13>

        Before the temple door, full soberly,

        Dame Peace sat, a curtain in her hand; And her beside, wonder discreetely,

        Dame Patience sitting there I fand, found With face pale, upon a hill of sand;

        And althernext, within and eke without, Behest,* and Art, and of their folk a rout.* Promise **crowd Within the temple, of sighes hot as fire I heard a swough,* that gan aboute ren,* murmur **run Which sighes were engender’d with desire, That made every hearte for to bren burn Of newe flame; and well espied I then, That all the cause of sorrows that they dree endure Came of the bitter goddess Jealousy.

        The God Priapus <14> saw I, as I went

        Within the temple, in sov’reign place stand, In such array, as when the ass him shent* <15> *ruined With cry by night, and with sceptre in hand: Full busily men gan assay and fand endeavour Upon his head to set, of sundry hue,

        Garlandes full of freshe flowers new.

        And in a privy corner, in disport,

        Found I Venus and her porter Richess,

        That was full noble and hautain* of her port; *haughty <16>

        Dark was that place, but afterward lightness I saw a little, unneth* it might be less; *scarcely And on a bed of gold she lay to rest,

        Till that the hote sun began to west. decline towards the wesr Her gilded haires with a golden thread Y-bounden were, untressed,* as she lay; *loose And naked from the breast unto the head Men might her see; and, soothly for to say, The remnant cover’d, welle to my pay, satisfaction <17>

        Right with a little kerchief of Valence;<18>

        There was no thicker clothe of defence.

        The place gave a thousand savours swoot; sweet And Bacchus, god of wine, sat her beside; And Ceres next, that *doth of hunger boot;*<19> relieves hunger

        And, as I said, amiddes* lay Cypride, <20> *in the midst To whom on knees the younge folke cried To be their help: but thus I let her lie, And farther in the temple gan espy,

        <See note 21 for the stories of the lovers in the next two stanzas>

        That, in despite of Diana the chaste,

        Full many a bowe broke hung on the wall, Of maidens, such as go their time to waste In her service: and painted over all

        Of many a story, of which I touche shall A few, as of Calist’, and Atalant’,

        And many a maid, of which the name I want. do not have Semiramis, Canace, and Hercules,

        Biblis, Dido, Thisbe and Pyramus,

        Tristram, Isoude, Paris, and Achilles, Helena, Cleopatra, Troilus,

        Scylla, and eke the mother of Romulus; All these were painted on the other side, And all their love, and in what plight they died.

        When I was come again into the place

        That I of spake, that was so sweet and green, Forth walk’d I then, myselfe to solace: Then was I ware where there sat a queen, That, as of light the summer Sunne sheen Passeth the star, right so *over measure out of all proportion*

        She fairer was than any creature.

        And in a lawn, upon a hill of flowers, Was set this noble goddess of Nature;

        Of branches were her halles and her bowers Y-wrought, after her craft and her measure; Nor was there fowl that comes of engendrure That there ne were prest,* in her presence, *ready <22>

        To *take her doom,* and give her audience. receive her decision

        For this was on Saint Valentine’s Day, When ev’ry fowl cometh to choose her make, mate Of every kind that men thinken may;

        And then so huge a noise gan they make, That earth, and sea, and tree, and ev’ry lake, So full was, that unnethes* there was space *scarcely For me to stand, so full was all the place.

        And right as Alain, in his Plaint of Kind, <23>

        Deviseth* Nature of such array and face; *describeth In such array men mighte her there find.

        This noble Emperess, full of all grace, Bade ev’ry fowle take her owen place,

        As they were wont alway, from year to year, On Saint Valentine’s Day to stande there.

        That is to say, the *fowles of ravine birds of prey*

        Were highest set, and then the fowles smale, That eaten as them Nature would incline; As worme-fowl, of which I tell no tale; But waterfowl sat lowest in the dale,

        And fowls that live by seed sat on the green, And that so many, that wonder was to see’n.

        There mighte men the royal eagle find, That with his sharpe look pierceth the Sun; And other eagles of a lower kind,

        Of which that *clerkes well devise con; which scholars well There was the tyrant with his feathers dun can describe*

        And green, I mean the goshawk, that doth pine cause pain To birds, for his outrageous ravine. slaying, hunting The gentle falcon, that with his feet distraineth grasps The kinge’s hand; <24> the hardy* sperhawk eke, pert The quaile’s foe; the merlion <25> that paineth Himself full oft the larke for to seek; There was the dove, with her eyen meek; The jealous swan, against his death that singeth; in anticipation of The owl eke, that of death the bode bringeth. *omen The crane, the giant, with his trumpet soun’; The thief the chough; and eke the chatt’ring pie; The scorning jay; <26> the eel’s foe the heroun; The false lapwing, full of treachery; <27>

        The starling, that the counsel can betray; The tame ruddock,* and the coward kite; robin-redbreast The cock, that horologe is of *thorpes lite. clock *little villages*

        The sparrow, Venus’ son; <28> the nightingale, That calleth forth the freshe leaves new; <29>

        The swallow, murd’rer of the bees smale, That honey make of flowers fresh of hue; The wedded turtle, with his hearte true; The peacock, with his angel feathers bright; <30>

        The pheasant, scorner of the cock by night; <31>

        The waker goose; <32> the cuckoo ever unkind; <33>

        The popinjay,* full of delicacy; *parrot The drake, destroyer of his owen kind; <34>

        The stork, the wreaker* of adultery; <35> *avenger The hot cormorant, full of gluttony; <36>

        The raven and the crow, with voice of care; <37>

        The throstle old;* and the frosty fieldfare.<38> *long-lived What should I say? Of fowls of ev’ry kind That in this world have feathers and stature, Men mighten in that place assembled find, Before that noble goddess of Nature;

        And each of them did all his busy cure care, pains Benignely to choose, or for to take,

        By her accord,* his formel <39> or his make.* consent **mate But to the point. Nature held on her hand A formel eagle, of shape the gentilest That ever she among her workes fand,

        The most benign, and eke the goodliest; In her was ev’ry virtue at its rest, highest point So farforth that Nature herself had bliss To look on her, and oft her beak to kiss.

        Nature, the vicar of th’Almighty Lord, —

        That hot, cold, heavy, light, and moist, and dry, Hath knit, by even number of accord, —

        In easy voice began to speak, and say: “Fowles, take heed of my sentence,”* I pray; *opinion, discourse And for your ease, in furth’ring of your need, As far as I may speak, I will me speed.

        “Ye know well how, on Saint Valentine’s Day, By my statute, and through my governance, Ye choose your mates, and after fly away With them, as I you *pricke with pleasance; inspire with pleasure*

        But natheless, as by rightful ordinance, May I not let,* for all this world to win, *hinder But he that most is worthy shall begin.

        “The tercel eagle, as ye know full weel, well The fowl royal, above you all in degree, The wise and worthy, secret, true as steel, The which I formed have, as ye may see, In ev’ry part, as it best liketh me, —

        It needeth not his shape you to devise,* — describe He shall first choose, and speaken in his guise. in his own way*

        “And, after him, by order shall ye choose, After your kind, evereach as you liketh; And as your hap* is, shall ye win or lose; *fortune But which of you that love most entriketh, entangles <40>

        God send him her that sorest for him siketh.” sigheth And therewithal the tercel gan she call, And said, “My son, the choice is to thee fall.

        “But natheless, in this condition

        Must be the choice of ev’reach that is here, That she agree to his election,

        Whoso he be, that shoulde be her fere; companion This is our usage ay, from year to year; And whoso may at this time have this grace, *In blissful time* he came into this place.” in a happy hour

        With head inclin’d, and with full humble cheer, demeanour This royal tercel spake, and tarried not: “Unto my sov’reign lady, and not my fere, companion I chose and choose, with will, and heart, and thought, The formel on your hand, so well y-wrought, Whose I am all, and ever will her serve, Do what her list, to do me live or sterve. die “Beseeching her of mercy and of grace, As she that is my lady sovereign,

        Or let me die here present in this place, For certes long may I not live in pain; *For in my heart is carven ev’ry vein: every vein in my heart is Having regard only unto my truth, wounded with love*

        My deare heart, have on my woe some ruth. pity “And if that I be found to her untrue, Disobeisant,* or wilful negligent, disobedient Avaunter, or in process love a new, braggart in the course I pray to you, this be my judgement, of time*

        That with these fowles I be all to-rent, torn to pieces That ilke* day that she me ever find *same To her untrue, or in my guilt unkind.

        “And since none loveth her so well as I, Although she never of love me behet, promised Then ought she to be mine, through her mercy; For *other bond can I none on her knit; I can bind her no other way*

        For weal or for woe, never shall I let cease, fail To serve her, how far so that she wend; go Say what you list, my tale is at an end.”

        Right as the freshe redde rose new
        Against the summer Sunne colour’d is,
        Right so, for shame, all waxen gan the hue Of this formel, when she had heard all this; *Neither she answer’d well, nor said amiss, she answered nothing, So sore abashed was she, till Nature either well or ill*

        Said, “Daughter, dread you not, I you assure.” confirm, support Another tercel eagle spake anon,

        Of lower kind, and said that should not be; “I love her better than ye do, by Saint John!

        Or at the least I love her as well as ye, And longer have her serv’d in my degree; And if she should have lov’d for long loving, To me alone had been the guerdoning. reward “I dare eke say, if she me finde false, Unkind, janglere,* rebel in any wise, boastful Or jealous, do me hange by the halse; hang me by the neck*

        And but* I beare me in her service *unless As well ay as my wit can me suffice,

        From point to point, her honour for to save, Take she my life and all the good I have.”

        A thirde tercel eagle answer’d tho: then “Now, Sirs, ye see the little leisure here; For ev’ry fowl cries out to be ago

        Forth with his mate, or with his lady dear; And eke Nature herselfe will not hear, For tarrying her, not half that I would say; And but* I speak, I must for sorrow dey.* unless **die Of long service avaunt* I me no thing, *boast But as possible is me to die to-day,

        For woe, as he that hath been languishing This twenty winter; and well happen may A man may serve better, and *more to pay, with more satisfaction*

        In half a year, although it were no more.

        Than some man doth that served hath *full yore. for a long time*

        “I say not this by me for that I can

        Do no service that may my lady please; But I dare say, I am her truest man, liegeman, servant As to my doom, and fainest would her please; in my judgement At shorte words,* until that death me seize, in one word

        I will be hers, whether I wake or wink.
        And true in all that hearte may bethink.”

        Of all my life, since that day I was born, So gentle plea, in love or other thing, such noble pleading

        Ye hearde never no man me beforn;

        Whoso that hadde leisure and cunning skill For to rehearse their cheer and their speaking: And from the morrow gan these speeches last, Till downward went the Sunne wonder fast.

        The noise of fowles for to be deliver’d set free to depart So loude rang, “Have done and let us wend,” go That well ween’d I the wood had all to-shiver’d: been shaken to “Come off!” they cried; “alas! ye will us shend!* pieces ruin When will your cursed pleading have an end?

        How should a judge either party believe, For yea or nay, withouten any preve?” proof The goose, the duck, and the cuckoo also, So cried “keke, keke,” “cuckoo,” “queke queke,” high, That through mine ears the noise wente tho. then The goose said then, “All this n’is worth a fly!

        But I can shape hereof a remedy;

        And I will say my verdict, fair and swith, speedily For waterfowl, whoso be wroth or blith.” glad “And I for worm-fowl,” said the fool cuckow; For I will, of mine own authority,

        For common speed,* take on me the charge now; *advantage For to deliver us is great charity.”

        “Ye may abide a while yet, pardie,” by God Quoth then the turtle; “if it be your will A wight may speak, it were as good be still.

        “I am a seed-fowl, one th’unworthiest, That know I well, and the least of cunning; But better is, that a wight’s tongue rest, Than *entremette him of* such doing meddle with <41>

        Of which he neither rede* can nor sing; *counsel And who it doth, full foul himself accloyeth, embarrasseth For office uncommanded oft annoyeth.”

        Nature, which that alway had an ear

        To murmur of the lewedness behind,

        With facond* voice said, “Hold your tongues there, eloquent, fluent And I shall soon, I hope, a counsel find, You to deliver, and from this noise unbind; I charge of ev’ry flock ye shall one call, *class of fowl To say the verdict of you fowles all.”

        The tercelet* said then in this mannere; *male hawk “Full hard it were to prove it by reason, Who loveth best this gentle formel here; For ev’reach hath such replication, reply That by skilles* may none be brought adown; *arguments I cannot see that arguments avail;

        Then seemeth it that there must be battaile.”

        “All ready!” quoth those eagle tercels tho; then “Nay, Sirs!” quoth he; “if that I durst it say, Ye do me wrong, my tale is not y-do, done For, Sirs, — and *take it not agrief,* I pray, — be not offended

        It may not be as ye would, in this way: Ours is the voice that have the charge in hand, And *to the judges’ doom ye muste stand. ye must abide by the judges’ decision*

        “And therefore ‘Peace!’ I say; as to my wit, Me woulde think, how that the worthiest Of knighthood, and had longest used it, Most of estate, of blood the gentilest, Were fitting most for her, *if that her lest; if she pleased*

        And, of these three she knows herself, I trow, am sure Which that he be; for it is light* to know.” easy The waterfowles have their heades laid Together, and of short advisement, after brief deliberation*

        When evereach his verdict had y-said

        They saide soothly all by one assent,

        How that “The goose with the *facond gent, refined eloquence*

        That so desired to pronounce our need,* business Shall tell our tale;” and prayed God her speed.

        And for those waterfowles then began

        The goose to speak. and in her cackeling She saide, “Peace, now! take keep* ev’ry man, *heed And hearken what reason I shall forth bring; My wit is sharp, I love no tarrying;

        I say I rede him, though he were my brother, But* she will love him, let him love another!” *unless “Lo! here a perfect reason of a goose!”

        Quoth the sperhawke. “Never may she the! thrive Lo such a thing ‘tis t’have a tongue loose!

        Now, pardie: fool, yet were it bet* for thee *better Have held thy peace, than show’d thy nicety; foolishness It lies not in his wit, nor in his will, But sooth is said, a fool cannot be still.”

        The laughter rose of gentle fowles all; And right anon the seed-fowls chosen had The turtle true, and gan her to them call, And prayed her to say the *soothe sad serious truth*

        Of this mattere, and asked what she rad; counselled And she answer’d, that plainly her intent She woulde show, and soothly what she meant.

        “Nay! God forbid a lover shoulde change!”

        The turtle said, and wax’d for shame all red: “Though that his lady evermore be strange, disdainful Yet let him serve her ay, till he be dead; For, sooth, I praise not the goose’s rede counsel For, though she died, I would none other make; mate I will be hers till that the death me take.”

        *“Well bourded!” quoth the ducke, “by my hat! a pretty joke!*

        That men should loven alway causeless, Who can a reason find, or wit, in that?

        Danceth he merry, that is mirtheless?

        Who shoulde *reck of that is reckeless? care for one who has Yea! queke yet,” quoth the duck, “full well and fair! no care for him*

        There be more starres, God wot, than a pair!” <42>

        “Now fy, churl!” quoth the gentle tercelet, “Out of the dunghill came that word aright; Thou canst not see which thing is well beset; Thou far’st by love, as owles do by light,—

        The day them blinds, full well they see by night; Thy kind is of so low a wretchedness,

        That what love is, thou caust not see nor guess.”

        Then gan the cuckoo put him forth in press, in the crowd For fowl that eateth worm, and said belive: quickly “So I,” quoth he, “may have my mate in peace, I recke not how longe that they strive.

        Let each of them be solain* all their life; *single <43>

        This is my rede,* since they may not accord; *counsel This shorte lesson needeth not record.”

        “Yea, have the glutton fill’d enough his paunch, Then are we well!” saide the emerlon; merlin “Thou murd’rer of the heggsugg,* on the branch *hedge-sparrow That brought thee forth, thou most rueful glutton, <44>

        Live thou solain, worme’s corruption!

        *For no force is to lack of thy nature; the loss of a bird of your Go! lewed be thou, while the world may dare!” depraved nature is no matter of regret.*

        “Now peace,” quoth Nature, “I commande here; For I have heard all your opinion,

        And in effect yet be we ne’er the nere. nearer But, finally, this is my conclusion, —

        That she herself shall have her election Of whom her list, whoso be *wroth or blith; angry or glad*

        Him that she chooseth, he shall her have as swith. quickly “For since it may not here discussed be Who loves her best, as said the tercelet, Then will I do this favour t’ her, that she Shall have right him on whom her heart is set, And he her, that his heart hath on her knit: This judge I, Nature, for* I may not lie because To none estate; I have none other eye. can see the matter in no other light*

        “But as for counsel for to choose a make, If I were Reason, [certes] then would I Counsaile you the royal tercel take,

        As saith the tercelet full skilfully, reasonably As for the gentilest, and most worthy, Which I have wrought so well to my pleasance, That to you it ought be *a suffisance.” to your satisfaction*

        With dreadful* voice the formel her answer’d: *frightened “My rightful lady, goddess of Nature,

        Sooth is, that I am ever under your yerd, rod, or government As is every other creature,

        And must be yours, while that my life may dure; And therefore grante me my firste boon, favour And mine intent you will I say right soon.”

        “I grant it you,” said she; and right anon This formel eagle spake in this degree: manner “Almighty queen, until this year be done I aske respite to advise me;

        And after that to have my choice all free; This is all and some that I would speak and say; Ye get no more, although ye *do me dey. slay me*

        “I will not serve Venus, nor Cupide,

        For sooth as yet, by no manner [of] way.”

        “Now since it may none other ways betide,” happen Quoth Dame Nature, “there is no more to say; Then would I that these fowles were away, Each with his mate, for longer tarrying here.”

        And said them thus, as ye shall after hear.

        “To you speak I, ye tercels,” quoth Nature; “Be of good heart, and serve her alle three; A year is not so longe to endure;

        And each of you pain him in his degree strive

        For to do well, for, God wot, quit is she From you this year, what after so befall; This entremess is dressed for you all.” dish is prepared

        And when this work y-brought was to an end, To ev’ry fowle Nature gave his make,

        By even accord, and on their way they wend: fair agreement

        And, Lord! the bliss and joye that they make!

        For each of them gan other in his wings take, And with their neckes each gan other wind, enfold, caress Thanking alway the noble goddess of Kind.

        But first were chosen fowles for to sing,—

        As year by year was alway their usance,* — *custom To sing a roundel at their departing,

        To do to Nature honour and pleasance;

        The note, I trowe, maked was in France; The wordes were such as ye may here find The nexte verse, as I have now in mind: Qui bien aime, tard oublie. <45>

        “Now welcome summer, with thy sunnes soft, That hast these winter weathers overshake dispersed, overcome Saint Valentine, thou art full high on loft, Which driv’st away the longe nightes blake; black Thus singe smalle fowles for thy sake: Well have they cause for to gladden* oft, *be glad, make mirth Since each of them recover’d hath his make; mate Full blissful may they sing when they awake.”

        And with the shouting, when their song was do, done That the fowls maden at their flight away, I woke, and other bookes took me to,
        To read upon; and yet I read alway.
        I hope, y-wis, to reade so some day,
        That I shall meete something for to fare The bet;* and thus to read I will not spare. *better

        Explicit. the end Notes to The Assembly of Fowls
        1. “The Dream of Scipio” — “Somnium Scipionis” — occupies most of the sixth book of Cicero’s “Republic;” which, indeed, as it has come down to us, is otherwise imperfect. Scipio Africanus Minor is represented as relating a dream which he had when, in B.C. 149, he went to Africa as military tribune to the fourth legion. He had talked long and earnestly of his adoptive grandfather with Massinissa, King of Numidia, the intimate friend of the great Scipio; and at night his illustrious ancestor appeared to him in a vision, foretold the overthrow of Carthage and all his other triumphs, exhorted him to virtue and patriotism by the assurance of rewards in the next world, and discoursed to him concerning the future state and the immortality of the soul. Macrobius, about AD. 500, wrote a Commentary upon the “Somnium Scipionis,” which was a favourite book in the Middle Ages. See note 17 to The Nun’s Priest’s Tale.
        2. Y-nome: taken; past participle of “nime,” from Anglo-Saxon, “niman,” to take.
        3. His grace: the favour which the gods would show him, in delivering Carthage into his hands.
        4. “Vestra vero, quae dicitur, vita mors est.” (“Truly, as is said, your life is a death”)
        5. The nine spheres are God, or the highest heaven, constraining and containing all the others; the Earth, around which the planets and the highest heaven revolve; and the seven planets: the revolution of all producing the “music of the spheres.”

        6. Clear: illustrious, noble; Latin, “clarus.”

        7. The sicke mette he drinketh of the tun: The sick man dreams that he drinks wine, as one in health.

        8. The significance of the poet’s looking to the NNW is not plain; his window may have faced that way.

        9. The idea of the twin gates, leading to the Paradise and the Hell of lovers, may have been taken from the description of the gates of dreams in the Odyssey and the Aeneid; but the iteration of “Through me men go” far more directly suggests the legend on Dante’s gate of Hell:—
        Per me si va nella citta dolente,
        Per me si va nell’ eterno dolore;
        Per me si va tra la perduta gente.
        (“Through me is the way to the city of sorrow, Through me is the way to eternal suffering; Through me is the way of the lost people”) The famous line, “Lasciate ogni speranza, voi che entrate” —“All hope abandon, ye who enter here” — is evidently paraphrased in Chaucer’s words “Th’eschewing is the only remedy;” that is, the sole hope consists in the avoidance of that dismal gate.
        10. A powerful though homely description of torment; the sufferers being represented as fish enclosed in a weir from which all the water has been withdrawn.

        11. Compare with this catalogue raisonne of trees the ampler list given by Spenser in “The Faerie Queen,” book i. canto i. In several instances, as in “the builder oak” and “the sailing pine,”

        the later poet has exactly copied the words of the earlier.

        The builder oak: In the Middle Ages the oak was as distinctively the building timber on land, as it subsequently became for the sea.

        The pillar elm: Spenser explains this in paraphrasing it into “the vineprop elm” — because it was planted as a pillar or prop to the vine; it is called “the coffer unto carrain,” or “carrion,”

        because coffins for the dead were made from it.

        The box, pipe tree: the box tree was used for making pipes or horns.

        Holm: the holly, used for whip-handles.

        The sailing fir: Because ships’ masts and spars were made of its wood.

        The cypress death to plain: in Spenser’s imitation, “the cypress funeral.”

        The shooter yew: yew wood was used for bows.

        The aspe for shaftes plain: of the aspen, or black poplar, arrows were made.

        The laurel divine: So called, either because it was Apollo’s tree — Horace says that Pindar is “laurea donandus Apollinari” (“to be given Apollo’s laurel”) — or because the honour which it signified, when placed on the head of a poet or conqueror, lifted a man as it were into the rank of the gods.

        12. If Chaucer had any special trio of courtiers in his mind when he excluded so many names, we may suppose them to be Charms, Sorcery, and Leasings who, in The Knight’s Tale, come after Bawdry and Riches — to whom Messagerie (the carrying of messages) and Meed (reward, bribe) may correspond.

        13. The dove was the bird sacred to Venus; hence Ovid enumerates the peacock of Juno, Jove’s armour bearing bird, “Cythereiadasque columbas” (“And the Cythereian doves”) —

        “Metamorphoses. xv. 386

        14. Priapus: fitly endowed with a place in the Temple of Love, as being the embodiment of the principle of fertility in flocks and the fruits of the earth. See note 23 to the Merchant’s Tale.

        15. Ovid, in the “Fasti” (i. 433), describes the confusion of Priapus when, in the night following a feast of sylvan and Bacchic deities, the braying of the ass of Silenus wakened the company to detect the god in a furtive amatory expedition.

        16. Hautain: haughty, lofty; French, “hautain.”

        17. Well to my pay: Well to my satisfaction; from French, “payer,” to pay, satisfy; the same word often occurs, in the phrases “well apaid,” and “evil apaid.”

        18. Valentia, in Spain, was famed for the fabrication of fine and transparent stuffs.

        19. The obvious reference is to the proverbial “Sine Cerere et Libero friget Venus,” (“Love is frozen without freedom and food”) quoted in Terence, “Eunuchus,” act iv. scene v.

        20. Cypride: Venus; called “Cypria,” or “Cypris,” from the island of Cyprus, in which her worship was especially celebrated.

        21. Callisto, daughter of Lycaon, was seduced by Jupiter, turned into a bear by Diana, and placed afterwards, with her son, as the Great Bear among the stars.

        Atalanta challenged Hippomenes, a Boetian youth, to a race in which the prize was her hand in marriage — the penalty of failure, death by her hand. Venus gave Hippomenes three golden apples, and he won by dropping them one at a time because Atalanta stopped to pick them up.

        Semiramis was Queen of Ninus, the mythical founder of Babylon; Ovid mentions her, along with Lais, as a type of voluptuousness, in his “Amores,” 1.5, 11.

        Canace, daughter of Aeolus, is named in the prologue to The Man of Law’s Tale as one of the ladies whose “cursed stories”

        Chaucer refrained from writing. She loved her brother Macareus, and was slain by her father.

        Hercules was conquered by his love for Omphale, and spun wool for her in a woman’s dress, while she wore his lion’s skin.

        Biblis vainly pursued her brother Caunus with her love, till she was changed to a fountain; Ovid, “Metamorphoses.” lib. ix.

        Thisbe and Pyramus: the Babylonian lovers, whose death, through the error of Pyramus in fancying that a lion had slain his mistress, forms the theme of the interlude in the “Midsummer Night’s Dream.”

        Sir Tristram was one of the most famous among the knights of King Arthur, and La Belle Isoude was his mistress. Their story is mixed up with the Arthurian romance; but it was also the subject of separate treatment, being among the most popular of the Middle Age legends.

        Achilles is reckoned among Love’s conquests, because, according to some traditions, he loved Polyxena, the daughter of Priam, who was promised to him if he consented to join the Trojans; and, going without arms into Apollo’s temple at Thymbra, he was there slain by Paris.

        Scylla: Love-stories are told of two maidens of this name; one the daughter of Nisus, King of Megara, who, falling in love with Minos when he besieged the city, slew her father by pulling out the golden hair which grew on the top of his head, and on which which his life and kingdom depended. Minos won the city, but rejected her love in horror. The other Scylla, from whom the rock opposite Charybdis was named, was a beautiful maiden, beloved by the sea-god Glaucus, but changed into a monster through the jealousy and enchantments of Circe.

        The mother of Romulus: Silvia, daughter and only living child of Numitor, whom her uncle Amulius made a vestal virgin, to preclude the possibility that his brother’s descendants could wrest from him the kingdom of Alba Longa. But the maiden was violated by Mars as she went to bring water from a fountain; she bore Romulus and Remus; and she was drowned in the Anio, while the cradle with the children was carried down the stream in safety to the Palatine Hill, where the she-wolf adopted them.

        22. Prest: ready; French, “pret.”

        23. Alanus de Insulis, a Sicilian poet and orator of the twelfth century, who wrote a book “De Planctu Naturae” — “The Complaint of Nature.”

        24. The falcon was borne on the hand by the highest personages, not merely in actual sport, but to be caressed and petted, even on occasions of ceremony, Hence also it is called the “gentle” falcon — as if its high birth and breeding gave it a right to august society.

        25. The merlion: elsewhere in the same poem called “emerlon;”

        French, “emerillon;” the merlin, a small hawk carried by ladies.

        26. The scorning jay: scorning humbler birds, out of pride of his fine plumage.

        27. The false lapwing: full of stratagems and pretences to divert approaching danger from the nest where her young ones are.

        28. The sparrow, Venus’ son: Because sacred to Venus.

        29. Coming with the spring, the nightingale is charmingly said to call forth the new leaves.

        30. Many-coloured wings, like those of peacocks, were often given to angels in paintings of the Middle Ages; and in accordance with this fashion Spenser represents the Angel that guarded Sir Guyon (“Faerie Queen,” book ii. canto vii.) as having wings “decked with diverse plumes, like painted jay’s.”

        31. The pheasant, scorner of the cock by night: The meaning of this passage is not very plain; it has been supposed, however, to refer to the frequent breeding of pheasants at night with domestic poultry in the farmyard — thus scorning the sway of the cock, its rightful monarch.

        32. The waker goose: Chaucer evidently alludes to the passage in Ovid describing the crow of Apollo, which rivalled the spotless doves, “Nec servataris vigili Capitolia voce cederet anseribus” — “nor would it yield (in whiteness) to the geese destined with wakeful or vigilant voice to save the Capitol”

        (“Metam.,” ii. 538) when about to be surprised by the Gauls in a night attack.

        33. The cuckoo ever unkind: the significance of this epithet is amply explained by the poem of “The Cuckoo and the Nightingale.”

        34. The drake, destroyer: of the ducklings — which, if not prevented, he will kill wholesale.

        35. The stork is conspicuous for faithfulness to all family obligations, devotion to its young, and care of its parent birds in their old age. Mr Bell quotes from Bishop Stanley’s “History of Birds” a little story which peculiarly justifies the special character Chaucer has given: — “A French surgeon, at Smyrna, wishing to procure a stork, and finding great difficulty, on account of the extreme veneration in which they are held by the Turks, stole all the eggs out of a nest, and replaced them with those of a hen: in process of time the young chickens came forth, much to the astonishment of Mr and Mrs Stork. In a short time Mr S. went off, and was not seen for two or three days, when he returned with an immense crowd of his companions, who all assembled in the place, and formed a circle, taking no notice of the numerous spectators whom so unusual an occurrence had collected. Mrs Stork was brought forward into the midst of the circle, and, after some consultation, the whole flock fell upon her and tore her to pieces; after which they immediately dispersed, and the nest was entirely abandoned.”

        36. The cormorant feeds upon fish, so voraciously, that when the stomach is crammed it will often have the gullet and bill likewise full, awaiting the digestion of the rest.

        37. So called from the evil omens supposed to be afforded by their harsh cries.

        38. The fieldfare visits this country only in hard wintry weather.

        39. “Formel,” strictly or originally applied to the female of the eagle and hawk, is here used generally of the female of all birds; “tercel” is the corresponding word applied to the male.

        40. Entriketh: entangles, ensnares; french, “intriguer,” to perplex; hence “intricate.”

        41. Entremette him of: meddle with; French, ‘ entremettre,” to interfere.

        42. The duck exhorts the contending lovers to be of light heart and sing, for abundance of other ladies were at their command.

        43. Solain: single, alone; the same word originally as “sullen.”

        44. The cuckoo is distinguished by its habit of laying its eggs in the nests of other and smaller birds, such as the hedge-sparrow (“heggsugg”); and its young, when hatched, throw the eggs or nestlings of the true parent bird out of the nest, thus engrossing the mother’s entire care. The crime on which the emerlon comments so sharply, is explained by the migratory habits of the cuckoo, which prevent its bringing up its own young; and nature has provided facilities for the crime, by furnishing the young bird with a peculiarly strong and broad back, indented by a hollow in which the sparrow’s egg is lifted till it is thrown out of the nest.

        45. “Who well loves, late forgets;” the refrain of the roundel inculcates the duty of constancy, which has been imposed on the three tercels by the decision of the Court.

        THE HOUSE OF FAME

        [Thanks partly to Pope’s brief and elegant paraphrase, in his “Temple of Fame,” and partly to the familiar force of the style and the satirical significance of the allegory, “The House of Fame” is among the best known and relished of Chaucer’s minor poems. The octosyllabic measure in which it is written — the same which the author of “Hudibras” used with such admirable effect — is excellently adapted for the vivid descriptions, the lively sallies of humour and sarcasm, with which the poem abounds; and when the poet actually does get to his subject, he treats it with a zest, and a corresponding interest on the part of the reader, which are scarcely surpassed by the best of The Canterbury Tales. The poet, however, tarries long on the way to the House of Fame; as Pope says in his advertisement, the reader who would compare his with Chaucer’s poem, “may begin with [Chaucer’s] third Book of Fame, there being nothing in the two first books that answers to their title.” The first book opens with a kind of prologue (actually so marked and called in earlier editions) in which the author speculates on the causes of dreams; avers that never any man had such a dream as he had on the tenth of December; and prays the God of Sleep to help him to interpret the dream, and the Mover of all things to reward or afflict those readers who take the dream well or ill.

        Then he relates that, having fallen asleep, he fancied himself within a temple of glass — the abode of Venus — the walls of which were painted with the story of Aeneas. The paintings are described at length; and then the poet tells us that, coming out of the temple, he found himself on a vast sandy plain, and saw high in heaven an eagle, that began to descend towards him.

        With the prologue, the first book numbers 508 lines; of which 192 only — more than are actually concerned with or directly lead towards the real subject of the poem — are given here. The second book, containing 582 lines, of which 176 will be found in this edition, is wholly devoted to the voyage from the Temple of Venus to the House of Fame, which the dreamer accomplishes in the eagle’s claws. The bird has been sent by Jove to do the poet some “solace” in reward of his labours for the cause of Love; and during the transit through the air the messenger discourses obligingly and learnedly with his human burden on the theory of sound, by which all that is spoken must needs reach the House of Fame; and on other matters suggested by their errand and their observations by the way. The third book (of 1080 lines, only a score of which, just at the outset, have been omitted) brings us to the real pith of the poem. It finds the poet close to the House of Fame, built on a rock of ice engraved with names, many of which are half-melted away.

        Entering the gorgeous palace, he finds all manner of minstrels and historians; harpers, pipers, and trumpeters of fame; magicians, jugglers, sorcerers, and many others. On a throne of ruby sits the goddess, seeming at one moment of but a cubit’s stature, at the next touching heaven; and at either hand, on pillars, stand the great authors who “bear up the name” of ancient nations. Crowds of people enter the hall from all regions of earth, praying the goddess to give them good or evil fame, with and without their own deserts; and they receive answers favourable, negative, or contrary, according to the caprice of Fame. Pursuing his researches further, out of the region of reputation or fame proper into that of tidings or rumours, the poet is led, by a man who has entered into conversation with him, to a vast whirling house of twigs, ever open to the arrival of tidings, ever full of murmurings, whisperings, and clatterings, coming from the vast crowds that fill it — for every rumour, every piece of news, every false report, appears there in the shape of the person who utters it, or passes it on, down in earth.

        Out at the windows innumerable, the tidings pass to Fame, who gives to each report its name and duration; and in the house travellers, pilgrims, pardoners, couriers, lovers, &c., make a huge clamour. But here the poet meets with a man “of great authority,” and, half afraid, awakes; skilfully — whether by intention, fatigue, or accident — leaving the reader disappointed by the nonfulfilment of what seemed to be promises of further disclosures. The poem, not least in the passages the omission of which has been dictated by the exigencies of the present volume, is full of testimony to the vast acquaintance of Chaucer with learning ancient and modern; Ovid, Virgil, Statius, are equally at his command to illustrate his narrative or to furnish the groundwork of his descriptions; while architecture, the Arabic numeration, the theory of sound, and the effects of gunpowder, are only a few among the topics of his own time of which the poet treats with the ease of proficient knowledge.

        Not least interesting are the vivid touches in which Chaucer sketches the routine of his laborious and almost recluse daily life; while the strength, individuality, and humour that mark the didactic portion of the poem prove that “The House of Fame”

        was one of the poet’s riper productions.]

        GOD turn us ev’ry dream to good!

        For it is wonder thing, by the Rood, Cross <1>

        To my witte, what causeth swevens, dreams Either on morrows or on evens;

        And why th’effect followeth of some,

        And of some it shall never come;

        Why this is an avision

        And this a revelation;

        Why this a dream, why that a sweven,

        And not to ev’ry man *like even;* alike

        Why this a phantom, why these oracles, I n’ot; but whoso of these miracles

        The causes knoweth bet than I,

        Divine* he; for I certainly define Ne can them not,* nor ever think do not know them

        To busy my wit for to swink labour To know of their significance

        The genders, neither the distance

        Of times of them, nor the causes

        For why that this more than that cause is; Or if folke’s complexions

        Make them dream of reflections;

        Or elles thus, as others sayn,

        For too great feebleness of the brain

        By abstinence, or by sickness,

        By prison, strife, or great distress,

        Or elles by disordinance derangement Of natural accustomance; mode of life That some men be too curious

        In study, or melancholious,

        Or thus, so inly full of dread,

        That no man may them *boote bede; afford them relief*

        Or elles that devotion

        Of some, and contemplation,

        Causeth to them such dreames oft;

        Or that the cruel life unsoft

        Of them that unkind loves lead,

        That often hope much or dread,

        That purely their impressions

        Cause them to have visions;

        Or if that spirits have the might

        To make folk to dream a-night;

        Or if the soul, of *proper kind, its own nature*

        Be so perfect as men find,

        That it forewot* what is to come, *foreknows And that it warneth all and some

        Of ev’reach of their adventures,

        By visions, or by figures,

        But that our fleshe hath no might

        To understanden it aright,

        For it is warned too darkly;

        But why the cause is, not wot I.

        Well worth of this thing greate clerks, <2>

        That treat of this and other works;

        For I of none opinion

        Will as now make mention;

        But only that the holy Rood

        Turn us every dream to good.

        For never since that I was born,

        Nor no man elles me beforn,

        Mette,* as I trowe steadfastly, *dreamed So wonderful a dream as I,

        The tenthe day now of December;

        The which, as I can it remember,

        I will you tellen ev’ry deal. whit But at my beginning, truste weel, well I will make invocation,

        With special devotion,

        Unto the god of Sleep anon,

        That dwelleth in a cave of stone, <3>

        Upon a stream that comes from Lete,

        That is a flood of hell unsweet,

        Beside a folk men call Cimmerie;

        There sleepeth ay this god unmerry,

        With his sleepy thousand sones,

        That alway for to sleep their won* is; wont, custom And to this god, that I of read, tell of*

        Pray I, that he will me speed

        My sweven for to tell aright,

        If ev’ry dream stands in his might.

        And he that Mover is of all

        That is, and was, and ever shall,

        So give them joye that it hear,

        Of alle that they dream to-year; this year And for to standen all in grace favour Of their loves, or in what place

        That them were liefest* for to stand, *most desired And shield them from povert’ and shand, shame And from ev’ry unhap and disease,

        And send them all that may them please, That take it well, and scorn it not,

        Nor it misdeemen* in their thought, *misjudge Through malicious intention;

        And whoso, through presumption.

        Or hate, or scorn, or through envy,

        Despite, or jape,* or villainy, *jesting Misdeem it, pray I Jesus God,

        That dream he barefoot, dream he shod, That ev’ry harm that any man

        Hath had since that the world began,

        Befall him thereof, ere he sterve, die And grant that he may it deserve, earn, obtain Lo! with such a conclusion

        As had of his avision

        Croesus, that was the king of Lyde,<4>

        That high upon a gibbet died;

        This prayer shall he have of me;

        I am *no bet in charity. no more charitable*

        Now hearken, as I have you said,

        What that I mette ere I abraid, awoke Of December the tenthe day;

        When it was night to sleep I lay,

        Right as I was wont for to do’n,

        And fell asleepe wonder soon,

        As he that *weary was for go*<5> was weary from going

        On pilgrimage miles two

        To the corsaint* Leonard, *relics of <6>

        To make lithe that erst was hard.

        But, as I slept, me mette I was

        Within a temple made of glass;

        In which there were more images

        Of gold, standing in sundry stages,

        And more riche tabernacles,

        And with pierrie* more pinnacles, *gems And more curious portraitures,

        And *quainte manner* of figures strange kinds

        Of golde work, than I saw ever.

        But, certainly, I wiste* never *knew Where that it was, but well wist I

        It was of Venus readily,

        This temple; for in portraiture

        I saw anon right her figure

        Naked floating in a sea, <7>

        And also on her head, pardie,

        Her rose garland white and red,

        And her comb to comb her head,

        Her doves, and Dan Cupido,

        Her blinde son, and Vulcano, <8>

        That in his face was full brown.

        As he “roamed up and down,” the dreamer saw on the wall a tablet of brass inscribed with the opening lines of the Aeneid; while the whole story of Aeneas was told in the “portraitures”

        and gold work. About three hundred and fifty lines are devoted to the description; but they merely embody Virgil’s account of Aeneas’ adventures from the destruction of Troy to his arrival in Italy; and the only characteristic passage is the following reflection, suggested by the death of Dido for her perfidious but fate-compelled guest:

        Lo! how a woman doth amiss,

        To love him that unknowen is!

        For, by Christ, lo! thus it fareth,

        It is not all gold that glareth. glitters For, all so brook I well my head,

        There may be under goodlihead fair appearance Cover’d many a shrewed* vice; *cursed Therefore let no wight be so nice foolish To take a love only for cheer, looks Or speech, or for friendly mannere;

        For this shall ev’ry woman find,

        That some man, *of his pure kind, by force of his nature Will showen outward the fairest,

        Till he have caught that which him lest; pleases And then anon will causes find,

        And sweare how she is unkind,

        Or false, or privy* double was. secretly All this say I by Aeneas with reference to And Dido, and her nice lest, foolish pleasure*

        That loved all too soon a guest;

        Therefore I will say a proverb,

        That he that fully knows the herb

        May safely lay it to his eye;

        Withoute dread,* this is no lie. *doubt When the dreamer had seen all the sights in the temple, he became desirous to know who had worked all those wonders, and in what country he was; so he resolved to go out at the wicket, in search of somebody who might tell him.

        When I out at the doores came,

        I fast aboute me beheld;

        Then saw I but a large feld, open country As far as that I mighte see,

        WIthoute town, or house, or tree,

        Or bush, or grass, or ered* land, *ploughed <9>

        For all the field was but of sand,

        As small* as men may see it lie *fine In the desert of Libye;

        Nor no manner creature

        That is formed by Nature,

        There saw I, me to *rede or wiss. advise or direct*

        “O Christ!” thought I, “that art in bliss, From *phantom and illusion vain fancy and deception*

        Me save!” and with devotion

        Mine eyen to the heav’n I cast.

        Then was I ware at the last

        That, faste by the sun on high,

        As kennen might I with mine eye, as well as I might discern

        Me thought I saw an eagle soar,

        But that it seemed muche more larger Than I had any eagle seen;

        This is as sooth as death, certain,

        It was of gold, and shone so bright,

        That never saw men such a sight,

        But if* the heaven had y-won, *unless All new from God, another sun;

        So shone the eagle’s feathers bright:

        And somewhat downward gan it light. descend, alight The Second Book opens with a brief invocation of Venus and of Thought; then it proceeds:

        This eagle, of which I have you told,

        That shone with feathers as of gold,

        Which that so high began to soar,

        I gan beholde more and more,

        To see her beauty and the wonder;

        But never was there dint of thunder,

        Nor that thing that men calle foudre, thunderbolt That smote sometimes a town to powder, And in his swifte coming brenn’d, burned That so swithe* gan descend, *rapidly As this fowl, when that it beheld

        That I a-roam was in the feld;

        And with his grim pawes strong,

        Within his sharpe nailes long,

        Me, flying, at a swap* he hent,* swoop *seized And with his sours <10> again up went, Me carrying in his clawes stark strong As light as I had been a lark,

        How high, I cannot telle you,

        For I came up, I wist not how.

        The poet faints through bewilderment and fear; but the eagle, speaking with the voice of a man, recalls him to himself, and comforts him by the assurance that what now befalls him is for his instruction and profit. Answering the poet’s unspoken inquiry whether he is not to die otherwise, or whether Jove will him stellify, the eagle says that he has been sent by Jupiter out of his “great ruth,”

        “For that thou hast so truely

        So long served ententively with attentive zeal His blinde nephew* Cupido, *grandson And faire Venus also,

        Withoute guuerdon ever yet,

        And natheless hast set thy wit

        (Although that in thy head full lite* is) *little To make bookes, songs, and ditties,

        In rhyme or elles in cadence,

        As thou best canst, in reverence

        Of Love, and of his servants eke,

        That have his service sought, and seek, And pained thee to praise his art,

        Although thou haddest never part; <11>

        Wherefore, all so God me bless,

        Jovis holds it great humbless,

        And virtue eke, that thou wilt make

        A-night full oft thy head to ache,

        In thy study so thou writest,

        And evermore of love enditest,

        In honour of him and praisings,

        And in his folke’s furtherings,

        And in their matter all devisest, relates And not him nor his folk despisest,

        Although thou may’st go in the dance

        Of them that him list not advance.

        Wherefore, as I said now, y-wis,

        Jupiter well considers this;

        And also, beausire,* other things; *good sir That is, that thou hast no tidings

        Of Love’s folk, if they be glad,

        Nor of naught elles that God made;

        And not only from far country

        That no tidings come to thee,

        But of thy very neighebours,

        That dwellen almost at thy doors,

        Thou hearest neither that nor this.

        For when thy labour all done is,

        And hast y-made thy reckonings, <12>

        Instead of rest and newe things,

        Thou go’st home to thy house anon,

        And, all so dumb as any stone,

        Thou sittest at another book,

        Till fully dazed* is thy look; *blinded And livest thus as a hermite

        Although thine abstinence is lite.”* <13> *little Therefore has Jove appointed the eagle to take the poet to the House of Fame, to do him some pleasure in recompense for his devotion to Cupid; and he will hear, says the bird, “When we be come there as I say,

        More wondrous thinges, dare I lay, bet Of Love’s folke more tidings,

        Both *soothe sawes and leasings; true sayings and lies*

        And more loves new begun,

        And long y-served loves won,

        And more loves casually

        That be betid,* no man knows why, *happened by chance But as a blind man starts a hare;

        And more jollity and welfare,

        While that they finde *love of steel, love true as steel*

        As thinketh them, and over all weel;

        More discords, and more jealousies,

        More murmurs, and more novelties,

        And more dissimulations,

        And feigned reparations;

        And more beardes, in two hours,

        Withoute razor or scissours

        Y-made, <14> than graines be of sands; And eke more holding in hands, embracings And also more renovelances renewings Of old *forleten acquaintances; broken-off acquaintanceships*

        More lovedays,<15> and more accords, agreements Than on instruments be chords;

        And eke of love more exchanges

        Than ever cornes were in granges.” barns The poet can scarcely believe that, though Fame had all the pies [magpies] and all the spies in a kingdom, she should hear so much; but the eagle proceeds to prove that she can.

        First shalt thou heare where she dwelleth; And, so as thine own booke telleth, <16>

        Her palace stands, as I shall say,

        Right ev’n in middes of the way

        Betweene heav’n, and earth, and sea,

        That whatsoe’er in all these three

        Is spoken, *privy or apert, secretly or openly*

        The air thereto is so overt, clear And stands eke in so just* a place, *suitable That ev’ry sound must to it pace,

        Or whatso comes from any tongue,

        Be it rowned,* read, or sung, *whispered Or spoken in surety or dread, doubt Certain *it must thither need.” it must needs go thither*

        The eagle, in a long discourse, demonstrates that, as all natural things have a natural place towards which they move by natural inclination, and as sound is only broken air, so every sound must come to Fame’s House, “though it were piped of a mouse”

        — on the same principle by which every part of a mass of water is affected by the casting in of a stone. The poet is all the while borne upward, entertained with various information by the bird; which at last cries out —

        “Hold up thy head, for all is well!

        Saint Julian, lo! bon hostel! <17>

        See here the House of Fame, lo

        May’st thou not heare that I do?”

        “What?” quoth I. “The greate soun’,”

        Quoth he, “that rumbleth up and down

        In Fame’s House, full of tidings,

        Both of fair speech and of chidings,

        And of false and sooth compouned; compounded, mingled Hearken well; it is not rowned. whispered Hearest thou not the greate swough?” confused sound “Yes, pardie!” quoth I, “well enough.”

        And what sound is it like?” quoth he

        “Peter! the beating of the sea,”

        Quoth I, “against the rockes hollow,

        When tempests do the shippes swallow.

        And let a man stand, out of doubt,

        A mile thence, and hear it rout. roar Or elles like the last humbling dull low distant noise After the clap of a thund’ring,

        When Jovis hath the air y-beat;

        But it doth me for feare sweat.”

        “Nay, dread thee not thereof,” quoth he; “It is nothing will bite thee,

        Thou shalt no harme have, truly.”

        And with that word both he and I

        As nigh the place arrived were,

        As men might caste with a spear.

        I wist not how, but in a street

        He set me fair upon my feet,

        And saide: “Walke forth apace,

        And take *thine adventure or case, thy chance of what That thou shalt find in Fame’s place.” may befall*

        “Now,” quoth I, “while we have space

        To speak, ere that I go from thee,

        For the love of God, as telle me,

        In sooth, that I will of thee lear, learn If this noise that I hear

        Be, as I have heard thee tell,

        Of folk that down in earthe dwell,

        And cometh here in the same wise

        As I thee heard, ere this, devise?

        And that there living body n’is is not In all that house that yonder is,

        That maketh all this loude fare?” hubbub, ado “No,” answered he, “by Saint Clare,

        And all *so wisly God rede me; so surely god But one thing I will warne thee, guide me*

        Of the which thou wilt have wonder.

        Lo! to the House of Fame yonder,

        Thou know’st how cometh ev’ry speech;

        It needeth not thee eft* to teach. *again But understand now right well this;

        When any speech y-comen is

        Up to the palace, anon right

        It waxeth* like the same wight* becomes **person Which that the word in earthe spake,

        Be he cloth’d in red or black;

        And so weareth his likeness,

        And speaks the word, that thou wilt guess fancy That it the same body be,

        Whether man or woman, he or she.

        And is not this a wondrous thing?”

        “Yes,” quoth I then, “by Heaven’s king!”

        And with this word, “Farewell,” quoth he, And here I will abide* thee, *wait for And God of Heaven send thee grace

        Some good to learen* in this place.” *learn And I of him took leave anon,

        And gan forth to the palace go’n.

        At the opening of the Third Book, Chaucer briefly invokes Apollo’s guidance, and entreats him, because “the rhyme is light and lewd,” to “make it somewhat agreeable, though some verse fail in a syllable.” If the god answers the prayer, the poet promises to kiss the next laurel-tree <18> he sees; and he proceeds:

        When I was from this eagle gone,

        I gan behold upon this place;

        And certain, ere I farther pace,

        I will you all the shape devise describe Of house and city; and all the wise

        How I gan to this place approach,

        That stood upon so high a roche, rock <19>

        Higher standeth none in Spain;

        But up I climb’d with muche pain,

        And though to climbe *grieved me, cost me painful effort*

        Yet I ententive* was to see, attentive And for to pore wondrous low, *gaze closely If I could any wise know

        What manner stone this rocke was,

        For it was like a thing of glass,

        But that it shone full more clear

        But of what congealed mattere

        It was, I wist not readily,

        But at the last espied I,

        And found that it was *ev’ry deal entirely*

        A rock of ice, and not of steel.

        Thought I, “By Saint Thomas of Kent, <20>

        This were a feeble fundament foundation *To builden* a place so high; on which to build He ought him lite to glorify *little That hereon built, God so me save!”

        Then saw I all the half y-grave <21>

        With famous folke’s names fele, many That hadde been in muche weal, good fortune And their fames wide y-blow.

        But well unnethes* might I know *scarcely Any letters for to read

        Their names by; for out of dread doubt They were almost off thawed so,

        That of the letters one or two

        Were molt* away of ev’ry name, melted So unfamous was wox their fame; *become But men say, “What may ever last?”

        Then gan I in my heart to cast conjecture That they were molt away for heat,

        And not away with stormes beat;

        For on the other side I sey saw Of this hill, that northward lay,

        How it was written full of names

        Of folke that had greate fames

        Of olde times, and yet they were

        As fresh as men had writ them there

        The selfe day, right ere that hour

        That I upon them gan to pore.

        But well I wiste what it made; meant It was conserved with the shade,

        All the writing which I sigh, saw Of a castle that stood on high;

        And stood eke on so cold a place,

        That heat might it not deface. injure, destroy Then gan I on this hill to go’n,

        And found upon the cop* a won,* summit <22> **house That all the men that be alive

        Have not the *cunning to descrive skill to describe*

        The beauty of that like place,

        Nor coulde *caste no compass find no contrivance*

        Such another for to make,

        That might of beauty be its make, match, equal Nor one so wondrously y-wrought,

        That it astonieth yet my thought,

        And maketh all my wit to swink, labour Upon this castle for to think;

        So that the greate beauty,

        Cast,* craft, and curiosity, *ingenuity Ne can I not to you devise; describe My witte may me not suffice.

        But natheless all the substance

        I have yet in my remembrance;

        For why, me thoughte, by Saint Gile,

        Alle was of stone of beryle,

        Bothe the castle and the tow’r,

        And eke the hall, and ev’ry bow’r, chamber Withoute pieces or joinings,

        But many subtile compassings, contrivances As barbicans* and pinnacles, *watch-towers Imageries and tabernacles,

        I saw; and eke full of windows,

        As flakes fall in greate snows.

        And eke in each of the pinnacles

        Were sundry habitacles, apartments or niches In which stooden, all without,

        Full the castle all about,

        Of all manner of minstrales

        And gestiours,<23> that telle tales

        Both of weeping and of game, mirth Of all that longeth unto Fame.

        There heard I play upon a harp,

        That sounded bothe well and sharp,

        Him, Orpheus, full craftily;

        And on this side faste by

        Satte the harper Arion,<24>

        And eke Aeacides Chiron <25>

        And other harpers many a one,

        And the great Glasgerion; <26>

        And smalle harpers, with their glees, instruments Satten under them in sees, seats And gan on them upward to gape,

        And counterfeit them as an ape,

        Or as *craft counterfeiteth kind. art counterfeits nature*

        Then saw I standing them behind,

        Afar from them, all by themselve,

        Many thousand times twelve,

        That made loude minstrelsies

        In cornmuse and eke in shawmies, <27>

        And in many another pipe,

        That craftily began to pipe,

        Both in dulcet <28> and in reed,

        That be at feastes with the bride.

        And many a flute and lilting horn,

        And pipes made of greene corn,

        As have these little herde-grooms, shepherd-boys That keepe beastes in the brooms.

        There saw I then Dan Citherus,

        And of Athens Dan Pronomus, <29>

        And Marsyas <30> that lost his skin,

        Both in the face, body, and chin,

        For that he would envyen, lo!

        To pipe better than Apollo.

        There saw I famous, old and young,

        Pipers of alle Dutche tongue, <31>

        To learne love-dances and springs,

        Reyes, <32> and these strange things.

        Then saw I in another place,

        Standing in a large space,

        Of them that make bloody* soun’, martial In trumpet, beam, and clarioun; *horn <33>

        For in fight and blood-sheddings

        Is used gladly clarionings.

        There heard I trumpe Messenus. <34>

        Of whom speaketh Virgilius.

        There heard I Joab trump also, <35>

        Theodamas, <36> and other mo’,

        And all that used clarion

        In Catalogne and Aragon,

        That in their times famous were

        To learne, saw I trumpe there.

        There saw I sit in other sees,

        Playing upon sundry glees,

        Whiche that I cannot neven, name More than starres be in heaven;

        Of which I will not now rhyme,

        For ease of you, and loss of time:

        For time lost, this knowe ye,

        By no way may recover’d be.

        There saw I play jongelours, jugglers <37>

        Magicians, and tregetours,<38>

        And Pythonesses, <39> charmeresses,

        And old witches, and sorceresses,

        That use exorcisations,

        And eke subfumigations; <40>

        And clerkes* eke, which knowe well *scholars All this magic naturel,

        That craftily do their intents,

        To make, in certain ascendents, <41>

        Images, lo! through which magic

        To make a man be whole or sick.

        There saw I the queen Medea, <42>

        And Circes <43> eke, and Calypsa.<44>

        There saw I Hermes Ballenus, <45>

        Limote, <46> and eke Simon Magus. <47>

        There saw I, and knew by name,

        That by such art do men have fame.

        There saw I Colle Tregetour <46>

        Upon a table of sycamore

        Play an uncouth* thing to tell; *strange, rare I saw him carry a windmell

        Under a walnut shell.

        Why should I make longer tale

        Of all the people I there say, saw From hence even to doomesday?

        When I had all this folk behold,

        And found me *loose, and not y-hold, at liberty and unrestrained*

        And I had mused longe while

        Upon these walles of beryle,

        That shone lighter than any glass,

        And made well more than it was *much greater To seemen ev’rything, y-wis,

        As kindly* thing of Fame it is; <48> *natural I gan forth roam until I fand found The castle-gate on my right hand,

        Which all so well y-carven was,

        That never such another n’as; was not And yet it was by Adventure chance Y-wrought, and not by *subtile cure. careful art*

        It needeth not you more to tell,

        To make you too longe dwell,

        Of these gates’ flourishings,

        Nor of compasses,* nor carvings, *devices Nor how they had in masonries,

        As corbets, <49> full of imageries.

        But, Lord! so fair it was to shew,

        For it was all with gold behew. coloured But in I went, and that anon;

        There met I crying many a one

        “A largess! largess! <50> hold up well!

        God save the Lady of this pell, palace Our owen gentle Lady Fame,

        And them that will to have name

        Of us!” Thus heard I cryen all,

        And fast they came out of the hall,

        And shooke *nobles and sterlings, coins <51>

        And some y-crowned were as kings,

        With crownes wrought fall of lozenges; And many ribands, and many fringes,

        Were on their clothes truely

        Then at the last espied I

        That pursuivantes and herauds, heralds That cry riche folke’s lauds, praises They weren all; and ev’ry man

        Of them, as I you telle can,

        Had on him throwen a vesture

        Which that men call a coat-armure, <52>

        Embroidered wondrously rich,

        As though there were *naught y-lich; nothing like it*

        But naught will I, so may I thrive,

        *Be aboute to descrive concern myself with describing*

        All these armes that there were,

        That they thus on their coates bare,

        For it to me were impossible;

        Men might make of them a bible

        Twenty foote thick, I trow.

        For, certain, whoso coulde know

        Might there all the armes see’n

        Of famous folk that have been

        In Afric’, Europe, and Asie,

        Since first began the chivalry.

        Lo! how should I now tell all this?

        Nor of the hall eke what need is

        To telle you that ev’ry wall

        Of it, and floor, and roof, and all,

        Was plated half a foote thick

        Of gold, and that was nothing wick’, counterfeit But for to prove in alle wise

        As fine as ducat of Venise, <53>

        Of which too little in my pouch is?

        And they were set as thick of nouches ornaments Fine, of the finest stones fair,

        That men read in the Lapidaire, <54>

        As grasses growen in a mead.

        But it were all too long to read declare The names; and therefore I pass.

        But in this rich and lusty place,

        That Fame’s Hall y-called was,

        Full muche press of folk there n’as, was not Nor crowding for too muche press.

        But all on high, above a dais,

        Set on a see* imperial, <55> *seat That made was of ruby all,

        Which that carbuncle is y-call’d,

        I saw perpetually install’d

        A feminine creature;

        That never formed by Nature

        Was such another thing y-sey. seen For altherfirst,* sooth to say, *first of all Me thoughte that she was so lite, little That the length of a cubite

        Was longer than she seem’d to be;

        But thus soon in a while she

        Herself then wonderfully stretch’d,

        That with her feet the earth she reach’d, And with her head she touched heaven,

        Where as shine the starres seven. <56>

        And thereto* eke, as to my wit, *moreover I saw a greater wonder yet,

        Upon her eyen to behold;

        But certes I them never told.

        For *as fele eyen* hadde she, as many eyes

        As feathers upon fowles be,

        Or were on the beastes four

        That Godde’s throne gan honour,

        As John writ in th’Apocalypse. <57>

        Her hair, that *oundy was and crips, wavy <58> and crisp*

        As burnish’d gold it shone to see;

        And, sooth to tellen, also she

        Had all so fele* upstanding ears, *many And tongues, as on beasts be hairs;

        And on her feet waxen saw I

        Partridges’ winges readily.<59>

        But, Lord! the pierrie* and richess *gems, jewellery I saw sitting on this goddess,

        And the heavenly melody

        Of songes full of harmony,

        I heard about her throne y-sung,

        That all the palace walles rung!

        (So sung the mighty Muse, she

        That called is Calliope,

        And her eight sisteren* eke, *sisters That in their faces seeme meek);

        And evermore eternally

        They sang of Fame as then heard I:

        “Heried* be thou and thy name, *praised Goddess of Renown and Fame!”

        Then was I ware, lo! at the last,

        As I mine eyen gan upcast,

        That this ilke noble queen

        On her shoulders gan sustene sustain Both the armes, and the name

        Of those that hadde large fame;

        Alexander, and Hercules,

        That with a shirt his life lese.* <60> *lost Thus found I sitting this goddess,

        In noble honour and richess;

        Of which I stint* a while now, *refrain (from speaking) Of other things to telle you.

        Then saw I stand on either side,

        Straight down unto the doores wide,

        From the dais, many a pillere

        Of metal, that shone not full clear;

        But though they were of no richess,

        Yet were they made for great nobless,

        And in them greate sentence. significance And folk of digne* reverence, worthy, lofty Of which I will you telle fand, I will try to tell you*

        Upon the pillars saw I stand.

        Altherfirst, lo! there I sigh saw Upon a pillar stand on high,

        That was of lead and iron fine,

        Him of the secte Saturnine, <61>

        The Hebrew Josephus the old,

        That of Jewes’ gestes* told; *deeds of braver And he bare on his shoulders high

        All the fame up of Jewry.

        And by him stooden other seven,

        Full wise and worthy for to neven, name To help him bearen up the charge, burden It was so heavy and so large.

        And, for they writen of battailes,

        As well as other old marvailes,

        Therefore was, lo! this pillere,

        Of which that I you telle here,

        Of lead and iron both, y-wis;

        For iron Marte’s metal is, <62>

        Which that god is of battaile;

        And eke the lead, withoute fail,

        Is, lo! the metal of Saturn,

        That hath full large wheel* to turn. *orbit Then stoode forth, on either row,

        Of them which I coulde know,

        Though I them not by order tell,

        To make you too longe dwell.

        These, of the which I gin you read,

        There saw I standen, out of dread,

        Upon an iron pillar strong,

        That painted was all endelong from top to bottom*

        With tiger’s blood in ev’ry place,

        The Tholosan that highte Stace, <63>

        That bare of Thebes up the name

        Upon his shoulders, and the fame

        Also of cruel Achilles.

        And by him stood, withoute lease, falsehood Full wondrous high on a pillere

        Of iron, he, the great Homere;

        And with him Dares and Dytus, <64>

        Before, and eke he, Lollius, <65>

        And Guido eke de Colempnis, <66>

        And English Gaufrid <67> eke, y-wis.

        And each of these, as I have joy,

        Was busy for to bear up Troy;

        So heavy thereof was the fame,

        That for to bear it was no game.

        But yet I gan full well espy,

        Betwixt them was a little envy.

        One said that Homer made lies,

        Feigning in his poetries,

        And was to the Greeks favourable;

        Therefore held he it but a fable.

        Then saw I stand on a pillere

        That was of tinned iron clear,

        Him, the Latin poet Virgile,

        That borne hath up a longe while

        The fame of pious Aeneas.

        And next him on a pillar was

        Of copper, Venus’ clerk Ovide,

        That hath y-sowen wondrous wide

        The greate god of Love’s fame.

        And there he bare up well his name

        Upon this pillar all so high,

        As I might see it with mine eye;

        For why? this hall whereof I read

        Was waxen in height, and length, and bread, breadth Well more by a thousand deal times Than it was erst, that saw I weel.

        Then saw I on a pillar by,

        Of iron wrought full sternely,

        The greate poet, Dan Lucan,

        That on his shoulders bare up than,

        As high as that I might it see,

        The fame of Julius and Pompey; <68>

        And by him stood all those clerks

        That write of Rome’s mighty works,

        That if I would their names tell,

        All too longe must I dwell.

        And next him on a pillar stood

        Of sulphur, like as he were wood, mad Dan Claudian, <69> the sooth to tell,

        That bare up all the fame of hell,

        Of Pluto, and of Proserpine,

        That queen is of *the darke pine the dark realm of pain*

        Why should I telle more of this?

        The hall was alle fulle, y-wis,

        Of them that writen olde gests, histories of great deeds As be on trees rookes’ nests;

        But it a full confus’d mattere

        Were all these gestes for to hear,

        That they of write, and how they hight. are called But while that I beheld this sight,

        I heard a noise approache blive, quickly That far’d* as bees do in a hive, *went Against their time of outflying;

        Right such a manner murmuring,

        For all the world, it seem’d to me.

        Then gan I look about, and see

        That there came entering the hall

        A right great company withal,

        And that of sundry regions,

        Of all kinds and conditions

        That dwell in earth under the moon,

        Both poor and rich; and all so soon

        As they were come into the hall,

        They gan adown on knees to fall,

        Before this ilke* noble queen, *same And saide, “Grant us, Lady sheen, bright, lovely Each of us of thy grace a boon.” favour And some of them she granted soon,

        And some she warned* well and fair, *refused And some she granted the contrair contrary Of their asking utterly;

        But this I say you truely,

        What that her cause was, I n’ist; wist not, know not For of these folk full well I wist,

        They hadde good fame each deserved,

        Although they were diversely served.

        Right as her sister, Dame Fortune,

        Is wont to serven *in commune. commonly, usually*

        Now hearken how she gan to pay

        Them that gan of her grace to pray;

        And right, lo! all this company

        Saide sooth,* and not a lie. *truth “Madame,” thus quoth they, “we be

        Folk that here beseeche thee

        That thou grant us now good fame,

        And let our workes have good name

        In full recompensatioun

        Of good work, give us good renown

        “I warn* it you,” quoth she anon; *refuse “Ye get of me good fame none,

        By God! and therefore go your way.”

        “Alas,” quoth they, “and wellaway!

        Tell us what may your cause be.”

        “For that it list* me not,” quoth she, *pleases No wight shall speak of you, y-wis,

        Good nor harm, nor that nor this.”

        And with that word she gan to call

        Her messenger, that was in hall,

        And bade that he should faste go’n,

        Upon pain to be blind anon,

        For Aeolus, the god of wind;

        “In Thrace there ye shall him find,

        And bid him bring his clarioun,

        That is full diverse of his soun’,

        And it is called Cleare Laud,

        With which he wont is to heraud proclaim Them that me list y-praised be,

        And also bid him how that he

        Bring eke his other clarioun,

        That hight* Slander in ev’ry town, *is called With which he wont is to diffame defame, disparage Them that me list, and do them shame.”

        This messenger gan faste go’n,

        And found where, in a cave of stone,

        In a country that highte Thrace,

        This Aeolus, *with harde grace, Evil favour attend him!*

        Helde the windes in distress, constraint And gan them under him to press,

        That they began as bears to roar,

        He bound and pressed them so sore.

        This messenger gan fast to cry,

        “Rise up,” quoth he, “and fast thee hie, Until thou at my Lady be,

        And take thy clarions eke with thee,

        And speed thee forth.” And he anon

        Took to him one that hight Triton, <70>

        His clarions to beare tho, then And let a certain winde go,

        That blew so hideously and high,

        That it lefte not a sky cloud <71>

        In all the welkin* long and broad. *sky This Aeolus nowhere abode delayed Till he was come to Fame’s feet,

        And eke the man that Triton hete, is called And there he stood as still as stone.

        And therewithal there came anon

        Another huge company

        Of goode folk, and gan to cry,

        “Lady, grant us goode fame,

        And let our workes have that name,

        Now in honour of gentleness;

        And all so God your soule bless;

        For we have well deserved it,

        Therefore is right we be well quit.” requited “As thrive I,” quoth she, “ye shall fail; Good workes shall you not avail

        To have of me good fame as now;

        But, wot ye what, I grante you.

        That ye shall have a shrewde* fame, evil, cursed And wicked los, and worse name, *reputation <72>

        Though ye good los have well deserv’d; Now go your way, for ye be serv’d.

        And now, Dan Aeolus,” quoth she,

        “Take forth thy trump anon, let see,

        That is y-called Slander light,

        And blow their los, that ev’ry wight

        Speak of them harm and shrewedness, wickedness, malice Instead of good and worthiness;

        For thou shalt trump all the contrair

        Of that they have done, well and fair.”

        Alas! thought I, what adventures (evil) fortunes Have these sorry creatures,

        That they, amonges all the press,

        Should thus be shamed guilteless?

        But what! it muste needes be.

        What did this Aeolus, but he

        Took out his blacke trump of brass,

        That fouler than the Devil was,

        And gan this trumpet for to blow,

        As all the world ‘t would overthrow.

        Throughout every regioun

        Went this foule trumpet’s soun’,

        As swift as pellet out of gun

        When fire is in the powder run.

        And such a smoke gan out wend, go Out of this foule trumpet’s end,

        Black, blue, greenish, swart,* and red, *black <73>

        As doth when that men melt lead,

        Lo! all on high from the tewell; chimney <74>

        And thereto* one thing saw I well, *also That the farther that it ran,

        The greater waxen it began,

        As doth the river from a well, fountain And it stank as the pit of hell.

        Alas! thus was their shame y-rung,

        And guilteless, on ev’ry tongue.

        Then came the thirde company,

        And gan up to the dais to hie, hasten And down on knees they fell anon,

        And saide, “We be ev’ry one

        Folk that have full truely

        Deserved fame right fully,

        And pray you that it may be know

        Right as it is, and forth y-blow.”

        “I grante,” quoth she, “for me list

        That now your goode works be wist; known And yet ye shall have better los,

        In despite of all your foes,

        Than worthy* is, and that anon. *merited Let now,” quoth she, “thy trumpet go’n, Thou Aeolus, that is so black,

        And out thine other trumpet take,

        That highte Laud, and blow it so

        That through the world their fame may go, Easily and not too fast,

        That it be knowen at the last.”

        “Full gladly, Lady mine,” he said;

        And out his trump of gold he braid pulled forth Anon, and set it to his mouth,

        And blew it east, and west, and south, And north, as loud as any thunder,

        That ev’ry wight had of it wonder,

        So broad it ran ere that it stent. ceased And certes all the breath that went

        Out of his trumpet’s mouthe smell’d

        As* men a pot of balme held *as if Among a basket full of roses;

        This favour did he to their loses. reputations And right with this I gan espy

        Where came the fourthe company.

        But certain they were wondrous few;

        And gan to standen in a rew, row And saide, “Certes, Lady bright,

        We have done well with all our might,

        But we *not keep* to have fame; *care not Hide our workes and our name,

        For Godde’s love! for certes we

        Have surely done it for bounty, goodness, virtue And for no manner other thing.”

        “I grante you all your asking,”

        Quoth she; “let your workes be dead.”

        With that I turn’d about my head,

        And saw anon the fifthe rout, company That to this Lady gan to lout, bow down And down on knees anon to fall;

        And to her then besoughten all

        To hide their good workes eke,

        And said, they gave* not a leek *cared For no fame, nor such renown;

        For they for contemplatioun

        And Godde’s love had y-wrought,

        Nor of fame would they have aught.

        “What!” quoth she, “and be ye wood?

        And *weene ye* for to do good, do ye imagine

        And for to have of that no fame?

        Have ye despite to have my name? do ye despise

        Nay, ye shall lie every one!

        Blow thy trump, and that anon,”

        Quoth she, “thou Aeolus, I hote, command And ring these folkes works by note,

        That all the world may of it hear.”

        And he gan blow their los* so clear *reputation Within his golden clarioun,

        That through the worlde went the soun’, All so kindly, and so soft,

        That their fame was blown aloft.

        And then came the sixth company,

        And gunnen* fast on Fame to cry; *began Right verily in this mannere

        They saide; “Mercy, Lady dear!

        To telle certain as it is,

        We have done neither that nor this,

        But idle all our life hath be; been But natheless yet praye we

        That we may have as good a fame,

        And great renown, and knowen* name, *well-known As they that have done noble gests, feats.

        And have achieved all their quests, enterprises; desires As well of Love, as other thing;

        All* was us never brooch, nor ring, *although Nor elles aught from women sent,

        Nor ones in their hearte meant

        To make us only friendly cheer,

        But mighte *teem us upon bier; might lay us on our bier Yet let us to the people seem (by their adverse demeanour)*

        Such as the world may of us deem, judge That women loven us for wood. madly It shall us do as muche good,

        And to our heart as much avail,

        The counterpoise,* ease, and travail, *compensation As we had won it with labour;

        For that is deare bought honour,

        *At the regard of* our great ease. in comparison with

        And yet ye must us more please; in addition

        Let us be holden eke thereto

        Worthy, and wise, and good also,

        And rich, and happy unto love,

        For Godde’s love, that sits above;

        Though we may not the body have

        Of women, yet, so God you save,

        Let men glue* on us the name; *fasten Sufficeth that we have the fame.”

        “I grante,” quoth she, “by my troth;

        Now Aeolus, withoute sloth,

        Take out thy trump of gold,” quoth she, “And blow as they have asked me,

        That ev’ry man ween* them at ease, believe Although they go in full bad leas.” sorry plight*

        This Aeolus gan it so blow,

        That through the world it was y-know.

        Then came the seventh rout anon,

        And fell on knees ev’ry one,

        And saide, “Lady, grant us soon

        The same thing, the same boon,

        Which this next folk you have done.” the people just before us

        “Fy on you,” quoth she, “ev’ry one!

        Ye nasty swine, ye idle wretches,

        Full fill’d of rotten slowe tetches! blemishes <75>

        What? false thieves! ere ye would

        *Be famous good,* and nothing n’ould have good fame

        Deserve why, nor never raught, recked, cared (to do so) Men rather you to hangen ought.

        For ye be like the sleepy cat,

        That would have fish; but, know’st thou what?

        He woulde no thing wet his claws.

        Evil thrift come to your jaws,

        And eke to mine, if I it grant,

        Or do favour you to avaunt. boast your deeds Thou Aeolus, thou King of Thrace,

        Go, blow this folk a *sorry grace,” disgrace Quoth she, “anon; and know’st thou how?

        As I shall telle thee right now,

        Say, these be they that would honour

        Have, and do no kind of labour,

        Nor do no good, and yet have laud,

        And that men ween’d that Belle Isaude <76>

        *Could them not of love wern; could not refuse them her love*

        And yet she that grinds at the quern mill <77>

        Is all too good to ease their heart.”

        This Aeolus anon upstart,

        And with his blacke clarioun

        He gan to blazen out a soun’

        As loud as bellows wind in hell;

        And eke therewith, the sooth to tell,

        This sounde was so full of japes, jests As ever were mows* in apes; *grimaces And that went all the world about,

        That ev’ry wight gan on them shout,

        And for to laugh as they were wood; mad *Such game found they in their hood.* <78> so were they ridiculed

        Then came another company,

        That hadde done the treachery,

        The harm, and the great wickedness,

        That any hearte coulde guess;

        And prayed her to have good fame,

        And that she would do them no shame,

        But give them los and good renown,

        And do it blow in clarioun. cause it to be blown

        “Nay, wis!” quoth she, “it were a vice; All be there in me no justice,

        Me liste not to do it now,

        Nor this will I grant to you.”

        Then came there leaping in a rout, crowd And gan to clappen* all about *strike, knock Every man upon the crown,

        That all the hall began to soun’;

        And saide; “Lady lefe* and dear, *loved We be such folk as ye may hear.

        To tellen all the tale aright,

        We be shrewes* every wight, *wicked, impious people And have delight in wickedness,

        As goode folk have in goodness,

        And joy to be y-knowen shrews,

        And full of vice and *wicked thews; evil qualities*

        Wherefore we pray you *on a row, all together*

        That our fame be such y-know

        In all things right as it is.”

        “I grant it you,” quoth she, “y-wis.

        But what art thou that say’st this tale, That wearest on thy hose a pale, vertical stripe And on thy tippet such a bell?”

        “Madame,” quoth he, “sooth to tell,

        I am *that ilke shrew,* y-wis, the same wretch

        That burnt the temple of Isidis,

        In Athenes, lo! that city.” <79>

        “And wherefore didst thou so?” quoth she.

        “By my thrift!” quoth he, “Madame,

        I woulde fain have had a name

        As other folk had in the town;

        Although they were of great renown

        For their virtue and their thews, good qualities Thought I, as great fame have shrews

        (Though it be naught) for shrewdeness, As good folk have for goodeness;

        And since I may not have the one,

        The other will I not forgo’n.

        So for to gette *fame’s hire, the reward of fame*

        The temple set I all afire.

        *Now do our los be blowen swithe,

        As wisly be thou ever blithe.” see note <80>

        “Gladly,” quoth she; “thou Aeolus,

        Hear’st thou what these folk prayen us?”

        “Madame, I hear full well,” quoth he,

        “And I will trumpen it, pardie!”

        And took his blacke trumpet fast,

        And gan to puffen and to blast,

        Till it was at the worlde’s end.

        With that I gan *aboute wend, turn*

        For one that stood right at my back

        Me thought full goodly* to me spake, *courteously, fairly And saide, “Friend, what is thy name?

        Art thou come hither to have fame?”

        “Nay, *for soothe,* friend!” quoth I; surely

        “I came not hither, *grand mercy, great thanks*

        For no such cause, by my head!

        Sufficeth me, as I were dead,

        That no wight have my name in hand.

        I wot myself best how I stand,

        For what I dree,* or what I think, *suffer I will myself it alle drink,

        Certain, for the more part,

        As far forth as I know mine art.”

        “What doest thou here, then,” quoth he.

        Quoth I, “That will I telle thee;

        The cause why I stande here,

        Is some new tidings for to lear, learn Some newe thing, I know not what,

        Tidings either this or that,

        Of love, or suche thinges glad.

        For, certainly, he that me made

        To come hither, said to me

        I shoulde bothe hear and see

        In this place wondrous things;

        But these be not such tidings

        As I meant of.” “No?” quoth he.

        And I answered, “No, pardie!

        For well I wot ever yet,

        Since that first I hadde wit,

        That some folk have desired fame

        Diversely, and los, and name;

        But certainly I knew not how

        Nor where that Fame dwelled, ere now

        Nor eke of her description,

        Nor also her condition,

        Nor *the order of her doom, the principle of her judgments*

        Knew I not till I hither come.”

        “Why, then, lo! be these tidings,

        That thou nowe hither brings,

        That thou hast heard?” quoth he to me.

        “But now no force, for well I see no matter

        What thou desirest for to lear.”

        Come forth, and stand no longer here.

        And I will thee, withoute dread, doubt Into another place lead,

        Where thou shalt hear many a one.”

        Then gan I forth with him to go’n

        Out of the castle, sooth to say.

        Then saw I stand in a vally,

        Under the castle faste by,

        A house, that domus Daedali,

        That Labyrinthus <81> called is,

        N’as* made so wondrously, y-wis, was not Nor half so quaintly was y-wrought. *strangely And evermore, as swift as thought,

        This quainte* house aboute went, strange That nevermore it stille stent; ceased to move*

        And thereout came so great a noise,

        That had it stooden upon Oise, <82>

        Men might have heard it easily

        To Rome, I *trowe sickerly. confidently believe*

        And the noise which I heard,

        For all the world right so it far’d

        As doth the routing* of the stone rushing noise

        That from the engine<83> is let go’n.

        And all this house of which I read tell you Was made of twigges sallow,* red, *willow And green eke, and some were white,

        Such as men *to the cages twight, pull to make cages*

        Or maken of these panniers,

        Or elles hutches or dossers; back-baskets That, for the swough* and for the twigs, *rushing noise This house was all so full of gigs, sounds of wind And all so full eke of chirkings, creakings And of many other workings;

        And eke this house had of entries

        As many as leaves be on trees,

        In summer when that they be green,

        And on the roof men may yet see’n

        A thousand holes, and well mo’,

        To let the soundes oute go.

        And by day *in ev’ry tide continually*

        Be all the doores open wide,

        And by night each one unshet; unshut, open Nor porter there is none to let hinder No manner tidings in to pace;

        Nor ever rest is in that place,

        That it n’is* fill’d full of tidings, *is not Either loud, or of whisperings;

        And ever all the house’s angles

        Are full of *rownings and of jangles, whisperings and chatterings*

        Of wars, of peace, of marriages,

        Of rests, of labour, of voyages,

        Of abode, of death, of life,

        Of love, of hate, accord, of strife,

        Of loss, of lore, and of winnings,

        Of health, of sickness, of buildings,

        Of faire weather and tempests,

        Of qualm* of folkes and of beasts; *sickness Of divers transmutations

        Of estates and of regions;

        Of trust, of dread,* of jealousy, *doubt Of wit, of cunning, of folly,

        Of plenty, and of great famine,

        Of *cheap, of dearth,* and of ruin; cheapness & dearness (of food)

        Of good or of misgovernment,

        Of fire, and diverse accident.

        And lo! this house of which I write,

        Sicker be ye, it was not lite; be assured small For it was sixty mile of length,

        All* was the timber of no strength; *although Yet it is founded to endure,

        *While that it list to Adventure, while fortune pleases*

        That is the mother of tidings,

        As is the sea of wells and springs;

        And it was shapen like a cage.

        “Certes,” quoth I, “in all mine age, life Ne’er saw I such a house as this.”

        And as I wonder’d me, y-wis,

        Upon this house, then ware was I

        How that mine eagle, faste by,

        Was perched high upon a stone;

        And I gan straighte to him go’n,

        And saide thus; “I praye thee

        That thou a while abide* me, *wait for For Godde’s love, and let me see

        What wonders in this place be;

        For yet parauntre* I may lear* peradventure **learn Some good thereon, or somewhat hear,

        That lefe me were, ere that I went.” were pleasing to me

        “Peter! that is mine intent,”

        Quoth he to me; “therefore I dwell; tarry But, certain, one thing I thee tell,

        That, but* I bringe thee therein, unless Thou shalt never can begin be able*

        To come into it, out of doubt,

        So fast it whirleth, lo! about.

        But since that Jovis, of his grace,

        As I have said, will thee solace

        Finally with these ilke* things, *same These uncouth sightes and tidings,

        To pass away thy heaviness,

        Such ruth* hath he of thy distress *compassion That thou suff’rest debonairly, gently And know’st thyselven utterly

        Desperate of alle bliss,

        Since that Fortune hath made amiss

        The fruit of all thy hearte’s rest

        Languish, and eke *in point to brest; on the point of breaking*

        But he, through his mighty merite,

        Will do thee ease, all be it lite, little And gave express commandement,

        To which I am obedient,

        To further thee with all my might,

        And wiss* and teache thee aright, *direct Where thou may’st moste tidings hear,

        Shalt thou anon many one lear.”

        And with this word he right anon

        Hent* me up betwixt his tone,* caught **toes And at a window in me brought,

        That in this house was, as me thought; And therewithal me thought it stent, stopped And nothing it aboute went;

        And set me in the floore down.

        But such a congregatioun

        Of folk, as I saw roam about,

        Some within and some without,

        Was never seen, nor shall be eft, again, hereafter That, certes, in the world n’ is* left *is not So many formed by Nature,

        Nor dead so many a creature,

        That well unnethes* in that place *scarcely Had I a foote breadth of space;

        And ev’ry wight that I saw there

        Rown’d* evereach in other’s ear *whispered A newe tiding privily,

        Or elles told all openly

        Right thus, and saide, “Know’st not thou What is betid,* lo! righte now?” *happened “No,” quoth he; “telle me what.”

        And then he told him this and that,

        And swore thereto, that it was sooth;

        “Thus hath he said,” and “Thus he do’th,”

        And “Thus shall ‘t be,” and “Thus heard I say “That shall be found, that dare I lay;” wager That all the folk that is alive

        Have not the cunning to descrive describe The thinges that I hearde there,

        What aloud, and what in th’ear.

        But all the wonder most was this;

        When one had heard a thing, y-wis,

        He came straight to another wight,

        And gan him tellen anon right

        The same tale that to him was told,

        Or it a furlong way was old, <84>

        And gan somewhat for to eche eke, add To this tiding in his speech,

        More than it ever spoken was.

        And not so soon departed n’as was He from him, than that he met

        With the third; and *ere he let

        Any stound,* he told him als’; without delaying a momen

        Were the tidings true or false,

        Yet would he tell it natheless,

        And evermore with more increase

        Than it was erst.* Thus north and south *at first Went ev’ry tiding from mouth to mouth, And that increasing evermo’,

        As fire is wont to *quick and go become alive, and spread*

        From a spark y-sprung amiss,

        Till all a city burnt up is.

        And when that it was full up-sprung,

        And waxen* more on ev’ry tongue *increased Than e’er it was, it went anon

        Up to a window out to go’n;

        Or, but it mighte thereout pass,

        It gan creep out at some crevass, crevice, chink And fly forth faste for the nonce.

        And sometimes saw I there at once

        *A leasing, and a sad sooth saw, a falsehood and an earnest That gan *of adventure* draw true saying by chance Out at a window for to pace;

        And when they metten in that place,

        They were checked both the two,

        And neither of them might out go;

        For other so they gan *to crowd, push, squeeze, each other*

        Till each of them gan cryen loud,

        “Let me go first!” — “Nay, but let me!

        And here I will ensure thee,

        With vowes, if thou wilt do so,

        That I shall never from thee go,

        But be thine owen sworen brother!

        We will us medle* each with other, *mingle That no man, be he ne’er so wroth,

        Shall have one of us two, but both

        At ones, as *beside his leave, despite his desire*

        Come we at morning or at eve,

        Be we cried or *still y-rowned.” quietly whispered*

        Thus saw I false and sooth, compouned, compounded Together fly for one tiding.

        Then out at holes gan to wring squeeze, struggle Every tiding straight to Fame;

        And she gan give to each his name

        After her disposition,

        And gave them eke duration,

        Some to wax and wane soon,

        As doth the faire white moon;

        And let them go. There might I see

        Winged wonders full fast flee,

        Twenty thousand in a rout, company As Aeolus them blew about.

        And, Lord! this House in alle times

        Was full of shipmen and pilgrimes, <85>

        With *scrippes bretfull of leasings, wallets brimful of falsehoods*

        Entremedled with tidings true stories And eke alone by themselve.

        And many thousand times twelve

        Saw I eke of these pardoners,<86>

        Couriers, and eke messengers,

        With boistes* crammed full of lies *boxes As ever vessel was with lyes. lees of wine And as I altherfaste* went *with all speed About, and did all mine intent

        Me *for to play and for to lear, to amuse and instruct myself*

        And eke a tiding for to hear

        That I had heard of some country,

        That shall not now be told for me; —

        For it no need is, readily;

        Folk can sing it better than I.

        For all must out, or late or rath, soon All the sheaves in the lath; barn <87>

        I heard a greate noise withal

        In a corner of the hall,

        Where men of love tidings told;

        And I gan thitherward behold,

        For I saw running ev’ry wight

        As fast as that they hadde might,

        And ev’reach cried, “What thing is that?”

        And some said, “I know never what.”

        And when they were all on a heap,

        Those behinde gan up leap,

        And clomb* upon each other fast, <88> *climbed And up the noise on high they cast,

        And trodden fast on others’ heels,

        And stamp’d, as men do after eels.

        But at the last I saw a man,

        Which that I not describe can;

        But that he seemed for to be

        A man of great authority.

        And therewith I anon abraid awoke Out of my sleepe, half afraid;

        Rememb’ring well what I had seen,

        And how high and far I had been

        In my ghost; and had great wonder

        Of what the mighty god of thunder

        Had let me know; and gan to write

        Like as ye have me heard endite.

        Wherefore to study and read alway

        I purpose to do day by day.

        And thus, in dreaming and in game,

        Endeth this little book of Fame.

        Here endeth the Book of Fame

        Notes to The House of Fame

        1. Rood: the cross on which Christ was crucified; Anglo-Saxon, “Rode.”

        2. Well worth of this thing greate clerks: Great scholars set much worth upon this thing — that is, devote much labour, attach much importance, to the subject of dreams.

        3. The poet briefly refers to the description of the House of Somnus, in Ovid’s “Metamorphoses,” 1. xi. 592, et seqq.; where the cave of Somnus is said to be “prope Cimmerios,” (“near the Cimmerians”) and “Saxo tamen exit ab imo Rivus aquae Lethes.” (“A stream of Lethe’s water issues from the base of the rock”)

        4. See the account of the vision of Croesus in The Monk’s Tale.

        5. The meaning of the allusion is not clear; but the story of the pilgrims and the peas is perhaps suggested by the line following — “to make lithe [soft] what erst was hard.” St Leonard was the patron of captives.

        5. Corsaint: The “corpus sanctum” — the holy body, or relics, preserved in the shrine.

        7. So, in the Temple of Venus described in The Knight’s Tale, the Goddess is represented as “naked floating in the large sea”.

        8. Vulcano: Vulcan, the husband of Venus.

        9. Ered: ploughed; Latin, “arare,” Anglo-Saxon, “erean,”

        plough.

        10. Sours: Soaring ascent; a hawk was said to be “on the soar”

        when he mounted, “on the sours” or “souse” when he descended on the prey, and took it in flight.

        11. This is only one among many instances in which Chaucer disclaims the pursuits of love; and the description of his manner of life which follows is sufficient to show that the disclaimer was no mere mock-humble affectation of a gallant.

        12. This reference, approximately fixing the date at which the poem was composed, points clearly to Chaucer’s daily work as Comptroller of the Customs — a post which he held from 1374

        to 1386.

        13. This is a frank enough admission that the poet was fond of good cheer; and the effect of his “little abstinence” on his corporeal appearance is humorously described in the Prologue to the Tale of Sir Thopas, where the Host compliments Chaucer on being as well shapen in the waist as himself.

        14. “To make the beard” means to befool or deceive. See note 15 to the Reeve’s Tale. Precisely the same idea is conveyed in the modern slang word “shave” — meaning a trick or fraud.

        15. Lovedays: see note 21 to the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales.

        16. If this reference is to any book of Chaucer’s in which the House of Fame was mentioned, the book has not come down to us. It has been reasonably supposed, however, that Chaucer means by “his own book” Ovid’s “Metamorphoses,” of which he was evidently very fond; and in the twelfth book of that poem the Temple of Fame is described.

        17. Saint Julian was the patron of hospitality; so the Franklin, in the Prologue to The Canterbury Tales is said to be “Saint Julian in his country,” for his open house and liberal cheer. The eagle, at sight of the House of Fame, cries out “bon hostel!” — “a fair lodging, a glorious house, by St Julian!”

        18. The laurel-tree is sacred to Apollo. See note 11 to The Assembly of Fowls.

        19. French, “roche,” a rock.

        20. St. Thomas of Kent: Thomas a Beckett, whose shrine was at Canterbury.

        21. The half or side of the rock which was towards the poet, was inscribed with, etc.

        22. Cop: summit; German, “kopf”; the head.

        23. Gestiours: tellers of stories; reciters of brave feats or “gests.”

        24. Arion: the celebrated Greek bard and citharist, who, in the seventh century before Christ, lived at the court of Periander, tyrant of Corinth. The story of his preservation by the dolphin, when the covetous sailors forced him to leap into the sea, is well known.

        25. Chiron the Centaur was renowned for skill in music and the arts, which he owed to the teaching of Apollo and Artemis. He became in turn the instructor of Peleus, Achilles, and other descendants of Aeacus; hence he is called “Aeacides” — because tutor to the Aeacides, and thus, so to speak, of that “family.”

        26. Glasgerion is the subject of a ballad given in “Percy’s Reliques,” where we are told that

        “Glasgerion was a king’s own son,

        And a harper he was good;

        He harped in the king’s chamber,

        Where cup and candle stood.”

        27. Cornemuse: bagpipe; French, “cornemuse.” Shawmies: shalms or psalteries; an instrument resembling a harp.

        28. Dulcet: a kind of pipe, probably corresponding with the “dulcimer;” the idea of sweet — French, “doux;” Latin, “dulcis”

        — is at the root of both words.

        29. In the early printed editions of Chaucer, the two names are “Citherus” and “Proserus;” in the manuscript which Mr Bell followed (No. 16 in the Fairfax collection) they are “Atileris”

        and “Pseustis.” But neither alternative gives more than the slightest clue to identification. “Citherus” has been retained in the text; it may have been employed as an appellative of Apollo, derived from “cithara,” the instrument on which he played; and it is not easy to suggest a better substitute for it than “Clonas” –

        – an early Greek poet and musician who flourished six hundred years before Christ. For “Proserus,” however, has been substituted “Pronomus,” the name of a celebrated Grecian player on the pipe, who taught Alcibiades the flute, and who therefore, although Theban by birth, might naturally be said by the poet to be “of Athens.”

        30. Marsyas: The Phrygian, who, having found the flute of Athena, which played of itself most exquisite music, challenged Apollo to a contest, the victor in which was to do with the vanquished as he pleased. Marsyas was beaten, and Apollo flayed him alive.

        31. The German (Deutsche) language, in Chaucer’s time, had not undergone that marked literary division into German and Dutch which was largely accomplished through the influence of the works of Luther and the other Reformers. Even now, the flute is the favourite musical instrument of the Fatherland; and the devotion of the Germans to poetry and music has been celebrated since the days of Tacitus.

        32. Reyes: a kind of dance, or song to be accompanied with dancing.

        33. Beam: horn, trumpet; Anglo-Saxon, “bema.”

        34. Messenus: Misenus, son of Aeolus, the companion and trumpeter of Aeneas, was drowned near the Campanian headland called Misenum after his name. (Aeneid, vi. 162 et seqq.)

        35. Joab’s fame as a trumpeter is founded on two verses in 2

        Samuel (ii. 28, xx. 22), where we are told that he “blew a trumpet,” which all the people of Israel obeyed, in the one case desisting from a pursuit, in the other raising a siege.

        36. Theodamas or Thiodamas, king of the Dryopes, plays a prominent part in the tenth book of Statius’ “Thebaid.” Both he and Joab are also mentioned as great trumpeters in The Merchant’s Tale.

        37. Jongelours: jugglers; French, “jongleur.”

        38. Tregetours: tricksters, jugglers. For explanation of this word, see note 14 to the Franklin’s tale.

        39. Pythonesses: women who, like the Pythia in Apollo’s temple at Delphi, were possessed with a spirit of divination or prophecy. The barbarous Latin form of the word was “Pythonissa” or “Phitonissa.” See note 9 to the Friar’s Tale.

        40. Subfumigations: a ceremony employed to drive away evil spirits by burning incense; the practice of smoking cattle, corn, &c., has not died out in some country districts.

        41. In certain ascendents: under certain planetary influences.

        The next lines recall the alleged malpractices of witches, who tortured little images of wax, in the design of causing the same torments to the person represented — or, vice versa, treated these images for the cure of hurts or sickness.

        42. Medea: celebrated for her magical power, through which she restored to youth Aeson, the father of Jason; and caused the death of Jason’s wife, Creusa, by sending her a poisoned garment which consumed her to ashes.

        43. Circes: the sorceress Circe, who changed the companions of Ulysses into swine.

        44. Calypsa: Calypso, on whose island of Ogygia Ulysses was wrecked. The goddess promised the hero immortality if he remained with her; but he refused, and, after a detention of seven years, she had to let him go.

        45. Hermes Ballenus: this is supposed to mean Hermes Trismegistus (of whom see note 19 to the Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale); but the explanation of the word “Ballenus” is not quite obvious. The god Hermes of the Greeks (Mercurius of the Romans) had the surname “Cyllenius,” from the mountain where he was born — Mount Cyllene, in Arcadia; and the alteration into “Ballenus” would be quite within the range of a copyist’s capabilities, while we find in the mythological character of Hermes enough to warrant his being classed with jugglers and magicians.

        46. Limote and Colle Tregetour seem to have been famous sorcerers or jugglers, but nothing is now known of either.

        47. Simon Magus: of whom we read in Acts viii. 9, et seqq.

        48. “And made well more than it was

        To seemen ev’rything, y-wis,

        As kindly thing of Fame it is;”

        i.e. It is in the nature of fame to exaggerate everything.

        49. Corbets: the corbels, or capitals of pillars in a Gothic building; they were often carved with fantastic figures and devices.

        50. A largess!: the cry with which heralds and pursuivants at a tournament acknowledged the gifts or largesses of the knights whose achievements they celebrated.

        51. Nobles: gold coins of exceptional fineness. Sterlings: sterling coins; not “luxemburgs”, but stamped and authorised money. See note 9 to the Miller’s Tale and note 6 to the Prologue to the Monk’s tale.

        52. Coat-armure: the sleeveless coat or “tabard,” on which the arms of the wearer or his lord were emblazoned.

        53. “But for to prove in alle wise

        As fine as ducat of Venise”

        i.e. In whatever way it might be proved or tested, it would be found as fine as a Venetian ducat.

        54. Lapidaire: a treatise on precious stones.

        55. See imperial: a seat placed on the dais, or elevated portion of the hall at the upper end, where the lord and the honoured guests sat.

        56. The starres seven: Septentrion; the Great Bear or Northern Wain, which in this country appears to be at the top of heaven.

        57. The Apocalypse: The last book of the New Testament, also called Revelations. The four beasts are in chapter iv. 6.

        58. “Oundy” is the French “ondoye,” from “ondoyer,” to undulate or wave.

        59. Partridges’ wings: denoting swiftness.

        60. Hercules lost his life with the poisoned shirt of Nessus, sent to him by the jealous Dejanira.

        61. Of the secte Saturnine: Of the Saturnine school; so called because his history of the Jewish wars narrated many horrors, cruelties, and sufferings, over which Saturn was the presiding deity. See note 71 to the Knight’s tale.

        62. Compare the account of the “bodies seven” given by the Canon’s Yeoman:

        “Sol gold is, and Luna silver we threpe; Mars iron, Mercury quicksilver we clepe; Saturnus lead, and Jupiter is tin,

        And Venus copper, by my father’s kin.”

        63. Statius is called a “Tholosan,” because by some, among them Dante, he was believed to have been a native of Tolosa, now Toulouse. He wrote the “Thebais,” in twelve books, and the “Achilleis,” of which only two were finished.

        64. Dares Phrygius and Dictys Cretensis were the names attached to histories of the Trojan War pretended to have been written immediately after the fall of Troy.

        65. Lollius: The unrecognisable author whom Chaucer professes to follow in his “Troilus and Cressida,” and who has been thought to mean Boccaccio.

        66. Guido de Colonna, or de Colempnis, was a native of Messina, who lived about the end of the thirteenth century, and wrote in Latin prose a history including the war of Troy.

        67. English Gaufrid: Geoffrey of Monmouth, who drew from Troy the original of the British race. See Spenser’s “Faerie Queen,” book ii. canto x.

        68. Lucan, in his “Pharsalia,” a poem in ten books, recounted the incidents of the war between Caesar and Pompey.

        69. Claudian of Alexandria, “the most modern of the ancient poets,” lived some three centuries after Christ, and among other works wrote three books on “The Rape of Proserpine.”

        70. Triton was a son of Poseidon or Neptune, and represented usually as blowing a trumpet made of a conch or shell; he is therefore introduced by Chaucer as the squire of Aeolus.

        71. Sky: cloud; Anglo-Saxon, “scua;” Greek, “skia.”

        72. Los: reputation. See note 5 to Chaucer’s Tale of Meliboeus.

        73. Swart: black; German, “schwarz.”

        74. Tewell: the pipe, chimney, of the furnace; French “tuyau.”

        In the Prologue to The Canterbury Tales, the Monk’s head is described as steaming like a lead furnace.

        75. Tetches: blemishes, spots; French, “tache.”

        76. For the story of Belle Isaude see note 21 to the Assembly of Fowls.

        77. Quern: mill. See note 6 to the Monk’s Tale.

        78. To put an ape into one’s hood, upon his head, is to befool him; see the prologue to the Prioresses’s Tale, l.6.

        79. Obviously Chaucer should have said the temple of Diana, or Artemis (to whom, as Goddess of the Moon, the Egyptian Isis corresponded), at Ephesus. The building, famous for its splendour, was set on fire, in B.C. 356, by Erostatus, merely that he might perpetuate his name.

        80. “Now do our los be blowen swithe,

        As wisly be thou ever blithe.” i.e.

        Cause our renown to be blown abroad quickly, as surely as you wish to be glad.

        81. The Labyrinth at Cnossus in Crete, constructed by Dedalus for the safe keeping of the Minotaur, the fruit of Pasiphae’s unnatural love.

        82. The river Oise, an affluent of the Seine, in France.

        83. The engine: The machines for casting stones, which in Chaucer time served the purpose of great artillery; they were called “mangonells,” “springolds,” &c.; and resembled in construction the “ballistae” and “catapultae” of the ancients.

        84. Or it a furlong way was old: before it was older than the space of time during which one might walk a furlong; a measure of time often employed by Chaucer.

        85. Shipmen and pilgrimes: sailors and pilgrims, who seem to have in Chaucer’s time amply warranted the proverbial imputation against “travellers’ tales.”

        86. Pardoners: of whom Chaucer, in the Prologue to The Canterbury Tales, has given us no flattering typical portrait 87. Lath: barn; still used in Lincolnshire and some parts of the north. The meaning is, that the poet need not tell what tidings he wanted to hear, since everything of the kind must some day come out — as sooner or later every sheaf in the barn must be brought forth (to be threshed).

        88. A somewhat similar heaping-up of people is de scribed in Spenser’s account of the procession of Lucifera (“The Faerie Queen,” book i. canto iv.), where, as the royal dame passes to her coach,

        “The heaps of people, thronging in the hall, Do ride each other, upon her to gaze.”

        TROILUS AND CRESSIDA.

        [In several respects, the story of “Troilus and Cressida” may be regarded as Chaucer’s noblest poem. Larger in scale than any other of his individual works — numbering nearly half as many lines as The Canterbury Tales contain, without reckoning the two in prose — the conception of the poem is yet so closely and harmoniously worked out, that all the parts are perfectly balanced, and from first to last scarcely a single line is superfluous or misplaced. The finish and beauty of the poem as a work of art, are not more conspicuous than the knowledge of human nature displayed in the portraits of the principal characters. The result is, that the poem is more modern, in form and in spirit, than almost any other work of its author; the chaste style and sedulous polish of the stanzas admit of easy change into the forms of speech now current in England; while the analytical and subjective character of the work gives it, for the nineteenth century reader, an interest of the same kind as that inspired, say, by George Eliot’s wonderful study of character in “Romola.” Then, above all, “Troilus and Cressida”

        is distinguished by a purity and elevation of moral tone, that may surprise those who judge of Chaucer only by the coarse traits of his time preserved in The Canterbury Tales, or who may expect to find here the Troilus, the Cressida, and the Pandarus of Shakspeare’s play. It is to no trivial gallant, no woman of coarse mind and easy virtue, no malignantly subservient and utterly debased procurer, that Chaucer introduces us. His Troilus is a noble, sensitive, generous, pure-souled, manly, magnanimous hero, who is only confirmed and stimulated in all virtue by his love, who lives for his lady, and dies for her falsehood, in a lofty and chivalrous fashion. His Cressida is a stately, self-contained, virtuous, tender-hearted woman, who loves with all the pure strength and trustful abandonment of a generous and exalted nature, and who is driven to infidelity perhaps even less by pressure of circumstances, than by the sheer force of her love, which will go on loving — loving what it can have, when that which it would rather have is for the time unattainable. His Pandarus is a gentleman, though a gentleman with a flaw in him; a man who, in his courtier-like good-nature, places the claims of comradeship above those of honour, and plots away the virtue of his niece, that he may appease the love-sorrow of his friend; all the time conscious that he is not acting as a gentleman should, and desirous that others should give him that justification which he can get but feebly and diffidently in himself. In fact, the “Troilus and Cressida” of Chaucer is the “Troilus and Cressida” of Shakespeare transfigured; the atmosphere, the colour, the spirit, are wholly different; the older poet presents us in the chief characters to noble natures, the younger to ignoble natures in all the characters; and the poem with which we have now to do stands at this day among the noblest expositions of love’s workings in the human heart and life. It is divided into five books, containing altogether 8246

        lines. The First Book (1092 lines) tells how Calchas, priest of Apollo, quitting beleaguered Troy, left there his only daughter Cressida; how Troilus, the youngest brother of Hector and son of King Priam, fell in love with her at first sight, at a festival in the temple of Pallas, and sorrowed bitterly for her love; and how his friend, Cressida’s uncle, Pandarus, comforted him by the promise of aid in his suit. The Second Book (1757 lines) relates the subtle manoeuvres of Pandarus to induce Cressida to return the love of Troilus; which he accomplishes mainly by touching at once the lady’s admiration for his heroism, and her pity for his love-sorrow on her account. The Third Book (1827

        lines) opens with an account of the first interview between the lovers; ere it closes, the skilful stratagems of Pandarus have placed the pair in each other’s arms under his roof, and the lovers are happy in perfect enjoyment of each other’s love and trust. In the Fourth Book (1701 lines) the course of true love ceases to run smooth; Cressida is compelled to quit the city, in ransom for Antenor, captured in a skirmish; and she sadly departs to the camp of the Greeks, vowing that she will make her escape, and return to Troy and Troilus within ten days. The Fifth Book (1869 lines) sets out by describing the court which Diomedes, appointed to escort her, pays to Cressida on the way to the camp; it traces her gradual progress from indifference to her new suitor, to incontinence with him, and it leaves the deserted Troilus dead on the field of battle, where he has sought an eternal refuge from the new grief provoked by clear proof of his mistress’s infidelity. The polish, elegance, and power of the style, and the acuteness of insight into character, which mark the poem, seem to claim for it a date considerably later than that adopted by those who assign its composition to Chaucer’s youth: and the literary allusions and proverbial expressions with which it abounds, give ample evidence that, if Chaucer really wrote it at an early age, his youth must have been precocious beyond all actual record. Throughout the poem there are repeated references to the old authors of Trojan histories who are named in “The House of Fame”; but Chaucer especially mentions one Lollius as the author from whom he takes the groundwork of the poem. Lydgate is responsible for the assertion that Lollius meant Boccaccio; and though there is no authority for supposing that the English really meant to designate the Italian poet under that name, there is abundant internal proof that the poem was really founded on the “Filostrato” of Boccaccio. But the tone of Chaucer’s work is much higher than that of his Italian “auctour;” and while in some passages the imitation is very close, in all that is characteristic in “Troilus and Cressida,” Chaucer has fairly thrust his models out of sight. In the present edition, it has been possible to give no more than about one-fourth of the poem —

        274 out of the 1178 seven-line stanzas that compose it; but pains have been taken to convey, in the connecting prose passages, a faithful idea of what is perforce omitted.]

        THE FIRST BOOK.

        THE double sorrow <1> of Troilus to tell, That was the King Priamus’ son of Troy, In loving how his adventures* fell fortunes From woe to weal, and after out of joy, *afterwards My purpose is, ere I you parte froy. from Tisiphone,<2> thou help me to indite

        These woeful words, that weep as I do write.

        To thee I call, thou goddess of torment!

        Thou cruel wight, that sorrowest ever in pain; Help me, that am the sorry instrument

        That helpeth lovers, as I can, to plain. complain For well it sits,* the soothe for to sayn, *befits Unto a woeful wight a dreary fere, companion And to a sorry tale a sorry cheer. countenance For I, that God of Love’s servants serve, Nor dare to love for mine unlikeliness,* <3> unsuitableness Praye for speed, although I shoulde sterve,* success **die So far I am from his help in darkness; But natheless, might I do yet gladness To any lover, or any love avail, advance Have thou the thank, and mine be the travail.

        But ye lovers that bathen in gladness, If any drop of pity in you be,

        Remember you for old past heaviness,

        For Godde’s love, and on adversity

        That others suffer; think how sometime ye Founde how Love durste you displease;

        Or elles ye have won it with great ease.

        And pray for them that been in the case Of Troilus, as ye may after hear,

        That Love them bring in heaven to solace; delight, comfort And for me pray also, that God so dear May give me might to show, in some mannere, Such pain or woe as Love’s folk endure, In Troilus’ *unseely adventure unhappy fortune*

        And pray for them that eke be despair’d In love, that never will recover’d be; And eke for them that falsely be appair’d slandered Through wicked tongues, be it he or she: Or thus bid* God, for his benignity, *pray To grant them soon out of this world to pace, pass, go That be despaired of their love’s grace.

        And bid also for them that be at ease

        In love, that God them grant perseverance, And send them might their loves so to please, That it to them be *worship and pleasance; honour and pleasure*

        For so hope I my soul best to advance, To pray for them that Love’s servants be, And write their woe, and live in charity; And for to have of them compassion,

        As though I were their owen brother dear.

        Now listen all with good entention, attention For I will now go straight to my mattere, In which ye shall the double sorrow hear Of Troilus, in loving of Cresside,

        And how that she forsook him ere she died.

        In Troy, during the siege, dwelt “a lord of great authority, a great divine,” named Calchas; who, through the oracle of Apollo, knew that Troy should be destroyed. He stole away secretly to the Greek camp, where he was gladly received, and honoured for his skill in divining, of which the besiegers hoped to make use. Within the city there was great anger at the treason of Calchas; and the people declared that he and all his kin were worthy to be burnt. His daughter, whom he had left in the city, a widow and alone, was in great fear for her life.

        Cressida was this lady’s name aright;

        As to my doom, in alle Troy city in my judgment

        So fair was none, for over ev’ry wight So angelic was her native beauty,

        That like a thing immortal seemed she, As sooth a perfect heav’nly creature,

        That down seem’d sent in scorning of Nature.

        In her distress, “well nigh out of her wit for pure fear,” she appealed for protection to Hector; who, “piteous of nature,”

        and touched by her sorrow and her beauty, assured her of safety, so long as she pleased to dwell in Troy. The siege went on; but they of Troy did not neglect the honour and worship of their deities; most of all of “the relic hight Palladion, <4> that was their trust aboven ev’ry one.” In April, “when clothed is the mead with newe green, of jolly Ver [Spring] the prime,” the Trojans went to hold the festival of Palladion — crowding to the temple, “in all their beste guise,” lusty knights, fresh ladies, and maidens bright.

        Among the which was this Cresseida,

        In widow’s habit black; but natheless, Right as our firste letter is now A,

        In beauty first so stood she makeless; matchless Her goodly looking gladded all the press; crowd Was never seen thing to be praised derre, dearer, more worthy Nor under blacke cloud so bright a sterre, star As she was, as they saiden, ev’ry one

        That her behelden in her blacke weed; garment And yet she stood, full low and still, alone, Behind all other folk, *in little brede, inconspicuously*

        And nigh the door, ay *under shame’s drede; for dread of shame*

        Simple of bearing, debonair* of cheer, gracious With a full sure looking and mannere. *assured Dan Troilus, as he was wont to guide

        His younge knightes, led them up and down In that large temple upon ev’ry side,

        Beholding ay the ladies of the town;

        Now here, now there, for no devotioun

        Had he to none, to *reave him* his rest, deprive him of

        But gan to *praise and lacke whom him lest; praise and disparage whom he pleased*

        And in his walk full fast he gan to wait watch, observe If knight or squier of his company

        Gan for to sigh, or let his eyen bait feed On any woman that he could espy;

        Then he would smile, and hold it a folly, And say him thus: “Ah, Lord, she sleepeth soft For love of thee, when as thou turnest oft.

        “I have heard told, pardie, of your living, Ye lovers, and your lewed* observance, *ignorant, foolish And what a labour folk have in winning Of love, and in it keeping with doubtance; doubt And when your prey is lost, woe and penance; suffering Oh, very fooles! may ye no thing see?

        Can none of you aware by other be?”

        But the God of Love vowed vengeance on Troilus for that despite, and, showing that his bow was not broken, “hit him at the full.”

        Within the temple went he forth playing, This Troilus, with ev’ry wight about,

        On this lady and now on that looking,

        Whether she were of town, or *of without; from beyond the walls*

        And upon cas befell, that through the rout by chance crowd His eye pierced, and so deep it went,

        Till on Cresside it smote, and there it stent; stayed And suddenly wax’d wonder sore astoned, amazed And gan her bet* behold in busy wise: *better “Oh, very god!” <5> thought he; “where hast thou woned dwelt That art so fair and goodly to devise? describe Therewith his heart began to spread and rise; And soft he sighed, lest men might him hear, And caught again his former *playing cheer. jesting demeanour*

        *She was not with the least of her stature, she was tall*

        But all her limbes so well answering

        Were to womanhood, that creature

        Was never lesse mannish in seeming.

        And eke *the pure wise of her moving by very the way She showed well, that men might in her guess she moved*

        Honour, estate,* and womanly nobless. *dignity Then Troilus right wonder well withal

        Began to like her moving and her cheer, countenance Which somedeal dainous* was, for she let fall disdainful Her look a little aside, in such mannere Ascaunce “What! may I not stande here?” *as if to say <6>

        And after that *her looking gan she light, her expression became That never thought him see so good a sight. more pleasant*

        And of her look in him there gan to quicken So great desire, and strong affection, That in his hearte’s bottom gan to sticken Of her the fix’d and deep impression;

        And though he erst* had pored** up and down, previously *looked Then was he glad his hornes in to shrink; Unnethes* wist he how to look or wink. *scarcely Lo! he that held himselfe so cunning,

        And scorned them that Love’s paines drien, suffer Was full unware that love had his dwelling Within the subtile streames* of her eyen; *rays, glances That suddenly he thought he felte dien, Right with her look, the spirit in his heart; Blessed be Love, that thus can folk convert!

        She thus, in black, looking to Troilus, Over all things he stoode to behold;

        But his desire, nor wherefore he stood thus, He neither *cheere made,* nor worde told; showed by his countenance

        But from afar, *his manner for to hold, to observe due courtesy*

        On other things sometimes his look he cast, And eft* <7> on her, while that the service last.* again **lasted And after this, not fully all awhaped, daunted Out of the temple all easily be went,

        Repenting him that ever he had japed jested Of Love’s folk, lest fully the descent Of scorn fell on himself; but what he meant, Lest it were wist on any manner side,

        His woe he gan dissemble and eke hide.

        Returning to his palace, he begins hypocritically to smile and jest at Love’s servants and their pains; but by and by he has to dismiss his attendants, feigning “other busy needs.” Then, alone in his chamber, he begins to groan and sigh, and call up again Cressida’s form as he saw her in the temple — “making a mirror of his mind, in which he saw all wholly her figure.” He thinks no travail or sorrow too high a price for the love of such a goodly woman; and, “full unadvised of his woe coming,”

        Thus took he purpose Love’s craft to sue, follow And thought that he would work all privily, First for to hide his desire all *in mew in a cage, secretly From every wight y-born, all utterly,

        *But he might aught recover’d be thereby; unless he gained by it*

        Rememb’ring him, that love *too wide y-blow too much spoken of*

        Yields bitter fruit, although sweet seed be sow.

        And, over all this, muche more he thought What thing to speak, and what to holden in; And what to arten* her to love, he sought; *constrain <8>

        And on a song anon right to begin,

        And gan loud on his sorrow for to win; overcome For with good hope he gan thus to assent resolve Cressida for to love, and not repent.

        The Song of Troilus. <9>

        “If no love is, O God! why feel I so?

        And if love is, what thing and which is he?

        If love be good, from whence cometh my woe?

        If it be wick’, a wonder thinketh me

        Whence ev’ry torment and adversity

        That comes of love *may to me savoury think: seem acceptable to me*

        For more I thirst the more that I drink.

        “And if I *at mine owen luste bren burn by my own will*

        From whence cometh my wailing and my plaint?

        If maugre me,<10> whereto plain I then? to what avail do I complain?

        I wot ner* why, unweary, that I faint. *neither O quicke death! O sweete harm so quaint! strange How may I see in me such quantity,

        But if that I consent that so it be?

        “And if that I consent, I wrongfully

        Complain y-wis: thus pushed to and fro, All starreless within a boat am I,

        Middes the sea, betwixte windes two,

        That in contrary standen evermo’.

        Alas! what wonder is this malady! —

        For heat of cold, for cold of heat, I die!”

        Devoting himself wholly to the thought of Cressida — though he yet knew not whether she was woman or goddess — Troilus, in spite of his royal blood, became the very slave of love. He set at naught every other charge, but to gaze on her as often as he could; thinking so to appease his hot fire, which thereby only burned the hotter. He wrought marvellous feats of arms against the Greeks, that she might like him the better for his renown; then love deprived him of sleep, and made his food his foe; till he had to “borrow a title of other sickness,” that men might not know he was consumed with love. Meantime, Cressida gave no sign that she heeded his devotion, or even knew of it; and he was now consumed with a new fear — lest she loved some other man. Bewailing his sad lot — ensnared, exposed to the scorn of those whose love he had ridiculed, wishing himself arrived at the port of death, and praying ever that his lady might glad him with some kind look — Troilus is surprised in his chamber by his friend Pandarus, the uncle of Cressida. Pandarus, seeking to divert his sorrow by making him angry, jeeringly asks whether remorse of conscience, or devotion, or fear of the Greeks, has caused all this ado. Troilus pitifully beseeches his friend to leave him to die alone, for die he must, from a cause which he must keep hidden; but Pandarus argues against Troilus’ cruelty in hiding from a friend such a sorrow, and Troilus at last confesses that his malady is love. Pandarus suggests that the beloved object may be such that his counsel might advance his friend’s desires; but Troilus scouts the suggestion, saying that Pandarus could never govern himself in love.

        “Yea, Troilus, hearken to me,” quoth Pandare, “Though I be nice;* it happens often so, foolish That one that access doth full evil fare, *in an access of fever By good counsel can keep his friend therefro’.

        I have my selfe seen a blind man go

        Where as he fell that looke could full wide; A fool may eke a wise man often guide.

        “A whetstone is no carving instrument, But yet it maketh sharpe carving tooles; And, if thou know’st that I have aught miswent, erred, failed Eschew thou that, for such thing to thee school* is. *schooling, lesson Thus oughte wise men to beware by fooles; If so thou do, thy wit is well bewared; By its contrary is everything declared.

        “For how might ever sweetness have been know To him that never tasted bitterness?

        And no man knows what gladness is, I trow, That never was in sorrow or distress:

        Eke white by black, by shame eke worthiness, Each set by other, *more for other seemeth, its quality is made As men may see; and so the wise man deemeth.” more obvious by the contrast*

        Troilus, however, still begs his friend to leave him to mourn in peace, for all his proverbs can avail nothing. But Pandarus insists on plying the lover with wise saws, arguments, reproaches; hints that, if he should die of love, his lady may impute his death to fear of the Greeks; and finally induces Troilus to admit that the well of all his woe, his sweetest foe, is called Cressida. Pandarus breaks into praises of the lady, and congratulations of his friend for so well fixing his heart; he makes Troilus utter a formal confession of his sin in jesting at lovers and bids him think well that she of whom rises all his woe, hereafter may his comfort be also.

        “For thilke* ground, that bears the weedes wick’ that same Bears eke the wholesome herbes, and full oft Next to the foule nettle, rough and thick, The lily waxeth, white, and smooth, and soft; grows And next the valley is the hill aloft, And next the darke night is the glad morrow, And also joy is next the fine of sorrow.” *end, border Pandarus holds out to Troilus good hope of achieving his desire; and tells him that, since he has been converted from his wicked rebellion against Love, he shall be made the best post of all Love’s law, and most grieve Love’s enemies. Troilus gives utterance to a hint of fear; but he is silenced by Pandarus with another proverb — “Thou hast full great care, lest that the carl should fall out of the moon.” Then the lovesick youth breaks into a joyous boast that some of the Greeks shall smart; he mounts his horse, and plays the lion in the field; while Pandarus retires to consider how he may best recommend to his niece the suit of Troilus.

        THE SECOND BOOK.

        IN the Proem to the Second Book, the poet hails the clear weather that enables him to sail out of those black waves in which his boat so laboured that he could scarcely steer — that is, “the tempestuous matter of despair, that Troilus was in; but now of hope the kalendes begin.” He invokes the aid of Clio; excuses himself to every lover for what may be found amiss in a book which he only translates; and, obviating any lover’s objection to the way in which Troilus obtained his lady’s grace –

        – through Pandarus’ mediation — says it seems to him no wonderful thing:

        “For ev’ry wighte that to Rome went

        Held not one path, nor alway one mannere; Eke in some lands were all the game y-shent If that men far’d in love as men do here, As thus, in open dealing and in cheer, In visiting, in form, or saying their saws; speeches For thus men say: Each country hath its laws.

        “Eke scarcely be there in this place three That have in love done or said *like in all;” alike in all respects*

        And so that which the poem relates may not please the reader —

        but it actually was done, or it shall yet be done. The Book sets out with the visit of Pandarus to Cressida:—

        In May, that mother is of monthes glade, glad When all the freshe flowers, green and red, Be quick* again, that winter deade made, *alive And full of balm is floating ev’ry mead; When Phoebus doth his brighte beames spread Right in the white Bull, so it betid happened As I shall sing, on Maye’s day the thrid, <11>

        That Pandarus, for all his wise speech, Felt eke his part of Love’s shottes keen, That, could he ne’er so well of Love preach, It made yet his hue all day full green; pale So *shope it,* that him fell that day a teen it happened access In love, for which full woe to bed he went, And made ere it were day full many a went. turning <12>

        The swallow Progne, <13> with a sorrowful lay, When morrow came, gan make her waimenting, lamenting Why she foshapen* was; and ever lay *transformed Pandare a-bed, half in a slumbering,

        Till she so nigh him made her chittering, How Tereus gan forth her sister take,

        That with the noise of her he did awake, And gan to call, and dress* him to arise, prepare Rememb’ring him his errand was to do’n From Troilus, and eke his great emprise; And cast, and knew in good plight* was the Moon favourable aspect

        To do voyage, and took his way full soon Unto his niece’s palace there beside

        Now Janus, god of entry, thou him guide!

        Pandarus finds his niece, with two other ladies, in a paved parlour, listening to a maiden who reads aloud the story of the Siege of Thebes. Greeting the company, he is welcomed by Cressida, who tells him that for three nights she has dreamed of him. After some lively talk about the book they had been reading, Pandarus asks his niece to do away her hood, to show her face bare, to lay aside the book, to rise up and dance, “and let us do to May some observance.” Cressida cries out, “God forbid!” and asks if he is mad — if that is a widow’s life, whom it better becomes to sit in a cave and read of holy saints’ lives.

        Pandarus intimates that he could tell her something which could make her merry; but he refuses to gratify her curiosity; and, by way of the siege and of Hector, “that was the towne’s wall, and Greekes’ yerd” or scourging-rod, the conversation is brought round to Troilus, whom Pandarus highly extols as “the wise worthy Hector the second.” She has, she says, already heard Troilus praised for his bravery “of them that her were liefest praised be” [by whom it would be most welcome to her to be praised].

        “Ye say right sooth, y-wis,” quoth Pandarus; For yesterday, who so had with him been, Might have wonder’d upon Troilus;

        For never yet so thick a swarm of been bees Ne flew, as did of Greekes from him flee’n; And through the field, in ev’ry wighte’s ear, There was no cry but ‘Troilus is here.’

        “Now here, now there, he hunted them so fast, There was but Greekes’ blood; and Troilus Now him he hurt, now him adown he cast; Ay where he went it was arrayed thus:

        He was their death, and shield of life for us, That as that day there durst him none withstand, While that he held his bloody sword in hand.”

        Pandarus makes now a show of taking leave, but Cressida detains him, to speak of her affairs; then, the business talked over, he would again go, but first again asks his niece to arise and dance, and cast her widow’s garments to mischance, because of the glad fortune that has befallen her. More curious than ever, she seeks to find out Pandarus’ secret; but he still parries her curiosity, skilfully hinting all the time at her good fortune, and the wisdom of seizing on it when offered. In the end he tells her that the noble Troilus so loves her, that with her it lies to make him live or die — but if Troilus dies, Pandarus shall die with him; and then she will have “fished fair.” <14> He beseeches mercy for his friend:

        “*Woe worth* the faire gemme virtueless! <15> evil befall!

        Woe worth the herb also that *doth no boot! has no remedial power*

        Woe worth the beauty that is rutheless! merciless Woe worth that wight that treads each under foot!

        And ye that be of beauty *crop and root perfection <16>

        If therewithal in you there be no ruth, pity Then is it harm ye live, by my truth!”

        Pandarus makes only the slight request that she will show Troilus somewhat better cheer, and receive visits from him, that his life may be saved; urging that, although a man be soon going to the temple, nobody will think that he eats the images; and that “such love of friends reigneth in all this town.”

        Cressida, which that heard him in this wise, Thought: “I shall feele* what he means, y-wis;” test “Now, eme quoth she, “what would ye me devise? uncle What is your rede that I should do of this?” counsel, opinion “That is well said,” quoth he;” certain best it is That ye him love again for his loving, As love for love is skilful guerdoning. reasonable recompense*

        “Think eke how elde* wasteth ev’ry hour *age In each of you a part of your beauty;

        And therefore, ere that age do you devour, Go love, for, old, there will no wight love thee Let this proverb a lore* unto you be: lesson ‘“Too late I was ware,” quoth beauty when it past; And elde daunteth danger* at the last.’ old age overcomes disdain

        “The kinge’s fool is wont to cry aloud, When that he thinks a woman bears her high, ‘So longe may ye liven, and all proud, Till crowes’ feet be wox* under your eye! grown And send you then a mirror in to pry to look in*

        In which ye may your face see a-morrow! in the morning *I keep then wishe you no more sorrow.’” I care to wish you nothing worse*

        Weeping, Cressida reproaches her uncle for giving her such counsel; whereupon Pandarus, starting up, threatens to kill himself, and would fain depart, but that his niece detains him, and, with much reluctance, promises to “make Troilus good cheer in honour.” Invited by Cressida to tell how first he know her lover’s woe, Pandarus then relates two soliloquies which he had accidentally overheard, and in which Troilus had poured out all the sorrow of his passion.

        With this he took his leave, and home he went Ah! Lord, so was he glad and well-begone! happy Cresside arose, no longer would she stent, stay But straight into her chamber went anon, And sat her down, as still as any stone, And ev’ry word gan up and down to wind That he had said, as it came to her mind.

        And wax’d somedeal astonish’d in her thought, Right for the newe case; but when that she *Was full advised,* then she found right naught had fully considered

        Of peril, why she should afeared be:

        For a man may love, of possibility,

        A woman so, that his heart may to-brest, break utterly And she not love again, *but if her lest. unless it so please her*

        But as she sat alone, and thoughte thus, In field arose a skirmish all without; And men cried in the street then:”

        Troilus hath right now put to flight the Greekes’ rout.” host With that gan all the meinie* for to shout: *(Cressida’s) household “Ah! go we see, cast up the lattice wide, For through this street he must to palace ride; “For other way is from the gates none, Of Dardanus,<18> where open is the chain.” <19>

        With that came he, and all his folk anon, An easy pace riding, in *routes twain, two troops*

        Right as his happy day was, sooth to sayn: good fortune <20>

        For which men say may not disturbed be What shall betiden* of necessity. *happen This Troilus sat upon his bay steed

        All armed, save his head, full richely, And wounded was his horse, and gan to bleed, For which he rode a pace full softely

        But such a knightly sighte* truly *aspect As was on him, was not, withoute fail, To look on Mars, that god is of Battaile.

        So like a man of armes, and a knight,

        He was to see, full fill’d of high prowess; For both he had a body, and a might

        To do that thing, as well as hardiness; courage And eke to see him in his gear* him dress, armour So fresh, so young, so wieldy seemed he, *active It was a heaven on him for to see. look His helmet was to-hewn in twenty places, That by a tissue* hung his back behind; riband His shield to-dashed was with swords and maces, In which men might many an arrow find, That thirled had both horn, and nerve, and rind; <21> *pierced And ay the people cried, “Here comes our joy, And, next his brother, <22> holder up of Troy.”

        For which he wax’d a little red for shame, When he so heard the people on him cryen That to behold it was a noble game,

        How soberly he cast adown his eyen:

        Cresside anon gan all his cheer espien, And let it in her heart so softly sink, That to herself she said, “Who gives me drink?”<23>

        For of her owen thought she wax’d all red, Rememb’ring her right thus: “Lo! this is he Which that mine uncle swears he might be dead, But* I on him have mercy and pity:” *unless And with that thought for pure shame she Gan in her head to pull, and that full fast, While he and all the people forth by pass’d.

        And gan to cast,* and rollen up and down *ponder Within her thought his excellent prowess, And his estate, and also his renown,

        His wit, his shape, and eke his gentleness But most her favour was, for his distress Was all for her, and thought it were ruth To slay such one, if that he meant but truth.

        … … … .

        And, Lord! so gan she in her heart argue Of this mattere, of which I have you told And what to do best were, and what t’eschew, That plaited she full oft in many a fold.<24>

        Now was her hearte warm, now was it cold.

        And what she thought of, somewhat shall I write, As to mine author listeth to endite.

        She thoughte first, that Troilus’ person She knew by sight, and eke his gentleness; And saide thus: *“All were it not to do’n,’ although it were To grant him love, yet for the worthiness impossible*

        It were honour, with play* and with gladness, *pleasing entertainment In honesty with such a lord to deal,

        For mine estate,* and also for his heal.* reputation **health “Eke well I wot* my kinge’s son is he; *know And, since he hath to see me such delight, If I would utterly his sighte flee,

        Parauntre* he might have me in despite, *peradventure Through which I mighte stand in worse plight. <25>

        Now were I fool, me hate to purchase obtain for myself Withoute need, where I may stand in grace, favour “In ev’rything, I wot, there lies measure; a happy medium For though a man forbidde drunkenness, He not forbids that ev’ry creature

        Be drinkeless for alway, as I guess;

        Eke, since I know for me is his distress, I oughte not for that thing him despise, Since it is so he meaneth in good wise.

        “Now set a case, that hardest is, y-wis, Men mighte deeme* that he loveth me; *believe What dishonour were it unto me, this?

        May I *him let of* that? Why, nay, pardie! prevent him from

        I know also, and alway hear and see,

        Men love women all this town about;

        Be they the worse? Why, nay, withoute doubt!

        “Nor me to love a wonder is it not;

        For well wot I myself, so God me speed! —

        All would I that no man wist of this thought — although I would

        I am one of the fairest, without drede, doubt And goodlieste, who so taketh heed;

        And so men say in all the town of Troy; What wonder is, though he on me have joy?

        “I am mine owen woman, well at ease,

        I thank it God, as after mine estate,

        Right young, and stand untied in *lusty leas, pleasant leash Withoute jealousy, or such debate: (of love)*

        Shall none husband say to me checkmate; For either they be full of jealousy,

        Or masterful, or love novelty.

        “What shall I do? to what fine* live I thus? *end Shall I not love, in case if that me lest?

        What? pardie! I am not religious;<26>

        And though that I mine hearte set at rest And keep alway mine honour and my name, By all right I may do to me no shame.”

        But right as when the sunne shineth bright In March, that changeth oftentime his face, And that a cloud is put with wind to flight, Which overspreads the sun as for a space; A cloudy thought gan through her hearte pace, pass That overspread her brighte thoughtes all, So that for fear almost she gan to fall.

        The cloudy thought is of the loss of liberty and security, the stormy life, and the malice of wicked tongues, that love entails: [But] after that her thought began to clear, And saide, “He that nothing undertakes Nothing achieveth, be him *loth or dear.” unwilling or desirous*

        And with another thought her hearte quakes; Then sleepeth hope, and after dread awakes, Now hot, now cold; but thus betwixt the tway two She rist* her up, and wente forth to play.* rose **take recreation Adown the stair anon right then she went Into a garden, with her nieces three,

        And up and down they made many a went, winding, turn <12>

        Flexippe and she, Tarke, Antigone,

        To playe, that it joy was for to see;

        And other of her women, a great rout, troop Her follow’d in the garden all about.

        This yard was large, and railed the alleys, And shadow’d well with blossomy boughes green, And benched new, and sanded all the ways, In which she walked arm and arm between; Till at the last Antigone the sheen bright, lovely Gan on a Trojan lay to singe clear,

        That it a heaven was her voice to hear.

        Antigone’s song is of virtuous love for a noble object; and it is singularly fitted to deepen the impression made on the mind of Cressida by the brave aspect of Troilus, and by her own cogitations. The singer, having praised the lover and rebuked the revilers of love, proceeds:

        “What is the Sunne worse of his *kind right, true nature*

        Though that a man, for feebleness of eyen, May not endure to see on it for bright? <27>

        Or Love the worse, tho’ wretches on it cryen?

        No weal* is worth, that may no sorrow drien;** <28> happiness *endure And forthy,* who that hath a head of verre,* therefore **glass <29>

        From cast of stones ware him in the werre. <30>

        “But I, with all my heart and all my might, As I have lov’d, will love unto my last My deare heart, and all my owen knight, In which my heart y-growen is so fast, And his in me, that it shall ever last All dread I first to love him begin, although I feared

        Now wot I well there is no pain therein.”

        Cressida sighs, and asks Antigone whether there is such bliss among these lovers, as they can fair endite; Antigone replies confidently in the affirmative; and Cressida answers nothing, “but every worde which she heard she gan to printen in her hearte fast.” Night draws on:

        The daye’s honour, and the heaven’s eye, The nighte’s foe, — all this call I the Sun, —

        Gan westren* fast, and downward for to wry,* go west <31> **turn As he that had his daye’s course y-run; And white thinges gan to waxe dun

        For lack of light, and starres to appear; Then she and all her folk went home in fere. in company So, when it liked her to go to rest,

        And voided* were those that voiden ought, *gone out (of the house) She saide, that to sleepe well her lest. pleased Her women soon unto her bed her brought; When all was shut, then lay she still and thought Of all these things the manner and the wise; Rehearse it needeth not, for ye be wise.

        A nightingale upon a cedar green,

        Under the chamber wall where as she lay, Full loude sang against the moone sheen, Parauntre,* in his birde’s wise, a lay perchance Of love, that made her hearte fresh and gay; Hereat hark’d she so long in good intent, *listened Till at the last the deade sleep her hent. seized And as she slept, anon right then *her mette she dreamed*

        How that an eagle, feather’d white as bone, Under her breast his longe clawes set, And out her heart he rent, and that anon, And did* his heart into her breast to go’n, caused Of which no thing she was abash’d nor smert; amazed nor hurt*

        And forth he flew, with hearte left for heart.

        Leaving Cressida to sleep, the poet returns to Troilus and his zealous friend — with whose stratagems to bring the two lovers together the remainder of the Second Book is occupied.

        Pandarus counsels Troilus to write a letter to his mistress, telling her how he “fares amiss,” and “beseeching her of ruth;”

        he will bear the letter to his niece; and, if Troilus will ride past Cressida’s house, he will find his mistress and his friend sitting at a window. Saluting Pandarus, and not tarrying, his passage will give occasion for some talk of him, which may make his ears glow. With respect to the letter, Pandarus gives some shrewd hints:

        “Touching thy letter, thou art wise enough, I wot thou *n’ilt it dignely endite wilt not write it haughtily*

        Or make it with these argumentes tough, Nor scrivener-like, nor craftily it write; Beblot it with thy tears also a lite; little And if thou write a goodly word all soft, Though it be good, rehearse it not too oft.

        “For though the beste harper *pon live alive Would on the best y-sounded jolly harp That ever was, with all his fingers five Touch ay one string, or *ay one warble harp, always play one tune*

        Were his nailes pointed ne’er so sharp, He shoulde maken ev’ry wight to dull to grow bored To hear his glee, and of his strokes full.

        “Nor jompre* eke no discordant thing y-fere,* jumble **together As thus, to use termes of physic;

        In love’s termes hold of thy mattere

        The form alway, and *do that it be like; make it consistent*

        For if a painter woulde paint a pike

        With ass’s feet, and head it as an ape,<32>

        It ‘cordeth not, so were it but a jape.” is not harmonious

        Troilus writes the letter, and next morning Pandarus bears it to Cressida. She refuses to receive “scrip or bill that toucheth such mattere;” but he thrusts it into her bosom, challenging her to throw it away. She retains it, takes the first opportunity of escaping to her chamber to read it, finds it wholly good, and, under her uncle’s dictation, endites a reply telling her lover that she will not make herself bound in love; “but as his sister, him to please, she would aye fain [be glad] to do his heart an ease.”

        Pandarus, under pretext of inquiring who is the owner of the house opposite, has gone to the window; Cressida takes her letter to him there, and tells him that she never did a thing with more pain than write the words to which he had constrained her. As they sit side by side, on a stone of jasper, on a cushion of beaten gold, Troilus rides by, in all his goodliness. Cressida waxes “as red as rose,” as she sees him salute humbly, “with dreadful cheer, and oft his hues mue [change];” she likes “all y-fere, his person, his array, his look, his cheer, his goodly manner, and his gentleness;” so that, however she may have been before, “to goode hope now hath she caught a thorn, she shall not pull it out this nexte week.” Pandarus, striking the iron when it is hot, asks his niece to grant Troilus an interview; but she strenuously declines, for fear of scandal, and because it is all too soon to allow him so great a liberty — her purpose being to love him unknown of all, “and guerdon [reward] him with nothing but with sight.” Pandarus has other intentions; and, while Troilus writes daily letters with increasing love, he contrives the means of an interview. Seeking out Deiphobus, the brother of Troilus, he tells him that Cressida is in danger of violence from Polyphete, and asks protection for her.

        Deiphobus gladly complies, promises the protection of Hector and Helen, and goes to invite Cressida to dinner on the morrow.

        Meantime Pandarus instructs Troilus to go to the house of Deiphobus, plead an access of his fever for remaining all night, and keep his chamber next day. “Lo,” says the crafty promoter of love, borrowing a phrase from the hunting-field; “Lo, hold thee at thy tristre [tryst <33>] close, and I shall well the deer unto thy bowe drive.” Unsuspicious of stratagem, Cressida comes to dinner; and at table, Helen, Pandarus, and others, praise the absent Troilus, until “her heart laughs” for very pride that she has the love of such a knight. After dinner they speak of Cressida’s business; all confirm Deiphobus’ assurances of protection and aid; and Pandarus suggests that, since Troilus is there, Cressida shall herself tell him her case. Helen and Deiphobus alone accompany Pandarus to Troilus’ chamber; there Troilus produces some documents relating to the public weal, which Hector has sent for his opinion; Helen and Deiphobus, engrossed in perusal and discussion, roam out of the chamber, by a stair, into the garden; while Pandarus goes down to the hall, and, pretending that his brother and Helen are still with Troilus, brings Cressida to her lover. The Second Book leaves Pandarus whispering in his niece’s ear counsel to be merciful and kind to her lover, that hath for her such pain; while Troilus lies “in a kankerdort,” <34> hearing the whispering without, and wondering what he shall say for this “was the first time that he should her pray of love; O! mighty God! what shall he say?”

        THE THIRD BOOK.

        To the Third Book is prefixed a beautiful invocation of Venus, under the character of light:

        O Blissful light, of which the beames clear Adornen all the thirde heaven fair!

        O Sunne’s love, O Jove’s daughter dear!

        Pleasance of love, O goodly debonair, lovely and gracious*

        In gentle heart ay* ready to repair!** always *enter and abide O very* cause of heal** and of gladness, true *welfare Y-heried* be thy might and thy goodness! *praised In heav’n and hell, in earth and salte sea.

        Is felt thy might, if that I well discern; As man, bird, beast, fish, herb, and greene tree, They feel in times, with vapour etern, <35>

        God loveth, and to love he will not wern forbid And in this world no living creature

        Withoute love is worth, or may endure. <36>

        Ye Jove first to those effectes glad,

        Through which that thinges alle live and be, Commended; and him amorous y-made

        Of mortal thing; and as ye list,* ay ye pleased Gave him, in love, ease or adversity, pleasure And in a thousand formes down him sent For love in earth; and whom ye list he hent. he seized whom you wished*

        Ye fierce Mars appeasen of his ire,

        And as you list ye make heartes dign* <37> worthy Algates them that ye will set afire, at all events They dreade shame, and vices they resign Ye do him courteous to be, and benign; make, cause And high or low, after a wight intendeth, *according as The joyes that he hath your might him sendeth.

        Ye holde realm and house in unity;

        Ye soothfast* cause of friendship be also; true Ye know all thilke cover’d quality secret power*

        Of thinges which that folk on wonder so, When they may not construe how it may go She loveth him, or why he loveth her,

        As why this fish, not that, comes to the weir.*<38> *fish-trap Knowing that Venus has set a law in the universe, that whoso strives with her shall have the worse, the poet prays to be taught to describe some of the joy that is felt in her service; and the Third Book opens with an account of the scene between Troilus and Cressida:

        Lay all this meane while Troilus

        Recording* his lesson in this mannere; memorizing “My fay!” thought he, “thus will I say, and thus; by my faith!*

        Thus will I plain* unto my lady dear; *make my plaint That word is good; and this shall be my cheer This will I not forgetten in no wise;”

        God let him worken as he can devise.

        And, Lord! so as his heart began to quap, quake, pant Hearing her coming, and *short for to sike; make short sighs*

        And Pandarus, that led her by the lap, skirt Came near, and gan in at the curtain pick, peep And saide: “God do boot* alle sick! *afford a remedy to See who is here you coming to visite;

        Lo! here is she that is *your death to wite!”      to blame for your death*

        Therewith it seemed as he wept almost.

        “Ah! ah! God help!” quoth Troilus ruefully; “Whe’er* me be woe, O mighty God, thou know’st! *whether Who is there? for I see not truely.”

        “Sir,” quoth Cresside, “it is Pandare and I; “Yea, sweete heart? alas, I may not rise To kneel and do you honour in some wise.”

        And dressed him upward, and she right tho then Gan both her handes soft upon him lay.

        “O! for the love of God, do ye not so

        To me,” quoth she; “ey! what is this to say?

        For come I am to you for causes tway; two First you to thank, and of your lordship eke Continuance* I woulde you beseek.”* protection **beseech This Troilus, that heard his lady pray Him of lordship, wax’d neither quick nor dead; Nor might one word for shame to it say, <39>

        Although men shoulde smiten off his head.

        But, Lord! how he wax’d suddenly all red!

        And, Sir, his lesson, that he *ween’d have con, thought he knew To praye her, was through his wit y-run. by heart*

        Cresside all this espied well enow, —

        For she was wise, — and lov’d him ne’er the less, All n’ere he malapert, nor made avow,

        Nor was so bold to sing a foole’s mass;<40>

        But, when his shame began somewhat to pass, His wordes, as I may my rhymes hold,

        I will you tell, as teache bookes old.

        In changed voice, right for his very dread, Which voice eke quak’d, and also his mannere Goodly* abash’d, and now his hue is red, becomingly Now pale, unto Cresside, his lady dear, With look downcast, and humble yielden cheer, submissive face*

        Lo! *altherfirste word that him astert, the first word he said*

        Was twice: “Mercy, mercy, my dear heart!”

        And stent* a while; and when he might *out bring, stopped *speak*

        The nexte was: “God wote, for I have,

        *As farforthly as I have conning, as far as I am able*

        Been youres all, God so my soule save, And shall, till that I, woeful wight, *be grave; die*

        And though I dare not, cannot, to you plain, Y-wis, I suffer not the lesse pain.

        “This much as now, O womanlike wife!

        I may out bring, and if it you displease, speak out

        That shall I wreak* upon mine owne life, avenge Right soon, I trow, and do your heart an ease, If with my death your heart I may appease: But, since that ye have heard somewhat say, Now reck I never how soon that I dey.” die Therewith his manly sorrow to behold

        It might have made a heart of stone to rue; And Pandare wept as he to water wo’ld, <41>

        And saide, “Woebegone* be heartes true,” in woeful plight And procur’d his niece ever new and new, urged “For love of Godde, make of him an end, put him out of pain*

        Or slay us both at ones, ere we wend.” go “Ey! what?” quoth she; “by God and by my truth, I know not what ye woulde that I say;”

        “Ey! what?” quoth he; “that ye have on him ruth, pity For Godde’s love, and do him not to dey.” *die “Now thenne thus,” quoth she, “I would him pray To telle me the *fine of his intent; end of his desire*

        Yet wist* I never well what that he meant.” *knew “What that I meane, sweete hearte dear?”

        Quoth Troilus, “O goodly, fresh, and free!

        That, with the streames* of your eyne so clear, beams, glances Ye woulde sometimes on me rue and see, take pity and look on me*

        And then agreen* that I may be he, *take in good part Withoute branch of vice, in any wise,

        In truth alway to do you my service,

        “As to my lady chief, and right resort, With all my wit and all my diligence;

        And for to have, right as you list, comfort; Under your yerd,* equal to mine offence, rod, chastisement As death, if that I breake your defence; do what you And that ye deigne me so much honour, forbid <42>*

        Me to commanden aught in any hour.

        “And I to be your very humble, true,

        Secret, and in my paines patient,

        And evermore desire, freshly new,

        To serven, and be alike diligent,

        And, with good heart, all wholly your talent Receive in gree,* how sore that me smart; *gladness Lo, this mean I, mine owen sweete heart.”

        … … … .

        With that she gan her eyen on him* cast, <43> *Pandarus Full easily and full debonairly, graciously *Advising her,* and hied* not too fast, *considering *went With ne’er a word, but said him softely, “Mine honour safe, I will well truely, And in such form as ye can now devise, Receive him* fully to my service; *Troilus “Beseeching him, for Godde’s love, that he Would, in honour of truth and gentleness, As I well mean, eke meane well to me;

        And mine honour, with *wit and business, wisdom and zeal*

        Aye keep; and if I may do him gladness, From henceforth, y-wis I will not feign: Now be all whole, no longer do ye plain.

        “But, natheless, this warn I you,” quoth she, “A kinge’s son although ye be, y-wis,

        Ye shall no more have sovereignety

        Of me in love, than right in this case is; Nor will I forbear, if ye do amiss,

        To wrathe* you, and, while that ye me serve, be angry with, chide To cherish you, right after ye deserve. as you deserve*

        “And shortly, deare heart, and all my knight, Be glad, and drawe you to lustiness, pleasure And I shall truely, with all my might, Your bitter turnen all to sweeteness;

        If I be she that may do you gladness,

        For ev’ry woe ye shall recover a bliss:”

        And him in armes took, and gan him kiss.

        Pandarus, almost beside himself for joy, falls on his knees to thank Venus and Cupid, declaring that for this miracle he hears all the bells ring; then, with a warning to be ready at his call to meet at his house, he parts the lovers, and attends Cressida while she takes leave of the household — Troilus all the time groaning at the deceit practised on his brother and Helen. When he has got rid of them by feigning weariness, Pandarus returns to the chamber, and spends the night with him in converse. The zealous friend begins to speak “in a sober wise” to Troilus, reminding him of his love-pains now all at an end.

        “So that through me thou standest now in way To fare well; I say it for no boast;

        And know’st thou why? For, shame it is to say, For thee have I begun a game to play,

        Which that I never shall do eft* for other,* again **another Although he were a thousand fold my brother.

        “That is to say, for thee I am become, Betwixte game and earnest, such a mean means, instrument As make women unto men to come;

        Thou know’st thyselfe what that woulde mean; For thee have I my niece, of vices clean, pure, devoid So fully made thy gentleness* to trust, nobility of nature That all shall be right as thyselfe lust. as you please*

        “But God, that all wot, take I to witness, knows everything

        That never this for covetise* I wrought, greed of gain But only to abridge thy distress, *abate For which well nigh thou diedst, as me thought; But, goode brother, do now as thee ought, For Godde’s love, and keep her out of blame; Since thou art wise, so save thou her name.

        “For, well thou know’st, the name yet of her, Among the people, as who saith hallow’d is; For that man is unborn, I dare well swear, That ever yet wist* that she did amiss; *knew But woe is me, that I, that cause all this, May thinke that she is my niece dear,

        And I her eme,* and traitor eke y-fere.* uncle <17> **as well “And were it wist that I, through mine engine, arts, contrivance Had in my niece put this fantasy fancy To do thy lust,* and wholly to be thine, *pleasure Why, all the people would upon it cry, And say, that I the worste treachery

        Did in this case, that ever was begun, And she fordone,* and thou right naught y-won.” *ruined Therefore, ere going a step further, Pandarus prays Troilus to give him pledges of secrecy, and impresses on his mind the mischiefs that flow from vaunting in affairs of love. “Of kind,”[by his very nature] he says, no vaunter is to be believed: “For a vaunter and a liar all is one;

        As thus: I pose* a woman granteth me *suppose, assume Her love, and saith that other will she none, And I am sworn to holden it secre,

        And, after, I go tell it two or three; Y-wis, I am a vaunter, at the least,

        And eke a liar, for I break my hest.*<44> *promise “Now looke then, if they be not to blame, Such manner folk; what shall I call them, what?

        That them avaunt of women, and by name, That never yet behight* them this nor that, *promised (much Nor knowe them no more than mine old hat? less granted) No wonder is, so God me sende heal, prosperity Though women dreade with us men to deal!

        “I say not this for no mistrust of you, Nor for no wise men, but for fooles nice; silly <45>

        And for the harm that in the world is now, As well for folly oft as for malice;

        For well wot I, that in wise folk that vice No woman dreads, if she be well advised; For wise men be by fooles’ harm chastised.” corrected, instructed So Pandarus begs Troilus to keep silent, promises to be true all his days, and assures him that he shall have all that he will in the love of Cressida: “thou knowest what thy lady granted thee; and day is set the charters up to make.”

        Who mighte telle half the joy and feast Which that the soul of Troilus then felt, Hearing th’effect of Pandarus’ behest?

        His olde woe, that made his hearte swelt, faint, die Gan then for joy to wasten and to melt, And all the reheating <46> of his sighes sore At ones fled, he felt of them no more.

        But right so as these *holtes and these hayes, woods and hedges*

        That have in winter deade been and dry, Reveste them in greene, when that May is, When ev’ry lusty listeth best to play; pleasant (one) wishes

        Right in that selfe wise, sooth to say, Wax’d suddenly his hearte full of joy, That gladder was there never man in Troy.

        Troilus solemnly swears that never, “for all the good that God made under sun,” will he reveal what Pandarus asks him to keep secret; offering to die a thousand times, if need were, and to follow his friend as a slave all his life, in proof of his gratitude.

        “But here, with all my heart, I thee beseech, That never in me thou deeme* such folly *judge As I shall say; me thoughte, by thy speech, That this which thou me dost for company, friendship I shoulde ween it were a bawdery; a bawd’s action *I am not wood, all if I lewed be; I am not mad, though It is not one, that wot I well, pardie! I be unlearned*

        “But he that goes for gold, or for richess, On such messages, call him *as thee lust; what you please*

        And this that thou dost, call it gentleness, Compassion, and fellowship, and trust; Depart it so, for widewhere is wist

        How that there is diversity requer’d

        Betwixte thinges like, as I have lear’d. <47>

        “And that thou know I think it not nor ween, suppose That this service a shame be or a jape, *subject for jeering I have my faire sister Polyxene,

        Cassandr’, Helene, or any of the frape; set <48>

        Be she never so fair, or well y-shape, Telle me which thou wilt of ev’ry one, To have for thine, and let me then alone.”

        Then, beseeching Pandarus soon to perform out the great enterprise of crowning his love for Cressida, Troilus bade his friend good night. On the morrow Troilus burned as the fire, for hope and pleasure; yet “he not forgot his wise governance [self-control];”

        But in himself with manhood gan restrain Each rakel* deed, and each unbridled cheer,* rash **demeanour That alle those that live, sooth to sayn, Should not have wist,* by word or by mannere, *suspicion What that he meant, as touching this mattere; From ev’ry wight as far as is the cloud He was, so well dissimulate he could.

        And all the while that I now devise describe, narrate This was his life: with all his fulle might, By day he was in Marte’s high service, That is to say, in armes as a knight;

        And, for the moste part, the longe night He lay, and thought how that he mighte serve His lady best, her thank* for to deserve. *gratitude I will not swear, although he laye soft, That in his thought he n’as somewhat diseas’d; troubled Nor that he turned on his pillows oft, And would of that him missed have been seis’d; possessed But in such case men be not alway pleas’d, For aught I wot, no more than was he;

        That can I deem* of possibility. *judge But certain is, to purpose for to go,

        That in this while, as written is in gest, the history of He saw his lady sometimes, and also these events She with him spake, when that she *durst and lest; dared and pleased*

        And, by their both advice,* as was the best, consultation Appointed full warily* in this need, made careful preparations

        So as they durst, how far they would proceed.

        But it was spoken in so short a wise, so briefly, and always in such In such await alway, and in such fear, vigilance and fear of being Lest any wight divinen or devise* found out by anyone*

        Would of their speech, or to it lay an ear, *That all this world them not so lefe were, they wanted more than As that Cupido would them grace send anything in the world*

        To maken of their speeches right an end.

        But thilke little that they spake or wrought, His wise ghost* took ay of all such heed, *spirit It seemed her he wiste what she thought Withoute word, so that it was no need

        To bid him aught to do, nor aught forbid; For which she thought that love, all* came it late, *although Of alle joy had open’d her the gate.

        Troilus, by his discretion, his secrecy, and his devotion, made ever a deeper lodgment in Cressida’s heart; so that she thanked God twenty thousand times that she had met with a man who, as she felt, “was to her a wall of steel, and shield from ev’ry displeasance;” while Pandarus ever actively fanned the fire. So passed a “time sweet” of tranquil and harmonious love the only drawback being, that the lovers might not often meet, “nor leisure have, their speeches to fulfil.” At last Pandarus found an occasion for bringing them together at his house unknown to anybody, and put his plan in execution.

        For he, with great deliberation,

        Had ev’ry thing that hereto might avail be of service Forecast, and put in execution,

        And neither left for cost nor for travail; effort Come if them list, them shoulde nothing fail, *Nor for to be in aught espied there,

        That wiste he an impossible were. he knew it was impossible*

        that they could be discovered there*

        And dreadeless* it clear was in the wind *without doubt Of ev’ry pie, and every let-game; <49>

        Now all is well, for all this world is blind, In this mattere, bothe fremd* and tame; <50> wild This timber is all ready for to frame; Us lacketh naught, but that we weete wo’ld *know A certain hour in which we come sho’ld. <51>

        Troilus had informed his household, that if at any time he was missing, he had gone to worship at a certain temple of Apollo, “and first to see the holy laurel quake, or that the godde spake out of the tree.” So, at the changing of the moon, when “the welkin shope him for to rain,” [when the sky was preparing to rain] Pandarus went to invite his niece to supper; solemnly assuring her that Troilus was out of the town — though all the time he was safely shut up, till midnight, in “a little stew,”

        whence through a hole he joyously watched the arrival of his mistress and her fair niece Antigone, with half a score of her women. After supper Pandaras did everything to amuse his niece; “he sung, he play’d, he told a tale of Wade;” <52> at last she would take her leave; but

        The bente Moone with her hornes pale,

        Saturn, and Jove, in Cancer joined were, <53>

        That made such a rain from heav’n avail, descend That ev’ry manner woman that was there Had of this smoky rain <54> a very fear; At which Pandarus laugh’d, and saide then “Now were it time a lady to go hen!” hence He therefore presses Cressida to remain all night; she complies with a good grace; and after the sleeping cup has gone round, all retire to their chambers — Cressida, that she may not be disturbed by the rain and thunder, being lodged in the “inner closet” of Pandarus, who, to lull suspicion, occupies the outer chamber, his niece’s women sleeping in the intermediate apartment. When all is quiet, Pandarus liberates Troilus, and by a secret passage brings him to the chamber of Cressida; then, going forward alone to his niece, after calming her fears of discovery, he tells her that her lover has “through a gutter, by a privy went,” [a secret passage] come to his house in all this rain, mad with grief because a friend has told him that she loves Horastes. Suddenly cold about her heart, Cressida promises that on the morrow she will reassure her lover; but Pandarus scouts the notion of delay, laughs to scorn her proposal to send her ring in pledge of her truth, and finally, by pitiable accounts of Troilus’ grief, induces her to receive him and reassure him at once with her own lips.

        This Troilus full soon on knees him set, Full soberly, right by her bedde’s head, And in his beste wise his lady gret greeted But Lord! how she wax’d suddenly all red, And thought anon how that she would be dead; She coulde not one word aright out bring, So suddenly for his sudden coming.

        Cressida, though thinking that her servant and her knight should not have doubted her truth, yet sought to remove his jealousy, and offered to submit to any ordeal or oath he might impose; then, weeping, she covered her face, and lay silent. “But now,”

        exclaims the poet —

        But now help, God, to quenchen all this sorrow!

        So hope I that he shall, for he best may; For I have seen, of a full misty morrow, morn Followen oft a merry summer’s day,

        And after winter cometh greene May;

        Folk see all day, and eke men read in stories, That after sharpe stoures* be victories. *conflicts, struggles Believing his mistress to be angry, Troilus felt the cramp of death seize on his heart, “and down he fell all suddenly in swoon.” Pandarus “into bed him cast,” and called on his niece to pull out the thorn that stuck in his heart, by promising that she would “all forgive.” She whispered in his ear the assurance that she was not wroth; and at last, under her caresses, he recovered consciousness, to find her arm laid over him, to hear the assurance of her forgiveness, and receive her frequent kisses.

        Fresh vows and explanations passed; and Cressida implored forgiveness of “her own sweet heart,” for the pain she had caused him. Surprised with sudden bliss, Troilus put all in God’s hand, and strained his lady fast in his arms. “What might or may the seely [innocent] larke say, when that the sperhawk [sparrowhawk] hath him in his foot?”

        Cressida, which that felt her thus y-take, As write clerkes in their bookes old,

        Right as an aspen leaf began to quake, When she him felt her in his armes fold; But Troilus, all *whole of cares cold, cured of painful sorrows*<55>

        Gan thanke then the blissful goddes seven. <56>

        Thus sundry paines bringe folk to heaven.

        This Troilus her gan in armes strain,

        And said, “O sweet, as ever may I go’n, prosper Now be ye caught, now here is but we twain, Now yielde you, for other boot* is none.” *remedy To that Cresside answered thus anon,

        “N’ had I ere now, my sweete hearte dear, *Been yolden,* y-wis, I were now not here!” yielded myself

        O sooth is said, that healed for to be Of a fever, or other great sickness,

        Men muste drink, as we may often see,

        Full bitter drink; and for to have gladness Men drinken often pain and great distress!

        I mean it here, as for this adventure, That thorough pain hath founden all his cure.

        And now sweetnesse seemeth far more sweet, That bitterness assayed* was beforn; *tasted <57>

        For out of woe in blisse now they fleet, float, swim None such they felte since that they were born; Now is it better than both two were lorn! <58>

        For love of God, take ev’ry woman heed To worke thus, if it come to the need!

        Cresside, all quit from ev’ry dread and teen, pain As she that juste cause had him to trust, Made him such feast,<59> it joy was for to see’n, When she his truth and *intent cleane wist; knew the purity And as about a tree, with many a twist, of his purpose*

        Bitrent and writhen is the sweet woodbind, plaited and wreathed

        Gan each of them in armes other wind. embrace, encircle And as the *new abashed* nightingale, newly-arrived and timid

        That stinteth,* first when she beginneth sing, stops When that she heareth any herde’s tale, the talking of a shepherd*

        Or in the hedges any wight stirring;

        And, after, sicker* out her voice doth ring; confidently Right so Cressida, when her dreade stent, her doubt ceased*

        Open’d her heart, and told him her intent. mind And might as he that sees his death y-shapen, prepared And dien must, *in aught that he may guess, for all he can tell*

        And suddenly *rescouse doth him escapen, he is rescued and escapes*

        And from his death is brought *in sickerness; to safety*

        For all the world, in such present gladness Was Troilus, and had his lady sweet;

        With worse hap God let us never meet!

        Her armes small, her straighte back and soft, Her sides longe, fleshly, smooth, and white, He gan to stroke; and good thrift* bade full oft *blessing On her snow-white throat, her breastes round and lite; small Thus in this heaven he gan him delight, And therewithal a thousand times her kist, That what to do for joy *unneth he wist. he hardly knew*

        The lovers exchanged vows, and kisses, and embraces, and speeches of exalted love, and rings; Cressida gave to Troilus a brooch of gold and azure, “in which a ruby set was like a heart;”

        and the too short night passed.

        “When that the cock, commune astrologer, <60>

        Gan on his breast to beat, and after crow, And Lucifer, the daye’s messenger,

        Gan for to rise, and out his beames throw; And eastward rose, to him that could it know, Fortuna Major, <61> then anon Cresseide, With hearte sore, to Troilus thus said: “My hearte’s life, my trust, and my pleasance!

        That I was born, alas! that me is woe, That day of us must make disseverance!

        For time it is to rise, and hence to go, Or else I am but lost for evermo’.

        O Night! alas! why n’ilt thou o’er us hove, hover As long as when Alcmena lay by Jove? <62>

        “O blacke Night! as folk in bookes read That shapen* art by God, this world to hide, *appointed At certain times, with thy darke weed, robe That under it men might in rest abide, Well oughte beastes plain, and folke chide, That where as Day with labour would us brest, burst, overcome There thou right flee’st, and deignest* not us rest. grantest “Thou dost, alas! so shortly thine office, duty Thou rakel* Night! that God, maker of kind, *rash, hasty Thee for thy haste and thine unkinde vice, So fast ay to our hemisphere bind,

        That never more under the ground thou wind; turn, revolve For through thy rakel hieing* out of Troy hasting Have I forgone thus hastily my joy!” *lost This Troilus, that with these wordes felt, As thought him then, for piteous distress, The bloody teares from his hearte melt, As he that never yet such heaviness

        Assayed had out of so great gladness,

        Gan therewithal Cresside, his lady dear, In armes strain, and said in this mannere: “O cruel Day! accuser of the joy

        That Night and Love have stol’n, and *fast y-wrien! closely Accursed be thy coming into Troy! concealed*

        For ev’ry bow’r* hath one of thy bright eyen: *chamber Envious Day! Why list thee to espyen?

        What hast thou lost? Why seekest thou this place?

        There God thy light so quenche, for his grace!

        “Alas! what have these lovers thee aguilt? offended, sinned against Dispiteous* Day, thine be the pains of hell! *cruel, spiteful For many a lover hast thou slain, and wilt; Thy peering in will nowhere let them dwell: What! proff’rest thou thy light here for to sell?

        Go sell it them that smalle seales grave! cut devices on We will thee not, us needs no day to have.”

        And eke the Sunne, Titan, gan he chide, And said, “O fool! well may men thee despise!

        That hast the Dawning <63> all night thee beside, And suff’rest her so soon up from thee rise, For to disease* us lovers in this wise! annoy What! hold thy bed, both thou, and eke thy Morrow! keep I bidde God so give you bothe sorrow!” *pray The lovers part with many sighs and protestations of unswerving and undying love; Cressida responding to the vows of Troilus with the assurance —

        “That first shall Phoebus* falle from his sphere, *the sun And heaven’s eagle be the dove’s fere, And ev’ry rock out of his place start, Ere Troilus out of Cressida’s heart.”

        When Pandarus visits Troilus in his palace later in the day, he warns him not to mar his bliss by any fault of his own: “For, of Fortune’s sharp adversity,

        The worste kind of infortune is this,

        A man to have been in prosperity,

        And it remember when it passed is.<64>

        Thou art wise enough; forthy,*” do not amiss; therefore Be not too rakel, though thou sitte warm; *rash, over-hasty For if thou be, certain it will thee harm.

        “Thou art at ease, and hold thee well therein; For, all so sure as red is ev’ry fire, As great a craft is to keep weal as win; <65>

        Bridle alway thy speech and thy desire, For worldly joy holds not but by a wire; That proveth well, it breaks all day so oft, Forthy need is to worke with it soft.”

        Troilus sedulously observes the counsel; and the lovers have many renewals of their pleasure, and of their bitter chidings of the Day. The effects of love on Troilus are altogether refining and ennobling; as may be inferred from the song which he sung often to Pandarus:

        The Second Song of Troilus.

        “Love, that of Earth and Sea hath governance!

        Love, that his hestes* hath in Heaven high! *commandments Love, that with a right wholesome alliance Holds people joined, as him list them guy! guide Love, that knitteth law and company,

        And couples doth in virtue for to dwell, Bind this accord, that I have told, and tell!

        “That the worlde, with faith which that is stable, Diverseth so, his *stoundes according; according to its seasons*

        That elementes, that be discordable, discordant Holden a bond perpetually during;

        That Phoebus may his rosy day forth bring; And that the Moon hath lordship o’er the night; —

        All this doth Love, ay heried* be his might! praised “That the sea, which that greedy is to flowen, Constraineth to a certain ende so limit His floodes, that so fiercely they not growen To drenchen earth and all for evermo’; drown And if that Love aught let his bridle go, All that now loves asunder shoulde leap, And lost were all that Love holds now to heap. together <66>*

        “So woulde God, that author is of kind, That with his bond Love of his virtue list To cherish heartes, and all fast to bind, That from his bond no wight the way out wist!

        And heartes cold, them would I that he twist, turned To make them love; and that him list ay rue have pity On heartes sore, and keep them that be true.”

        But Troilus’ love had higher fruits than singing: In alle needes for the towne’s werre war He was, and ay the first in armes dight, equipped, prepared And certainly, but if that bookes err, Save Hector, most y-dread* of any wight; dreaded And this increase of hardiness and might *courage Came him of love, his lady’s grace to win, That altered his spirit so within.

        In time of truce, a-hawking would he ride, Or elles hunt the boare, bear, lioun;

        The smalle beastes let he go beside;<67>

        And when he came riding into the town, Full oft his lady, from her window down, As fresh as falcon coming out of mew, cage <68>

        Full ready was him goodly to salue. salute And most of love and virtue was his speech, And *in despite he had all wretchedness he held in scorn all And doubtless no need was him to beseech despicable actions*

        To honour them that hadde worthiness,

        And ease them that weren in distress;

        And glad was he, if any wight well far’d, That lover was, when he it wist or heard.

        For he held every man lost unless he were in Love’s service; and, so did the power of Love work within him, that he was ay [always] humble and benign, and “pride, envy, ire, and avarice, he gan to flee, and ev’ry other vice.”

        THE FOURTH BOOK

        A BRIEF Proem to the Fourth Book prepares us for the treachery of Fortune to Troilus; from whom she turned away her bright face, and took of him no heed, “and cast him clean out of his lady’s grace, and on her wheel she set up Diomede.”

        Then the narrative describes a skirmish in which the Trojans were worsted, and Antenor, with many of less note, remained in the hands of the Greeks. A truce was proclaimed for the exchange of prisoners; and as soon as Calchas heard the news, he came to the assembly of the Greeks, to “bid a boon.” Having gained audience, he reminded the besiegers how he had come from Troy to aid and encourage them in their enterprise; willing to lose all that he had in the city, except his daughter Cressida, whom he bitterly reproached himself for leaving behind. And now, with streaming tears and pitiful prayer, he besought them to exchange Antenor for Cressida; assuring them that the day was at hand when they should have both town and people. The soothsayer’s petition was granted; and the ambassadors charged to negotiate the exchange, entering the city, told their errand to King Priam and his parliament.

        This Troilus was present in the place

        When asked was for Antenor Cresside;

        For which to change soon began his face, As he that with the wordes well nigh died; But natheless he no word to it seid; said Lest men should his affection espy,

        With manne’s heart he gan his sorrows drie; endure And, full of anguish and of grisly dread, Abode what other lords would to it say, And if they woulde grant, — as God forbid! —

        Th’exchange of her, then thought he thinges tway: two First, for to save her honour; and what way He mighte best th’exchange of her withstand; This cast he then how all this mighte stand.

        Love made him alle *prest to do her bide, eager to make her stay*

        And rather die than that she shoulde go; But Reason said him, on the other side, “Without th’assent of her, do thou not so, Lest for thy worke she would be thy foe; And say, that through thy meddling is y-blow divulged, blown abroad Your bothe love, where it was *erst unknow.” previously unknown*

        For which he gan deliberate for the best, That though the lordes woulde that she went, He woulde suffer them grant what *them lest, they pleased*

        And tell his lady first what that they meant; And, when that she had told him her intent, Thereafter would he worken all so blive, speedily Though all the world against it woulde strive.

        Hector, which that full well the Greekes heard, For Antenor how they would have Cresseide, Gan it withstand, and soberly answer’d; “Sirs, she is no prisoner,” he said;

        “I know not on you who this charge laid; But, for my part, ye may well soon him tell, We use* here no women for to sell.” are accustomed The noise of the people then upstart at once, As breme as blaze of straw y-set on fire violent, furious For Infortune woulde for the nonce *Misfortune They shoulde their confusion desire

        “Hector,” quoth they, “what ghost* may you inspire spirit This woman thus to shield, and do us* lose cause us to

        Dan Antenor? — a wrong way now ye choose, —

        “That is so wise, and eke so bold baroun; And we have need of folk, as men may see He eke is one the greatest of this town; O Hector! lette such fantasies be!

        O King Priam!” quoth they, “lo! thus say we, That all our will is to forego Cresseide;”

        And to deliver Antenor they pray’d.

        Though Hector often prayed them “nay,” it was resolved that Cressida should be given up for Antenor; then the parliament dispersed. Troilus hastened home to his chamber, shut himself up alone, and threw himself on his bed.

        And as in winter leaves be bereft,

        Each after other, till the tree be bare, So that there is but bark and branch y-left, Lay Troilus, bereft of each welfare,

        Y-bounden in the blacke bark of care,

        Disposed *wood out of his wit to braid, to go out of his senses*

        So sore him sat the changing of Cresseide. so ill did he bear

        He rose him up, and ev’ry door he shet, shut And window eke; and then this sorrowful man Upon his bedde’s side adown him set,

        Full like a dead image, pale and wan,

        And in his breast the heaped woe began Out burst, and he to worken in this wise, In his woodness,* as I shall you devise.* madness **relate Right as the wilde bull begins to spring, Now here, now there, y-darted* to the heart, *pierced with a dart And of his death roareth in complaining; Right so gan he about the chamber start, Smiting his breast aye with his fistes smart; painfully, cruelly His head to the wall, his body to the ground, Full oft he swapt,* himselfe to confound. *struck, dashed His eyen then, for pity of his heart,

        Out streameden as swifte welles* tway; fountains The highe sobbes of his sorrow’s smart His speech him reft; unnethes might he say, scarcely “O Death, alas! why n’ilt thou do me dey? why will you not Accursed be that day which that Nature make me die?*

        Shope* me to be a living creature!” *shaped Bitterly reviling Fortune, and calling on Love to explain why his happiness with Cressicla should be thus repealed, Troilus declares that, while he lives, he will bewail his misfortune in solitude, and will never see it shine or rain, but will end his sorrowful life in darkness, and die in distress.

        “O weary ghost, that errest to and fro!

        Why n’ilt* thou fly out of the woefulest *wilt not Body that ever might on grounde go?

        O soule, lurking in this woeful nest!

        Flee forth out of my heart, and let it brest, burst And follow alway Cresside, thy lady dear!

        Thy righte place is now no longer here.

        “O woeful eyen two! since your disport delight Was all to see Cressida’s eyen bright, What shall ye do, but, for my discomfort, Stande for naught, and weepen out your sight, Since she is quench’d, that wont was you to light?

        In vain, from this forth, have I eyen tway Y-formed, since your virtue is away!

        “O my Cresside! O lady sovereign

        Of thilke* woeful soule that now cryeth! *this Who shall now give comfort to thy pain?

        Alas! no wight; but, when my hearte dieth, My spirit, which that so unto you hieth, hasteneth Receive *in gree,* for that shall ay you serve; with favour

        Forthy no force is though the body sterve. therefore no matter*

        *die “O ye lovers, that high upon the wheel Be set of Fortune, in good adventure,

        God lene* that ye find ay** love of steel,<69> grant *always And longe may your life in joy endure!

        But when ye come by my sepulture, sepulchre Remember that your fellow resteth there; For I lov’d eke, though I unworthy were.

        “O old, unwholesome, and mislived man, Calchas I mean, alas! what ailed thee

        To be a Greek, since thou wert born Trojan?

        O Calchas! which that will my bane* be, *destruction In cursed time wert thou born for me!

        As woulde blissful Jove, for his joy,

        That I thee hadde where I would in Troy!”

        Soon Troilus, through excess of grief, fell into a trance; in which he was found by Pandarus, who had gone almost distracted at the news that Cressida was to be exchanged for Antenor. At his friend’s arrival, Troilus “gan as the snow against the sun to melt;” the two mingled their tears a while; then Pandarus strove to comfort the woeful lover. He admitted that never had a stranger ruin than this been wrought by Fortune: “But tell me this, why thou art now so mad To sorrow thus? Why li’st thou in this wise, Since thy desire all wholly hast thou had, So that by right it ought enough suffice?

        But I, that never felt in my service

        A friendly cheer or looking of an eye, Let me thus weep and wail until I die. <70>

        “And over all this, as thou well wost* thy selve, knowest This town is full of ladies all about, And, to my doom,* fairer than suche twelve in my judgment

        As ever she was, shall I find in some rout, company Yea! one or two, withouten any doubt:

        Forthy* be glad, mine owen deare brother! *therefore If she be lost, we shall recover another.

        “What! God forbid alway that each pleasance In one thing were, and in none other wight; If one can sing, another can well dance; If this be goodly, she is glad and light; And this is fair, and that can good aright; Each for his virtue holden is full dear, Both heroner, and falcon for rivere. <71>

        “And eke as writ Zausis,<72> that was full wise, The newe love out chaseth oft the old, And upon new case lieth new advice; <73>

        Think eke thy life to save thou art hold; bound Such fire *by process shall of kinde cold; shall grow cold by For, since it is but casual pleasance, process of nature*

        Some case* shall put it out of remembrance. *chance “For, all so sure as day comes after night, The newe love, labour, or other woe,

        Or elles seldom seeing of a wight,

        Do old affections all *over go; overcome*

        And for thy part, thou shalt have one of tho those T’abridge with thy bitter paine’s smart; Absence of her shall drive her out of heart.”

        These wordes said he *for the nones all, only for the nonce*

        To help his friend, lest he for sorrow died; For, doubteless, to do his woe to fall, make his woe subside*

        He raughte* not what unthrift** that he said; cared *folly But Troilus, that nigh for sorrow died, Took little heed of all that ever he meant; One ear it heard, at th’other out it went.

        But, at the last, he answer’d and said, “Friend, This leachcraft, or y-healed thus to be, Were well sitting* if that I were a fiend, recked To traisen her that true is unto me: *betray I pray God, let this counsel never the, thrive But do me rather sterve* anon right here, *die Ere I thus do, as thou me wouldest lear!” teach Troilus protests that his lady shall have him wholly hers till death; and, debating the counsels of his friend, declares that even if he would, he could not love another. Then he points out the folly of not lamenting the loss of Cressida because she had been his in ease and felicity — while Pandarus himself, though he thought it so light to change to and fro in love, had not done busily his might to change her that wrought him all the woe of his unprosperous suit.

        “If thou hast had in love ay yet mischance, And canst it not out of thine hearte drive, I that lived in lust* and in pleasance *delight With her, as much as creature alive,

        How should I that forget, and that so blive? quickly O where hast thou been so long hid in mew,*<74> *cage That canst so well and formally argue!”

        The lover condemns the whole discourse of his friend as unworthy, and calls on Death, the ender of all sorrows, to come to him and quench his heart with his cold stroke. Then he distils anew in tears, “as liquor out of alembic;” and Pandarus is silent for a while, till he bethinks him to recommend to Troilus the carrying off of Cressida. “Art thou in Troy, and hast no hardiment [daring, boldness] to take a woman which that loveth thee?” But Troilus reminds his counsellor that all the war had come from the ravishing of a woman by might (the abduction of Helen by Paris); and that it would not beseem him to withstand his father’s grant, since the lady was to be changed for the town’s good. He has dismissed the thought of asking Cressida from his father, because that would be to injure her fair fame, to no purpose, for Priam could not overthrow the decision of “so high a place as parliament;” while most of all he fears to perturb her heart with violence, to the slander of her name — for he must hold her honour dearer than himself in every case, as lovers ought of right:

        “Thus am I in desire and reason twight: twisted Desire, for to disturbe her, me redeth; counseleth And Reason will not, so my hearte dreadeth.” is in doubt Thus weeping, that he coulde never cease He said, “Alas! how shall I, wretche, fare?

        For well feel I alway my love increase, And hope is less and less alway, Pandare!

        Increasen eke the causes of my care;

        So wellaway! *why n’ ill my hearte brest? why will not For us in love there is but little rest.” my heart break?*

        Pandare answered, “Friend, thou may’st for me Do as thee list;* but had I it so hot, please And thine estate, she shoulde go with me! rank Though all this town cried on this thing by note, I would not set all that noise a groat; *value For when men have well cried, then will they rown, whisper Eke wonder lasts but nine nights ne’er in town.

        “Divine not in reason ay so deep,

        Nor courteously, but help thyself anon; Bet* is that others than thyselfe weep; *better And namely, since ye two be all one,

        Rise up, for, by my head, she shall not go’n!

        And rather be in blame a little found, Than sterve* here as a gnat withoute wound! die “It is no shame unto you, nor no vice, Her to withholde, that ye loveth most; Parauntre she might holde thee for nice,* peradventure **foolish To let her go thus unto the Greeks’ host; Think eke, Fortune, as well thyselfe wost, Helpeth the hardy man to his emprise,

        And weiveth* wretches for their cowardice. forsaketh “And though thy lady would a lite her grieve, *little Thou shalt thyself thy peace thereafter make; But, as to me, certain I cannot ‘lieve That she would it as now for evil take: Why shoulde then for fear thine hearte quake?

        Think eke how Paris hath, that is thy brother, A love; and why shalt thou not have another?

        “And, Troilus, one thing I dare thee swear, That if Cressida, which that is thy lief, love Now loveth thee as well as thou dost her, God help me so, she will not take agrief amiss Though thou *anon do boot in* this mischief; provide a remedy And if she willeth from thee for to pass, immediately

        Then is she false, so love her well the lass. less “Forthy,* take heart, and think, right as a knight, therefore Through love is broken all day ev’ry law; Kithe now somewhat thy courage and thy might; show Have mercy on thyself, for any awe; in spite of any fear*

        Let not this wretched woe thine hearte gnaw; But, manly, set the world on six and seven, <75>

        And, if thou die a martyr, go to heaven.”

        Pandarus promises his friend all aid in the enterprise; it is agreed that Cressida shall be carried off, but only with her own consent; and Pandarus sets out for his niece’s house, to arrange an interview. Meantime Cressida has heard the news; and, caring nothing for her father, but everything for Troilus, she burns in love and fear, unable to tell what she shall do.

        But, as men see in town, and all about, That women use* friendes to visite, *are accustomed So to Cresside of women came a rout, troop For piteous joy, and *weened her delight, thought to please her*

        And with their tales, *dear enough a mite, not worth a mite*

        These women, which that in the city dwell, They set them down, and said as I shall tell.

        Quoth first that one, “I am glad, truely, Because of you, that shall your father see;”

        Another said, “Y-wis, so am not I,

        For all too little hath she with us be.” been Quoth then the third, “I hope, y-wis, that she Shall bringen us the peace on ev’ry side; Then, when she goes, Almighty God her guide!”

        Those wordes, and those womanishe thinges, She heard them right as though she thennes* were, thence; in some For, God it wot, her heart on other thing is; other place Although the body sat among them there, Her advertence is always elleswhere; *attention For Troilus full fast her soule sought; Withoute word, on him alway she thought.

        These women that thus weened her to please, Aboute naught gan all their tales spend; Such vanity ne can do her no ease,

        As she that all this meane while brenn’d Of other passion than that they wend; weened, supposed So that she felt almost her hearte die For woe, and weary* of that company. *weariness For whiche she no longer might restrain Her teares, they began so up to well,

        That gave signes of her bitter pain,

        In which her spirit was, and muste dwell, Rememb’ring her from heav’n into which hell She fallen was, since she forwent* the sight *lost Of Troilus; and sorrowfully she sight. sighed And thilke fooles, sitting her about,

        Weened that she had wept and siked* sore, *sighed Because that she should out of that rout company Depart, and never playe with them more; And they that hadde knowen her of yore Saw her so weep, and thought it kindeness, And each of them wept eke for her distress.

        And busily they gonnen* her comfort *began Of thing, God wot, on which she little thought; And with their tales weened her disport, And to be glad they her besought;

        But such an ease therewith they in her wrought, Right as a man is eased for to feel,

        For ache of head, to claw him on his heel.

        But, after all this nice* vanity, *silly They took their leave, and home they wenten all; Cressida, full of sorrowful pity,

        Into her chamber up went out of the hall, And on her bed she gan for dead to fall, In purpose never thennes for to rise;

        And thus she wrought, as I shall you devise. narrate She rent her sunny hair, wrung her hands, wept, and bewailed her fate; vowing that, since, “for the cruelty,” she could handle neither sword nor dart, she would abstain from meat and drink until she died. As she lamented, Pandarus entered, making her complain a thousand times more at the thought of all the joy which he had given her with her lover; but he somewhat soothed her by the prospect of Troilus’s visit, and by the counsel to contain her grief when he should come. Then Pandarus went in search of Troilus, whom he found solitary in a temple, as one that had ceased to care for life: For right thus was his argument alway: He said he was but lorne,* wellaway! lost, ruined “For all that comes, comes by necessity; Thus, to be lorn, it is my destiny. *lost, ruined “For certainly this wot I well,” he said, “That foresight of the divine purveyance providence Hath seen alway me to forgo* Cresseide, lose Since God sees ev’ry thing, out of doubtance, without doubt*

        And them disposeth, through his ordinance, In their merites soothly for to be,

        As they should come by predestiny.

        “But natheless, alas! whom shall I ‘lieve?

        For there be greate clerkes* many one scholars That destiny through argumentes preve, prove And some say that needly* there is none, *necessarily But that free choice is giv’n us ev’ry one; O wellaway! so sly are clerkes old,

        That I n’ot* whose opinion I may hold. <76> *know not “For some men say, if God sees all beforn, Godde may not deceived be, pardie!

        Then must it fallen,* though men had it sworn, befall, happen That purveyance hath seen before to be; Wherefore I say, that from etern if he eternity Hath wist before our thought eke as our deed, *known We have no free choice, as these clerkes read. maintain “For other thought, nor other deed also, Might never be, but such as purveyance, Which may not be deceived never mo’,

        Hath feeled* before, without ignorance; *perceived For if there mighte be a variance,

        To writhen out from Godde’s purveying, There were no prescience of thing coming, “But it were rather an opinion

        Uncertain, and no steadfast foreseeing; And, certes, that were an abusion, illusion That God should have no perfect clear weeting, knowledge More than we men, that have *doubtous weening; dubious opinion*

        But such an error *upon God to guess, to impute to God*

        Were false, and foul, and wicked cursedness. impiety “Eke this is an opinion of some

        That have their top full high and smooth y-shore, <77>

        They say right thus, that thing is not to come, For* that the prescience hath seen before *because That it shall come; but they say, that therefore That it shall come, therefore the purveyance Wot it before, withouten ignorance.

        “And, in this manner, this necessity

        *Returneth in his part contrary again; reacts in the opposite For needfully behoves it not to be, direction*

        That thilke thinges *fallen in certain, certainly happen*

        That be purvey’d; but needly, as they sayn, Behoveth it that thinges, which that fall, That they in certain be purveyed all.

        “I mean as though I labour’d me in this To inquire which thing cause of which thing be; As, whether that the prescience of God is The certain cause of the necessity

        Of thinges that to come be, pardie!

        Or if necessity of thing coming

        Be cause certain of the purveying.

        “But now enforce I me not in shewing I do not lay stress

        How th’order of causes stands; but well wot I, That it behoveth, that the befalling

        Of thinges wiste* before certainly, known Be necessary, all seem it not* thereby, though it does not appear

        That prescience put falling necessair

        To thing to come, all fall it foul or fair.

        “For, if there sit a man yond on a see, seat Then by necessity behoveth it

        That certes thine opinion sooth be,

        That weenest, or conjectest,* that he sit; *conjecturest And, furtherover, now againward yet,

        Lo! right so is it on the part contrary; As thus, — now hearken, for I will not tarry; —

        “I say that if th’opinion of thee

        Be sooth, for that he sits, then say I this, That he must sitte by necessity;

        And thus necessity in either is,

        For in him need of sitting is, y-wis,

        And, in thee, need of sooth; and thus forsooth There must necessity be in you both.

        “But thou may’st say he sits not therefore That thine opinion of his sitting sooth But rather, for the man sat there before, Therefore is thine opinion sooth, y-wis; And I say, though the cause of sooth of this Comes of his sitting, yet necessity

        Is interchanged both in him and thee.

        “Thus in the same wise, out of doubtance, I may well maken, as it seemeth me,

        My reasoning of Godde’s purveyance,

        And of the thinges that to come be;

        By whiche reason men may well y-see

        That thilke* thinges that in earthe fall,* those **happen That by necessity they comen all.

        “For although that a thing should come, y-wis, Therefore it is purveyed certainly,

        Not that it comes for it purveyed is;

        Yet, natheless, behoveth needfully

        That thing to come be purvey’d truely; Or elles thinges that purveyed be,

        That they betide* by necessity. happen “And this sufficeth right enough, certain, For to destroy our free choice ev’ry deal; But now is this abusion, to sayn *illusion, self-deception That falling of the thinges temporel

        Is cause of Godde’s prescience eternel; Now truely that is a false sentence, opinion, judgment That thing to come should cause his prescience.

        “What might I ween, an’* I had such a thought, *if But that God purveys thing that is to come, For that it is to come, and elles nought?

        So might I ween that thinges, all and some, That *whilom be befall and overcome, have happened Be cause of thilke sov’reign purveyance, in times past*

        That foreknows all, withouten ignorance.

        “And over all this, yet say I more thereto, —

        That right as when I wot there is a thing, Y-wis, that thing must needfully be so; Eke right so, when I wot a thing coming, So must it come; and thus the befalling Of thinges that be wist before the tide, time They may not be eschew’d* on any side.” *avoided While Troilus was in all this heaviness, disputing with himself in this matter, Pandarus joined him, and told him the result of the interview with Cressida; and at night the lovers met, with what sighs and tears may be imagined. Cressida swooned away, so that Troilus took her for dead; and, having tenderly laid out her limbs, as one preparing a corpse for the bier, he drew his sword to slay himself upon her body. But, as God would, just at that moment she awoke out of her swoon; and by and by the pair began to talk of their prospects. Cressida declared the opinion, supporting it at great length and with many reasons, that there was no cause for half so much woe on either part. Her surrender, decreed by the parliament, could not be resisted; it was quite easy for them soon to meet again; she would bring things about that she should be back in Troy within a week or two; she would take advantage of the constant coming and going while the truce lasted; and the issue would be, that the Trojans would have both her and Antenor; while, to facilitate her return, she had devised a stratagem by which, working on her father’s avarice, she might tempt him to desert from the Greek camp back to the city. “And truly,” says the poet, having fully reported her plausible speech,

        And truely, as written well I find,

        That all this thing was said *of good intent, sincerely*

        And that her hearte true was and kind

        Towardes him, and spake right as she meant, And that she starf* for woe nigh when she went, *died And was in purpose ever to be true;

        Thus write they that of her workes knew.

        This Troilus, with heart and ears y-sprad, all open Heard all this thing devised to and fro, And verily it seemed that he had

        *The selfe wit;* but yet to let her go the same opinion

        His hearte misforgave* him evermo’; *misgave But, finally, he gan his hearte wrest compel To truste her, and took it for the best.

        For which the great fury of his penance suffering Was quench’d with hope, and therewith them between Began for joy the amorouse dance;

        And as the birdes, when the sun is sheen, *bright Delighten in their song, in leaves green, Right so the wordes that they spake y-fere together Delighten them, and make their heartes cheer. glad Yet Troilus was not so well at ease, that he did not earnestly entreat Cressida to observe her promise; for, if she came not into Troy at the set day, he should never have health, honour, or joy; and he feared that the stratagem by which she would try to lure her father back would fail, so that she might be compelled to remain among the Greeks. He would rather have them steal away together, with sufficient treasure to maintain them all their lives; and even if they went in their bare shirt, he had kin and friends elsewhere, who would welcome and honour them.

        Cressida, with a sigh, right in this wise Answer’d; “Y-wis, my deare hearte true, We may well steal away, as ye devise,

        And finde such unthrifty wayes new;

        But afterward full sore *it will us rue; we will regret it*

        And help me God so at my moste need

        As causeless ye suffer all this dread!

        “For thilke* day that I for cherishing that same Or dread of father, or of other wight, Or for estate, delight, or for wedding, Be false to you, my Troilus, my knight, Saturne’s daughter Juno, through her might, As wood as Athamante <78> do me dwell *mad Eternally in Styx the pit of hell!

        “And this, on ev’ry god celestial

        I swear it you, and eke on each goddess, On ev’ry nymph, and deity infernal,

        On Satyrs and on Faunes more or less,

        That *halfe goddes* be of wilderness; *demigods And Atropos my thread of life to-brest, break utterly If I be false! now trow* me if you lest.* believe **please “And thou Simois, <79> that as an arrow clear Through Troy ay runnest downward to the sea, Bear witness of this word that said is here!

        That thilke day that I untrue be

        To Troilus, mine owen hearte free,

        That thou returne backward to thy well, And I with body and soul sink in hell!”

        Even yet Troilus was not wholly content, and urged anew his plan of secret flight; but Cressida turned upon him with the charge that he mistrusted her causelessly, and demanded of him that he should be faithful in her absence, else she must die at her return. Troilus promised faithfulness in far simpler and briefer words than Cressida had used.

        “Grand mercy, good heart mine, y-wis,” quoth she; “And blissful Venus let me never sterve, die Ere I may stand *of pleasance in degree in a position to reward To quite him* that so well can deserve; him well with pleasure*

        And while that God my wit will me conserve, I shall so do; so true I have you found, That ay honour to me-ward shall rebound.

        “For truste well that your estate* royal, *rank Nor vain delight, nor only worthiness

        Of you in war or tourney martial,

        Nor pomp, array, nobley, nor eke richess, Ne made me to rue* on your distress; *take pity But moral virtue, grounded upon truth, That was the cause I first had on you ruth. pity “Eke gentle heart, and manhood that ye had, And that ye had, — as me thought, — in despite Every thing that *sounded unto* bad, tended unto, accorded with

        As rudeness, and peoplish* appetite, *vulgar And that your reason bridled your delight; This made, aboven ev’ry creature,

        That I was yours, and shall while I may dure.

        “And this may length of yeares not fordo, destroy, do away Nor remuable* Fortune deface; *unstable But Jupiter, that of his might may do

        The sorrowful to be glad, so give us grace, Ere nightes ten to meeten in this place, So that it may your heart and mine suffice!

        And fare now well, for time is that ye rise.”

        The lovers took a heart-rending adieu; and Troilus, suffering unimaginable anguish, “withoute more, out of the chamber went.”

        THE FIFTH BOOK.

        APPROACHE gan the fatal destiny

        That Jovis hath in disposition,

        And to you angry Parcae,* Sisters three, *The Fates Committeth to do execution;

        For which Cressida must out of the town, And Troilus shall dwelle forth in pine, pain Till Lachesis his thread no longer twine. twist The golden-tressed Phoebus, high aloft, Thries* had alle, with his beames clear, thrice The snowes molt, and Zephyrus as oft melted Y-brought again the tender leaves green, Since that the son of Hecuba the queen Troilus <80>*

        Began to love her first, for whom his sorrow Was all, that she depart should on the morrow In the morning, Diomede was ready to escort Cressida to the Greek host; and Troilus, seeing him mount his horse, could with difficulty resist an impulse to slay him — but restrained himself, lest his lady should be also slain in the tumult. When Cressida was ready to go,

        This Troilus, in guise of courtesy,

        With hawk on hand, and with a huge rout retinue, crowd Of knightes, rode, and did her company, Passing alle the valley far without;

        And farther would have ridden, out of doubt, Full fain,* and woe was him to go so soon, *gladly But turn he must, and it was eke to do’n.

        And right with that was Antenor y-come Out of the Greekes’ host, and ev’ry wight Was of it glad, and said he was welcome; And Troilus, *all n’ere his hearte light, although his heart He pained him, with all his fulle might, was not light*

        Him to withhold from weeping at the least; And Antenor he kiss’d and made feast.

        And therewithal he must his leave take, And cast his eye upon her piteously,

        And near he rode, his cause* for to make *excuse, occasion To take her by the hand all soberly;

        And, Lord! so she gan weepe tenderly!

        And he full soft and slily gan her say, “Now hold your day, and *do me not to dey.” do not make me die*

        With that his courser turned he about, With face pale, and unto Diomede

        No word he spake, nor none of all his rout; Of which the son of Tydeus <81> tooke heed, As he that couthe* more than the creed <82> *knew In such a craft, and by the rein her hent; took And Troilus to Troye homeward went.

        This Diomede, that led her by the bridle, When that he saw the folk of Troy away, Thought, “All my labour shall not be *on idle, in vain*

        If that I may, for somewhat shall I say; For, at the worst, it may yet short our way; I have heard say eke, times twice twelve, He is a fool that will forget himselve.”

        But natheless, this thought he well enough, That “Certainly I am aboute naught,

        If that I speak of love, or *make it tough; make any violent For, doubteless, if she have in her thought immediate effort*

        Him that I guess, he may not be y-brought So soon away; but I shall find a mean, That she not wit as yet shall what I mean.” shall not yet know

        So he began a general conversation, assured her of not less friendship and honour among the Greeks than she had enjoyed in Troy, and requested of her earnestly to treat him as a brother and accept his service — for, at last he said, “I am and shall be ay, while that my life may dure, your own, aboven ev’ry creature.

        “Thus said I never e’er now to woman born; For, God mine heart as wisly* gladden so! *surely I loved never woman herebeforn,

        As paramours, nor ever shall no mo’;

        And for the love of God be not my foe, All* can I not to you, my lady dear, *although Complain aright, for I am yet to lear. teach “And wonder not, mine owen lady bright, Though that I speak of love to you thus blive; soon For I have heard ere this of many a wight That loved thing he ne’er saw in his live; Eke I am not of power for to strive

        Against the god of Love, but him obey

        I will alway, and mercy I you pray.”

        Cressida answered his discourses as though she scarcely heard them; yet she thanked him for his trouble and courtesy, and accepted his offered friendship — promising to trust him, as well she might. Then she alighted from her steed, and, with her heart nigh breaking, was welcomed to the embrace of her father.

        Meanwhile Troilus, back in Troy, was lamenting with tears the loss of his love, despairing of his or her ability to survive the ten days, and spending the night in wailing, sleepless tossing, and troublous dreams. In the morning he was visited by Pandarus, to whom he gave directions for his funeral; desiring that the powder into which his heart was burned should be kept in a golden urn, and given to Cressida. Pandarus renewed his old counsels and consolations, reminded his friend that ten days were a short time to wait, argued against his faith in evil dreams, and urged him to take advantage of the truce, and beguile the time by a visit to King Sarpedon (a Lycian Prince who had come to aid the Trojans). Sarpedon entertained them splendidly; but no feasting, no pomp, no music of instruments, no singing of fair ladies, could make up for the absence of Cressida to the desolate Troilus, who was for ever poring upon her old letters, and recalling her loved form. Thus he “drove to an end” the fourth day, and would have then returned to Troy, but for the remonstrances of Pandarus, who asked if they had visited Sarpedon only to fetch fire? At last, at the end of a week, they returned to Troy; Troilus hoping to find Cressida again in the city, Pandarus entertaining a scepticism which he concealed from his friend. The morning after their return, Troilus was impatient till he had gone to the palace of Cressida; but when he found her doors all closed, “well nigh for sorrow adown he gan to fall.”

        Therewith, when he was ware, and gan behold How shut was ev’ry window of the place, As frost him thought his hearte *gan to cold; began to grow cold*

        For which, with changed deadly pale face, Withoute word, he forth began to pace; And, as God would, he gan so faste ride, That no wight of his countenance espied.

        Then said he thus: “O palace desolate!

        O house of houses, *whilom beste hight! formerly called best*

        O palace empty and disconsolate!

        O thou lantern, of which quench’d is the light!

        O palace, whilom day, that now art night!

        Well oughtest thou to fall, and I to die, Since she is gone that wont was us to guy! guide, rule “O palace, whilom crown of houses all, Illumined with sun of alle bliss!

        O ring, from which the ruby is out fall!

        O cause of woe, that cause hast been of bliss!

        Yet, since I may no bet, fain would I kiss Thy colde doores, durst I for this rout; And farewell shrine, of which the saint is out!”

        … … … . .

        From thence forth he rideth up and down, And ev’ry thing came him to remembrance, As he rode by the places of the town,

        In which he whilom had all his pleasance; “Lo! yonder saw I mine own lady dance; And in that temple, with her eyen clear, Me caughte first my righte lady dear.

        “And yonder have I heard full lustily

        My deare hearte laugh; and yonder play: Saw I her ones eke full blissfully;

        And yonder ones to me gan she say,

        ‘Now, goode sweete! love me well, I pray;’

        And yond so gladly gan she me behold,

        That to the death my heart is to her hold. holden, bound “And at that corner, in the yonder house, Heard I mine allerlevest* lady dear, *dearest of all So womanly, with voice melodious,

        Singe so well, so goodly and so clear, That in my soule yet me thinks I hear

        The blissful sound; and in that yonder place My lady first me took unto her grace.”

        Then he went to the gates, and gazed along the way by which he had attended Cressida at her departure; then he fancied that all the passers-by pitied him; and thus he drove forth a day or two more, singing a song, of few words, which he had made to lighten his heart:

        “O star, of which I lost have all the light, With hearte sore well ought I to bewail, That ever dark in torment, night by night, Toward my death, with wind I steer and sail; For which, the tenthe night, if that I fail miss; be left without The guiding of thy beames bright an hour, My ship and me Charybdis will devour.”

        By night he prayed the moon to run fast about her sphere; by day he reproached the tardy sun — dreading that Phaethon had come to life again, and was driving the chariot of Apollo out of its straight course. Meanwhile Cressida, among the Greeks, was bewailing the refusal of her father to let her return, the certainty that her lover would think her false, and the hopelessness of any attempt to steal away by night. Her bright face waxed pale, her limbs lean, as she stood all day looking toward Troy; thinking on her love and all her past delights, regretting that she had not followed the counsel of Troilus to steal away with him, and finally vowing that she would at all hazards return to the city.

        But she was fated, ere two months, to be full far from any such intention; for Diomede now brought all his skill into play, to entice Cressida into his net. On the tenth day, Diomede, “as fresh as branch in May,” came to the tent of Cressida, feigning business with Calchas.

        Cresside, at shorte wordes for to tell, Welcomed him, and down by her him set, And he was *eath enough to make dwell; easily persuaded to stay*

        And after this, withoute longe let, delay The spices and the wine men forth him fet, fetched And forth they speak of this and that y-fere, together As friendes do, of which some shall ye hear.

        He gan first fallen of the war in speech Between them and the folk of Troye town, And of the siege he gan eke her beseech To tell him what was her opinioun;

        From that demand he so descended down

        To aske her, if that her strange thought The Greekes’ guise,* and workes that they wrought. fashion And why her father tarried so long *delayed To wedde her unto some worthy wight.

        Cressida, that was in her paines strong For love of Troilus, her owen knight,

        So farforth as she cunning* had or might, *ability Answer’d him then; but, as for his intent, purpose It seemed not she wiste* what he meant. knew But natheless this ilke Diomede same Gan in himself assure,* and thus he said; grow confident

        “If I aright have *taken on you heed, observed you*

        Me thinketh thus, O lady mine Cresside, That since I first hand on your bridle laid, When ye out came of Troye by the morrow, Ne might I never see you but in sorrow.

        “I cannot say what may the cause be,

        But if for love of some Trojan it were; *The which right sore would a-thinke me which it would much That ye for any wight that dwelleth there pain me to think*

        Should [ever] spill* a quarter of a tear, *shed Or piteously yourselfe so beguile; deceive For dreadeless* it is not worth the while. *undoubtedly “The folk of Troy, as who saith, all and some In prison be, as ye yourselfe see;

        From thence shall not one alive come

        For all the gold betwixte sun and sea; Truste this well, and understande me;

        There shall not one to mercy go alive, All* were he lord of worldes twice five. *although … … … …

        “What will ye more, lovesome lady dear?

        Let Troy and Trojan from your hearte pace; Drive out that bitter hope, and make good cheer, And call again the beauty of your face, That ye with salte teares so deface;

        For Troy is brought into such jeopardy, That it to save is now no remedy.

        “And thinke well, ye shall in Greekes find A love more perfect, ere that it be night, Than any Trojan is, and more kind,

        And better you to serve will do his might; And, if ye vouchesafe, my lady bright, I will be he, to serve you, myselve, —

        Yea, lever* than be a lord of Greekes twelve!” *rather And with that word he gan to waxe red, And in his speech a little while he quoke, quaked; trembled And cast aside a little with his head, And stint a while; and afterward he woke, And soberly on her he threw his look,

        And said, “I am, albeit to you no joy, As gentle* man as any wight in Troy. *high-born “But, hearte mine! since that I am your man, leigeman, subject And [you] be the first of whom I seeke grace, (in love) To serve you as heartily as I can,

        And ever shall, while I to live have space, So, ere that I depart out of this place, Ye will me grante that I may, to-morrow, At better leisure, telle you my sorrow.”

        Why should I tell his wordes that he said?

        He spake enough for one day at the mest; most It proveth well he spake so, that Cresseide Granted upon the morrow, at his request, Farther to speake with him, at the least, So that he would not speak of such mattere; And thus she said to him, as ye may hear: As she that had her heart on Troilus

        So faste set, that none might it arace; uproot <83>

        And strangely* she spake, and saide thus; *distantly, unfriendlily “O Diomede! I love that ilke place

        Where I was born; and Jovis, for his grace, Deliver it soon of all that doth it care! afflict God, for thy might, so *leave it* well to fare!” grant it

        She knows that the Greeks would fain wreak their wrath on Troy, if they might; but that shall never befall: she knows that there are Greeks of high condition — though as worthy men would be found in Troy: and she knows that Diomede could serve his lady well.

        “But, as to speak of love, y-wis,” she said, “I had a lord, to whom I wedded was, <84>

        He whose mine heart was all, until he died; And other love, as help me now Pallas, There in my heart nor is, nor ever was; And that ye be of noble and high kindred, I have well heard it tellen, out of dread. doubt “And that doth* me to have so great a wonder *causeth That ye will scornen any woman so;

        Eke, God wot, love and I be far asunder; I am disposed bet, so may I go, fare or prosper Unto my death to plain and make woe;

        What I shall after do I cannot say,

        But truely as yet *me list not play. I am not disposed *for sport “Mine heart is now in tribulatioun;

        And ye in armes busy be by day;

        Hereafter, when ye wonnen have the town, Parauntre* then, so as it happen may, peradventure That when I see that I never ere sey, saw before*

        Then will I work that I never ere wrought; This word to you enough sufficen ought.

        “To-morrow eke will I speak with you fain, willingly So that ye touche naught of this mattere; And when you list, ye may come here again, And ere ye go, thus much I say you here: As help me Pallas, with her haires clear, If that I should of any Greek have ruth, It shoulde be yourselfe, by my truth!

        “I say not therefore that I will you love; *Nor say not nay;* but, in conclusioun, nor say I that I meane well, by God that sits above!” I will not

        And therewithal she cast her eyen down, And gan to sigh, and said; “O Troye town!

        Yet bid* I God, in quiet and in rest pray I may you see, or do my hearte brest!” cause my heart to break*

        But in effect, and shortly for to say, This Diomede all freshly new again

        Gan pressen on, and fast her mercy pray; And after this, the soothe for to sayn, Her glove he took, of which he was full fain, And finally, when it was waxen eve,

        And all was well, he rose and took his leave.

        Cressida retired to rest:

        Returning in her soul ay up and down

        The wordes of this sudden Diomede,<85>

        His great estate,* the peril of the town, *rank And that she was alone, and hadde need Of friendes’ help; and thus began to dread The causes why, the soothe for to tell, That she took fully the purpose for to dwell. remain (with the Greeks) The morrow came, and, ghostly* for to speak, *plainly This Diomede is come unto Cresseide;

        And shortly, lest that ye my tale break, So well he for himselfe spake and said, That all her sighes sore adown he laid; And finally, the soothe for to sayn,

        He refte* her the great** of all her pain. took away *the greater part of And after this, the story telleth us

        That she him gave the faire baye steed The which she ones won of Troilus;

        And eke a brooch (and that was little need) That Troilus’ was, she gave this Diomede; And eke, the bet from sorrow him to relieve, She made him wear a pensel* of her sleeve. *pendant <86>

        I find eke in the story elleswhere,

        When through the body hurt was Diomede By Troilus, she wept many a tear,

        When that she saw his wide woundes bleed, And that she took to keepe* him good heed, tend, care for And, for to heal him of his sorrow’s smart, Men say, I n’ot, that she gave him her heart. *know not And yet, when pity had thus completed the triumph of inconstancy, she made bitter moan over her falseness to one of the noblest and worthiest men that ever was; but it was now too late to repent, and at all events she resolved that she would be true to Diomede — all the while weeping for pity of the absent Troilus, to whom she wished every happiness. The tenth day, meantime, had barely dawned, when Troilus, accompanied by Pandarus, took his stand on the walls, to watch for the return of Cressida. Till noon they stood, thinking that every corner from afar was she; then Troilus said that doubtless her old father bore the parting ill, and had detained her till after dinner; so they went to dine, and returned to their vain observation on the walls. Troilus invented all kinds of explanations for his mistress’s delay; now, her father would not let her go till eve; now, she would ride quietly into the town after nightfall, not to be observed; now, he must have mistaken the day. For five or six days he watched, still in vain, and with decreasing hope.

        Gradually his strength decayed, until he could walk only with a staff; answering the wondering inquiries of his friends, by saying that he had a grievous malady about his heart. One day he dreamed that in a forest he saw Cressida in the embrace of a boar; and he had no longer doubt of her falsehood. Pandarus, however, explained away the dream to mean merely that Cressida was detained by her father, who might be at the point of death; and he counselled the disconsolate lover to write a letter, by which he might perhaps get at the truth. Troilus complied, entreating from his mistress, at the least, a “letter of hope;” and the lady answered, that she could not come now, but would so soon as she might; at the same time “making him great feast,” and swearing that she loved him best — “of which he found but bottomless behest [which he found but groundless promises].” Day by day increased the woe of Troilus; he laid himself in bed, neither eating, nor drinking, nor sleeping, nor speaking, almost distracted by the thought of Cressida’s unkindness. He related his dream to his sister Cassandra, who told him that the boar betokened Diomede, and that, wheresoever his lady was, Diornede certainly had her heart, and she was his: “weep if thou wilt, or leave, for, out of doubt, this Diomede is in, and thou art out.” Troilus, enraged, refused to believe Cassandra’s interpretation; as well, he cried, might such a story be credited of Alcestis, who devoted her life for her husband; and in his wrath he started from bed, “as though all whole had him y-made a leach [physician],” resolving to find out the truth at all hazards. The death of Hector meanwhile enhanced the sorrow which he endured; but he found time to write often to Cressida, beseeching her to come again and hold her truth; till one day his false mistress, out of pity, wrote him again, in these terms:

        “Cupide’s son, ensample of goodlihead, beauty, excellence O sword of knighthood, source of gentleness!

        How might a wight in torment and in dread, And healeless,* you send as yet gladness? *devoid of health I hearteless, I sick, I in distress?

        Since ye with me, nor I with you, may deal, You neither send I may nor heart nor heal.

        “Your letters full, the paper all y-plainted, covered with Commoved have mine heart’s pitt; complainings I have eke seen with teares all depainted Your letter, and how ye require me

        To come again; the which yet may not be; But why, lest that this letter founden were, No mention I make now for fear.

        “Grievous to me, God wot, is your unrest, Your haste,* and that the goddes’ ordinance impatience It seemeth not ye take as for the best; Nor other thing is in your remembrance, As thinketh me, but only your pleasance; But be not wroth, and that I you beseech, For that I tarry is all for wicked speech. to avoid malicious gossip*

        “For I have heard well more than I wend weened, thought Touching us two, how thinges have stood, Which I shall with dissimuling amend;

        And, be not wroth, I have eke understood How ye ne do but holde me on hand; <87>

        But now no force, I cannot in you guess no matter

        But alle truth and alle gentleness.

        “Comen I will, but yet in such disjoint jeopardy, critical I stande now, that what year or what day position That this shall be, that can I not appoint; But in effect I pray you, as I may,

        For your good word and for your friendship ay; For truely, while that my life may dure, As for a friend, ye may *in me assure. depend on me*

        “Yet pray I you, *on evil ye not take do not take it ill*

        That it is short, which that I to you write; I dare not, where I am, well letters make; Nor never yet ne could I well endite;

        Eke *great effect men write in place lite; men write great matter Th’ intent is all, and not the letter’s space; in little space*

        And fare now well, God have you in his grace!

        “La Vostre C.”

        Though he found this letter “all strange,” and thought it like “a kalendes of change,” <88> Troilus could not believe his lady so cruel as to forsake him; but he was put out of all doubt, one day that, as he stood in suspicion and melancholy, he saw a “coat-armour” borne along the street, in token of victory, before Deiphobus his brother. Deiphobus had won it from Diomede in battle that day; and Troilus, examining it out of curiosity, found within the collar a brooch which he had given to Cressida on the morning she left Troy, and which she had pledged her faith to keep for ever in remembrance of his sorrow and of him. At this fatal discovery of his lady’s untruth, Great was the sorrow and plaint of Troilus; But forth her course Fortune ay gan to hold; Cressida lov’d the son of Tydeus,

        And Troilus must weep in cares cold.

        Such is the world, whoso it can behold!

        In each estate is little hearte’s rest; God lend* us each to take it for the best! *grant In many a cruel battle Troilus wrought havoc among the Greeks, and often he exchanged blows and bitter words with Diomede, whom he always specially sought; but it was not their lot that either should fall by the other’s hand. The poet’s purpose, however, he tells us, is to relate, not the warlike deeds of Troilus, which Dares has fully told, but his love-fortunes: Beseeching ev’ry lady bright of hue,

        And ev’ry gentle woman, *what she be, whatsoever she be*

        Albeit that Cressida was untrue,

        That for that guilt ye be not wroth with me; Ye may her guilt in other bookes see;

        And gladder I would writen, if you lest, Of Penelope’s truth, and good Alceste.

        Nor say I not this only all for men,

        But most for women that betrayed be

        Through false folk (God give them sorrow, Amen!) That with their greate wit and subtilty Betraye you; and this commoveth me

        To speak; and in effect you all I pray, Beware of men, and hearken what I say.

        Go, little book, go, little tragedy!

        There God my maker, yet ere that I die, So send me might to make some comedy!

        But, little book, *no making thou envy, be envious of no poetry* <89>

        But subject be unto all poesy;

        And kiss the steps, where as thou seest space, Of Virgil, Ovid, Homer, Lucan, Stace.

        And, for there is so great diversity

        In English, and in writing of our tongue, So pray I God, that none miswrite thee, Nor thee mismetre for default of tongue!

        And read whereso thou be, or elles sung, That thou be understanden, God I ‘seech! beseech But yet to purpose of my *rather speech. earlier subject* <90>

        The wrath, as I began you for to say,

        Of Troilus the Greekes boughte dear;

        For thousandes his handes *made dey, made to die*

        As he that was withouten any peer,

        Save in his time Hector, as I can hear; But, wellaway! save only Godde’s will, Dispiteously him slew the fierce Achill’.

        And when that he was slain in this mannere, His lighte ghost* full blissfully is went *spirit Up to the hollowness of the seventh sphere <91>

        In converse leaving ev’ry element;

        And there he saw, with full advisement, observation, understanding Th’ erratic starres heark’ning harmony, With soundes full of heav’nly melody.

        And down from thennes fast he gan advise consider, look on This little spot of earth, that with the sea Embraced is; and fully gan despise

        This wretched world, and held all vanity, *To respect of the plein felicity in comparison with That is in heav’n above; and, at the last, the full felicity*

        Where he was slain his looking down he cast.

        And in himself he laugh’d right at the woe Of them that wepte for his death so fast; And damned* all our works, that follow so condemned The blinde lust, the which that may not last, And shoulden all our heart on heaven cast; while we should And forth he wente, shortly for to tell, Where as Mercury sorted him to dwell. *allotted <92>

        Such fine* hath, lo! this Troilus for love! end Such fine hath all his greate worthiness! exalted royal rank*

        Such fine hath his estate royal above!

        Such fine his lust,* such fine hath his nobless! *pleasure Such fine hath false worlde’s brittleness! fickleness, instability And thus began his loving of Cresside, As I have told; and in this wise he died.

        O young and freshe folke, *he or she, of either sex*

        In which that love upgroweth with your age, Repaire home from worldly vanity,

        And *of your heart upcaste the visage “lift up the countenance To thilke God, that after his image of your heart.”*

        You made, and think that all is but a fair, This world that passeth soon, as flowers fair!

        And love Him, the which that, right for love, Upon a cross, our soules for to bey, buy, redeem First starf,* and rose, and sits in heav’n above; died For he will false no wight, dare I say, *deceive, fail That will his heart all wholly on him lay; And since he best to love is, and most meek, What needeth feigned loves for to seek?

        Lo! here of paynims* cursed olde rites! *pagans Lo! here what all their goddes may avail!

        Lo! here this wretched worlde’s appetites! *end and reward Lo! here the fine and guerdon for travail, of labour*

        Of Jove, Apollo, Mars, and such rascaille rabble <93>

        Lo! here the form of olde clerkes’ speech, In poetry, if ye their bookes seech! seek, search L’Envoy of Chaucer.

        O moral Gower! <94> this book I direct.

        To thee, and to the philosophical Strode, <95>

        To vouchesafe, where need is, to correct, Of your benignities and zeales good.

        And to that soothfast Christ that *starf on rood died on the cross*

        With all my heart, of mercy ever I pray, And to the Lord right thus I speak and say: “Thou One, and Two, and Three, *etern on live, eternally living*

        That reignest ay in Three, and Two, and One, Uncircumscrib’d, and all may’st circumscrive, comprehend From visible and invisible fone foes Defend us in thy mercy ev’ry one;

        So make us, Jesus, *for thy mercy dign, worthy of thy mercy*

        For love of Maid and Mother thine benign!”

        Explicit Liber Troili et Cresseidis. <96>

        Notes to Troilus and Cressida

        1. The double sorrow: First his suffering before his love was successful; and then his grief after his lady had been separated from him, and had proved unfaithful.

        2. Tisiphone: one of the Eumenides, or Furies, who avenged on men in the next world the crimes committed on earth. Chaucer makes this grim invocation most fitly, since the Trojans were under the curse of the Eumenides, for their part in the offence of Paris in carrying off Helen, the wife of his host Menelaus, and thus impiously sinning against the laws of hospitality.

        3. See Chaucer’s description of himself in “The House Of Fame,” and note 11 to that poem.

        4. The Palladium, or image of Pallas (daughter of Triton and foster-sister of Athena), was said to have fallen from heaven at Troy, where Ilus was just beginning to found the city; and Ilus erected a sanctuary, in which it was preserved with great honour and care, since on its safety was supposed to depend the safety of the city. In later times a Palladium was any statue of the goddess Athena kept for the safeguard of the city that possessed it.

        5. “Oh, very god!”: oh true divinity! — addressing Cressida.

        6. Ascaunce: as if to say — as much as to say. The word represents “Quasi dicesse” in Boccaccio. See note 5 to the Sompnour’s Tale.

        7. Eft: another reading is “oft.”

        8. Arten: constrain — Latin, “arceo.”

        9. The song is a translation of Petrarch’s 88th Sonnet, which opens thus:

        “S’amor non e, che dunque e quel ch’i’sento.”

        10. If maugre me: If (I burn) in spite of myself. The usual reading is, “If harm agree me” = if my hurt contents me: but evidently the antithesis is lost which Petrarch intended when, after “s’a mia voglia ardo,” he wrote “s’a mal mio grado” = if against my will; and Urry’s Glossary points out the probability that in transcription the words “If that maugre me” may have gradually changed into “If harm agre me.”

        11. The Third of May seems either to have possessed peculiar favour or significance with Chaucer personally, or to have had a special importance in connection with those May observances of which the poet so often speaks. It is on the third night of May that Palamon, in The Knight’s Tale, breaks out of prison, and at early morn encounters in the forest Arcita, who has gone forth to pluck a garland in honour of May; it is on the third night of May that the poet hears the debate of “The Cuckoo and the Nightingale”; and again in the present passage the favoured date recurs.

        12. Went: turning; from Anglo-Saxon, “wendan;” German, “wenden.” The turning and tossing of uneasy lovers in bed is, with Chaucer, a favourite symptom of their passion. See the fifth “statute,” in The Court of Love.

        13. Procne, daughter of Pandion, king of Attica, was given to wife to Tereus in reward for his aid against an enemy; but Tereus dishonoured Philomela, Procne’s sister; and his wife, in revenge, served up to him the body of his own child by her.

        Tereus, infuriated, pursued the two sisters, who prayed the gods to change them into birds. The prayer was granted; Philomela became a nightingale, Procne a swallow, and Tereus a hawk.

        14. Fished fair: a proverbial phrase which probably may be best represented by the phrase “done great execution.”

        15. The fair gem virtueless: possessing none of the virtues which in the Middle Ages were universally believed to be inherent in precious stones.

        16. The crop and root: the most perfect example. See note 29

        to the Knight’s Tale.

        17. Eme: uncle; the mother’s brother; still used in Lancashire.

        Anglo-Saxon, “eame;” German, “Oheim.”

        18. Dardanus: the mythical ancestor of the Trojans, after whom the gate is supposed to be called.

        19. All the other gates were secured with chains, for better defence against the besiegers.

        20. Happy day: good fortune; French, “bonheur;” both “happy day” and “happy hour” are borrowed from the astrological fiction about the influence of the time of birth.

        21. Horn, and nerve, and rind: The various layers or materials of the shield — called boagrion in the Iliad — which was made from the hide of the wild bull.

        22. His brother: Hector.

        23. Who gives me drink?: Who has given me a love-potion, to charm my heart thus away?

        24. That plaited she full oft in many a fold: She deliberated carefully, with many arguments this way and that.

        25. Through which I mighte stand in worse plight: in a worse position in the city; since she might through his anger lose the protection of his brother Hector.

        26. I am not religious: I am not in holy vows. See the complaint of the nuns in “The Court of Love.”

        27. The line recalls Milton’s “dark with excessive bright.”

        28. No weal is worth, that may no sorrow drien: the meaning is, that whosoever cannot endure sorrow deserves not happiness.

        29. French, “verre;” glass.

        30. From cast of stones ware him in the werre: let him beware of casting stones in battle. The proverb in its modern form warns those who live in glass houses of the folly of throwing stones.

        31. Westren: to west or wester — to decline towards the west; so Milton speaks of the morning star as sloping towards heaven’s descent “his westering wheel.”

        32. A pike with ass’s feet etc.: this is merely another version of the well-known example of incongruity that opens the “Ars Poetica” of Horace.

        33. Tristre: tryst; a preconcerted spot to which the beaters drove the game, and at which the sportsmen waited with their bows.

        34. A kankerdort: a condition or fit of perplexed anxiety; probably connected with the word “kink” meaning in sea phrase a twist in an rope — and, as a verb, to twist or entangle.

        35. They feel in times, with vapour etern: they feel in their seasons, by the emission of an eternal breath or inspiration (that God loves, &c.)

        36. The idea of this stanza is the same with that developed in the speech of Theseus at the close of The Knight’s Tale; and it is probably derived from the lines of Boethius, quoted in note 91

        to that Tale.

        37. In this and the following lines reappears the noble doctrine of the exalting and purifying influence of true love, advanced in “The Court of Love,” “The Cuckoo and the Nightingale,” &c.

        38. Weir: a trap or enclosed place in a stream, for catching fish.

        See note 10 to The Assembly of Fowls.

        39. Nor might one word for shame to it say: nor could he answer one word for shame (at the stratagem that brought Cressida to implore his protection)

        40. “All n’ere he malapert, nor made avow Nor was so bold to sing a foole’s mass;”

        i.e. although he was not over-forward and made no confession (of his love), or was so bold as to be rash and ill-advised in his declarations of love and worship.

        41. Pandarus wept as if he would turn to water; so, in The Squire’s Tale, did Canace weep for the woes of the falcon.

        42. If I breake your defence: if I transgress in whatever you may forbid; French, “defendre,” to prohibit.

        43. These lines and the succeeding stanza are addressed to Pandarus, who had interposed some words of incitement to Cressida.

        44. In “The Court of Love,” the poet says of Avaunter, that “his ancestry of kin was to Lier; and the stanza in which that line occurs expresses precisely the same idea as in the text.

        Vain boasters of ladies’ favours are also satirised in “The House of Fame”.

        45. Nice: silly, stupid; French, “niais.”

        46.“Reheating” is read by preference for “richesse,” which stands in the older printed editions; though “richesse” certainly better represents the word used in the original of Boccaccio —

        “dovizia,” meaning abundance or wealth.

        47. “Depart it so, for widewhere is wist How that there is diversity requer’d Betwixte thinges like, as I have lear’d:”

        i.e. make this distinction, for it is universally known that there is a great difference between things that seem the same, as I have learned.

        48. Frepe: the set, or company; French, “frappe,” a stamp (on coins), a set (of moulds).

        49. To be “in the wind” of noisy magpies, or other birds that might spoil sport by alarming the game, was not less desirable than to be on the “lee-side” of the game itself, that the hunter’s presence might not be betrayed by the scent. “In the wind of,”

        thus signifies not to windward of, but to leeward of — that is, in the wind that comes from the object of pursuit.

        50. Bothe fremd and tame: both foes and friends — literally, both wild and tame, the sporting metaphor being sustained.

        51. The lovers are supposed to say, that nothing is wanting but to know the time at which they should meet.

        52. A tale of Wade: see note 5 to the Merchant’s Tale.

        53. Saturn, and Jove, in Cancer joined were: a conjunction that imported rain.

        54. Smoky rain: An admirably graphic description of dense rain.

        55. For the force of “cold,” see note 22 to the Nun’s Priest’s Tale.

        56. Goddes seven: The divinities who gave their names to the seven planets, which, in association with the seven metals, are mentioned in The Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale.

        57. Assayed: experienced, tasted. See note 6 to the Squire’s Tale.

        58. Now is it better than both two were lorn: better this happy issue, than that both two should be lost (through the sorrow of fruitless love).

        59. Made him such feast: French, “lui fit fete” — made holiday for him.

        60. The cock is called, in “The Assembly of Fowls,” “the horologe of thorpes lite;” [the clock of little villages] and in The Nun’s Priest’s Tale Chanticleer knew by nature each ascension of the equinoctial, and, when the sun had ascended fifteen degrees, “then crew he, that it might not be amended.” Here he is termed the “common astrologer,” as employing for the public advantage his knowledge of astronomy.

        61. Fortuna Major: the planet Jupiter.

        62. When Jupiter visited Alcmena in the form of her husband Amphitryon, he is said to have prolonged the night to the length of three natural nights. Hercules was the fruit of the union.

        63. Chaucer seems to confound Titan, the title of the sun, with Tithonus (or Tithon, as contracted in poetry), whose couch Aurora was wont to share.

        64. So, in “Locksley Hall,” Tennyson says that “a sorrow’s crown of sorrow is rememb’ring better things.” The original is in Dante’s words:- –

        “Nessun maggior dolore

        Che ricordarsi del tempo felice

        Nella miseria.” — “Inferno,” v. 121.

        (“There is no greater sorrow than to remember happy times when in misery”)

        65. As great a craft is to keep weal as win: it needs as much skill to keep prosperity as to attain it.

        66. To heap: together. See the reference to Boethius in note 91

        to the Knight’s Tale.

        67. The smalle beastes let he go beside: a charming touch, indicative of the noble and generous inspiration of his love.

        68. Mew: the cage or chamber in which hawks were kept and carefully tended during the moulting season.

        69. Love of steel: love as true as steel.

        70. Pandarus, as it repeatedly appears, was an unsucsessful lover.

        71. “Each for his virtue holden is full dear, Both heroner, and falcon for rivere”:—

        That is, each is esteemed for a special virtue or faculty, as the large gerfalcon for the chase of heron, the smaller goshawk for the chase of river fowl.

        72. Zausis: An author of whom no record survives.

        73. And upon new case lieth new advice: new counsels must be adopted as new circumstances arise.

        74. Hid in mew: hidden in a place remote from the world — of which Pandarus thus betrays ignorance.

        75. The modern phrase “sixes and sevens,” means “in confusion:” but here the idea of gaming perhaps suits the sense better — “set the world upon a cast of the dice.”

        76. The controversy between those who maintained the doctrine of predestination and those who held that of free-will raged with no less animation at Chaucer’s day, and before it, than it has done in the subsequent five centuries; the Dominicans upholding the sterner creed, the Franciscans taking the other side. Chaucer has more briefly, and with the same care not to commit himself, referred to the discussion in The Nun’s Priest’s Tale.

        77. That have their top full high and smooth y-shore: that are eminent among the clergy, who wear the tonsure.

        78. Athamante: Athamas, son of Aeolus; who, seized with madness, under the wrath of Juno for his neglect of his wife Nephele, slew his son Learchus.

        79. Simois: one of the rivers of the Troad, flowing into the Xanthus.

        80. Troilus was the son of Priam and Hecuba.

        81. The son of Tydeus: Diomedes; far oftener called Tydides, after his father Tydeus, king of Argos.

        82. Couthe more than the creed: knew more than the mere elements (of the science of Love).

        83. Arache: wrench away, unroot (French, “arracher”); the opposite of “enrace,” to root in, implant.

        84. It will be remembered that, at the beginning of the first book, Cressida is introduced to us as a widow.

        85. Diomede is called “sudden,” for the unexpectedness of his assault on Cressida’s heart — or, perhaps, for the abrupt abandonment of his indifference to love.

        86. Penscel: a pennon or pendant; French, “penoncel.” It was the custom in chivalric times for a knight to wear, on days of tournament or in battle, some such token of his lady’s favour, or badge of his service to her.

        87. She has been told that Troilus is deceiving her.

        88. The Roman kalends were the first day of the month, when a change of weather was usually expected.

        89. Maker, and making, words used in the Middle Ages to signify the composer and the composition of poetry, correspond exactly with the Greek “poietes” and “poiema,” from “poieo,” I make.

        90. My rather speech: my earlier, former subject; “rather” is the cormparative of the old adjective “rath,” early.

        91. Up to the hollowness of the seventh sphere: passing up through the hollowness or concavity of the spheres, which all revolve round each other and are all contained by God (see note 5 to the Assembly of Fowls), the soul of Troilus, looking downward, beholds the converse or convex side of the spheres which it has traversed.

        92. Sorted: allotted; from Latin, “sors,” lot, fortune.

        93. Rascaille: rabble; French, “racaille” — a mob or multitude, the riff-raff; so Spencer speaks of the “rascal routs” of inferior combatants.

        94. John Gower, the poet, a contemporary and friend of Chaucer’s; author, among other works, of the “Confessio Amantis.” See note 1 to the Man of Law’s Tale.

        95. Strode was an eminent scholar of Merton College, Oxford, and tutor to Chaucer’s son Lewis.

        96. Explicit Liber Troili et Cresseidis: “The end of the book of Troilus and Cressida.”

        THE PROLOGUE TO THE LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN.

        [SOME difference of opinion exists as to the date at which Chaucer wrote “The Legend of Good Women.” Those who would fix that date at a period not long before the poet’s death — who would place the poem, indeed, among his closing labours — support their opinion by the fact that the Prologue recites most of Chaucer’s principal works, and glances, besides, at a long array of other productions, too many to be fully catalogued.

        But, on the other hand, it is objected that the “Legend” makes no mention of “The Canterbury Tales” as such; while two of those Tales — the Knight’s and the Second Nun’s — are enumerated by the titles which they bore as separate compositions, before they were incorporated in the great collection: “The Love of Palamon and Arcite,” and “The Life of Saint Cecile” (see note 1

        to the Second Nun’s tale). Tyrwhitt seems perfectly justified in placing the composition of the poem immediately before that of Chaucer’s magnum opus, and after the marriage of Richard II to his first queen, Anne of Bohemia. That event took place in 1382; and since it is to Anne that the poet refers when he makes Alcestis bid him give his poem to the queen “at Eltham or at Sheen,” the “Legend” could not have been written earlier. The old editions tell us that “several ladies in the Court took offence at Chaucer’s large speeches against the untruth of women; therefore the queen enjoin’d him to compile this book in the commendation of sundry maidens and wives, who show’d themselves faithful to faithless men. This seems to have been written after The Flower and the Leaf.” Evidently it was, for distinct references to that poem are to be found in the Prologue; but more interesting is the indication which it furnishes, that “Troilus and Cressida” was the work, not of the poet’s youth, but of his maturer age. We could hardly expect the queen — whether of Love or of England — to demand seriously from Chaucer a retractation of sentiments which he had expressed a full generation before, and for which he had made atonement by the splendid praises of true love sung in “The Court of Love,” “The Cuckoo and the Nightingale,” and other poems of youth and middle life. But “Troilus and Cressida” is coupled with “The Romance of the Rose,” as one of the poems which had given offence to the servants and the God of Love; therefore we may suppose it to have more prominently engaged courtly notice at a later period of the poet’s life, than even its undoubted popularity could explain. At whatever date, or in whatever circumstances, undertaken, “The Legend of Good Women” is a fragment. There are several signs that it was designed to contain the stories of twenty-five ladies, although the number of the good women is in the poem itself set down at nineteen; but nine legends only were actually composed, or have come down to us. They are, those of Cleopatra Queen of Egypt (126 lines), Thisbe of Babylon (218), Dido Queen of Carthage (442), Hypsipyle and Medea (312), Lucrece of Rome (206), Ariadne of Athens (340), Phiomela (167), Phyllis (168), and Hypermnestra (162).

        Prefixed to these stories, which are translated or imitated from Ovid, is a Prologue containing 579

        lines — the only part of the “Legend” given in the present edition. It is by far the most original, the strongest, and most pleasing part of the poem; the description of spring, and of his enjoyment of that season, are in Chaucer’s best manner; and the political philosophy by which Alcestis mitigates the wrath of Cupid, adds another to the abounding proofs that, for his knowledge of the world, Chaucer fairly merits the epithet of “many-sided”

        which Shakespeare has won by his knowledge of man.]

        A THOUSAND times I have hearde tell,

        That there is joy in heav’n, and pain in hell; And I accord* it well that it is so; grant, agree But, natheless, yet wot I well also, *know That there is none dwelling in this country That either hath in heav’n or hell y-be; been Nor may of it no other wayes witten know But as he hath heard said, or found it written; For by assay* there may no man it preve.* practical trial **prove, test But God forbid but that men should believe Well more thing than men have seen with eye!

        Men shall not weenen ev’ry thing a lie But if himself it seeth, or else do’th; *unless For, God wot, thing is never the less sooth, true Though ev’ry wighte may it not y-see.

        Bernard, the Monke, saw not all, pardie! <1>

        Then muste we to bookes that we find

        (Through which that olde thinges be in mind), And to the doctrine of these olde wise, Give credence, in ev’ry skilful* wise, reasonable That tellen of these old approved stories, Of holiness, of regnes, of victories, *reigns, kingdoms Of love, of hate, and other sundry things Of which I may not make rehearsings;

        And if that olde bookes were away,

        Y-lorn were of all remembrance the key.

        Well ought we, then, to honour and believe These bookes, where we have none other preve. proof And as for me, though that I know but lite, little On bookes for to read I me delight,

        And to them give I faith and good credence, And in my heart have them in reverence, So heartily, that there is *game none* <2> no amusement

        That from my bookes maketh me to go’n, But it be seldom on the holyday;

        Save, certainly, when that the month of May Is comen, and I hear the fowles sing,

        And that the flowers ginnen for to spring, Farewell my book and my devotion!

        Now have I then such a condition,

        That, above all the flowers in the mead, Then love I most these flowers white and red, Such that men calle Day’s-eyes in our town; To them have I so great affectioun,

        As I said erst, when comen is the May, That in my bed there dawneth me no day That I n’am* up, and walking in the mead, *am not To see this flow’r against the sunne spread, When it upriseth early by the morrow;

        That blissful sight softeneth all my sorrow, So glad am I, when that I have presence Of it, to do it alle reverence,

        As she that is of alle flowers flow’r, Fulfilled of all virtue and honour,

        And ever alike fair, and fresh of hue; As well in winter, as in summer new,

        This love I ever, and shall until I die; All* swear I not, of this I will not lie, *although There loved no wight hotter in his life.

        And when that it is eve, I runne blife, quickly, eagerly As soon as ever the sun begins to west, decline westward To see this flow’r, how it will go to rest, For fear of night, so hateth she darkness!

        Her cheer* is plainly spread in the brightness *countenance Of the sunne, for there it will unclose.

        Alas! that I had English, rhyme or prose, Sufficient this flow’r to praise aright!

        But help me, ye that have *cunning or might; skill or power*

        Ye lovers, that can make of sentiment, In this case ought ye to be diligent

        To further me somewhat in my labour,

        Whether ye be with the Leaf or the Flow’r; <3>

        For well I wot, that ye have herebefore Of making ropen,* and led away the corn; <4> *reaped And I come after, gleaning here and there, And am full glad if I may find an ear

        Of any goodly word that you have left.

        And though it hap me to rehearsen eft again What ye have in your freshe songes said, Forbeare me, and be not *evil apaid, displeased*

        Since that ye see I do it in th’honour Of love, and eke in service of the flow’r Whom that I serve as I have wit or might. <5>

        She is the clearness, and the very* light, true That in this darke world me winds and leads; *turns, guides The heart within my sorrowful breast you dreads, And loves so sore, that ye be, verily, The mistress of my wit, and nothing I.

        My word, my works, are knit so in your bond, That, as a harp obeyeth to the hand,

        That makes it sound after his fingering, Right so may ye out of my hearte bring Such voice, right as you list, to laugh or plain; complain, mourn Be ye my guide, and lady sovereign.

        As to mine earthly god, to you I call, Both in this work, and in my sorrows all.

        But wherefore that I spake to give credence To old stories, and do them reverence, And that men muste more things believe Than they may see at eye, or elles preve, prove That shall I say, when that I see my time; I may not all at ones speak in rhyme.

        My busy ghost,* that thirsteth always new *spirit To see this flow’r so young, so fresh of hue, Constrained me with so greedy desire,

        That in my heart I feele yet the fire, That made me to rise ere it were day, —

        And this was now the first morrow of May, —

        With dreadful heart, and glad devotion, For to be at the resurrection

        Of this flower, when that it should unclose Against the sun, that rose as red as rose, That in the breast was of the beast* that day *the sign of the Bull That Agenore’s daughter led away. <6>

        And down on knees anon right I me set, And as I could this freshe flow’r I gret, greeted Kneeling alway, till it unclosed was,

        Upon the smalle, softe, sweete grass,

        That was with flowers sweet embroider’d all, Of such sweetness and such odour *o’er all,* everywhere

        That, for to speak of gum, or herb, or tree, Comparison may none y-maked be;

        For it surmounteth plainly all odours, And for rich beauty the most gay of flow’rs.

        Forgotten had the earth his poor estate Of winter, that him naked made and mate, dejected, lifeless And with his sword of cold so sore grieved; Now hath th’attemper* sun all that releaved* temperate **furnished That naked was, and clad it new again. anew with leaves The smalle fowles, of the season fain, glad That of the panter* and the net be scap’d, *draw-net Upon the fowler, that them made awhap’d terrified, confounded In winter, and destroyed had their brood, In his despite them thought it did them good To sing of him, and in their song despise The foule churl, that, for his covetise, greed Had them betrayed with his sophistry deceptions This was their song: “The fowler we defy, And all his craft:” and some sunge clear Layes of love, that joy it was to hear, In worshipping* and praising of their make;* honouring **mate And for the blissful newe summer’s sake, Upon the branches full of blossoms soft, In their delight they turned them full oft, And sunge, “Blessed be Saint Valentine! <7>

        For on his day I chose you to be mine, Withoute repenting, my hearte sweet.”

        And therewithal their heals began to meet, Yielding honour, and humble obeisances, To love, and did their other observances That longen unto Love and to Nature;

        Construe that as you list, I *do no cure. care nothing*

        And those that hadde *done unkindeness, committed offence As doth the tidife, <8> for newfangleness, against natural laws*

        Besoughte mercy for their trespassing

        And humblely sange their repenting,

        And swore upon the blossoms to be true; So that their mates would upon them rue, take pity And at the laste made their accord. reconciliation All* found they Danger** for a time a lord, although *disdain Yet Pity, through her stronge gentle might, Forgave, and made mercy pass aright

        Through Innocence, and ruled Courtesy.

        But I ne call not innocence folly

        Nor false pity, for virtue is the mean, As Ethic <9> saith, in such manner I mean.

        And thus these fowles, void of all malice, Accorded unto Love, and lefte vice

        Of hate, and sangen all of one accord, “Welcome, Summer, our governor and lord!”

        And Zephyrus and Flora gentilly

        Gave to the flowers, soft and tenderly, Their sweete breath, and made them for to spread, As god and goddess of the flow’ry mead; In which me thought I mighte, day by day, Dwellen alway, the jolly month of May, Withoute sleep, withoute meat or drink.

        Adown full softly I began to sink,

        And, leaning on mine elbow and my side The longe day I shope* to abide, *resolved, prepared For nothing elles, and I shall not lie But for to look upon the daisy;

        That men by reason well it calle may

        The Daye’s-eye, or else the Eye of Day, The empress and the flow’r of flowers all I pray to God that faire may she fall!

        And all that love flowers, for her sake: But, nathelesse, *ween not that I make do not fancy that I In praising of the Flow’r against the Leaf, write this poem*

        No more than of the corn against the sheaf; For as to me is lever none nor lother, I n’am withholden yet with neither n’other.<10>

        Nor I n’ot who serves Leaf, nor who the Flow’r; nor do I know

        Well brooke they their service or labour! may they profit by

        For this thing is all of another tun, <11>

        Of old story, ere such thing was begun.

        When that the sun out of the south gan west, And that this flow’r gan close, and go to rest, For darkness of the night, the which she dread; dreaded Home to my house full swiftly I me sped, To go to rest, and early for to rise,

        To see this flower spread, as I devise. describe And in a little arbour that I have,

        That benched was of turfes fresh y-grave,* <12> *cut out I bade men shoulde me my couche make;

        For dainty* of the newe summer’s sake, *pleasure I bade them strowe flowers on my bed.

        When I was laid, and had mine eyen hid, I fell asleep; within an hour or two,

        Me mette* how I lay in the meadow tho,* dreamed **then To see this flow’r that I love so and dread.

        And from afar came walking in the mead The God of Love, and in his hand a queen; And she was clad in royal habit green; A fret* of gold she hadde next her hair, band And upon that a white corown she bare, With flowrons small, and, as I shall not lie, *florets <13>

        For all the world right as a daisy

        Y-crowned is, with white leaves lite, small So were the flowrons of her crowne white.

        For of one pearle, fine, oriential,

        Her white crowne was y-maked all,

        For which the white crown above the green Made her like a daisy for to see’n, look upon Consider’d eke her fret of gold above.

        Y-clothed was this mighty God of Love

        In silk embroider’d, full of greene greves, boughs In which there was a fret of red rose leaves, The freshest since the world was first begun.

        His gilt hair was y-crowned with a sun, lnstead of gold, for* heaviness and weight; to avoid Therewith me thought his face shone so bright, That well unnethes might I him behold; And in his hand me thought I saw him hold Two fiery dartes, as the gledes red; *glowing coals And angel-like his winges saw I spread.

        And *all be* that men say that blind is he, although

        Algate* me thoughte that he might well see; *at all events For sternly upon me he gan behold,

        So that his looking *did my hearte cold. made my heart And by the hand he held this noble queen, grow cold*

        Crowned with white, and clothed all in green, So womanly, so benign, and so meek,

        That in this worlde, though that men would seek.

        Half of her beauty shoulde they not find In creature that formed is by Kind; Nature And therefore may I say, as thinketh me, This song in praising of this lady free: “Hide, Absolon, thy gilte* tresses clear; *golden Esther, lay thou thy meekness all adown; Hide, Jonathan, all thy friendly mannere, Penelope, and Marcia Catoun,<14>

        Make of your wifehood no comparisoun;

        Hide ye your beauties, Isoude <15> and Helene; My lady comes, that all this may distain. outdo, obscure “Thy faire body let it not appear,

        Lavine; <16> and thou, Lucrece of Rome town; And Polyxene, <17> that boughte love so dear, And Cleopatra, with all thy passioun,

        Hide ye your truth of love, and your renown; And thou, Thisbe, that hadst of love such pain My lady comes, that all this may distain.

        “Hero, Dido, Laodamia, y-fere, together And Phyllis, hanging for Demophoon,

        And Canace, espied by thy cheer,

        Hypsipyle, betrayed by Jasoun,

        Make of your truthe neither boast nor soun’; Nor Hypermnestr’ nor Ariadne, ye twain; My lady comes, that all this may distain.”

        This ballad may full well y-sungen be, As I have said erst, by my lady free;

        For, certainly, all these may not suffice *T’appaire with* my lady in no wise; surpass in beauty For, as the sunne will the fire distain, or honour

        So passeth all my lady sovereign,

        That is so good, so fair, so debonair, I pray to God that ever fall her fair!

        For n’hadde comfort been of her presence, had I not the I had been dead, without any defence, comfort of

        For dread of Love’s wordes, and his cheer; As, when time is, hereafter ye shall hear.

        Behind this God of Love, upon the green, I saw coming of Ladies nineteen,

        In royal habit, a full easy pace;

        And after them of women such a trace, train That, since that God Adam had made of earth, The thirde part of mankind, or the ferth, fourth *Ne ween’d I not* by possibility, I never fancied

        Had ever in this wide world y-be; been And true of love these women were each one.

        Now whether was that a wonder thing, or non, not That, right anon as that they gan espy This flow’r, which that I call the daisy, Full suddenly they stenten* all at once, stopped And kneeled down, as it were for the nonce, And sange with one voice, “Heal and honour To truth of womanhead, and to this flow’r, That bears our aller prize in figuring; that in its figure bears Her white crowne bears the witnessing!” the prize from us all*

        And with that word, *a-compass enviroun all around in a ring*

        They sette them full softely adown.

        First sat the God of Love, and since* his queen, afterwards With the white corowne, clad in green; And sithen all the remnant by and by, then As they were of estate, full courteously; And not a word was spoken in the place, The mountance of a furlong way of space. *extent <18>

        I, kneeling by this flow’r, in good intent Abode, to knowe what this people meant, As still as any stone, till, at the last, The God of Love on me his eyen cast,

        And said, “Who kneeleth there? “and I answer’d Unto his asking, when that I it heard, And said, “It am I,” and came to him near, And salued* him. Quoth he, “What dost thou here, *saluted So nigh mine owen flow’r, so boldely?

        It were better worthy, truely,

        A worm to nighe* near my flow’r than thou.” *approach, draw nigh “And why, Sir,” quoth I, “an’ it liketh you?”

        “For thou,” quoth he, “art thereto nothing able, It is my relic,* dign** and delectable, emblem <19> *worthy And thou my foe, and all my folk warrayest, molestest, censurest And of mine olde servants thou missayest, And hind’rest them, with thy translation, And lettest* folk from their devotion *preventest To serve me, and holdest it folly

        To serve Love; thou may’st it not deny; For in plain text, withoute need of glose, comment, gloss Thu hast translated the Romance of the Rose, That is a heresy against my law,

        And maketh wise folk from me withdraw; And of Cresside thou hast said as thee list, That maketh men to women less to trust, That be as true as e’er was any steel.

        Of thine answer *advise thee right weel; consider right well*

        For though that thou *renied hast my lay, abjured my law As other wretches have done many a day, or religion*

        By Sainte Venus, that my mother is,

        If that thou live, thou shalt repente this, So cruelly, that it shall well be seen.”

        Then spake this Lady, clothed all in green, And saide, “God, right of your courtesy, Ye mighte hearken if he can reply

        Against all this, that ye have *to him meved; advanced against him*

        A godde shoulde not be thus aggrieved, But of his deity he shall be stable,

        And thereto gracious and merciable. merciful And if ye n’ere* a god, that knoweth all, *were not Then might it be, as I you telle shall, This man to you may falsely be accused, Whereas by right him ought to be excused; For in your court is many a losengeour, deceiver <20>

        And many a *quaint toteler accusour, strange prating accuser <21>*

        That tabour* in your eares many a soun’, *drum Right after their imaginatioun,

        To have your dalliance,* and for envy; pleasant conversation, These be the causes, and I shall not lie, company Envy is lavender of the Court alway, *laundress For she departeth neither night nor day <22>

        Out of the house of Caesar, thus saith Dant’; Whoso that go’th, algate* she shall not want. at all events And eke, parauntre, for this man is nice,* peradventure **foolish He mighte do it guessing* no malice; *thinking For he useth thinges for to make; compose poetry Him *recketh naught of what mattere he take; cares nothing for*

        Or he was bidden *make thilke tway compose those two*

        Of* some person, and durst it not withsay; by **refuse, deny Or him repenteth utterly of this.

        He hath not done so grievously amiss,

        To translate what olde clerkes write,

        As though that he of malice would endite, write down *Despite of* Love, and had himself it wrought. contempt for

        This should a righteous lord have in his thought, And not be like tyrants of Lombardy,

        That have no regard but at tyranny.

        For he that king or lord is naturel,

        Him oughte not be tyrant or cruel, <23>

        As is a farmer, <24> to do the harm he can; He muste think, it is his liegeman,

        And is his treasure, and his gold in coffer; This is the sentence* of the philosopher: *opinion, sentiment A king to keep his lieges in justice,

        Withoute doubte that is his office.

        All* will he keep his lords in their degree, — although As it is right and skilful that they be, *reasonable Enhanced and honoured, and most dear,

        For they be halfe* in this world here, — *demigods Yet must he do both right to poor and rich, All be that their estate be not y-lich; alike And have of poore folk compassion.

        For lo! the gentle kind of the lion;

        For when a fly offendeth him, or biteth, He with his tail away the flye smiteth, All easily; for of his gentery nobleness Him deigneth not to wreak him on a fly, As doth a cur, or else another beast.

        *In noble corage ought to be arrest, in a noble nature ought And weighen ev’rything by equity, to be self-restraint*

        And ever have regard to his degree.

        For, Sir, it is no mastery for a lord

        To damn* a man, without answer of word; condemn And for a lord, that is full foul to use. most infamous practice*

        And it be so he* may him not excuse, the offender But asketh mercy with a dreadful heart, *fearing, timid And proffereth him, right in his bare shirt, To be right at your owen judgement,

        Then ought a god, by short advisement, deliberation Consider his own honour, and his trespass; For since no pow’r of death lies in this case, You ought to be the lighter merciable; Lette* your ire, and be somewhat tractable! *restrain This man hath served you of his cunning, ability, skill And further’d well your law in his making. composing poetry Albeit that he cannot well endite,

        Yet hath he made lewed* folk delight *ignorant To serve you, in praising of your name.

        He made the book that hight the House of Fame, And eke the Death of Blanche the Duchess, And the Parliament of Fowles, as I guess, And all the Love of Palamon and Arcite, <25>

        Of Thebes, though the story is known lite; little And many a hymne for your holydays,

        That highte ballads, roundels, virelays.

        And, for to speak of other holiness,

        He hath in prose translated Boece, <26>

        And made the Life also of Saint Cecile; He made also, gone is a greate while,

        Origenes upon the Magdalene. <27>

        Him oughte now to have the lesse pain; penalty He hath made many a lay, and many a thing.

        Now as ye be a god, and eke a king,

        I your Alcestis, <28> whilom queen of Thrace, I aske you this man, right of your grace, That ye him never hurt in all his life; And he shall sweare to you, and that blife, quickly He shall no more aguilten* in this wise, *offend But shall maken, as ye will him devise, Of women true in loving all their life, Whereso ye will, of maiden or of wife, And further you as much as he missaid

        Or* in the Rose, or elles in Cresseide.” *either The God of Love answered her anon:

        “Madame,” quoth he, “it is so long agone That I you knew, so charitable and true, That never yet, since that the world was new, To me ne found I better none than ye;

        If that I woulde save my degree,

        I may nor will not warne* your request; *refuse All lies in you, do with him as you lest.

        I all forgive withoute longer space; delay For he who gives a gift, or doth a grace, Do it betimes, his thank is well the more; <29>

        And deeme* ye what he shall do therefor. *adjudge Go thanke now my Lady here,” quoth he.

        I rose, and down I set me on my knee,

        And saide thus; “Madame, the God above Foryielde* you that ye the God of Love *reward Have made me his wrathe to forgive;

        And grace* so longe for to live, *give me grace That I may knowe soothly what ye be,

        That have me help’d, and put in this degree!

        But truely I ween’d, as in this case,

        Naught t’ have aguilt,* nor done to Love trespass;* offended For why? a true man, withoute dread, **offence Hath not to parte with a thieve’s deed. any share in

        Nor a true lover oughte me to blame,

        Though that I spoke a false lover some shame.

        They oughte rather with me for to hold, For that I of Cressida wrote or told,

        Or of the Rose, *what so mine author meant; made a true translation*

        Algate, God wot, it was mine intent *by all ways To further truth in love, and it cherice, cherish And to beware from falseness and from vice, By such example; this was my meaning.”

        And she answer’d; “Let be thine arguing, For Love will not counterpleaded be <30>

        In right nor wrong, and learne that of me; Thou hast thy grace, and hold thee right thereto.

        Now will I say what penance thou shalt do For thy trespass;* and understand it here: *offence Thou shalt, while that thou livest, year by year, The moste partie of thy time spend

        In making of a glorious Legend

        Of Goode Women, maidenes and wives,

        That were true in loving all their lives; And tell of false men that them betray, That all their life do naught but assay How many women they may do a shame;

        For in your world that is now *held a game. considered a sport*

        And though thou like not a lover be, <31>

        Speak well of love; this penance give I thee.

        And to the God of Love I shall so pray, That he shall charge his servants, by any way, To further thee, and well thy labour quite: requite Go now thy way, thy penance is but lite.

        And, when this book ye make, give it the queen On my behalf, at Eltham, or at Sheen.”

        The God of Love gan smile, and then he said: “Know’st thou,” quoth he, “whether this be wife or maid, Or queen, or countess, or of what degree, That hath so little penance given thee, That hath deserved sorely for to smart?

        But pity runneth soon in gentle* heart; <32> nobly born That may’st thou see, she kitheth what she is. *showeth And I answer’d: “Nay, Sir, so have I bliss, No more but that I see well she is good.”

        “That is a true tale, by my hood,”

        Quoth Love; “and that thou knowest well, pardie!

        If it be so that thou advise* thee. bethink Hast thou not in a book, li’th in thy chest, *(that) lies The greate goodness of the queen Alceste, That turned was into a daisy

        She that for her husbande chose to die, And eke to go to hell rather than he;

        And Hercules rescued her, pardie!

        And brought her out of hell again to bliss?”

        And I answer’d again, and saide; “Yes, Now know I her; and is this good Alceste, The daisy, and mine own hearte’s rest?

        Now feel I well the goodness of this wife, That both after her death, and in her life, Her greate bounty* doubleth her renown. virtue Well hath she quit me mine affectioun *recompensed That I have to her flow’r the daisy;

        No wonder is though Jove her stellify, <33>

        As telleth Agathon, <34> for her goodness; Her white crowne bears of it witness;

        For all so many virtues hadde she

        As smalle flowrons in her crowne be.

        In remembrance of her, and in honour,

        Cybele made the daisy, and the flow’r, Y-crowned all with white, as men may see, And Mars gave her a crowne red, pardie!

        Instead of rubies set among the white.”

        Therewith this queen wax’d red for shame a lite When she was praised so in her presence.

        Then saide Love: “A full great negligence Was it to thee, that ilke* time thou made that same ‘Hide Absolon thy tresses,’ in ballade, That thou forgot her in thy song to set, Since that thou art so greatly in her debt, And knowest well that calendar is she *guide, example To any woman that will lover be:

        For she taught all the craft of true loving, And namely* of wifehood the living, especially And all the boundes that she ought to keep: Thy little wit was thilke time asleep. *that But now I charge thee, upon thy life,

        That in thy Legend thou make* of this wife, *poetise, compose When thou hast other small y-made before; And fare now well, I charge thee no more.

        But ere I go, thus much I will thee tell, —

        Never shall no true lover come in hell.

        These other ladies, sitting here a-row, Be in my ballad, if thou canst them know, And in thy bookes all thou shalt them find; Have them in thy Legend now all in mind; I mean of them that be in thy knowing.

        For here be twenty thousand more sitting Than that thou knowest, goode women all, And true of love, for aught that may befall; Make the metres of them as thee lest;

        I must go home, — the sunne draweth west, —

        To Paradise, with all this company:

        And serve alway the freshe daisy.

        At Cleopatra I will that thou begin,

        And so forth, and my love so shalt thou win; For let see now what man, that lover be, Will do so strong a pain for love as she.

        I wot well that thou may’st not all it rhyme, That suche lovers didden in their time; It were too long to readen and to hear; Suffice me thou make in this mannere,

        That thou rehearse of all their life the great, substance After* these old authors list for to treat; *according as For whoso shall so many a story tell,

        Say shortly, or he shall too longe dwell.”

        And with that word my bookes gan I take, And right thus on my Legend gan I make.

        Thus endeth the Prologue.

        Notes to The prologue to The Legend of Good Women

        1. Bernard, the Monke, saw not all, pardie!: a proverbial saying, signifying that even the wisest, or those who claim to be the wisest, cannot know everything. Saint Bernard, who was the last, or among the last, of the Fathers, lived in the first half of the twelfth century.

        2. Compare Chaucer’s account of his habits, in “The House of Fame.”

        3. See introductory note to “The Flower and the Leaf.”

        4. “ye have herebefore Of making ropen, and led away the corn”

        The meaning is, that the “lovers” have long ago said all that can be said, by way of poetry, or “making” on the subject. See note 89 to “Troilus and Cressida” for the etymology of “making”

        meaning “writing poetry.”

        5. The poet glides here into an address to his lady.

        6. Europa was the daughter of Agenores, king of Phrygia. She was carried away to Crete by Jupiter, disguised as a lovely and tame bull, on whose back Europa mounted as she was sporting with her maidens by the sea-shore. The story is beautifully told in Horace, Odes, iii. 27.

        7. See “The Assembly of Fowls,” which was supposed to happen on St. Valentine’s day.

        8. The tidife: The titmouse, or any other small bird, which sometimes brings up the cuckoo’s young when its own have been destroyed. See note 44 to “The Assembly of Fowls.”

        9. Ethic: the “Ethics” of Aristotle.

        10. “For as to me is lever none nor lother, I n’am withholden yet with neither n’other.”

        i.e For as neither is more liked or disliked by me, I am not bound by, holden to, either the one or the other.

        11. All of another tun i.e. wine of another tun — a quite different matter.

        12. Compare the description of the arbour in “The Flower and the Leaf.”

        13. Flowrons: florets; little flowers on the disk of the main flower; French “fleuron.”

        14. Mr Bell thinks that Chaucer here praises the complaisance of Marcia, the wife of Cato, in complying with his will when he made her over to his friend Hortensius. It would be in better keeping with the spirit of the poet’s praise, to believe that we should read “Porcia Catoun” — Porcia the daughter of Cato, who was married to Brutus, and whose perfect wifehood has been celebrated in The Franklin’s Tale. See note 25 to the Franklin’s Tale.

        15. Isoude: See note 21 to “The Assembly of Fowls”.

        16. Lavine: Lavinia, the heroine of the Aeneid, who became the wife of Aeneas.

        17. Polyxena, daughter of Priam, king of Troy, fell in love with Achilles, and, when he was killed, she fled to the Greek camp, and slew herself on the tomb of her hero-lover.

        18. Mountance: extent, duration. See note 84 to “The House of Fame”.

        19. Relic: emblem; or cherished treasure; like the relics at the shrines of saints.

        20. Losengeour: deceiver. See note 31 to the Nun’s Priest’s Tale.

        21. “Toteler” is an old form of the word “tatler,” from the Anglo-Saxon, “totaelan,” to talk much, to tattle.

        22. Envy is lavender of the court alway: a “lavender” is a washerwoman or laundress; the word represents “meretrice”in Dante’s original — meaning a courtezan; but we can well understand that Chaucer thought it prudent, and at the same time more true to the moral state of the English Court, to change the character assigned to Envy. He means that Envy is perpetually at Court, like some garrulous, bitter old woman employed there in the most servile offices, who remains at her post through all the changes among the courtiers. The passage cited from Dante will be found in the “Inferno,” canto xiii. 64 —

        69.

        23. Chaucer says that the usurping lords who seized on the government of the free Lombard cities, had no regard for any rule of government save sheer tyranny — but a natural lord, and no usurper, ought not to be a tyrant.

        24. Farmer: one who merely farms power or revenue for his own purposes and his own gain.

        25. This was the first version of the Knight’s tale. See the introductory note, above

        26. Boece: Boethius’ “De Consolatione Philosophiae;” to which frequent reference is made in The Canterbury Tales. See, for instances, note 91 to the Knight’s Tale; and note 34 to the Squire’s Tale.

        27. A poem entitled “The Lamentation of Mary Magdalene,”

        said to have been “taken out of St Origen,” is included in the editions of Chaucer; but its authenticity, and consequently its identity with the poem here mentioned, are doubted.

        28. For the story of Alcestis, see note 11 to “The Court of Love.”

        29. “For he who gives a gift, or doth a grace, Do it betimes, his thank is well the more”

        A paraphrase of the well-known proverb, “Bis dat qui cito dat.”

        (“He gives twice who gives promptly”)

        30. The same prohibition occurs in the Fifteenth Statute of “The Court of Love.”

        31. Chaucer is always careful to allege his abstinence from the pursuits of gallantry; he does so prominently in “The Court of Love,” “The Assembly of Fowls,” and “The House of Fame.”

        32. Pity runneth soon in gentle heart: the same is said of Theseus, in The Knight’s Tale, and of Canace, by the falcon, in The Squire’s Tale.

        33. Stellify: assign to a place among the stars; as Jupiter did to Andromeda and Cassiopeia.

        34. Agathon: there was an Athenian dramatist of this name, who might have made the virtues and fortunes of Alcestis his theme; but the reference is too vague for the author to be identified with any confidence.

        CHAUCER’S A. B. C. <1>

        CALLED

        LA PRIERE DE NOSTRE DAME <2>

        A.

        ALMIGHTY and all-merciable* Queen, *all-merciful To whom all this world fleeth for succour, To have release of sin, of sorrow, of teen! affliction Glorious Virgin! of all flowers flow’r, To thee I flee, confounded in errour!

        Help and relieve, almighty debonair, gracious, gentle Have mercy of my perilous languour!

        Vanquish’d me hath my cruel adversair.

        B.

        Bounty* so fix’d hath in thy heart his tent, goodness, charity That well I wot thou wilt my succour be; Thou canst not warne that* with good intent refuse he who

        Asketh thy help, thy heart is ay so free!

        Thou art largess* of plein** felicity, liberal bestower *full Haven and refuge of quiet and rest!

        Lo! how that thieves seven <3> chase me!

        Help, Lady bright, ere that my ship to-brest! be broken to pieces C.

        Comfort is none, but in you, Lady dear!

        For lo! my sin and my confusion,

        Which ought not in thy presence to appear, Have ta’en on me a grievous action, control Of very right and desperation!

        And, as by right, they mighte well sustene That I were worthy my damnation,

        Ne were it mercy of you, blissful Queen!

        D.

        Doubt is there none, Queen of misericorde, compassion That thou art cause of grace and mercy here; God vouchesaf’d, through thee, with us t’accord; to be reconciled For, certes, Christe’s blissful mother dear!

        Were now the bow y-bent, in such mannere As it was first, of justice and of ire, The rightful God would of no mercy hear; But through thee have we grace as we desire.

        E.

        Ever hath my hope of refuge in thee be’; For herebefore full oft in many a wise Unto mercy hast thou received me.

        But mercy, Lady! at the great assize,

        When we shall come before the high Justice!

        So little fruit shall then in me be found, That,* thou ere that day correcte me, *unless Of very right my work will me confound.

        F.

        Flying, I flee for succour to thy tent, Me for to hide from tempest full of dread; Beseeching you, that ye you not absent, Though I be wick’. O help yet at this need!

        All* have I been a beast in wit and deed, although Yet, Lady! thou me close in with thy grace; Thine enemy and mine,* — Lady, take heed! — the devil

        Unto my death in point is me to chase.

        G.

        Gracious Maid and Mother! which that never Wert bitter nor in earthe nor in sea, <4>

        But full of sweetness and of mercy ever, Help, that my Father be not wroth with me!

        Speak thou, for I ne dare Him not see; So have I done in earth, alas the while!

        That, certes, but if thou my succour be, To sink etern He will my ghost exile.

        H.

        He vouchesaf’d, tell Him, as was His will, Become a man, *as for our alliance, to ally us with god*

        And with His blood He wrote that blissful bill Upon the cross, as general acquittance To ev’ry penitent in full creance; belief And therefore, Lady bright! thou for us pray; Then shalt thou stenten* alle His grievance, *put an end to And make our foe to failen of his prey.

        I.

        I wote well thou wilt be our succour,

        Thou art so full of bounty in certain; For, when a soule falleth in errour,

        Thy pity go’th, and haleth* him again; draweth Then makest thou his peace with his Sov’reign, And bringest him out of the crooked street: Whoso thee loveth shall not love in vain, That shall he find as he the life shall lete. when he leaves life*

        K.

        Kalendares illumined be they brilliant exemplars

        That in this world be lighted with thy name; And whoso goeth with thee the right way, Him shall not dread in soule to be lame; Now, Queen of comfort! since thou art the same To whom I seeke for my medicine,

        Let not my foe no more my wound entame; injure, molest My heal into thy hand all I resign.

        L.

        Lady, thy sorrow can I not portray

        Under that cross, nor his grievous penance; But, for your bothe’s pain, I you do pray, Let not our *aller foe* make his boastance, *the foe of us all —

        That he hath in his listes, with mischance, Satan*

        Convicte that ye both have bought so dear; ensnared that which

        As I said erst, thou ground of all substance!

        Continue on us thy piteous eyen clear.

        M.

        Moses, that saw the bush of flames red Burning, of which then never a stick brenn’d, burned Was sign of thine unwemmed* maidenhead. *unblemished Thou art the bush, on which there gan descend The Holy Ghost, the which that Moses wend weened, supposed Had been on fire; and this was in figure. <5>

        Now, Lady! from the fire us do defend, Which that in hell eternally shall dure.

        N.

        Noble Princess! that never haddest peer; Certes if any comfort in us be,

        That cometh of thee, Christe’s mother dear!

        We have none other melody nor glee, pleasure Us to rejoice in our adversity;

        Nor advocate, that will and dare so pray For us, and for as little hire as ye,

        That helpe for an Ave-Mary or tway.

        O.

        O very light of eyen that be blind!

        O very lust* of labour and distress! *relief, pleasure O treasurer of bounty to mankind!

        The whom God chose to mother for humbless!

        From his ancill* <6> he made thee mistress handmaid Of heav’n and earth, our billes up to bede; offer up our petitions*

        This world awaiteth ever on thy goodness; For thou ne failedst never wight at need.

        P.

        Purpose I have sometime for to enquere Wherefore and why the Holy Ghost thee sought, When Gabrielis voice came to thine ear; He not to war* us such a wonder wrought, *afflict But for to save us, that sithens us bought: Then needeth us no weapon us to save,

        But only, where we did not as we ought, Do penitence, and mercy ask and have.

        Q.

        Queen of comfort, right when I me bethink That I aguilt* have bothe Him and thee, *offended And that my soul is worthy for to sink, Alas! I, caitiff, whither shall I flee?

        Who shall unto thy Son my meane* be? *medium of approach Who, but thyself, that art of pity well? fountain Thou hast more ruth on our adversity

        Than in this world might any tongue tell!

        R.

        Redress me, Mother, and eke me chastise!

        For certainly my Father’s chastising

        I dare not abiden in no wise,

        So hideous is his full reckoning.

        Mother! of whom our joy began to spring, Be ye my judge, and eke my soule’s leach; physician For ay in you is pity abounding

        To each that will of pity you beseech.

        S.

        Sooth is it that He granteth no pity

        Withoute thee; for God of his goodness Forgiveth none, *but it like unto thee; unless it please He hath thee made vicar and mistress thee*

        Of all this world, and eke governess

        Of heaven; and represseth his justice

        After* thy will; and therefore in witness *according to He hath thee crowned in so royal wise.

        T.
        Temple devout! where God chose his wonning,
        abode From which, these misbeliev’d deprived be,
        To you my soule penitent I bring;
        Receive me, for I can no farther flee.
        With thornes venomous, O Heaven’s Queen!
        For which the earth accursed was full yore,
        I am so wounded, as ye may well see,
        That I am lost almost, it smart so sore!

        V.
        Virgin! that art so noble of apparail,
        aspect That leadest us into the highe tow’r
        Of Paradise, thou me *wiss and counsail direct and counsel*
        How I may have thy grace and thy succour;
        All have I been in filth and in errour,
        Lady! *on that country thou me adjourn, take me to that place*
        That called is thy bench of freshe flow’r,
        There as that mercy ever shall sojourn.

        X.
        Xpe <7> thy Son, that in this world alight,
        Upon a cross to suffer his passioun,
        And suffer’d eke that Longeus his heart pight,*
        <8> *pierced And made his hearte-blood to run adown;
        And all this was for my salvatioun:
        And I to him am false and eke unkind,
        And yet he wills not my damnation;
        *This thank I you,* succour of all mankind!
        for this I am indebted to you

        Y.
        Ysaac was figure of His death certain,
        That so farforth his father would obey,
        That him ne raughte nothing to be slain; he cared not
        Right so thy Son list as a lamb to dey: die
        Now, Lady full of mercy! I you pray,
        Since he his mercy ‘sured me so large,
        Be ye not scant, for all we sing and say,
        That ye be from vengeance alway our targe. shield, defence

        Z.
        Zachary you calleth the open well <9>
        That washed sinful soul out of his guilt;
        Therefore this lesson out I will to tell,
        That, n’ere* thy tender hearte, we were spilt.* were it not for
        Now, Lady brighte! since thou canst and wilt, *destroyed, undone*
        Be to the seed of Adam merciable; merciful
        Bring us unto that palace that is built
        To penitents that be *to mercy able! fit to receive mercy*

        Explicit. The end Notes to Chaucer’s A. B. C.

        1. Chaucer’s A. B. C. — a prayer to the Virgin, in twenty three verses, beginning with the letters of the alphabet in their order — is said to have been written “at the request of Blanche, Duchess of Lancaster, as a prayer for her private use, being a woman in her religion very devout.” It was first printed in Speght’s edition of 1597.
        2. La Priere De Nostre Dame: French, “The Prayer of Our Lady.”
        3. Thieves seven: i.e. the seven deadly sins 4. Mary’s name recalls the waters of “Marah” or bitterness (Exod. xv. 23), or the prayer of Naomi in her grief that she might be called not Naomi, but “Mara” (Ruth i. 20). Mary, however, is understood to mean “exalted.”
        5. A typical representation. See The Prioress’s Tale, third stanza.
        6. The reference evidently is to Luke i. 38 — “Ecce ancilla Domini,” (“Behold the handmaid of the Lord”) the Virgin’s humble answer to Gabriel at the Annunciation.
        7. “Xpe” represents the Greek letters chi rho epsilon, and is a contraction for “Christe.”
        8. According to tradition, the soldier who struck the Saviour to the heart with his spear was named Longeus, and was blind; but, touching his eyes by chance with the mingled blood and water that flowed down the shaft upon his hands, he was instantly restored to sight.
        9. “In that day there shall be a fountain opened to the house of David and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem for sin and for uncleanness” (Zech. xiii. 1).

        A GOODLY BALLAD OF CHAUCER.<1>

        MOTHER of nurture, best belov’d of all, And freshe flow’r, to whom good thrift God send Your child, if it lust* you me so to call, please All be I* unable myself so to pretend, *although I be To your discretion I recommend

        My heart and all, with ev’ry circumstance, All wholly to be under your governance.

        Most desire I, and have and ever shall, Thinge which might your hearte’s ease amend Have me excus’d, my power is but small; Nathless, of right, ye oughte to commend My goode will, which fame would entend attend, strive To do you service; for my suffisance contentment Is wholly to be under your governance.

        Mieux un in heart which never shall apall, <2>

        Ay fresh and new, and right glad to dispend My time in your service, what so befall, Beseeching your excellence to defend

        My simpleness, if ignorance offend

        In any wise; since that mine affiance

        Is wholly to be under your governance.

        Daisy of light, very ground of comfort, The sunne’s daughter ye light, as I read; For when he west’reth, farewell your disport!

        By your nature alone, right for pure dread Of the rude night, that with his *boistous weed rude garment*

        Of darkness shadoweth our hemisphere,

        Then close ye, my life’s lady dear!

        Dawneth the day unto his kind resort,

        And Phoebus your father, with his streames red, Adorns the morrow, consuming the sort crowd Of misty cloudes, that would overlade

        True humble heartes with their mistihead. dimness, mistiness New comfort adaws,* when your eyen clear *dawns, awakens Disclose and spread, my life’s lady dear.

        Je voudrais* — but the greate God disposeth, *I would wish And maketh casual, by his Providence,

        Such thing as manne’s fraile wit purposeth, All for the best, if that your conscience Not grudge it, but in humble patience

        It receive; for God saith, withoute fable, A faithful heart ever is acceptable.

        Cauteles* whoso useth gladly, gloseth;* cautious speeches To eschew such it is right high prudence; **deceiveth What ye said ones mine heart opposeth, That my writing japes* in your absence *jests, coarse stories Pleased you much better than my presence: Yet can I more; ye be not excusable;

        A faithful heart is ever acceptable.

        Quaketh my pen; my spirit supposeth

        That in my writing ye will find offence; Mine hearte welketh* thus; anon it riseth; *withers, faints Now hot, now cold, and after in fervence; That is amiss, is caus’d of negligence, And not of malice; therefore be merciable; A faithful heart is ever acceptable.

        L’Envoy.

        Forthe, complaint! forth, lacking eloquence; Forth little letter, of enditing lame!

        I have besought my lady’s sapience

        On thy behalfe, to accept in game

        Thine inability; do thou the same.

        Abide! have more yet! *Je serve Joyesse! I serve Joy*

        Now forth, I close thee in holy Venus’ name!

        Thee shall unclose my hearte’s governess.

        Notes To a Goodly Ballad Of Chaucer

        1. This elegant little poem is believed to have been addressed to Margaret, Countess of Pembroke, in whose name Chaucer found one of those opportunities of praising the daisy he never lost. (Transcriber’s note: Modern scholars believe that Chaucer was not the author of this poem)

        2. Mieux un in heart which never shall apall: better one who in heart shall never pall — whose love will never weary.

        A BALLAD SENT TO KING RICHARD.

        SOMETIME this world was so steadfast and stable, That man’s word was held obligation;

        And now it is so false and deceivable, deceitful That word and work, as in conclusion,

        Be nothing one; for turned up so down

        Is all this world, through meed* and wilfulness, *bribery That all is lost for lack of steadfastness.

        What makes this world to be so variable, But lust* that folk have in dissension? *pleasure For now-a-days a man is held unable fit for nothing But if he can, by some collusion,** unless *fraud, trick Do his neighbour wrong or oppression.

        What causeth this but wilful wretchedness, That all is lost for lack of steadfastness?

        Truth is put down, reason is holden fable; Virtue hath now no domination;

        Pity exil’d, no wight is merciable;

        Through covetise is blent* discretion; *blinded The worlde hath made permutation

        From right to wrong, from truth to fickleness, That all is lost for lack of steadfastness.

        L’Envoy.

        O Prince! desire to be honourable;

        Cherish thy folk, and hate extortion;

        Suffer nothing that may be reprovable a subject of reproach To thine estate, done in thy region; kingdom Show forth the sword of castigation;

        Dread God, do law, love thorough worthiness, And wed thy folk again to steadfastness!

        L’ENVOY OF CHAUCER TO BUKTON. <1>

        My Master Bukton, when of Christ our King Was asked, What is truth or soothfastness?

        He not a word answer’d to that asking, As who saith, no man is all true, I guess; And therefore, though I highte* to express *promised The sorrow and woe that is in marriage, I dare not write of it no wickedness,

        Lest I myself fall eft* in such dotage.* again **folly I will not say how that it is the chain Of Satanas, on which he gnaweth ever;

        But I dare say, were he out of his pain, As by his will he would be bounden never.

        But thilke* doated fool that eft had lever *that Y-chained be, than out of prison creep, God let him never from his woe dissever, Nor no man him bewaile though he weep!

        But yet, lest thou do worse, take a wife; Bet is to wed than burn in worse wise; <2>

        But thou shalt have sorrow on thy flesh *thy life, all thy life*

        And be thy wife’s thrall, as say these wise.

        And if that Holy Writ may not suffice, Experience shall thee teache, so may hap, That thee were lever to be taken in Frise, <3>

        Than eft* to fall of wedding in the trap. again This little writ, proverbes, or figure, I sende you; take keep of it, I read! heed “Unwise is he that can no weal endure; If thou be sicker, put thee not in dread.”* in security **danger The Wife of Bath I pray you that you read, Of this mattere which that we have on hand.

        God grante you your life freely to lead In freedom, for full hard is to be bond.

        Notes to L’Envoy of Chaucer to Bukton.

        1. Tyrwhitt, founding on the reference to the Wife of Bath, places this among Chaucer’s latest compositions; and states that one Peter de Bukton held the office of king’s escheator for Yorkshire in 1397. In some of the old editions, the verses were made the Envoy to the Book of the Duchess Blanche — in very bad taste, when we consider that the object of that poem was to console John of Gaunt under the loss of his wife.

        2. “But if they cannot contain, let them marry: for it is better to marry than to burn.” 1 Cor. vii. 9

        3. Lever to be taken in Frise: better to be taken prisoner in Friesland — where probably some conflict was raging at the time.

        A BALLAD OF GENTLENESS.

        THE firste stock-father of gentleness, <1>

        What man desireth gentle for to be,

        Must follow his trace, and all his wittes dress, apply Virtue to love, and vices for to flee; For unto virtue longeth dignity,

        And not the reverse, safely dare I deem, *All wear he* mitre, crown, or diademe. whether he wear

        This firste stock was full of righteousness, True of his word, sober, pious, and free, Clean of his ghost, and loved business, pure of spirit

        Against the vice of sloth, in honesty; And, but his heir love virtue as did he, He is not gentle, though he riche seem, All wear he mitre, crown, or diademe.

        Vice may well be heir to old richess,

        But there may no man, as men may well see, Bequeath his heir his virtuous nobless; That is appropried* to no degree, *specially reserved But to the first Father in majesty,

        Which makes his heire him that doth him queme, please All wear he mitre, crown, or diademe.

        Notes to A Ballad of Gentleness

        1. The firste stock-father of gentleness: Christ THE COMPLAINT OF CHAUCER TO HIS PURSE.

        To you, my purse, and to none other wight, Complain I, for ye be my lady dear!

        I am sorry now that ye be so light,

        For certes ye now make me heavy cheer; Me were as lief be laid upon my bier.

        For which unto your mercy thus I cry,

        Be heavy again, or elles must I die!

        Now vouchesafe this day, ere it be night, That I of you the blissful sound may hear, Or see your colour like the sunne bright, That of yellowness hadde peer.

        Ye be my life! Ye be my hearte’s steer! rudder Queen of comfort and of good company!

        Be heavy again, or elles must I die!

        Now, purse! that art to me my life’s light And savour, as down in this worlde here, Out of this towne help me through your might, Since that you will not be my treasurere; For I am shave as nigh as any frere. <1>

        But now I pray unto your courtesy,

        Be heavy again, or elles must I die!

        Chaucer’s Envoy to the King.

        O conqueror of Brute’s Albion, <2>

        Which by lineage and free election

        Be very king, this song to you I send; And ye which may all mine harm amend,

        Have mind upon my supplication!

        Notes to The Complaint of Chaucer to his Purse 1. “I am shave as nigh as any frere” i.e. “I am as bare of coin as a friar’s tonsure of hair.”

        2. Brute, or Brutus, was the legendary first king of Britain.

        GOOD COUNSEL OF CHAUCER. <1>

        FLEE from the press, and dwell with soothfastness; Suffice thee thy good, though it be small; For hoard hath hate, and climbing tickleness, instability Press hath envy, and *weal is blent* o’er all, prosperity is blinded

        Savour* no more than thee behove shall; have a taste for Read well thyself, that other folk canst read; *counsel And truth thee shall deliver, it is no dread. doubt Paine thee not each crooked to redress, In trust of her that turneth as a ball; <2>

        Great rest standeth in little business: Beware also to spurn against a nail; <3>

        Strive not as doth a crocke* with a wall; earthen pot Deeme thyself that deemest others’ deed, *judge And truth thee shall deliver, it is no dread.

        What thee is sent, receive in buxomness; submission The wrestling of this world asketh a fall; Here is no home, here is but wilderness.

        Forth, pilgrim! Forthe beast, out of thy stall!

        Look up on high, and thank thy God of all!

        *Weive thy lust,* and let thy ghost* thee lead, forsake thy And truth thee shall deliver, it is no dread. inclinations

        *spirit Notes to Good Counsel of Chaucer

        1. This poem is said to have been composed by Chaucer “upon his deathbed, lying in anguish.”

        2. Her that turneth as a ball: Fortune.

        3. To spurn against a nail; “against the pricks.”

        PROVERBS OF CHAUCER. <1>

        WHAT should these clothes thus manifold, Lo! this hot summer’s day?

        After great heate cometh cold;

        No man cast his pilche* away. *pelisse, furred cloak Of all this world the large compass

        Will not in mine arms twain;

        Who so muche will embrace,

        Little thereof he shall distrain. grasp The world so wide, the air so remuable, unstable The silly man so little of stature;

        The green of ground and clothing so mutable, The fire so hot and subtile of nature; The water *never in one* — what creature never the same

        That made is of these foure <2> thus flitting, May steadfast be, as here, in his living?

        The more I go, the farther I am behind; The farther behind, the nearer my war’s end; The more I seek, the worse can I find; The lighter leave, the lother for to wend; <3>

        The better I live, the more out of mind; Is this fortune, n’ot I, or infortune; I know not misfortune Though I go loose, tied am I with a loigne. line, tether Notes to Proverbs of Chaucer

        1. (Transcriber’s Note: Modern scholars believe that Chaucer’s may have been the author of the first stanza of this poem, but was not the author of the second and third).

        2. These foure: that is, the four elements, of which man was believed to be composed.

        3. The lighter leave, the lother for to wend: The more easy (through age) for me to depart, the less willing I am to go.

        VIRELAY. <1>

        ALONE walking

        In thought plaining,

        And sore sighing;

        All desolate,

        Me rememb’ring

        Of my living;

        My death wishing

        Both early and late.

        Infortunate

        Is so my fate,

        That, wot ye what?

        Out of measure

        My life I hate;

        Thus desperate,

        In such poor estate,

        Do I endure.

        Of other cure

        Am I not sure;

        Thus to endure

        Is hard, certain;

        Such is my ure, destiny <2>

        I you ensure;

        What creature

        May have more pain?

        My truth so plain

        Is taken in vain,

        And great disdain

        In remembrance;

        Yet I full fain

        Would me complain,

        Me to abstain

        From this penance.

        But, in substance,

        None alleggeance alleviation Of my grievance

        Can I not find;

        Right so my chance,

        With displeasance,

        Doth me advance;

        And thus an end.

        Notes to Virelay

        1. (Transcriber’s note: Modern scholars believe that Chaucer was not the author of this poem)

        2. Ure: “heur,” or destiny; the same word that enters into “bonheur” and “malheur.” (French: happiness & unhappiness) “SINCE I FROM LOVE.” <1>

        SINCE I from Love escaped am so fat,

        I ne’er think to be in his prison ta’en; Since I am free, I count him not a bean.

        He may answer, and saye this and that; I *do no force,* I speak right as I mean; care not

        Since I from Love escaped am so fat.

        Love hath my name struck out of his slat, slate, list And he is struck out of my bookes clean, For ever more; there is none other mean; Since I from Love escaped am so fat.

        Notes to “Since I from Love”

        1. (Transcriber’s note: Modern scholars believe that Chaucer was not the author of this poem)

        CHAUCER’S WORDS TO HIS SCRIVENER.

        ADAM Scrivener, if ever it thee befall Boece or Troilus for to write anew,

        Under thy long locks thou may’st have the scall scab But *after my making* thou write more true! according to my So oft a day I must thy work renew, composing

        It to correct, and eke to rub and scrape; And all is through thy negligence and rape. haste CHAUCER’S PROPHECY. <1>

        WHEN priestes *failen in their saws, come short of their And lordes turne Godde’s laws profession*

        Against the right; And lechery is holden as *privy solace, secret delight*

        And robbery as free purchase,

        Beware then of ill!

        Then shall the Land of Albion

        Turne to confusion,

        As sometime it befell.

        Ora pro Anglia Sancta Maria, quod

        Thomas Cantuaria. <2>

        Sweet Jesus, heaven’s King,

        Fair and best of all thing,

        You bring us out of this mourning,

        To come to thee at our ending!

        Notes to Chaucer’s Prophecy.

        1. (Transcriber’s note: Modern scholars believe that Chaucer was not the author of this poem)

        2. “Holy Mary, pray for England, as does Thomas of Canterbury” (i.e. St Thomas a Beckett) The end of the Project Gutenberg e-text of The Canterbury Tales and Other Poems by Geoffrey Chaucer.

      14. Geoffrey Chaucer《The Canterbury Tales and Other Poems》1

        THE CANTERBURY TALES
        The General Prologue
        The Knight’s Tale
        The Miller’s tale
        The Reeve’s Tale
        The Cook’s Tale
        The Man of Law’s Tale
        The Wife of Bath’s Tale
        The Friar’s Tale
        The Sompnour’s Tale
        The Clerk’s Tale
        The Merchant’s Tale
        The Squire’s Tale
        The Franklin’s Tale
        The Doctor’s Tale
        The Pardoner’s Tale
        The Shipman’s Tale
        The Prioress’s Tale
        Chaucer’s Tale of Sir Thopas
        Chaucer’s Tale of Meliboeus
        The Monk’s Tale
        The Nun’s Priest’s Tale
        The Second Nun’s Tale
        The Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale
        The Manciple’s Tale
        The Parson’s Tale
        Preces de Chauceres

        THE PROLOGUE

        WHEN that Aprilis, with his showers swoot, sweet
        The drought of March hath pierced to the root,
        And bathed every vein in such licour,
        Of which virtue engender’d is the flower;
        When Zephyrus eke with his swoote breath
        Inspired hath in every holt* and heath grove, forest
        The tender croppes and the younge sun *twigs, boughs
        Hath in the Ram <1> his halfe course y-run,
        And smalle fowles make melody,
        That sleepen all the night with open eye, (So pricketh them nature in their corages*); *hearts, inclinations
        Then longe folk to go on pilgrimages,
        And palmers <2> for to seeke strange strands,
        To *ferne hallows couth* in sundry lands; distant saints known<3>
        And specially, from every shire’s end
        Of Engleland, to Canterbury they wend,
        The holy blissful Martyr for to seek,
        That them hath holpen*, when that they were sick. *helped

        Befell that, in that season on a day,
        In Southwark at the Tabard <4> as I lay,
        Ready to wenden on my pilgrimage
        To Canterbury with devout corage,
        At night was come into that hostelry
        Well nine and twenty in a company
        Of sundry folk, *by aventure y-fall who had by chance fallen In fellowship, and pilgrims were they all, into company.* <5>
        That toward Canterbury woulde ride.

        The chamber, and the stables were wide,
        And well we weren eased at the best. we were well provided
        And shortly, when the sunne was to rest, with the best
        So had I spoken with them every one,
        That I was of their fellowship anon,
        And made forword* early for to rise, promise
        To take our way there as I you devise. *describe, relate
        But natheless, while I have time and space,
        Ere that I farther in this tale pace,
        Me thinketh it accordant to reason,
        To tell you alle the condition
        Of each of them, so as it seemed me,
        And which they weren, and of what degree;
        And eke in what array that they were in:
        And at a Knight then will I first begin.

        A KNIGHT there was, and that a worthy man,
        That from the time that he first began
        To riden out, he loved chivalry,
        Truth and honour, freedom and courtesy.
        Full worthy was he in his Lorde’s war,
        And thereto had he ridden, no man farre, farther
        As well in Christendom as in Heatheness,
        And ever honour’d for his worthiness
        At Alisandre <6> he was when it was won.
        Full often time he had the board begun
        Above alle nations in Prusse.<7>
        In Lettowe had he reysed,* and in Russe, *journeyed
        No Christian man so oft of his degree.
        In Grenade at the siege eke had he be
        Of Algesir, and ridden in Belmarie. <8>

        At Leyes was he, and at Satalie,
        When they were won; and in the Greate Sea
        At many a noble army had he be.
        At mortal battles had he been fifteen,
        And foughten for our faith at Tramissene.
        In listes thries, and aye slain his foe.
        This ilke* worthy knight had been also *same <9>
        Some time with the lord of Palatie,
        Against another heathen in Turkie:
        And evermore *he had a sovereign price*.
        He was held in very And though that he was worthy he was wise, high esteem.
        And of his port as meek as is a maid.

        He never yet no villainy ne said
        In all his life, unto no manner wight.
        He was a very perfect gentle knight.
        But for to telle you of his array,
        His horse was good, but yet he was not gay.
        Of fustian he weared a gipon*, short doublet
        Alle besmotter’d with his habergeon,* soiled by his coat of mail.

        For he was late y-come from his voyage,
        And wente for to do his pilgrimage.
        With him there was his son, a younge SQUIRE,
        A lover, and a lusty bacheler,
        With lockes crulle* as they were laid in press. *curled
        Of twenty year of age he was I guess.

        Of his stature he was of even length,
        And *wonderly deliver*, and great of strength. wonderfully nimble
        And he had been some time in chevachie, cavalry raids In Flanders, in Artois, and Picardie,
        And borne him well, *as of so little space*, in such a short time
        In hope to standen in his lady’s grace.

        Embroider’d was he, as it were a mead
        All full of freshe flowers, white and red.
        Singing he was, or fluting all the day;
        He was as fresh as is the month of May.
        Short was his gown, with sleeves long and wide.
        Well could he sit on horse, and faire ride.
        He coulde songes make, and well indite, Joust, and eke dance, and well pourtray and write.
        So hot he loved, that by nightertale night-time
        He slept no more than doth the nightingale.
        Courteous he was, lowly, and serviceable,
        And carv’d before his father at the table.<10>

        A YEOMAN had he, and servants no mo’
        At that time, for *him list ride so* it pleased him so to ride
        And he was clad in coat and hood of green.
        A sheaf of peacock arrows<11> bright and keen
        Under his belt he bare full thriftily.
        Well could he dress his tackle yeomanly: His arrows drooped not with feathers low; And in his hand he bare a mighty bow.

        A nut-head <12> had he, with a brown visiage: Of wood-craft coud* he well all the usage: knew Upon his arm he bare a gay bracer, *small shield And by his side a sword and a buckler, And on that other side a gay daggere,
        Harnessed well, and sharp as point of spear:
        A Christopher on his breast of silver sheen.
        An horn he bare, the baldric was of green:
        A forester was he soothly* as I guess. *certainly
        There was also a Nun, a PRIORESS,
        That of her smiling was full simple and coy; Her greatest oathe was but by Saint Loy; And she was cleped* Madame Eglentine. *called Full well she sang the service divine, Entuned in her nose full seemly;
        And French she spake full fair and fetisly properly After the school of Stratford atte Bow, For French of Paris was to her unknow.

        At meate was she well y-taught withal;
        She let no morsel from her lippes fall,
        Nor wet her fingers in her sauce deep.
        Well could she carry a morsel, and well keep,
        That no droppe ne fell upon her breast.
        In courtesy was set full much her lest*. *pleasure Her over-lippe wiped she so clean,
        That in her cup there was no farthing* seen speck
        Of grease, when she drunken had her draught;
        Full seemely after her meat she raught: reached out her hand
        And sickerly she was of great disport*, surely she was of a lively
        And full pleasant, and amiable of port, disposition
        And pained her to counterfeite cheer took pains to assume
        Of court,* and be estately of mannere, a courtly disposition*
        And to be holden digne* of reverence. *worthy
        But for to speaken of her conscience,
        She was so charitable and so pitous, full of pity
        She woulde weep if that she saw a mouse
        Caught in a trap, if it were dead or bled.
        Of smalle houndes had she, that she fed
        With roasted flesh, and milk, and *wastel bread.* finest white bread

        But sore she wept if one of them were dead,
        Or if men smote it with a yarde* smart: *staff
        And all was conscience and tender heart.
        Full seemly her wimple y-pinched was;
        Her nose tretis;* her eyen gray as glass;<13> *well-formed
        Her mouth full small, and thereto soft and red;
        But sickerly she had a fair forehead.

        It was almost a spanne broad I trow;
        For *hardily she was not undergrow*. certainly she was not small
        Full fetis* was her cloak, as I was ware. *neat
        Of small coral about her arm she bare
        A pair of beades, gauded all with green;
        And thereon hung a brooch of gold full sheen,
        On which was first y-written a crown’d A, And after, *Amor vincit omnia.* love conquers all
        Another Nun also with her had she,[That was her chapelleine, and PRIESTES three.]
        A MONK there was, a fair for the mast’ry, above all others<14>
        An out-rider, that loved venery*; *hunting A manly man, to be an abbot able.

        Full many a dainty horse had he in stable: And when he rode, men might his bridle hear Jingeling <15> in a whistling wind as clear, And eke as loud, as doth the chapel bell, There as this lord was keeper of the cell.

        The rule of Saint Maur and of Saint Benet, <16>
        Because that it was old and somedeal strait This ilke* monk let olde thinges pace, *same
        And held after the newe world the trace.
        He *gave not of the text a pulled hen,* he cared nothing
        That saith, that hunters be not holy men: for the text
        Ne that a monk, when he is cloisterless; Is like to a fish that is waterless;
        This is to say, a monk out of his cloister.

        This ilke text held he not worth an oyster;
        And I say his opinion was good.
        Why should he study, and make himselfe wood mad <17>

        Upon a book in cloister always pore,
        Or swinken* with his handes, and labour, *toil As Austin bid? how shall the world be served?
        Let Austin have his swink to him reserved.

        Therefore he was a prickasour* aright: hard rider Greyhounds he had as swift as fowl of flight; Of pricking and of hunting for the hare riding Was all his lust, for no cost would he spare. pleasure I saw his sleeves purfil’d at the hand worked at the end with a With gris, and that the finest of the land. fur called “gris”*

        And for to fasten his hood under his chin, He had of gold y-wrought a curious pin; A love-knot in the greater end there was.

        His head was bald, and shone as any glass, And eke his face, as it had been anoint; He was a lord full fat and in good point; His eyen steep,* and rolling in his head, *deep-set That steamed as a furnace of a lead.

        His bootes supple, his horse in great estate, Now certainly he was a fair prelate;

        He was not pale as a forpined* ghost; *wasted A fat swan lov’d he best of any roast.

        His palfrey was as brown as is a berry.

        A FRIAR there was, a wanton and a merry, A limitour <18>, a full solemne man.

        In all the orders four is none that can knows So much of dalliance and fair language.

        He had y-made full many a marriage
        Of younge women, at his owen cost.
        Unto his order he was a noble post;
        Full well belov’d, and familiar was he With franklins *over all* in his country, everywhere
        And eke with worthy women of the town:
        For he had power of confession,
        As said himselfe, more than a curate,
        For of his order he was licentiate.
        Full sweetely heard he confession,
        And pleasant was his absolution.
        He was an easy man to give penance,
        There as he wist to have a good pittance: where he know he would For unto a poor order for to give get good payment

        Is signe that a man is well y-shrive.

        For if he gave, he durste make avant, dared to boast

        He wiste* that the man was repentant. *knew For many a man so hard is of his heart, He may not weep although him sore smart.

        Therefore instead of weeping and prayeres, Men must give silver to the poore freres.

        His tippet was aye farsed* full of knives *stuffed And pinnes, for to give to faire wives; And certainly he had a merry note:
        Well could he sing and playen *on a rote*; from memory
        Of yeddings* he bare utterly the prize. *songs His neck was white as is the fleur-de-lis.

        Thereto he strong was as a champion,
        And knew well the taverns in every town.
        And every hosteler and gay tapstere,
        Better than a lazar* or a beggere, *leper For unto such a worthy man as he
        Accordeth not, as by his faculty,
        To have with such lazars acquaintance.
        It is not honest, it may not advance,
        As for to deale with no such pouraille*, offal, refuse But all with rich, and sellers of vitaille. victuals And ov’r all there as* profit should arise, *in every place where&

        Courteous he was, and lowly of service; There n’as no man nowhere so virtuous.

        He was the beste beggar in all his house:
        And gave a certain farme for the grant, <19>
        None of his bretheren came in his haunt.
        For though a widow hadde but one shoe,
        So pleasant was his In Principio,<20>
        Yet would he have a farthing ere he went;
        His purchase was well better than his rent.

        And rage he could and play as any whelp, In lovedays <21>; there could he muchel* help. *greatly For there was he not like a cloisterer, With threadbare cope as is a poor scholer; But he was like a master or a pope.

        Of double worsted was his semicope, short cloak
        That rounded was as a bell out of press.
        Somewhat he lisped for his wantonness, To make his English sweet upon his tongue; And in his harping, when that he had sung, His eyen* twinkled in his head aright, *eyes As do the starres in a frosty night.

        This worthy limitour <18> was call’d Huberd.

        A MERCHANT was there with a forked beard, In motley, and high on his horse he sat, Upon his head a Flandrish beaver hat.

        His bootes clasped fair and fetisly*. *neatly His reasons aye spake he full solemnly, Sounding alway th’ increase of his winning.

        He would the sea were kept <22> for any thing Betwixte Middleburg and Orewell<23>

        Well could he in exchange shieldes* sell *crown coins <24>

        This worthy man full well his wit beset*; employed
        There wiste no wight** that he was in debt, knew *man
        So estately was he of governance so well he managed
        With his bargains, and with his chevisance*. *business contract For sooth he was a worthy man withal,
        But sooth to say, I n’ot* how men him call. know not A CLERK there was of Oxenford also, Oxford That unto logic hadde long y-go. *devoted himself As leane was his horse as is a rake,
        And he was not right fat, I undertake; But looked hollow*, and thereto soberly**. thin; *poorly
        Full threadbare was his overest courtepy, uppermost short cloak
        For he had gotten him yet no benefice, Ne was not worldly, to have an office.

        For him was lever* have at his bed’s head *rather Twenty bookes, clothed in black or red, Of Aristotle, and his philosophy,
        Than robes rich, or fiddle, or psalt’ry.
        But all be that he was a philosopher,
        Yet hadde he but little gold in coffer, But all that he might of his friendes hent, obtain On bookes and on learning he it spent, And busily gan for the soules pray

        Of them that gave him <25> wherewith to scholay study Of study took he moste care and heed.

        Not one word spake he more than was need; And that was said in form and reverence, And short and quick, and full of high sentence.

        Sounding in moral virtue was his speech, And gladly would he learn, and gladly teach.

        A SERGEANT OF THE LAW, wary and wise,
        That often had y-been at the Parvis, <26>
        There was also, full rich of excellence.

        Discreet he was, and of great reverence:
        He seemed such, his wordes were so wise, Justice he was full often in assize,
        By patent, and by plein* commission; *full For his science, and for his high renown, Of fees and robes had he many one.

        So great a purchaser was nowhere none.

        All was fee simple to him, in effect
        His purchasing might not be in suspect suspicion
        Nowhere so busy a man as he there was
        And yet he seemed busier than he was
        In termes had he case’ and doomes* all *judgements
        That from the time of King Will. were fall.
        Thereto he could indite, and make a thing
        There coulde no wight *pinch at* his writing. find fault with
        And every statute coud* he plain by rote knew He rode but homely in a medley coat, multicoloured Girt with a seint of silk, with barres small; *sash Of his array tell I no longer tale.

        A FRANKELIN* was in this company; *Rich landowner White was his beard, as is the daisy.

        Of his complexion he was sanguine.

        Well lov’d he in the morn a sop in wine.

        To liven in delight was ever his won, wont For he was Epicurus’ owen son,

        That held opinion, that plein* delight *full Was verily felicity perfite.

        An householder, and that a great, was he; Saint Julian<27> he was in his country.

        His bread, his ale, was alway after one; pressed on one

        A better envined* man was nowhere none; *stored with wine Withoute bake-meat never was his house, Of fish and flesh, and that so plenteous, It snowed in his house of meat and drink, Of alle dainties that men coulde think.

        After the sundry seasons of the year,

        So changed he his meat and his soupere.

        Full many a fat partridge had he in mew, cage <28>

        And many a bream, and many a luce* in stew**<29> pike *fish-pond Woe was his cook, but if his sauce were unless

        Poignant and sharp, and ready all his gear.

        His table dormant* in his hall alway *fixed Stood ready cover’d all the longe day.

        At sessions there was he lord and sire.

        Full often time he was *knight of the shire* Member of Parliament

        An anlace*, and a gipciere** all of silk, dagger *purse Hung at his girdle, white as morning milk.

        A sheriff had he been, and a countour<30>

        Was nowhere such a worthy vavasour<31>.

        An HABERDASHER, and a CARPENTER,

        A WEBBE*, a DYER, and a TAPISER**, weaver *tapestry-maker Were with us eke, cloth’d in one livery, Of a solemn and great fraternity.

        Full fresh and new their gear y-picked* was. spruce Their knives were y-chaped not with brass, mounted But all with silver wrought full clean and well, Their girdles and their pouches every deal*. in every part

        Well seemed each of them a fair burgess, To sitten in a guild-hall, on the dais. <32>

        Evereach, for the wisdom that he can*, knew Was shapely for to be an alderman. *fitted For chattels hadde they enough and rent, And eke their wives would it well assent: And elles certain they had been to blame.

        It is full fair to be y-clep’d madame, And for to go to vigils all before,

        And have a mantle royally y-bore.<33>

        A COOK they hadde with them for the nones, occasion To boil the chickens and the marrow bones, And powder merchant tart and galingale.

        Well could he know a draught of London ale.

        He could roast, and stew, and broil, and fry, Make mortrewes, and well bake a pie.

        But great harm was it, as it thoughte me, That, on his shin a mormal* hadde he. *ulcer For blanc manger, that made he with the best <34>

        A SHIPMAN was there, *wonned far by West*: who dwelt far For ought I wot, be was of Dartemouth. to the West

        He rode upon a rouncy*, as he couth, hack All in a gown of falding to the knee. *coarse cloth A dagger hanging by a lace had he

        About his neck under his arm adown;

        The hot summer had made his hue all brown; And certainly he was a good fellaw.

        Full many a draught of wine he had y-draw From Bourdeaux-ward, while that the chapmen sleep; Of nice conscience took he no keep.

        If that he fought, and had the higher hand, *By water he sent them home to every land.* he drowned his But of his craft to reckon well his tides, prisoners

        His streames and his strandes him besides, His herberow*, his moon, and lodemanage**, harbourage There was none such, from Hull unto Carthage *pilotage<35>
        Hardy he was, and wise, I undertake:
        With many a tempest had his beard been shake.
        He knew well all the havens, as they were, From Scotland to the Cape of Finisterre, And every creek in Bretagne and in Spain: His barge y-cleped was the Magdelain.
        With us there was a DOCTOR OF PHYSIC;
        In all this worlde was there none him like To speak of physic, and of surgery:
        For he was grounded in astronomy.
        He kept his patient a full great deal

        In houres by his magic natural.

        Well could he fortune* the ascendent *make fortunate Of his images for his patient,.

        He knew the cause of every malady,

        Were it of cold, or hot, or moist, or dry, And where engender’d, and of what humour.

        He was a very perfect practisour
        The cause y-know,* and of his harm the root, known Anon he gave to the sick man his boot *remedy Full ready had he his apothecaries,

        To send his drugges and his lectuaries For each of them made other for to win Their friendship was not newe to begin Well knew he the old Esculapius,
        And Dioscorides, and eke Rufus;
        Old Hippocras, Hali, and Gallien;
        Serapion, Rasis, and Avicen;
        Averrois, Damascene, and Constantin;

        Bernard, and Gatisden, and Gilbertin. <36>

        Of his diet measurable was he,

        For it was of no superfluity,

        But of great nourishing, and digestible.

        His study was but little on the Bible.

        In sanguine* and in perse** he clad was all red *blue Lined with taffeta, and with sendall*. fine silk And yet he was but easy of dispense*: he spent very little

        He kept that he won in the pestilence. the money he made For gold in physic is a cordial; during the plague

        Therefore he loved gold in special.

        A good WIFE was there OF beside BATH,

        But she was somedeal deaf, and that was scath*. damage; pity Of cloth-making she hadde such an haunt, *skill She passed them of Ypres, and of Gaunt. <37>

        In all the parish wife was there none, That to the off’ring* before her should gon, *the offering at mass And if there did, certain so wroth was she, That she was out of alle charity

        Her coverchiefs* were full fine of ground *head-dresses I durste swear, they weighede ten pound <38>

        That on the Sunday were upon her head.

        Her hosen weren of fine scarlet red,

        Full strait y-tied, and shoes full moist* and new *fresh <39>

        Bold was her face, and fair and red of hue.

        She was a worthy woman all her live,

        Husbands at the church door had she had five, Withouten other company in youth;

        But thereof needeth not to speak as nouth*. *now And thrice had she been at Jerusalem;

        She hadde passed many a strange stream At Rome she had been, and at Bologne,

        In Galice at Saint James, <40> and at Cologne; She coude* much of wand’rng by the Way. knew Gat-toothed was she, soothly for to say. *Buck-toothed<41>

        Upon an ambler easily she sat,

        Y-wimpled well, and on her head an hat As broad as is a buckler or a targe.

        A foot-mantle about her hippes large,

        And on her feet a pair of spurres sharp.

        In fellowship well could she laugh and carp* jest, talk Of remedies of love she knew perchance For of that art she coud the olde dance. *knew A good man there was of religion,

        That was a poore PARSON of a town:

        But rich he was of holy thought and werk*. *work He was also a learned man, a clerk,

        That Christe’s gospel truly woulde preach.

        His parishens* devoutly would he teach. *parishioners Benign he was, and wonder diligent,

        And in adversity full patient:

        And such he was y-proved *often sithes*. oftentimes

        Full loth were him to curse for his tithes, But rather would he given out of doubt, Unto his poore parishens about,

        Of his off’ring, and eke of his substance.

        He could in little thing have suffisance. he was satisfied with Wide was his parish, and houses far asunder, very little

        But he ne left not, for no rain nor thunder, In sickness and in mischief to visit

        The farthest in his parish, much and lit, great and small

        Upon his feet, and in his hand a staff.

        This noble ensample to his sheep he gaf, gave That first he wrought, and afterward he taught.

        Out of the gospel he the wordes caught, And this figure he added yet thereto,

        That if gold ruste, what should iron do?

        For if a priest be foul, on whom we trust, No wonder is a lewed* man to rust: *unlearned And shame it is, if that a priest take keep, To see a shitten shepherd and clean sheep: Well ought a priest ensample for to give, By his own cleanness, how his sheep should live.

        He sette not his benefice to hire,

        And left his sheep eucumber’d in the mire, And ran unto London, unto Saint Paul’s, To seeke him a chantery<42> for souls, Or with a brotherhood to be withold: detained But dwelt at home, and kepte well his fold, So that the wolf ne made it not miscarry.

        He was a shepherd, and no mercenary.

        And though he holy were, and virtuous, He was to sinful men not dispitous* severe Nor of his speeche dangerous nor dign *disdainful But in his teaching discreet and benign.

        To drawen folk to heaven, with fairness, By good ensample, was his business:

        *But it were* any person obstinate, but if it were

        What so he were of high or low estate, Him would he snibbe* sharply for the nones**. reprove *nonce,occasion A better priest I trow that nowhere none is.

        He waited after no pomp nor reverence, Nor maked him a spiced conscience, artificial conscience

        But Christe’s lore, and his apostles’ twelve, He taught, and first he follow’d it himselve.

        With him there was a PLOUGHMAN, was his brother, That had y-laid of dung full many a fother*. ton A true swinker and a good was he, *hard worker Living in peace and perfect charity.

        God loved he beste with all his heart

        At alle times, were it gain or smart, pain, loss And then his neighebour right as himselve.

        He woulde thresh, and thereto dike*, and delve, *dig ditches For Christe’s sake, for every poore wight, Withouten hire, if it lay in his might.

        His tithes payed he full fair and well, Both of his *proper swink*, and his chattel** his own labour **goods In a tabard* he rode upon a mare. *sleeveless jerkin There was also a Reeve, and a Millere, A Sompnour, and a Pardoner also,

        A Manciple, and myself, there were no mo’.

        The MILLER was a stout carle for the nones, Full big he was of brawn, and eke of bones; That proved well, for *ov’r all where* he came, wheresoever

        At wrestling he would bear away the ram.<43>

        He was short-shouldered, broad, a thicke gnarr*, stump of wood There was no door, that he n’old heave off bar, *could not Or break it at a running with his head.

        His beard as any sow or fox was red,

        And thereto broad, as though it were a spade.

        Upon the cop* right of his nose he had *head <44>

        A wart, and thereon stood a tuft of hairs Red as the bristles of a sowe’s ears.

        His nose-thirles* blacke were and wide. *nostrils <45>

        A sword and buckler bare he by his side.

        His mouth as wide was as a furnace.

        He was a jangler, and a goliardais, buffoon <46>

        And that was most of sin and harlotries.

        Well could he steale corn, and tolle thrice And yet he had a thumb of gold, pardie.<47>

        A white coat and a blue hood weared he A baggepipe well could he blow and soun’, And therewithal he brought us out of town.

        A gentle MANCIPLE <48> was there of a temple, Of which achatours* mighte take ensample buyers For to be wise in buying of vitaille. victuals For whether that he paid, or took by taile*, on credit Algate he waited so in his achate**, always *purchase That he was aye before in good estate.

        Now is not that of God a full fair grace That such a lewed* mannes wit shall pace** unlearned *surpass The wisdom of an heap of learned men?

        Of masters had he more than thries ten, That were of law expert and curious:

        Of which there was a dozen in that house, Worthy to be stewards of rent and land Of any lord that is in Engleland,

        To make him live by his proper good,

        In honour debtless, but if he were wood, unless he were mad

        Or live as scarcely as him list desire; And able for to helpen all a shire

        In any case that mighte fall or hap;

        And yet this Manciple set their aller cap outwitted them all

        The REEVE <49> was a slender choleric man His beard was shav’d as nigh as ever he can.

        His hair was by his eares round y-shorn; His top was docked like a priest beforn Full longe were his legges, and full lean Y-like a staff, there was no calf y-seen Well could he keep a garner* and a bin storeplaces for grain There was no auditor could on him win

        Well wist he by the drought, and by the rain, The yielding of his seed and of his grain His lorde’s sheep, his neat*, and his dairy cattle His swine, his horse, his store, and his poultry, Were wholly in this Reeve’s governing, And by his cov’nant gave he reckoning, Since that his lord was twenty year of age; There could no man bring him in arrearage There was no bailiff, herd, nor other hine servant That he ne knew his sleight and his covine* tricks and cheating

        They were adrad* of him, as of the death in dread His wonning was full fair upon an heath *abode With greene trees y-shadow’d was his place.

        He coulde better than his lord purchase Full rich he was y-stored privily

        His lord well could he please subtilly, To give and lend him of his owen good, And have a thank, and yet* a coat and hood. also In youth he learned had a good mistere trade He was a well good wright, a carpentere This Reeve sate upon a right good stot, steed That was all pomely gray, and highte** Scot. dappled *called A long surcoat of perse* upon he had, *sky-blue And by his side he bare a rusty blade.

        Of Norfolk was this Reeve, of which I tell, Beside a town men clepen* Baldeswell, *call Tucked he was, as is a friar, about,

        And ever rode the *hinderest of the rout*. hindmost of the group

        A SOMPNOUR* was there with us in that place, *summoner <50>

        That had a fire-red cherubinnes face,

        For sausefleme* he was, with eyen narrow. red or pimply As hot he was and lecherous as a sparrow, With scalled browes black, and pilled beard: *scanty Of his visage children were sore afeard.

        There n’as quicksilver, litharge, nor brimstone, Boras, ceruse, nor oil of tartar none, Nor ointement that woulde cleanse or bite, That him might helpen of his whelkes* white, pustules Nor of the knobbes sitting on his cheeks. *buttons Well lov’d he garlic, onions, and leeks, And for to drink strong wine as red as blood.

        Then would he speak, and cry as he were wood; And when that he well drunken had the wine, Then would he speake no word but Latin.

        A fewe termes knew he, two or three,

        That he had learned out of some decree; No wonder is, he heard it all the day.

        And eke ye knowen well, how that a jay Can clepen* “Wat,” as well as can the Pope. call But whoso would in other thing him grope, *search Then had he spent all his philosophy,

        Aye, Questio quid juris,<51> would he cry.

        He was a gentle harlot* and a kind; *a low fellow<52>

        A better fellow should a man not find.

        He woulde suffer, for a quart of wine, A good fellow to have his concubine

        A twelvemonth, and excuse him at the full.

        Full privily a *finch eke could he pull*. “fleece” a man

        And if he found owhere* a good fellaw, *anywhere He woulde teache him to have none awe

        In such a case of the archdeacon’s curse; But if a manne’s soul were in his purse; unless

        For in his purse he should y-punished be.

        “Purse is the archedeacon’s hell,” said he.

        But well I wot, he lied right indeed:

        Of cursing ought each guilty man to dread, For curse will slay right as assoiling* saveth; *absolving And also ‘ware him of a significavit<53>.

        In danger had he at his owen guise

        The younge girles of the diocese, <54>

        And knew their counsel, and was of their rede*. *counsel A garland had he set upon his head,

        As great as it were for an alestake*: *The post of an alehouse sign A buckler had he made him of a cake.

        With him there rode a gentle PARDONERE <55>

        Of Ronceval, his friend and his compere, That straight was comen from the court of Rome.

        Full loud he sang, “Come hither, love, to me”

        This Sompnour *bare to him a stiff burdoun*, sang the bass

        Was never trump of half so great a soun’.

        This Pardoner had hair as yellow as wax, But smooth it hung, as doth a strike* of flax: *strip By ounces hung his lockes that he had, And therewith he his shoulders oversprad.

        Full thin it lay, by culpons* one and one, *locks, shreds But hood for jollity, he weared none,

        For it was trussed up in his wallet.

        Him thought he rode all of the *newe get*, latest fashion<56>

        Dishevel, save his cap, he rode all bare.

        Such glaring eyen had he, as an hare.

        A vernicle* had he sew’d upon his cap. *image of Christ <57>

        His wallet lay before him in his lap,

        Bretful* of pardon come from Rome all hot. *brimful A voice he had as small as hath a goat.

        No beard had he, nor ever one should have.

        As smooth it was as it were new y-shave; I trow he were a gelding or a mare.

        But of his craft, from Berwick unto Ware, Ne was there such another pardonere.

        For in his mail* he had a pillowbere**, bag <58> *pillowcase Which, as he saide, was our Lady’s veil: He said, he had a gobbet* of the sail piece That Sainte Peter had, when that he went Upon the sea, till Jesus Christ him hent. took hold of He had a cross of latoun full of stones, *copper And in a glass he hadde pigge’s bones.

        But with these relics, whenne that he fond A poore parson dwelling upon lond,

        Upon a day he got him more money

        Than that the parson got in moneths tway; And thus with feigned flattering and japes, jests He made the parson and the people his apes.

        But truely to tellen at the last,

        He was in church a noble ecclesiast.

        Well could he read a lesson or a story, But alderbest* he sang an offertory: best of all For well he wiste, when that song was sung, He muste preach, and well afile his tongue, *polish To winne silver, as he right well could: Therefore he sang full merrily and loud.

        Now have I told you shortly in a clause Th’ estate, th’ array, the number, and eke the cause Why that assembled was this company

        In Southwark at this gentle hostelry,

        That highte the Tabard, fast by the Bell.<59>

        But now is time to you for to tell

        *How that we baren us that ilke night*, what we did that same night

        When we were in that hostelry alight.

        And after will I tell of our voyage,

        And all the remnant of our pilgrimage.

        But first I pray you of your courtesy, That ye arette it not my villainy, count it not rudeness in me

        Though that I plainly speak in this mattere.

        To tellen you their wordes and their cheer; Not though I speak their wordes properly.

        For this ye knowen all so well as I,

        Whoso shall tell a tale after a man,

        He must rehearse, as nigh as ever he can, Every word, if it be in his charge,

        All speak he ne’er so rudely and so large; let him speak

        Or elles he must tell his tale untrue, Or feigne things, or finde wordes new.

        He may not spare, although he were his brother; He must as well say one word as another.

        Christ spake Himself full broad in Holy Writ, And well ye wot no villainy is it.

        Eke Plato saith, whoso that can him read, The wordes must be cousin to the deed.

        Also I pray you to forgive it me,

        All have I not set folk in their degree, although I have

        Here in this tale, as that they shoulden stand: My wit is short, ye may well understand.

        Great cheere made our Host us every one, And to the supper set he us anon:

        And served us with victual of the best.

        Strong was the wine, and well to drink us lest*. *pleased A seemly man Our Hoste was withal

        For to have been a marshal in an hall.

        A large man he was with eyen steep, deep-set.

        A fairer burgess is there none in Cheap<60>: Bold of his speech, and wise and well y-taught, And of manhoode lacked him right naught.

        Eke thereto was he right a merry man,

        And after supper playen he began,

        And spake of mirth amonges other things, When that we hadde made our reckonings; And saide thus; “Now, lordinges, truly Ye be to me welcome right heartily:

        For by my troth, if that I shall not lie, I saw not this year such a company

        At once in this herberow*, am is now. *inn <61>

        Fain would I do you mirth, an* I wist* how. if I knew

        And of a mirth I am right now bethought.

        To do you ease*, and it shall coste nought. *pleasure Ye go to Canterbury; God you speed,

        The blissful Martyr *quite you your meed*; grant you what And well I wot, as ye go by the way, you deserve

        Ye shapen you to talken and to play: intend to

        For truely comfort nor mirth is none

        To ride by the way as dumb as stone:

        And therefore would I make you disport, As I said erst, and do you some comfort.

        And if you liketh all by one assent

        Now for to standen at my judgement,

        And for to worken as I shall you say

        To-morrow, when ye riden on the way,

        Now by my father’s soule that is dead, But ye be merry, smiteth off mine head. unless you are merry, Hold up your hands withoute more speech. smite off my head

        Our counsel was not longe for to seech*: seek Us thought it was not worth to make it wise*, discuss it at length

        And granted him withoute more avise, consideration And bade him say his verdict, as him lest.

        Lordings (quoth he), now hearken for the best; But take it not, I pray you, in disdain; This is the point, to speak it plat* and plain. *flat That each of you, to shorten with your way In this voyage, shall tellen tales tway, To Canterbury-ward, I mean it so,

        And homeward he shall tellen other two, Of aventures that whilom have befall.

        And which of you that bear’th him best of all, That is to say, that telleth in this case Tales of best sentence and most solace, Shall have a supper *at your aller cost* at the cost of you all

        Here in this place, sitting by this post, When that ye come again from Canterbury.

        And for to make you the more merry,

        I will myselfe gladly with you ride,

        Right at mine owen cost, and be your guide.

        And whoso will my judgement withsay,

        Shall pay for all we spenden by the way.

        And if ye vouchesafe that it be so,

        Tell me anon withoute wordes mo’, more And I will early shape me therefore.”

        This thing was granted, and our oath we swore With full glad heart, and prayed him also, That he would vouchesafe for to do so, And that he woulde be our governour,

        And of our tales judge and reportour,

        And set a supper at a certain price;

        And we will ruled be at his device,

        In high and low: and thus by one assent, We be accorded to his judgement.

        And thereupon the wine was fet* anon. *fetched.

        We drunken, and to reste went each one, Withouten any longer tarrying

        A-morrow, when the day began to spring, Up rose our host, and was *our aller cock, the cock to wake us all*

        And gather’d us together in a flock,

        And forth we ridden all a little space, Unto the watering of Saint Thomas<62>: And there our host began his horse arrest, And saide; “Lordes, hearken if you lest.

        Ye weet your forword, and I it record. know your promise

        If evensong and morning-song accord,

        Let see now who shall telle the first tale.

        As ever may I drinke wine or ale,

        Whoso is rebel to my judgement,

        Shall pay for all that by the way is spent.

        Now draw ye cuts*, ere that ye farther twin**. lots *go He which that hath the shortest shall begin.”

        “Sir Knight (quoth he), my master and my lord, Now draw the cut, for that is mine accord.

        Come near (quoth he), my Lady Prioress, And ye, Sir Clerk, let be your shamefastness, Nor study not: lay hand to, every man.”

        Anon to drawen every wight began,

        And shortly for to tellen as it was,

        Were it by a venture, or sort*, or cas*, lot **chance The sooth is this, the cut fell to the Knight, Of which full blithe and glad was every wight; And tell he must his tale as was reason, By forword, and by composition,

        As ye have heard; what needeth wordes mo’?

        And when this good man saw that it was so, As he that wise was and obedient

        To keep his forword by his free assent, He said; “Sithen* I shall begin this game, *since Why, welcome be the cut in Godde’s name.

        Now let us ride, and hearken what I say.”

        And with that word we ridden forth our way; And he began with right a merry cheer

        His tale anon, and said as ye shall hear.

        Notes to the Prologue

        1. Tyrwhitt points out that “the Bull” should be read here, not “the Ram,” which would place the time of the pilgrimage in the end of March; whereas, in the Prologue to the Man of Law’s Tale, the date is given as the “eight and twenty day of April, that is messenger to May.”

        2. Dante, in the “Vita Nuova,” distinguishes three classes of pilgrims: palmieri – palmers who go beyond sea to the East, and often bring back staves of palm-wood; peregrini, who go the shrine of St Jago in Galicia; Romei, who go to Rome. Sir Walter Scott, however, says that palmers were in the habit of passing from shrine to shrine, living on charity — pilgrims on the other hand, made the journey to any shrine only once, immediately returning to their ordinary avocations. Chaucer uses “palmer” of all pilgrims.

        3. “Hallows” survives, in the meaning here given, in All Hallows — All-Saints — day. “Couth,” past participle of “conne” to know, exists in “uncouth.”

        4. The Tabard — the sign of the inn — was a sleeveless coat, worn by heralds. The name of the inn was, some three centuries after Chaucer, changed to the Talbot.

        5. In y-fall,” “y” is a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon “ge”

        prefixed to participles of verbs. It is used by Chaucer merely to help the metre In German, “y-fall,” or y-falle,” would be “gefallen”, “y-run,” or “y-ronne”, would be “geronnen.”

        6. Alisandre: Alexandria, in Egypt, captured by Pierre de Lusignan, king of Cyprus, in 1365 but abandoned immediately afterwards. Thirteen years before, the same Prince had taken Satalie, the ancient Attalia, in Anatolia, and in 1367 he won Layas, in Armenia, both places named just below.

        7. The knight had been placed at the head of the table, above knights of all nations, in Prussia, whither warriors from all countries were wont to repair, to aid the Teutonic Order in their continual conflicts with their heathen neighbours in “Lettowe”

        or Lithuania (German. “Litthauen”), Russia, &c.

        8. Algesiras was taken from the Moorish king of Grenada, in 1344: the Earls of Derby and Salisbury took part in the siege.

        Belmarie is supposed to have been a Moorish state in Africa; but “Palmyrie” has been suggested as the correct reading. The Great Sea, or the Greek sea, is the Eastern Mediterranean.

        Tramissene, or Tremessen, is enumerated by Froissart among the Moorish kingdoms in Africa. Palatie, or Palathia, in Anatolia, was a fief held by the Christian knights after the Turkish conquests — the holders paying tribute to the infidel.

        Our knight had fought with one of those lords against a heathen neighbour.

        9. Ilke: same; compare the Scottish phrase “of that ilk,” —

        that is, of the estate which bears the same name as its owner’s title.

        10. It was the custom for squires of the highest degree to carve at their fathers’ tables.

        11. Peacock Arrows: Large arrows, with peacocks’ feathers.

        12. A nut-head: With nut-brown hair; or, round like a nut, the hair being cut short.

        13. Grey eyes appear to have been a mark of female beauty in Chaucer’s time.

        14. “for the mastery” was applied to medicines in the sense of “sovereign” as we now apply it to a remedy.

        15. It was fashionable to hang bells on horses’ bridles.

        16. St. Benedict was the first founder of a spiritual order in the Roman church. Maurus, abbot of Fulda from 822 to 842, did much to re-establish the discipline of the Benedictines on a true Christian basis.

        17. Wood: Mad, Scottish “wud”. Felix says to Paul, “Too much learning hath made thee mad”.

        18. Limitour: A friar with licence or privilege to beg, or exercise other functions, within a certain district: as, “the limitour of Holderness”.

        19. Farme: rent; that is, he paid a premium for his licence to beg.

        20. In principio: the first words of Genesis and John, employed in some part of the mass.

        21. Lovedays: meetings appointed for friendly settlement of differences; the business was often followed by sports and feasting.

        22. He would the sea were kept for any thing: he would for anything that the sea were guarded. “The old subsidy of tonnage and poundage,” says Tyrwhitt, “was given to the king ‘pour la saufgarde et custodie del mer.’ — for the safeguard and keeping of the sea” (12 E. IV. C.3).

        23. Middleburg, at the mouth of the Scheldt, in Holland; Orwell, a seaport in Essex.

        24. Shields: Crowns, so called from the shields stamped on them; French, “ecu;” Italian, “scudo.”

        25. Poor scholars at the universities used then to go about begging for money to maintain them and their studies.

        26. Parvis: The portico of St. Paul’s, which lawyers frequented to meet their clients.

        27. St Julian: The patron saint of hospitality, celebrated for supplying his votaries with good lodging and good cheer.

        28. Mew: cage. The place behind Whitehall, where the king’s hawks were caged was called the Mews.

        29. Many a luce in stew: many a pike in his fish-pond; in those Catholic days, when much fish was eaten, no gentleman’s mansion was complete without a “stew”.

        30. Countour: Probably a steward or accountant in the county court.

        31. Vavasour: A landholder of consequence; holding of a duke, marquis, or earl, and ranking below a baron.

        32. On the dais: On the raised platform at the end of the hall, where sat at meat or in judgement those high in authority, rank or honour; in our days the worthy craftsmen might have been described as “good platform men”.

        33. To take precedence over all in going to the evening service of the Church, or to festival meetings, to which it was the fashion to carry rich cloaks or mantles against the homecoming.

        34. The things the cook could make: “marchand tart”, some now unknown ingredient used in cookery; “galingale,” sweet or long rooted cyprus; “mortrewes”, a rich soup made by stamping flesh in a mortar; “Blanc manger”, not what is now called blancmange; one part of it was the brawn of a capon.

        35. Lodemanage: pilotage, from Anglo-Saxon “ladman,” a leader, guide, or pilot; hence “lodestar,” “lodestone.”

        36. The authors mentioned here were the chief medical text-books of the middle ages. The names of Galen and Hippocrates were then usually spelt “Gallien” and “Hypocras” or “Ypocras”.

        37. The west of England, especially around Bath, was the seat of the cloth-manufacture, as were Ypres and Ghent (Gaunt) in Flanders.

        38. Chaucer here satirises the fashion of the time, which piled bulky and heavy waddings on ladies’ heads.

        39. Moist; here used in the sense of “new”, as in Latin, “mustum” signifies new wine; and elsewhere Chaucer speaks of “moisty ale”, as opposed to “old”.

        40. In Galice at Saint James: at the shrine of St Jago of Compostella in Spain.

        41. Gat-toothed: Buck-toothed; goat-toothed, to signify her wantonness; or gap-toothed — with gaps between her teeth.

        42. An endowment to sing masses for the soul of the donor.

        43. A ram was the usual prize at wrestling matches.

        44. Cop: Head; German, “Kopf”.

        45. Nose-thirles: nostrils; from the Anglo-Saxon, “thirlian,” to pierce; hence the word “drill,” to bore.

        46. Goliardais: a babbler and a buffoon; Golias was the founder of a jovial sect called by his name.

        47. The proverb says that every honest miller has a thumb of gold; probably Chaucer means that this one was as honest as his brethren.

        48. A Manciple — Latin, “manceps,” a purchaser or contractor –

        – was an officer charged with the purchase of victuals for inns of court or colleges.

        49. Reeve: A land-steward; still called “grieve” — Anglo-Saxon, “gerefa” in some parts of Scotland.

        50. Sompnour: summoner; an apparitor, who cited delinquents to appear in ecclesiastical courts.

        51. Questio quid juris: “I ask which law (applies)”; a cant law-Latin phrase.

        52 Harlot: a low, ribald fellow; the word was used of both sexes; it comes from the Anglo-Saxon verb to hire.

        53. Significavit: an ecclesiastical writ.

        54. Within his jurisdiction he had at his own pleasure the young people (of both sexes) in the diocese.

        55. Pardoner: a seller of pardons or indulgences.

        56. Newe get: new gait, or fashion; “gait” is still used in this sense in some parts of the country.

        57. Vernicle: an image of Christ; so called from St Veronica, who gave the Saviour a napkin to wipe the sweat from His face as He bore the Cross, and received it back with an impression of His countenance upon it.

        58. Mail: packet, baggage; French, “malle,” a trunk.

        59. The Bell: apparently another Southwark tavern; Stowe mentions a “Bull” as being near the Tabard.

        60. Cheap: Cheapside, then inhabited by the richest and most prosperous citizens of London.

        61. Herberow: Lodging, inn; French, “Herberge.”

        62. The watering of Saint Thomas: At the second milestone on the old Canterbury road.

        THE KNIGHT’S TALE <1>

        WHILOM*, as olde stories tellen us, formerly There was a duke that highte Theseus. *was called <2>

        Of Athens he was lord and governor,

        And in his time such a conqueror

        That greater was there none under the sun.

        Full many a riche country had he won.

        What with his wisdom and his chivalry, He conquer’d all the regne of Feminie,<3>

        That whilom was y-cleped Scythia;

        And weddede the Queen Hippolyta

        And brought her home with him to his country With muchel* glory and great solemnity, *great And eke her younge sister Emily,

        And thus with vict’ry and with melody

        Let I this worthy Duke to Athens ride, And all his host, in armes him beside.

        And certes, if it n’ere* too long to hear, were not I would have told you fully the mannere, How wonnen was the regne of Feminie, <4> *won By Theseus, and by his chivalry;

        And of the greate battle for the nonce Betwixt Athenes and the Amazons;

        And how assieged was Hippolyta,

        The faire hardy queen of Scythia;

        And of the feast that was at her wedding And of the tempest at her homecoming.

        But all these things I must as now forbear.

        I have, God wot, a large field to ear plough<5>; And weake be the oxen in my plough;

        The remnant of my tale is long enow.

        I will not *letten eke none of this rout*. hinder any of Let every fellow tell his tale about, this company

        And let see now who shall the supper win.

        There as I left, I will again begin. where I left off

        This Duke, of whom I make mentioun,

        When he was come almost unto the town, In all his weal, and in his moste pride, He was ware, as he cast his eye aside, Where that there kneeled in the highe way A company of ladies, tway and tway,

        Each after other, clad in clothes black: But such a cry and such a woe they make, That in this world n’is creature living, That hearde such another waimenting lamenting <6>

        And of this crying would they never stenten, desist Till they the reines of his bridle henten*. *seize “What folk be ye that at mine homecoming Perturben so my feaste with crying?”

        Quoth Theseus; “Have ye so great envy

        Of mine honour, that thus complain and cry?

        Or who hath you misboden*, or offended? *wronged Do telle me, if it may be amended;

        And why that ye be clad thus all in black?”

        The oldest lady of them all then spake, When she had swooned, with a deadly cheer, countenance That it was ruthe* for to see or hear. *pity She saide; “Lord, to whom fortune hath given Vict’ry, and as a conqueror to liven,

        Nought grieveth us your glory and your honour; But we beseechen mercy and succour.

        Have mercy on our woe and our distress; Some drop of pity, through thy gentleness, Upon us wretched women let now fall.

        For certes, lord, there is none of us all That hath not been a duchess or a queen; Now be we caitives*, as it is well seen: captives Thanked be Fortune, and her false wheel, That none estate ensureth to be wele*. assures no continuance of And certes, lord, t’abiden your presence prosperous estate

        Here in this temple of the goddess Clemence We have been waiting all this fortenight: Now help us, lord, since it lies in thy might.

        “I, wretched wight, that weep and waile thus, Was whilom wife to king Capaneus,

        That starf* at Thebes, cursed be that day: *died <7>

        And alle we that be in this array,

        And maken all this lamentatioun,

        We losten all our husbands at that town, While that the siege thereabouten lay.

        And yet the olde Creon, wellaway!

        That lord is now of Thebes the city,

        Fulfilled of ire and of iniquity,

        He for despite, and for his tyranny,

        To do the deade bodies villainy, insult Of all our lorde’s, which that been y-slaw, *slain Hath all the bodies on an heap y-draw, And will not suffer them by none assent Neither to be y-buried, nor y-brent, burnt But maketh houndes eat them in despite.”

        And with that word, withoute more respite They fallen groff,* and cryden piteously; *grovelling “Have on us wretched women some mercy, And let our sorrow sinken in thine heart.”

        This gentle Duke down from his courser start With hearte piteous, when he heard them speak.

        Him thoughte that his heart would all to-break, When he saw them so piteous and so mate abased That whilom weren of so great estate.

        And in his armes he them all up hent, raised, took And them comforted in full good intent, And swore his oath, as he was true knight, He woulde do *so farforthly his might* as far as his power went

        Upon the tyrant Creon them to wreak, avenge That all the people of Greece shoulde speak, How Creon was of Theseus y-served,

        As he that had his death full well deserved.

        And right anon withoute more abode* delay His banner he display’d, and forth he rode To Thebes-ward, and all his, host beside: No ner Athenes would he go nor ride, *nearer Nor take his ease fully half a day,

        But onward on his way that night he lay: And sent anon Hippolyta the queen,

        And Emily her younge sister sheen bright, lovely Unto the town of Athens for to dwell:

        And forth he rit*; there is no more to tell. rode The red statue of Mars with spear and targe *shield So shineth in his white banner large

        That all the fieldes glitter up and down: And by his banner borne is his pennon

        Of gold full rich, in which there was y-beat stamped The Minotaur<8> which that he slew in Crete Thus rit this Duke, thus rit this conqueror And in his host of chivalry the flower, Till that he came to Thebes, and alight Fair in a field, there as he thought to fight.

        But shortly for to speaken of this thing, With Creon, which that was of Thebes king, He fought, and slew him manly as a knight In plain bataille, and put his folk to flight: And by assault he won the city after,

        And rent adown both wall, and spar, and rafter; And to the ladies he restored again

        The bodies of their husbands that were slain, To do obsequies, as was then the guise*. custom But it were all too long for to devise *describe The greate clamour, and the waimenting, lamenting Which that the ladies made at the brenning burning Of the bodies, and the great honour

        That Theseus the noble conqueror

        Did to the ladies, when they from him went: But shortly for to tell is mine intent.

        When that this worthy Duke, this Theseus, Had Creon slain, and wonnen Thebes thus, Still in the field he took all night his rest, And did with all the country as him lest*. pleased To ransack in the tas of bodies dead, heap Them for to strip of harness and of **weed, armour *clothes The pillers* did their business and cure, *pillagers <9>

        After the battle and discomfiture.

        And so befell, that in the tas they found, Through girt with many a grievous bloody wound, Two younge knightes *ligging by and by* lying side by side

        Both in one armes, wrought full richely: the same armour

        Of whiche two, Arcita hight that one,

        And he that other highte Palamon.

        Not fully quick*, nor fully dead they were, alive But by their coat-armour, and by their gear, The heralds knew them well in special, As those that weren of the blood royal Of Thebes, and of sistren two y-born*. born of two sisters

        Out of the tas the pillers have them torn, And have them carried soft unto the tent Of Theseus, and he full soon them sent To Athens, for to dwellen in prison

        Perpetually, he n’olde no ranson. would take no ransom

        And when this worthy Duke had thus y-done, He took his host, and home he rit anon With laurel crowned as a conquerour;

        And there he lived in joy and in honour Term of his life; what needeth wordes mo’?

        And in a tower, in anguish and in woe, Dwellen this Palamon, and eke Arcite,

        For evermore, there may no gold them quite set free Thus passed year by year, and day by day, Till it fell ones in a morn of May

        That Emily, that fairer was to seen

        Than is the lily upon his stalke green, And fresher than the May with flowers new (For with the rose colour strove her hue; I n’ot* which was the finer of them two), *know not Ere it was day, as she was wont to do, She was arisen, and all ready dight, dressed For May will have no sluggardy a-night; The season pricketh every gentle heart, And maketh him out of his sleep to start, And saith, “Arise, and do thine observance.”

        This maketh Emily have remembrance

        To do honour to May, and for to rise.

        Y-clothed was she fresh for to devise; Her yellow hair was braided in a tress, Behind her back, a yarde long I guess.

        And in the garden at *the sun uprist sunrise She walketh up and down where as her list.

        She gathereth flowers, party* white and red, mingled To make a sotel garland for her head, *subtle, well-arranged And as an angel heavenly she sung.

        The greate tower, that was so thick and strong, Which of the castle was the chief dungeon<10>

        (Where as these knightes weren in prison, Of which I tolde you, and telle shall), Was even joinant* to the garden wall, *adjoining There as this Emily had her playing.

        Bright was the sun, and clear that morrowning, And Palamon, this woful prisoner,

        As was his wont, by leave of his gaoler, Was ris’n, and roamed in a chamber on high, In which he all the noble city sigh, saw And eke the garden, full of branches green, There as this fresh Emelia the sheen

        Was in her walk, and roamed up and down.

        This sorrowful prisoner, this Palamon

        Went in his chamber roaming to and fro, And to himself complaining of his woe: That he was born, full oft he said, Alas!

        And so befell, by aventure or cas, chance That through a window thick of many a bar Of iron great, and square as any spar, He cast his eyes upon Emelia,

        And therewithal he blent* and cried, Ah! *started aside As though he stungen were unto the heart.

        And with that cry Arcite anon up start, And saide, “Cousin mine, what aileth thee, That art so pale and deadly for to see?

        Why cried’st thou? who hath thee done offence?

        For Godde’s love, take all in patience Our prison*, for it may none other be. *imprisonment Fortune hath giv’n us this adversity’.

        Some wick’* aspect or disposition *wicked Of Saturn<11>, by some constellation,

        Hath giv’n us this, although we had it sworn, So stood the heaven when that we were born, We must endure; this is the short and plain.

        This Palamon answer’d, and said again: “Cousin, forsooth of this opinion

        Thou hast a vain imagination.

        This prison caused me not for to cry;

        But I was hurt right now thorough mine eye Into mine heart; that will my bane* be. *destruction The fairness of the lady that I see

        Yond in the garden roaming to and fro, Is cause of all my crying and my woe.

        I *n’ot wher* she be woman or goddess, know not whether

        But Venus is it, soothly* as I guess, *truly And therewithal on knees adown he fill, And saide: “Venus, if it be your will

        You in this garden thus to transfigure Before me sorrowful wretched creature, Out of this prison help that we may scape.

        And if so be our destiny be shape

        By etern word to dien in prison,

        Of our lineage have some compassion,

        That is so low y-brought by tyranny.”

        And with that word Arcita *gan espy* began to look forth

        Where as this lady roamed to and fro

        And with that sight her beauty hurt him so, That if that Palamon was wounded sore, Arcite is hurt as much as he, or more.

        And with a sigh he saide piteously:

        “The freshe beauty slay’th me suddenly Of her that roameth yonder in the place.

        And but* I have her mercy and her grace, *unless That I may see her at the leaste way,

        I am but dead; there is no more to say.”

        This Palamon, when he these wordes heard, Dispiteously* he looked, and answer’d: *angrily “Whether say’st thou this in earnest or in play?”

        “Nay,” quoth Arcite, “in earnest, by my fay*. faith God help me so, me lust full ill to play*.” I am in no humour This Palamon gan knit his browes tway. for jesting

        “It were,” quoth he, “to thee no great honour For to be false, nor for to be traitour To me, that am thy cousin and thy brother Y-sworn full deep, and each of us to other, That never for to dien in the pain <12>, Till that the death departen shall us twain, Neither of us in love to hinder other, Nor in none other case, my leve* brother; *dear But that thou shouldest truly farther me In every case, as I should farther thee.

        This was thine oath, and mine also certain; I wot it well, thou dar’st it not withsayn, deny Thus art thou of my counsel out of doubt, And now thou wouldest falsely be about To love my lady, whom I love and serve, And ever shall, until mine hearte sterve die Now certes, false Arcite, thou shalt not so I lov’d her first, and tolde thee my woe As to my counsel, and my brother sworn To farther me, as I have told beforn.

        For which thou art y-bounden as a knight To helpe me, if it lie in thy might,

        Or elles art thou false, I dare well sayn,”

        This Arcita full proudly spake again:

        “Thou shalt,” quoth he, “be rather* false than I, *sooner And thou art false, I tell thee utterly; For par amour I lov’d her first ere thou.

        What wilt thou say? *thou wist it not right now* even now thou Whether she be a woman or goddess. knowest not

        Thine is affection of holiness,

        And mine is love, as to a creature:

        For which I tolde thee mine aventure

        As to my cousin, and my brother sworn

        I pose*, that thou loved’st her beforn: suppose Wost thou not well the olde clerke’s saw<13>, *know’st That who shall give a lover any law?

        Love is a greater lawe, by my pan,

        Than may be giv’n to any earthly man:

        Therefore positive law, and such decree, Is broke alway for love in each degree A man must needes love, maugre his head.

        He may not flee it, though he should be dead, *All be she* maid, or widow, or else wife. whether she be

        And eke it is not likely all thy life

        To standen in her grace, no more than I For well thou wost thyselfe verily,

        That thou and I be damned to prison

        Perpetual, us gaineth no ranson.

        We strive, as did the houndes for the bone; They fought all day, and yet their part was none.

        There came a kite, while that they were so wroth, And bare away the bone betwixt them both.

        And therefore at the kinge’s court, my brother, Each man for himselfe, there is no other.

        Love if thee list; for I love and aye shall And soothly, leve brother, this is all.

        Here in this prison musten we endure,

        And each of us take his Aventure.”

        Great was the strife and long between these tway, If that I hadde leisure for to say;

        But to the effect: it happen’d on a day (To tell it you as shortly as I may),

        A worthy duke that hight Perithous<14>

        That fellow was to the Duke Theseus

        Since thilke* day that they were children lite** that *little Was come to Athens, his fellow to visite, And for to play, as he was wont to do; For in this world he loved no man so;

        And he lov’d him as tenderly again.

        So well they lov’d, as olde bookes sayn, That when that one was dead, soothly to sayn, His fellow went and sought him down in hell: But of that story list me not to write.

        Duke Perithous loved well Arcite,

        And had him known at Thebes year by year: And finally at request and prayere

        Of Perithous, withoute ranson

        Duke Theseus him let out of prison,

        Freely to go, where him list over all, In such a guise, as I you tellen shall This was the forword*, plainly to indite, *promise Betwixte Theseus and him Arcite:

        That if so were, that Arcite were y-found Ever in his life, by day or night, one stound moment<15>

        In any country of this Theseus,

        And he were caught, it was accorded thus, That with a sword he shoulde lose his head; There was none other remedy nor rede*. counsel But took his leave, and homeward he him sped; Let him beware, his necke lieth to wed*. in pledge

        How great a sorrow suff’reth now Arcite!

        The death he feeleth through his hearte smite; He weepeth, waileth, crieth piteously; To slay himself he waiteth privily.

        He said; “Alas the day that I was born!

        Now is my prison worse than beforn:

        Now is me shape eternally to dwell it is fixed for me

        Not in purgatory, but right in hell.

        Alas! that ever I knew Perithous.

        For elles had I dwelt with Theseus

        Y-fettered in his prison evermo’.

        Then had I been in bliss, and not in woe.

        Only the sight of her, whom that I serve, Though that I never may her grace deserve, Would have sufficed right enough for me.

        O deare cousin Palamon,” quoth he,

        “Thine is the vict’ry of this aventure, Full blissfully in prison to endure:

        In prison? nay certes, in paradise.

        Well hath fortune y-turned thee the dice, That hast the sight of her, and I th’ absence.

        For possible is, since thou hast her presence, And art a knight, a worthy and an able, That by some cas*, since fortune is changeable, *chance Thou may’st to thy desire sometime attain.

        But I that am exiled, and barren

        Of alle grace, and in so great despair, That there n’is earthe, water, fire, nor air, Nor creature, that of them maked is,

        That may me helpe nor comfort in this, Well ought I *sterve in wanhope* and distress. die in despair

        Farewell my life, my lust*, and my gladness. pleasure Alas, why plainen men so in commune why do men so often complain Of purveyance of God, or of Fortune, of God’s providence?*

        That giveth them full oft in many a guise Well better than they can themselves devise?

        Some man desireth for to have richess, That cause is of his murder or great sickness.

        And some man would out of his prison fain, That in his house is of his meinie* slain. *servants <16>

        Infinite harmes be in this mattere.

        We wot never what thing we pray for here.

        We fare as he that drunk is as a mouse.

        A drunken man wot well he hath an house, But he wot not which is the right way thither, And to a drunken man the way is slither*. *slippery And certes in this world so fare we.

        We seeke fast after felicity,

        But we go wrong full often truely.

        Thus we may sayen all, and namely* I, especially That ween’d, and had a great opinion, *thought That if I might escape from prison

        Then had I been in joy and perfect heal, Where now I am exiled from my weal.

        Since that I may not see you, Emily,

        I am but dead; there is no remedy.”

        Upon that other side, Palamon,

        When that he wist Arcita was agone,

        Much sorrow maketh, that the greate tower Resounded of his yelling and clamour

        The pure* fetters on his shinnes great *very <17>

        Were of his bitter salte teares wet.

        “Alas!” quoth he, “Arcita, cousin mine, Of all our strife, God wot, the fruit is thine.

        Thou walkest now in Thebes at thy large, And of my woe thou *givest little charge*. takest little heed

        Thou mayst, since thou hast wisdom and manhead, manhood, courage Assemble all the folk of our kindred,

        And make a war so sharp on this country That by some aventure, or some treaty, Thou mayst have her to lady and to wife, For whom that I must needes lose my life.

        For as by way of possibility,

        Since thou art at thy large, of prison free, And art a lord, great is thine avantage, More than is mine, that sterve here in a cage.

        For I must weep and wail, while that I live, With all the woe that prison may me give, And eke with pain that love me gives also, That doubles all my torment and my woe.”

        Therewith the fire of jealousy upstart Within his breast, and hent* him by the heart seized So woodly, that he like was to behold *madly The box-tree, or the ashes dead and cold.

        Then said; “O cruel goddess, that govern This world with binding of your word etern eternal And writen in the table of adamant

        Your parlement* and your eternal grant, consultation What is mankind more unto you y-hold* by you esteemed Than is the sheep, that rouketh in the fold! lie huddled together For slain is man, right as another beast; And dwelleth eke in prison and arrest, And hath sickness, and great adversity, And oftentimes guilteless, pardie *by God What governance is in your prescience, That guilteless tormenteth innocence?

        And yet increaseth this all my penance, That man is bounden to his observance

        For Godde’s sake to *letten of his will, restrain his desire*

        Whereas a beast may all his lust fulfil.

        And when a beast is dead, he hath no pain; But man after his death must weep and plain, Though in this worlde he have care and woe: Withoute doubt it maye standen so.

        “The answer of this leave I to divines, But well I wot, that in this world great pine* is; *pain, trouble Alas! I see a serpent or a thief

        That many a true man hath done mischief, Go at his large, and where him list may turn.

        But I must be in prison through Saturn, And eke through Juno, jealous and eke wood, mad That hath well nigh destroyed all the blood Of Thebes, with his waste walles wide.

        And Venus slay’th me on that other side For jealousy, and fear of him, Arcite.”

        Now will I stent* of Palamon a lite*, pause **little And let him in his prison stille dwell, And of Arcita forth I will you tell.

        The summer passeth, and the nightes long Increase double-wise the paines strong Both of the lover and the prisonere.

        I n’ot* which hath the wofuller mistere**. know not *condition For, shortly for to say, this Palamon

        Perpetually is damned to prison,

        In chaines and in fetters to be dead;

        And Arcite is exiled on his head on peril of his head

        For evermore as out of that country,

        Nor never more he shall his lady see.

        You lovers ask I now this question,<18>

        Who lieth the worse, Arcite or Palamon?

        The one may see his lady day by day,

        But in prison he dwelle must alway.

        The other where him list may ride or go, But see his lady shall he never mo’.

        Now deem all as you liste, ye that can, For I will tell you forth as I began.

        When that Arcite to Thebes comen was,

        Full oft a day he swelt*, and said, “Alas!” *fainted For see this lady he shall never mo’.

        And shortly to concluden all his woe,

        So much sorrow had never creature

        That is or shall be while the world may dure.

        His sleep, his meat, his drink is *him byraft, taken away from him*

        That lean he wex*, and dry as any shaft. *became His eyen hollow, grisly to behold,

        His hue sallow, and pale as ashes cold, And solitary he was, ever alone,

        And wailing all the night, making his moan.

        And if he hearde song or instrument,

        Then would he weepen, he might not be stent*. *stopped So feeble were his spirits, and so low, And changed so, that no man coulde know His speech, neither his voice, though men it heard.

        And in his gear* for all the world he far’d *behaviour <19>

        Not only like the lovers’ malady

        Of Eros, but rather y-like manie madness Engender’d of humours melancholic,

        Before his head in his cell fantastic.<20>

        And shortly turned was all upside down, Both habit and eke dispositioun,

        Of him, this woful lover Dan* Arcite. *Lord <21>

        Why should I all day of his woe indite?

        When he endured had a year or two

        This cruel torment, and this pain and woe, At Thebes, in his country, as I said,

        Upon a night in sleep as he him laid,

        Him thought how that the winged god Mercury Before him stood, and bade him to be merry.

        His sleepy yard* in hand he bare upright; *rod <22>

        A hat he wore upon his haires bright.

        Arrayed was this god (as he took keep*) notice As he was when that Argus<23> took his sleep; And said him thus: “To Athens shalt thou wend; go There is thee shapen of thy woe an end.” *fixed, prepared And with that word Arcite woke and start.

        “Now truely how sore that e’er me smart,”

        Quoth he, “to Athens right now will I fare.

        Nor for no dread of death shall I not spare To see my lady that I love and serve;

        In her presence *I recke not to sterve.*” do not care if I die

        And with that word he caught a great mirror, And saw that changed was all his colour, And saw his visage all in other kind.

        And right anon it ran him ill his mind, That since his face was so disfigur’d

        Of malady the which he had endur’d,

        He mighte well, if that he bare him low, lived in lowly fashion

        Live in Athenes evermore unknow,

        And see his lady wellnigh day by day.

        And right anon he changed his array,

        And clad him as a poore labourer.

        And all alone, save only a squier,

        That knew his privity* and all his cas*, secrets **fortune Which was disguised poorly as he was,

        To Athens is he gone the nexte* way. *nearest <24>

        And to the court he went upon a day,

        And at the gate he proffer’d his service, To drudge and draw, what so men would devise*. *order And, shortly of this matter for to sayn, He fell in office with a chamberlain,

        The which that dwelling was with Emily.

        For he was wise, and coulde soon espy

        Of every servant which that served her.

        Well could he hewe wood, and water bear, For he was young and mighty for the nones, occasion And thereto he was strong and big of bones To do that any wight can him devise.

        A year or two he was in this service,

        Page of the chamber of Emily the bright; And Philostrate he saide that he hight.

        But half so well belov’d a man as he

        Ne was there never in court of his degree.

        He was so gentle of conditioun,

        That throughout all the court was his renown.

        They saide that it were a charity

        That Theseus would *enhance his degree, elevate him in rank*

        And put him in some worshipful service, There as he might his virtue exercise.

        And thus within a while his name sprung Both of his deedes, and of his good tongue, That Theseus hath taken him so near,

        That of his chamber he hath made him squire, And gave him gold to maintain his degree; And eke men brought him out of his country From year to year full privily his rent.

        But honestly and slyly* he it spent, *discreetly, prudently That no man wonder’d how that he it had.

        And three year in this wise his life be lad, led And bare him so in peace and eke in werre, war There was no man that Theseus had so derre*. dear And in this blisse leave I now Arcite, And speak I will of Palamon a lite. *little In darkness horrible, and strong prison, This seven year hath sitten Palamon,

        Forpined*, what for love, and for distress. pined, wasted away Who feeleth double sorrow and heaviness But Palamon? that love distraineth so, afflicts That wood out of his wits he went for woe, *mad And eke thereto he is a prisonere

        Perpetual, not only for a year.

        Who coulde rhyme in English properly

        His martyrdom? forsooth*, it is not I; *truly Therefore I pass as lightly as I may.

        It fell that in the seventh year, in May The thirde night (as olde bookes sayn, That all this story tellen more plain), Were it by a venture or destiny

        (As when a thing is shapen* it shall be), *settled, decreed That soon after the midnight, Palamon

        By helping of a friend brake his prison, And fled the city fast as he might go, For he had given drink his gaoler so

        Of a clary <25>, made of a certain wine, With *narcotise and opie* of Thebes fine, narcotics and opium

        That all the night, though that men would him shake, The gaoler slept, he mighte not awake: And thus he fled as fast as ever he may.

        The night was short, and faste by the day close at hand was That needes cast he must himself to hide*. the day during which And to a grove faste there beside he must cast about, or contrive, With dreadful foot then stalked Palamon. to conceal himself.*

        For shortly this was his opinion,

        That in the grove he would him hide all day, And in the night then would he take his way To Thebes-ward, his friendes for to pray On Theseus to help him to warray*. *make war <26>

        And shortly either he would lose his life, Or winnen Emily unto his wife.

        This is th’ effect, and his intention plain.

        Now will I turn to Arcita again,

        That little wist how nighe was his care, Till that Fortune had brought him in the snare.

        The busy lark, the messenger of day,

        Saluteth in her song the morning gray; And fiery Phoebus riseth up so bright, That all the orient laugheth at the sight, And with his streames* drieth in the greves** rays *groves The silver droppes, hanging on the leaves; And Arcite, that is in the court royal With Theseus, his squier principal,

        Is ris’n, and looketh on the merry day.

        And for to do his observance to May,

        Remembering the point* of his desire, *object He on his courser, starting as the fire, Is ridden to the fieldes him to play,

        Out of the court, were it a mile or tway.

        And to the grove, of which I have you told, By a venture his way began to hold,

        To make him a garland of the greves, groves Were it of woodbine, or of hawthorn leaves, And loud he sang against the sun so sheen*. *shining bright “O May, with all thy flowers and thy green, Right welcome be thou, faire freshe May, I hope that I some green here getten may.”

        And from his courser*, with a lusty heart, *horse Into the grove full hastily he start,

        And in a path he roamed up and down,

        There as by aventure this Palamon

        Was in a bush, that no man might him see, For sore afeard of his death was he.

        Nothing ne knew he that it was Arcite; God wot he would have *trowed it full lite*. full little believed it

        But sooth is said, gone since full many years, The field hath eyen*, and the wood hath ears, eyes It is full fair a man to bear him even, to be on his guard*

        For all day meeten men at unset steven. *unexpected time <27>

        Full little wot Arcite of his fellaw,

        That was so nigh to hearken of his saw, saying, speech For in the bush he sitteth now full still.

        When that Arcite had roamed all his fill, And *sungen all the roundel* lustily, sang the roundelay<28>

        Into a study he fell suddenly,

        As do those lovers in their *quainte gears, odd fashions*

        Now in the crop*, and now down in the breres**, <29> tree-top Now up, now down, as bucket in a well. *briars Right as the Friday, soothly for to tell, Now shineth it, and now it raineth fast, Right so can geary* Venus overcast changeful The heartes of her folk, right as her day Is gearful, right so changeth she array. *changeful Seldom is Friday all the weeke like.

        When Arcite had y-sung, he gan to sike, sigh And sat him down withouten any more:

        “Alas!” quoth he, “the day that I was bore!

        How longe, Juno, through thy cruelty

        Wilt thou warrayen* Thebes the city? *torment Alas! y-brought is to confusion

        The blood royal of Cadm’ and Amphion:

        Of Cadmus, which that was the firste man, That Thebes built, or first the town began, And of the city first was crowned king.

        Of his lineage am I, and his offspring By very line, as of the stock royal;

        And now I am *so caitiff and so thrall, wretched and enslaved*

        That he that is my mortal enemy,

        I serve him as his squier poorely.

        And yet doth Juno me well more shame,

        For I dare not beknow* mine owen name, *acknowledge <30>

        But there as I was wont to hight Arcite, Now hight I Philostrate, not worth a mite.

        Alas! thou fell Mars, and alas! Juno,

        Thus hath your ire our lineage all fordo undone, ruined Save only me, and wretched Palamon,

        That Theseus martyreth in prison.

        And over all this, to slay me utterly, Love hath his fiery dart so brenningly burningly Y-sticked through my true careful heart, That shapen was my death erst than my shert. <31>

        Ye slay me with your eyen, Emily;

        Ye be the cause wherefore that I die.

        Of all the remnant of mine other care

        Ne set I not the *mountance of a tare, value of a straw*

        So that I could do aught to your pleasance.”

        And with that word he fell down in a trance A longe time; and afterward upstart

        This Palamon, that thought thorough his heart He felt a cold sword suddenly to glide: For ire he quoke*, no longer would he hide. quaked And when that he had heard Arcite’s tale, As he were wood, with face dead and pale, *mad He start him up out of the bushes thick, And said: “False Arcita, false traitor wick’, wicked Now art thou hent*, that lov’st my lady so, caught For whom that I have all this pain and woe, And art my blood, and to my counsel sworn, As I full oft have told thee herebeforn, And hast bejaped here Duke Theseus, *deceived, imposed upon And falsely changed hast thy name thus; I will be dead, or elles thou shalt die.

        Thou shalt not love my lady Emily,

        But I will love her only and no mo’;

        For I am Palamon thy mortal foe.

        And though I have no weapon in this place, But out of prison am astart* by grace, escaped I dreade not that either thou shalt die, *doubt Or else thou shalt not loven Emily.

        Choose which thou wilt, for thou shalt not astart.”

        This Arcite then, with full dispiteous* heart, *wrathful When he him knew, and had his tale heard, As fierce as lion pulled out a swerd,

        And saide thus; “By God that sitt’th above, *N’ere it* that thou art sick, and wood for love, were it not

        And eke that thou no weap’n hast in this place, Thou should’st never out of this grove pace, That thou ne shouldest dien of mine hand.

        For I defy the surety and the band,

        Which that thou sayest I have made to thee.

        What? very fool, think well that love is free; And I will love her maugre* all thy might. despite But, for thou art a worthy gentle knight, And wilnest to darraine her by bataille, will reclaim her Have here my troth, to-morrow I will not fail, by combat*

        Without weeting* of any other wight, knowledge That here I will be founden as a knight, And bringe harness right enough for thee; *armour and arms And choose the best, and leave the worst for me.

        And meat and drinke this night will I bring Enough for thee, and clothes for thy bedding.

        And if so be that thou my lady win,

        And slay me in this wood that I am in, Thou may’st well have thy lady as for me.”

        This Palamon answer’d, “I grant it thee.”

        And thus they be departed till the morrow, When each of them hath *laid his faith to borrow*. pledged his faith

        O Cupid, out of alle charity!

        O Regne* that wilt no fellow have with thee! *queen <32>

        Full sooth is said, that love nor lordeship Will not, *his thanks*, have any fellowship. thanks to him

        Well finden that Arcite and Palamon.

        Arcite is ridd anon unto the town,

        And on the morrow, ere it were daylight, Full privily two harness hath he dight, prepared Both suffisant and meete to darraine contest The battle in the field betwixt them twain.

        And on his horse, alone as he was born, He carrieth all this harness him beforn; And in the grove, at time and place y-set, This Arcite and this Palamon be met.

        Then change gan the colour of their face; Right as the hunter in the regne* of Thrace *kingdom That standeth at a gappe with a spear

        When hunted is the lion or the bear,

        And heareth him come rushing in the greves, groves And breaking both the boughes and the leaves, Thinketh, “Here comes my mortal enemy, Withoute fail, he must be dead or I;

        For either I must slay him at the gap; Or he must slay me, if that me mishap:”

        So fared they, in changing of their hue *As far as either of them other knew*. When they recognised each There was no good day, and no saluting, other afar off

        But straight, withoute wordes rehearsing, Evereach of them holp to arm the other, As friendly, as he were his owen brother.

        And after that, with sharpe speares strong They foined* each at other wonder long. thrust Thou mightest weene, that this Palamon think In fighting were as a wood lion, *mad And as a cruel tiger was Arcite:

        As wilde boars gan they together smite, That froth as white as foam, *for ire wood*. mad with anger

        Up to the ancle fought they in their blood.

        And in this wise I let them fighting dwell, And forth I will of Theseus you tell.

        The Destiny, minister general,

        That executeth in the world o’er all

        The purveyance*, that God hath seen beforn; foreordination So strong it is, that though the world had sworn The contrary of a thing by yea or nay, Yet some time it shall fallen on a day That falleth not eft in a thousand year. *again For certainly our appetites here,

        Be it of war, or peace, or hate, or love, All is this ruled by the sight* above. *eye, intelligence, power This mean I now by mighty Theseus,

        That for to hunten is so desirous —

        And namely* the greate hart in May — *especially That in his bed there dawneth him no day That he n’is clad, and ready for to ride With hunt and horn, and houndes him beside.

        For in his hunting hath he such delight, That it is all his joy and appetite

        To be himself the greate harte’s bane destruction For after Mars he serveth now Diane.

        Clear was the day, as I have told ere this, And Theseus, with alle joy and bliss,

        With his Hippolyta, the faire queen,

        And Emily, y-clothed all in green,

        On hunting be they ridden royally.

        And to the grove, that stood there faste by, In which there was an hart, as men him told, Duke Theseus the straighte way doth hold, And to the laund* he rideth him full right, *plain <33>

        There was the hart y-wont to have his flight, And over a brook, and so forth on his way.

        This Duke will have a course at him or tway With houndes, such as him lust* to command. *pleased And when this Duke was come to the laund, Under the sun he looked, and anon

        He was ware of Arcite and Palamon,

        That foughte breme*, as it were bulles two. *fiercely The brighte swordes wente to and fro

        So hideously, that with the leaste stroke It seemed that it woulde fell an oak,

        But what they were, nothing yet he wote*. knew This Duke his courser with his spurres smote, And at a start* he was betwixt them two, suddenly

        And pulled out a sword and cried, “Ho!

        No more, on pain of losing of your head.

        By mighty Mars, he shall anon be dead

        That smiteth any stroke, that I may see!

        But tell to me what mister* men ye be, *manner, kind <34>

        That be so hardy for to fighte here

        Withoute judge or other officer,

        As though it were in listes royally. <35>

        This Palamon answered hastily,

        And saide: “Sir, what needeth wordes mo’?

        We have the death deserved bothe two,

        Two woful wretches be we, and caitives, That be accumbered* of our own lives, *burdened And as thou art a rightful lord and judge, So give us neither mercy nor refuge.

        And slay me first, for sainte charity, But slay my fellow eke as well as me.

        Or slay him first; for, though thou know it lite, little This is thy mortal foe, this is Arcite That from thy land is banisht on his head, For which he hath deserved to be dead.

        For this is he that came unto thy gate And saide, that he highte Philostrate.

        Thus hath he japed* thee full many year, *deceived And thou hast made of him thy chief esquier; And this is he, that loveth Emily.

        For since the day is come that I shall die I make pleinly* my confession, fully, unreservedly That I am thilke woful Palamon, *that same <36>

        That hath thy prison broken wickedly.

        I am thy mortal foe, and it am I

        That so hot loveth Emily the bright,

        That I would die here present in her sight.

        Therefore I aske death and my jewise*. *judgement But slay my fellow eke in the same wise, For both we have deserved to be slain.”

        This worthy Duke answer’d anon again,

        And said, “This is a short conclusion.

        Your own mouth, by your own confession Hath damned you, and I will it record; It needeth not to pain you with the cord; Ye shall be dead, by mighty Mars the Red.<37>

        The queen anon for very womanhead

        Began to weep, and so did Emily,

        And all the ladies in the company.

        Great pity was it as it thought them all, That ever such a chance should befall, For gentle men they were, of great estate, And nothing but for love was this debate They saw their bloody woundes wide and sore, And cried all at once, both less and more, “Have mercy, Lord, upon us women all.”

        And on their bare knees adown they fall And would have kissed his feet there as he stood, Till at the last *aslaked was his mood* his anger was (For pity runneth soon in gentle heart); appeased

        And though at first for ire he quoke and start He hath consider’d shortly in a clause The trespass of them both, and eke the cause: And although that his ire their guilt accused Yet in his reason he them both excused; As thus; he thoughte well that every man Will help himself in love if that he can, And eke deliver himself out of prison.

        Of women, for they wepten ever-in-one: continually And eke his hearte had compassion

        And in his gentle heart he thought anon, And soft unto himself he saide: “Fie

        Upon a lord that will have no mercy,

        But be a lion both in word and deed,

        To them that be in repentance and dread, As well as-to a proud dispiteous* man *unpitying That will maintaine what he first began.

        That lord hath little of discretion,

        That in such case *can no division*: can make no distinction

        But weigheth pride and humbless after one.” alike

        And shortly, when his ire is thus agone, He gan to look on them with eyen light, gentle, lenient*

        And spake these same wordes all on height. aloud

        “The god of love, ah! benedicite, bless ye him How mighty and how great a lord is he!

        Against his might there gaine* none obstacles, *avail, conquer He may be called a god for his miracles For he can maken at his owen guise

        Of every heart, as that him list devise.

        Lo here this Arcite, and this Palamon, That quietly were out of my prison,

        And might have lived in Thebes royally, And weet* I am their mortal enemy, knew And that their death li’th in my might also, And yet hath love, maugre their eyen two, in spite of their eyes*

        Y-brought them hither bothe for to die.

        Now look ye, is not this an high folly?

        Who may not be a fool, if but he love?

        Behold, for Godde’s sake that sits above, See how they bleed! be they not well array’d?

        Thus hath their lord, the god of love, them paid Their wages and their fees for their service; And yet they weene for to be full wise, That serve love, for aught that may befall.

        But this is yet the beste game* of all, *joke That she, for whom they have this jealousy, Can them therefor as muchel thank as me.

        She wot no more of all this *hote fare, hot behaviour*

        By God, than wot a cuckoo or an hare.

        But all must be assayed hot or cold;

        A man must be a fool, or young or old; I wot it by myself full yore agone: long years ago

        For in my time a servant was I one.

        And therefore since I know of love’s pain, And wot how sore it can a man distrain, distress As he that oft hath been caught in his last, snare <38>

        I you forgive wholly this trespass,

        At request of the queen that kneeleth here, And eke of Emily, my sister dear.

        And ye shall both anon unto me swear,

        That never more ye shall my country dere injure Nor make war upon me night nor day,

        But be my friends in alle that ye may.

        I you forgive this trespass *every deal*. completely

        And they him sware his asking fair and well, what he asked

        And him of lordship and of mercy pray’d, And he them granted grace, and thus he said: “To speak of royal lineage and richess, Though that she were a queen or a princess, Each of you both is worthy doubteless

        To wedde when time is; but natheless

        I speak as for my sister Emily,

        For whom ye have this strife and jealousy, Ye wot* yourselves, she may not wed the two know At once, although ye fight for evermo: But one of you, all be him loth or lief,* whether or not he wishes

        He must go pipe into an ivy leaf: “go whistle”

        This is to say, she may not have you both, All be ye never so jealous, nor so wroth.

        And therefore I you put in this degree, That each of you shall have his destiny As him is shape; and hearken in what wise as is decreed for him

        Lo hear your end of that I shall devise.

        My will is this, for plain conclusion

        Withouten any replication, reply If that you liketh, take it for the best, That evereach of you shall go where *him lest, he pleases Freely without ransom or danger;

        And this day fifty weekes, *farre ne nerre, neither more nor less*

        Evereach of you shall bring an hundred knights, Armed for listes up at alle rights

        All ready to darraine* her by bataille, contend for And this behete I you withoute fail *promise Upon my troth, and as I am a knight,

        That whether of you bothe that hath might, That is to say, that whether he or thou May with his hundred, as I spake of now, Slay his contrary, or out of listes drive, Him shall I given Emily to wive,

        To whom that fortune gives so fair a grace.

        The listes shall I make here in this place.

        *And God so wisly on my soule rue, may God as surely have As I shall even judge be and true. mercy on my soul*

        Ye shall none other ende with me maken Than one of you shalle be dead or taken.

        And if you thinketh this is well y-said, Say your advice*, and hold yourselves apaid**. opinion *satisfied This is your end, and your conclusion.”

        Who looketh lightly now but Palamon?

        Who springeth up for joye but Arcite?

        Who could it tell, or who could it indite, The joye that is maked in the place

        When Theseus hath done so fair a grace?

        But down on knees went every *manner wight, kind of person*

        And thanked him with all their heartes’ might, And namely* these Thebans ofte sithe. *especially oftentimes

        And thus with good hope and with hearte blithe They take their leave, and homeward gan they ride To Thebes-ward, with his old walles wide.

        I trow men woulde deem it negligence,

        If I forgot to telle the dispence expenditure Of Theseus, that went so busily

        To maken up the listes royally,

        That such a noble theatre as it was,

        I dare well say, in all this world there n’as*. *was not The circuit a mile was about,

        Walled of stone, and ditched all without.

        *Round was the shape, in manner of compass, Full of degrees, the height of sixty pas* see note <39>

        That when a man was set on one degree

        He letted* not his fellow for to see. *hindered Eastward there stood a gate of marble white, Westward right such another opposite.

        And, shortly to conclude, such a place Was never on earth made in so little space, For in the land there was no craftes-man, That geometry or arsmetrike* can*, arithmetic **knew Nor pourtrayor*, nor carver of images, *portrait painter That Theseus ne gave him meat and wages The theatre to make and to devise.

        And for to do his rite and sacrifice

        He eastward hath upon the gate above,

        In worship of Venus, goddess of love,

        *Done make* an altar and an oratory; caused to be made

        And westward, in the mind and in memory Of Mars, he maked hath right such another, That coste largely of gold a fother*. *a great amount And northward, in a turret on the wall, Of alabaster white and red coral

        An oratory riche for to see,

        In worship of Diane of chastity,

        Hath Theseus done work in noble wise.

        But yet had I forgotten to devise describe The noble carving, and the portraitures, The shape, the countenance of the figures That weren in there oratories three.

        First in the temple of Venus may’st thou see Wrought on the wall, full piteous to behold, The broken sleepes, and the sikes* cold, *sighes The sacred teares, and the waimentings, lamentings The fiery strokes of the desirings,

        That Love’s servants in this life endure; The oathes, that their covenants assure.

        Pleasance and Hope, Desire, Foolhardiness, Beauty and Youth, and Bawdry and Richess, Charms and Sorc’ry, Leasings* and Flattery, *falsehoods Dispence, Business, and Jealousy,

        That wore of yellow goldes* a garland, *sunflowers <40>

        And had a cuckoo sitting on her hand,

        Feasts, instruments, and caroles and dances, Lust and array, and all the circumstances Of Love, which I reckon’d and reckon shall In order, were painted on the wall,

        And more than I can make of mention.

        For soothly all the mount of Citheron,<41>

        Where Venus hath her principal dwelling, Was showed on the wall in pourtraying, With all the garden, and the lustiness*. *pleasantness Nor was forgot the porter Idleness,

        Nor Narcissus the fair of *yore agone, olden times*

        Nor yet the folly of King Solomon,

        Nor yet the greate strength of Hercules, Th’ enchantments of Medea and Circes,

        Nor of Turnus the hardy fierce courage, The rich Croesus caitif in servage. <42> abased into slavery

        Thus may ye see, that wisdom nor richess, Beauty, nor sleight, nor strength, nor hardiness Ne may with Venus holde champartie, divided possession <43>

        For as her liste the world may she gie*. guide Lo, all these folk so caught were in her las *snare Till they for woe full often said, Alas!

        Suffice these ensamples one or two,

        Although I could reckon a thousand mo’.

        The statue of Venus, glorious to see

        Was naked floating in the large sea,

        And from the navel down all cover’d was With waves green, and bright as any glass.

        A citole <44> in her right hand hadde she, And on her head, full seemly for to see, A rose garland fresh, and well smelling, Above her head her doves flickering

        Before her stood her sone Cupido,

        Upon his shoulders winges had he two;

        And blind he was, as it is often seen; A bow he bare, and arrows bright and keen.

        Why should I not as well eke tell you all The portraiture, that was upon the wall Within the temple of mighty Mars the Red?

        All painted was the wall in length and brede* breadth Like to the estres of the grisly place interior chambers That hight the great temple of Mars in Thrace, In thilke cold and frosty region, *that There as Mars hath his sovereign mansion.

        In which there dwelled neither man nor beast, With knotty gnarry* barren trees old *gnarled Of stubbes sharp and hideous to behold; In which there ran a rumble and a sough, groaning noise As though a storm should bursten every bough: And downward from an hill under a bent slope There stood the temple of Mars Armipotent, Wrought all of burnish’d steel, of which th’ entry Was long and strait, and ghastly for to see.

        And thereout came *a rage and such a vise, such a furious voice*

        That it made all the gates for to rise.

        The northern light in at the doore shone, For window on the walle was there none Through which men mighten any light discern.

        The doors were all of adamant etern,

        Y-clenched overthwart and endelong crossways and lengthways

        With iron tough, and, for to make it strong, Every pillar the temple to sustain

        Was tunne-great*, of iron bright and sheen. *thick as a tun (barrel) There saw I first the dark imagining

        Of felony, and all the compassing;

        The cruel ire, as red as any glede, live coal The picke-purse<45>, and eke the pale dread; The smiler with the knife under the cloak, The shepen* burning with the blacke smoke *stable <46>

        The treason of the murd’ring in the bed, The open war, with woundes all be-bled; Conteke* with bloody knife, and sharp menace. contention, discord All full of chirking was that sorry place. creaking, jarring noise The slayer of himself eke saw I there, His hearte-blood had bathed all his hair: The nail y-driven in the shode at night, *hair of the head <47>

        The colde death, with mouth gaping upright.

        Amiddes of the temple sat Mischance,

        With discomfort and sorry countenance; Eke saw I Woodness* laughing in his rage, Madness Armed Complaint, Outhees, and fierce Outrage; Outcry The carrain in the bush, with throat y-corve*, corpse **slashed A thousand slain, and not of qualm y-storve; dead of sickness

        The tyrant, with the prey by force y-reft; The town destroy’d, that there was nothing left.

        Yet saw I brent* the shippes hoppesteres, <48> burnt The hunter strangled with the wilde bears: The sow freting the child right in the cradle; *devouring <49>

        The cook scalded, for all his longe ladle.

        Nor was forgot, *by th’infortune of Mart* through the misfortune The carter overridden with his cart; of war

        Under the wheel full low he lay adown.

        There were also of Mars’ division,

        The armourer, the bowyer*, and the smith, maker of bows That forgeth sharp swordes on his stith. *anvil And all above depainted in a tower

        Saw I Conquest, sitting in great honour, With thilke* sharpe sword over his head *that Hanging by a subtle y-twined thread.

        Painted the slaughter was of Julius<50>, Of cruel Nero, and Antonius:

        Although at that time they were yet unborn, Yet was their death depainted there beforn, By menacing of Mars, right by figure,

        So was it showed in that portraiture,

        As is depainted in the stars above,

        Who shall be slain, or elles dead for love.

        Sufficeth one ensample in stories old, I may not reckon them all, though I wo’ld.

        The statue of Mars upon a carte* stood *chariot Armed, and looked grim as he were wood, mad And over his head there shone two figures Of starres, that be cleped in scriptures, That one Puella, that other Rubeus. <51>

        This god of armes was arrayed thus:

        A wolf there stood before him at his feet With eyen red, and of a man he eat:

        With subtle pencil painted was this story, In redouting* of Mars and of his glory. *reverance, fear Now to the temple of Dian the chaste

        As shortly as I can I will me haste,

        To telle you all the descriptioun.

        Depainted be the walles up and down

        Of hunting and of shamefast chastity.

        There saw I how woful Calistope,<52>

        When that Dian aggrieved was with her, Was turned from a woman to a bear,

        And after was she made the lodestar*: pole star Thus was it painted, I can say no far; *farther Her son is eke a star as men may see.

        There saw I Dane <53> turn’d into a tree, I meane not the goddess Diane,

        But Peneus’ daughter, which that hight Dane.

        There saw I Actaeon an hart y-maked, made For vengeance that he saw Dian all naked: I saw how that his houndes have him caught, And freten* him, for that they knew him not. *devour Yet painted was, a little farthermore

        How Atalanta hunted the wild boar;

        And Meleager, and many other mo’,

        For which Diana wrought them care and woe.

        There saw I many another wondrous story, The which me list not drawen to memory.

        This goddess on an hart full high was set, seated With smalle houndes all about her feet, And underneath her feet she had a moon, Waxing it was, and shoulde wane soon.

        In gaudy green her statue clothed was, With bow in hand, and arrows in a case*. *quiver Her eyen caste she full low adown,

        Where Pluto hath his darke regioun.

        A woman travailing was her beforn,

        But, for her child so longe was unborn, Full piteously Lucina <54> gan she call, And saide; “Help, for thou may’st best of all.”

        Well could he painte lifelike that it wrought; With many a florin he the hues had bought.

        Now be these listes made, and Theseus, That at his greate cost arrayed thus

        The temples, and the theatre every deal, part <55>

        When it was done, him liked wonder well.

        But stint* I will of Theseus a lite*, cease speaking **little And speak of Palamon and of Arcite.

        The day approacheth of their returning, That evereach an hundred knights should bring, The battle to darraine* as I you told; *contest And to Athens, their covenant to hold, Hath ev’reach of them brought an hundred knights, Well-armed for the war at alle rights.

        And sickerly* there trowed** many a man, surely <56> *believed That never, sithen* that the world began, *since For to speaken of knighthood of their hand, As far as God hath maked sea and land, Was, of so few, so noble a company.

        For every wight that loved chivalry,

        And would, *his thankes, have a passant name, thanks to his own Had prayed, that he might be of that game, efforts, have a And well was him, that thereto chosen was. surpassing name*

        For if there fell to-morrow such a case, Ye knowe well, that every lusty knight, That loveth par amour, and hath his might Were it in Engleland, or elleswhere,

        They would, their thankes, willen to be there, T’ fight for a lady; Benedicite,

        It were a lusty* sighte for to see. *pleasing And right so fared they with Palamon;

        With him there wente knightes many one.

        Some will be armed in an habergeon,

        And in a breastplate, and in a gipon*; *short doublet.

        And some will have *a pair of plates* large; back and front armour

        And some will have a Prusse* shield, or targe; *Prussian Some will be armed on their legges weel; Some have an axe, and some a mace of steel.

        There is no newe guise*, but it was old. *fashion Armed they weren, as I have you told,

        Evereach after his opinion.

        There may’st thou see coming with Palamon Licurgus himself, the great king of Thrace: Black was his beard, and manly was his face.

        The circles of his eyen in his head

        They glowed betwixte yellow and red,

        And like a griffin looked he about,

        With kemped* haires on his browes stout; *combed<57>

        His limbs were great, his brawns were hard and strong, His shoulders broad, his armes round and long.

        And as the guise* was in his country, *fashion Full high upon a car of gold stood he, With foure white bulles in the trace.

        Instead of coat-armour on his harness, With yellow nails, and bright as any gold, He had a beare’s skin, coal-black for old*. *age His long hair was y-kempt behind his back, As any raven’s feather it shone for black.

        A wreath of gold *arm-great*, of huge weight, thick as a man’s arm

        Upon his head sate, full of stones bright, Of fine rubies and clear diamants.

        About his car there wente white alauns, greyhounds <58>

        Twenty and more, as great as any steer, To hunt the lion or the wilde bear,

        And follow’d him, with muzzle fast y-bound, Collars of gold, and torettes* filed round. rings An hundred lordes had he in his rout *retinue Armed full well, with heartes stern and stout.

        With Arcita, in stories as men find,

        The great Emetrius the king of Ind,

        Upon a *steede bay* trapped in steel, bay horse

        Cover’d with cloth of gold diapred* well, *decorated Came riding like the god of armes, Mars.

        His coat-armour was of *a cloth of Tars, a kind of silk*

        Couched* with pearls white and round and great *trimmed His saddle was of burnish’d gold new beat; A mantelet on his shoulders hanging,

        Bretful* of rubies red, as fire sparkling. *brimful His crispe hair like ringes was y-run, And that was yellow, glittering as the sun.

        His nose was high, his eyen bright citrine, pale yellow His lips were round, his colour was sanguine, A fewe fracknes* in his face y-sprent*, freckles **sprinkled Betwixte yellow and black somedeal y-ment mixed <59>

        And as a lion he *his looking cast* cast about his eyes

        Of five and twenty year his age I cast reckon His beard was well begunnen for to spring; His voice was as a trumpet thundering.

        Upon his head he wore of laurel green

        A garland fresh and lusty to be seen;

        Upon his hand he bare, for his delight, An eagle tame, as any lily white.

        An hundred lordes had he with him there, All armed, save their heads, in all their gear, Full richely in alle manner things.

        For trust ye well, that earles, dukes, and kings Were gather’d in this noble company,

        For love, and for increase of chivalry.

        About this king there ran on every part Full many a tame lion and leopart.

        And in this wise these lordes *all and some* all and sundry

        Be on the Sunday to the city come

        Aboute prime<60>, and in the town alight.

        This Theseus, this Duke, this worthy knight When he had brought them into his city, And inned* them, ev’reach at his degree, lodged He feasteth them, and doth so great labour To easen them*, and do them all honour, make them comfortable

        That yet men weene* that no mannes wit think Of none estate could amenden it. *improve The minstrelsy, the service at the feast, The greate giftes to the most and least, The rich array of Theseus’ palace,

        Nor who sate first or last upon the dais.<61>

        What ladies fairest be, or best dancing Or which of them can carol best or sing, Or who most feelingly speaketh of love; What hawkes sitten on the perch above, What houndes liggen* on the floor adown, *lie Of all this now make I no mentioun

        But of th’effect; that thinketh me the best Now comes the point, and hearken if you lest. please The Sunday night, ere day began to spring, When Palamon the larke hearde sing,

        Although it were not day by houres two, Yet sang the lark, and Palamon right tho* then With holy heart, and with an high courage, Arose, to wenden on his pilgrimage *go Unto the blissful Cithera benign,

        I meane Venus, honourable and digne*. worthy And in her hour <62> he walketh forth a pace Unto the listes, where her temple was, And down he kneeleth, and with humble cheer *demeanour And hearte sore, he said as ye shall hear.

        “Fairest of fair, O lady mine Venus,

        Daughter to Jove, and spouse of Vulcanus, Thou gladder of the mount of Citheron!<41>

        For thilke love thou haddest to Adon <63>

        Have pity on my bitter teares smart,

        And take mine humble prayer to thine heart.

        Alas! I have no language to tell

        Th’effecte, nor the torment of mine hell; Mine hearte may mine harmes not betray; I am so confused, that I cannot say.

        But mercy, lady bright, that knowest well My thought, and seest what harm that I feel.

        Consider all this, and *rue upon* my sore, take pity on

        As wisly* as I shall for evermore *truly Enforce my might, thy true servant to be, And holde war alway with chastity:

        That make I mine avow*, so ye me help. vow, promise I keepe not of armes for to yelp, boast Nor ask I not to-morrow to have victory, Nor renown in this case, nor vaine glory Of prize of armes*, blowing up and down, praise for valour

        But I would have fully possessioun

        Of Emily, and die in her service;

        Find thou the manner how, and in what wise.

        I recke not but it may better be do not know whether

        To have vict’ry of them, or they of me, So that I have my lady in mine arms.

        For though so be that Mars is god of arms, Your virtue is so great in heaven above, That, if you list, I shall well have my love.

        Thy temple will I worship evermo’,

        And on thine altar, where I ride or go, I will do sacrifice, and fires bete*. *make, kindle And if ye will not so, my lady sweet,

        Then pray I you, to-morrow with a spear That Arcita me through the hearte bear Then reck I not, when I have lost my life, Though that Arcita win her to his wife.

        This is th’ effect and end of my prayere, —
        Give me my love, thou blissful lady dear.”
        When th’ orison was done of Palamon,
        His sacrifice he did, and that anon,
        Full piteously, with alle circumstances, *All tell I not as now* his observances. although I tell not now
        But at the last the statue of Venus shook, And made a signe, whereby that he took That his prayer accepted was that day.

        For though the signe shewed a delay,
        Yet wist he well that granted was his boon;
        And with glad heart he went him home full soon.

        The third hour unequal <64> that Palamon Began to Venus’ temple for to gon,
        Up rose the sun, and up rose Emily,
        And to the temple of Dian gan hie.

        Her maidens, that she thither with her lad, led Th’ incense, the clothes, and the remnant all That to the sacrifice belonge shall,
        The hornes full of mead, as was the guise;
        There lacked nought to do her sacrifice.

        Smoking* the temple full of clothes fair, *draping <65>
        This Emily with hearte debonnair gentle
        Her body wash’d with water of a well.

        But how she did her rite I dare not tell;
        But* it be any thing in general; unless
        And yet it were a game to hearen all pleasure
        To him that meaneth well it were no charge:
        But it is good a man to be at large*. do as he will
        Her bright hair combed was, untressed all.

        A coronet of green oak cerriall <66>
        Upon her head was set full fair and meet.
        Two fires on the altar gan she bete,
        And did her thinges, as men may behold In Stace of
        Thebes <67>, and these bookes old.

        When kindled was the fire, with piteous cheer
        Unto Dian she spake as ye may hear.
        “O chaste goddess of the woodes green,
        To whom both heav’n and earth and sea is seen,
        Queen of the realm of Pluto dark and low,
        Goddess of maidens, that mine heart hast know
        Full many a year, and wost* what I desire, knowest
        To keep me from the vengeance of thine ire,
        That Actaeon aboughte cruelly: *earned; suffered from
        Chaste goddess, well wottest thou that I
        Desire to be a maiden all my life,
        Nor never will I be no love nor wife.

        I am, thou wost*, yet of thy company, *knowest
        A maid, and love hunting and venery, field sports
        And for to walken in the woodes wild,
        And not to be a wife, and be with child.
        Nought will I know the company of man.

        Now help me, lady, since ye may and can,
        For those three formes <68> that thou hast in thee.
        And Palamon, that hath such love to me,
        And eke Arcite, that loveth me so sore,
        This grace I pray thee withoute more,
        As sende love and peace betwixt them two:
        And from me turn away their heartes so, That all their hote love, and their desire, And all their busy torment, and their fire, Be queint*, or turn’d into another place. *quenched And if so be thou wilt do me no grace, Or if my destiny be shapen so

        That I shall needes have one of them two,
        So send me him that most desireth me.
        Behold, goddess of cleane chastity,
        The bitter tears that on my cheekes fall.
        Since thou art maid, and keeper of us all,
        My maidenhead thou keep and well conserve,
        And, while I live, a maid I will thee serve.

        The fires burn upon the altar clear,
        While Emily was thus in her prayere:
        But suddenly she saw a sighte quaint*. strange
        For right anon one of the fire’s queint
        And quick’d* again, and after that anon went out and revived
        That other fire was queint, and all agone:
        And as it queint, it made a whisteling,
        As doth a brande wet in its burning.

        And at the brandes end outran anon
        As it were bloody droppes many one:
        For which so sore aghast was Emily,
        That she was wellnigh mad, and gan to cry,
        For she ne wiste what it signified;
        But onely for feare thus she cried,
        And wept, that it was pity for to hear.
        And therewithal Diana gan appear
        With bow in hand, right as an hunteress, And saide; “Daughter, stint* thine heaviness. *cease Among the goddes high it is affirm’d,

        And by eternal word writ and confirm’d, Thou shalt be wedded unto one of tho those That have for thee so muche care and woe: But unto which of them I may not tell.
        Farewell, for here I may no longer dwell.

        The fires which that on mine altar brenn, burn Shall thee declaren, ere that thou go henne, hence Thine aventure of love, as in this case.”

        And with that word, the arrows in the case quiver
        Of the goddess did clatter fast and ring,
        And forth she went, and made a vanishing,
        For which this Emily astonied was,
        And saide; “What amounteth this, alas!
        I put me under thy protection,
        Diane, and in thy disposition.”
        And home she went anon the nexte* way. *nearest
        This is th’ effect, there is no more to say.
        The nexte hour of Mars following this
        Arcite to the temple walked is
        Of fierce Mars, to do his sacrifice
        With all the rites of his pagan guise.
        With piteous* heart and high devotion *pious
        Right thus to Mars he said his orison
        “O stronge god, that in the regnes* old realms Of Thrace honoured art, and lord y-hold held And hast in every regne, and every land Of armes all the bridle in thine hand, And them fortunest as thee list devise, send them fortune Accept of me my piteous sacrifice. as you please*

        If so be that my youthe may deserve,
        And that my might be worthy for to serve
        Thy godhead, that I may be one of thine,
        Then pray I thee to *rue upon my pine, pity my anguish*
        For thilke* pain, and thilke hote fire, that
        In which thou whilom burned’st for desire
        Whenne that thou usedest the beauty *enjoyed
        Of faire young Venus, fresh and free,
        And haddest her in armes at thy will:
        And though thee ones on a time misfill, were unlucky
        When Vulcanus had caught thee in his las, net <69>
        And found thee ligging* by his wife, alas! lying For thilke sorrow that was in thine heart, Have ruth as well upon my paine’s smart. pity I am young and unconning, as thou know’st, ignorant, simple And, as I trow, with love offended most *believe That e’er was any living creature:

        For she, that doth* me all this woe endure, causes Ne recketh ne’er whether I sink or fleet *swim And well I wot, ere she me mercy hete, promise, vouchsafe I must with strengthe win her in the place: And well I wot, withoute help or grace Of thee, ne may my strengthe not avail: Then help me, lord, to-morr’w in my bataille, For thilke fire that whilom burned thee, As well as this fire that now burneth me; And do* that I to-morr’w may have victory. *cause Mine be the travail, all thine be the glory.

        Thy sovereign temple will I most honour
        Of any place, and alway most labour
        In thy pleasance and in thy craftes strong.
        And in thy temple I will my banner hong, hang
        And all the armes of my company,
        And evermore, until that day I die,
        Eternal fire I will before thee find
        And eke to this my vow I will me bind:
        My beard, my hair that hangeth long adown,
        That never yet hath felt offension indignity
        Of razor nor of shears, I will thee give,
        And be thy true servant while I live.
        Now, lord, have ruth upon my sorrows sore,
        Give me the victory, I ask no more.”

        The prayer stint* of Arcita the strong, *ended
        The ringes on the temple door that hong, And eke the doores, clattered full fast, Of which Arcita somewhat was aghast.

        The fires burn’d upon the altar bright, That it gan all the temple for to light; A sweete smell anon the ground up gaf, gave And Arcita anon his hand up haf, lifted And more incense into the fire he cast, With other rites more and at the last

        The statue of Mars began his hauberk ring; And with that sound he heard a murmuring Full low and dim, that saide thus, “Victory.”

        For which he gave to Mars honor and glory.
        And thus with joy, and hope well to fare,
        Arcite anon unto his inn doth fare.

        As fain* as fowl is of the brighte sun. glad
        And right anon such strife there is begun
        For thilke granting, in the heav’n above, *that
        Betwixte Venus the goddess of love,
        And Mars the sterne god armipotent,
        That Jupiter was busy it to stent*: *stop
        Till that the pale Saturnus the cold,<70>
        That knew so many of adventures old,
        Found in his old experience such an art,
        That he full soon hath pleased every part.

        As sooth is said, eld* hath great advantage, age In eld is bothe wisdom and usage: experience Men may the old out-run, but not out-rede. outwit Saturn anon, to stint the strife and drede, Albeit that it is against his kind, *nature Of all this strife gan a remedy find.

        “My deare daughter Venus,” quoth Saturn, “My course*, that hath so wide for to turn, *orbit <71>
        Hath more power than wot any man.

        Mine is the drowning in the sea so wan; Mine is the prison in the darke cote, cell Mine the strangling and hanging by the throat, The murmur, and the churlish rebelling, The groyning*, and the privy poisoning. discontent I do vengeance and plein correction, *full I dwell in the sign of the lion.

        Mine is the ruin of the highe halls,
        The falling of the towers and the walls
        Upon the miner or the carpenter:
        I slew Samson in shaking the pillar:
        Mine also be the maladies cold,
        The darke treasons, and the castes* old: *plots
        My looking is the father of pestilence.

        Now weep no more, I shall do diligence That Palamon, that is thine owen knight, Shall have his lady, as thou hast him hight*. *promised Though Mars shall help his knight, yet natheless Betwixte you there must sometime be peace: All be ye not of one complexion,
        That each day causeth such division,
        I am thine ayel*, ready at thy will; *grandfather <72>
        Weep now no more, I shall thy lust* fulfil.” pleasure Now will I stenten of the gods above, *cease speaking Of Mars, and of Venus, goddess of love, And telle you as plainly as I can
        The great effect, for which that I began.

        Great was the feast in Athens thilke* day; *that
        And eke the lusty season of that May
        Made every wight to be in such pleasance, That all that Monday jousten they and dance, And spenden it in Venus’ high service.

        But by the cause that they shoulde rise
        Early a-morrow for to see that fight,
        Unto their reste wente they at night.

        And on the morrow, when the day gan spring, Of horse and harness* noise and clattering armour There was in the hostelries all about: And to the palace rode there many a rout *train, retinue Of lordes, upon steedes and palfreys.

        There mayst thou see devising* of harness decoration So uncouth and so rich, and wrought so weel unkown, rare Of goldsmithry, of brouding, and of steel; embroidery The shieldes bright, the testers, and trappures* helmets<73>

        Gold-hewen helmets, hauberks, coat-armures; **trappings Lordes in parements* on their coursers, *ornamental garb <74>; Knightes of retinue, and eke squiers,

        Nailing the spears, and helmes buckeling, Gniding* of shieldes, with lainers** lacing; *polishing <75>

        There as need is, they were nothing idle: **lanyards The foamy steeds upon the golden bridle Gnawing, and fast the armourers also

        With file and hammer pricking to and fro; Yeomen on foot, and knaves* many one servants With shorte staves, thick as they may gon**; close *walk Pipes, trumpets, nakeres*, and clariouns, *drums <76>

        That in the battle blowe bloody souns; The palace full of people up and down, There three, there ten, holding their questioun, conversation Divining* of these Theban knightes two. conjecturing Some saiden thus, some said it shall he so; Some helden with him with the blacke beard, Some with the bald, some with the thick-hair’d; Some said he looked grim, and woulde fight: He had a sparth of twenty pound of weight. double-headed axe Thus was the halle full of divining *conjecturing Long after that the sunne gan up spring.

        The great Theseus that of his sleep is waked With minstrelsy, and noise that was maked, Held yet the chamber of his palace rich, Till that the Theban knightes both y-lich* alike Honoured were, and to the palace fet. *fetched Duke Theseus is at a window set,

        Array’d right as he were a god in throne: The people presseth thitherward full soon Him for to see, and do him reverence,

        And eke to hearken his hest* and his sentence**. command *speech An herald on a scaffold made an O, <77>

        Till the noise of the people was y-do*: *done And when he saw the people of noise all still, Thus shewed he the mighty Duke’s will.

        “The lord hath of his high discretion

        Considered that it were destruction

        To gentle blood, to fighten in the guise Of mortal battle now in this emprise:

        Wherefore to shape* that they shall not die, *arrange, contrive He will his firste purpose modify.

        No man therefore, on pain of loss of life, No manner* shot, nor poleaxe, nor short knife *kind of Into the lists shall send, or thither bring.

        Nor short sword for to stick with point biting No man shall draw, nor bear it by his side.

        And no man shall unto his fellow ride

        But one course, with a sharp y-grounden spear: *Foin if him list on foot, himself to wear. He who wishes can And he that is at mischief shall be take, fence on foot to defend And not slain, but be brought unto the stake, himself, and he that That shall be ordained on either side; is in peril shall be taken*

        Thither he shall by force, and there abide.

        And if so fall the chiefetain be take should happen

        On either side, or elles slay his make, equal, match No longer then the tourneying shall last.

        God speede you; go forth and lay on fast.

        With long sword and with mace fight your fill.

        Go now your way; this is the lordes will.

        The voice of the people touched the heaven, So loude cried they with merry steven*: *sound God save such a lord that is so good,

        He willeth no destruction of blood.

        Up go the trumpets and the melody,

        And to the listes rode the company

        *By ordinance*, throughout the city large, in orderly array

        Hanged with cloth of gold, and not with sarge*. *serge <78>

        Full like a lord this noble Duke gan ride, And these two Thebans upon either side: And after rode the queen and Emily,

        And after them another company

        Of one and other, after their degree.

        And thus they passed thorough that city And to the listes came they by time:

        It was not of the day yet fully prime*. *between 6 & 9 a.m.

        When set was Theseus full rich and high, Hippolyta the queen and Emily,

        And other ladies in their degrees about, Unto the seates presseth all the rout.

        And westward, through the gates under Mart, Arcite, and eke the hundred of his part, With banner red, is enter’d right anon; And in the selve* moment Palamon selfsame Is, under Venus, eastward in the place, With banner white, and hardy cheer and face expression In all the world, to seeken up and down So even without variatioun *equal There were such companies never tway.

        For there was none so wise that coulde say That any had of other avantage

        Of worthiness, nor of estate, nor age, So even were they chosen for to guess.

        And *in two ranges faire they them dress*. they arranged themselves When that their names read were every one, in two rows

        That in their number guile* were there none, fraud Then were the gates shut, and cried was loud; “Do now your devoir, younge knights proud The heralds left their pricking up and down *spurring their horses Now ring the trumpet loud and clarioun.

        There is no more to say, but east and west In go the speares sadly* in the rest; *steadily In go the sharpe spurs into the side.

        There see me who can joust, and who can ride.

        There shiver shaftes upon shieldes thick; He feeleth through the hearte-spoon<79> the prick.

        Up spring the speares twenty foot on height; Out go the swordes as the silver bright.

        The helmes they to-hewen, and to-shred*; *strike in pieces <80>

        Out burst the blood, with sterne streames red.

        With mighty maces the bones they to-brest*. burst He <81> through the thickest of the throng gan threst. *thrust There stumble steedes strong, and down go all.

        He rolleth under foot as doth a ball.

        He foineth* on his foe with a trunchoun, *forces himself And he him hurtleth with his horse adown.

        He through the body hurt is, and *sith take, afterwards captured*

        Maugre his head, and brought unto the stake, As forword* was, right there he must abide. *covenant Another led is on that other side.

        And sometime doth* them Theseus to rest, caused Them to refresh, and drinken if them lest. pleased Full oft a day have thilke Thebans two these Together met and wrought each other woe: Unhorsed hath each other of them tway twice There is no tiger in the vale of Galaphay, <82>

        When that her whelp is stole, when it is lite little So cruel on the hunter, as Arcite

        For jealous heart upon this Palamon:

        Nor in Belmarie <83> there is no fell lion, That hunted is, or for his hunger wood mad Or for his prey desireth so the blood, As Palamon to slay his foe Arcite.

        The jealous strokes upon their helmets bite; Out runneth blood on both their sides red, Sometime an end there is of every deed For ere the sun unto the reste went,

        The stronge king Emetrius gan hent sieze, assail This Palamon, as he fought with Arcite, And made his sword deep in his flesh to bite, And by the force of twenty is he take, Unyielding, and is drawn unto the stake.

        And in the rescue of this Palamon

        The stronge king Licurgus is borne down: And king Emetrius, for all his strength Is borne out of his saddle a sword’s length, So hit him Palamon ere he were take:

        But all for nought; he was brought to the stake: His hardy hearte might him helpe naught, He must abide when that he was caught, By force, and eke by composition*. *the bargain Who sorroweth now but woful Palamon

        That must no more go again to fight?

        And when that Theseus had seen that sight Unto the folk that foughte thus each one, He cried, Ho! no more, for it is done!

        I will be true judge, and not party.

        Arcite of Thebes shall have Emily,

        That by his fortune hath her fairly won.”

        Anon there is a noise of people gone,

        For joy of this, so loud and high withal, It seemed that the listes shoulde fall.

        What can now faire Venus do above?

        What saith she now? what doth this queen of love?

        But weepeth so, for wanting of her will, Till that her teares in the listes fill fall She said: “I am ashamed doubteless.”

        Saturnus saide: “Daughter, hold thy peace.

        Mars hath his will, his knight hath all his boon, And by mine head thou shalt be eased soon.”

        The trumpeters with the loud minstrelsy, The heralds, that full loude yell and cry, Be in their joy for weal of Dan* Arcite. *Lord But hearken me, and stinte noise a lite, What a miracle there befell anon

        This fierce Arcite hath off his helm y-done, And on a courser for to shew his face

        He *pricketh endelong* the large place, rides from end to end

        Looking upward upon this Emily;

        And she again him cast a friendly eye

        (For women, as to speaken *in commune, generally*

        They follow all the favour of fortune), And was all his in cheer*, as his in heart. *countenance Out of the ground a fire infernal start, From Pluto sent, at request of Saturn

        For which his horse for fear began to turn, And leap aside, and founder* as he leap *stumble And ere that Arcite may take any keep, care He pight* him on the pummel** of his head. pitched *top That in the place he lay as he were dead.

        His breast to-bursten with his saddle-bow.

        As black he lay as any coal or crow,

        So was the blood y-run into his face.

        Anon he was y-borne out of the place

        With hearte sore, to Theseus’ palace.

        Then was he carven* out of his harness. cut And in a bed y-brought full fair and blive *quickly For he was yet in mem’ry and alive,

        And always crying after Emily.

        Duke Theseus, with all his company,

        Is come home to Athens his city,

        With alle bliss and great solemnity.

        Albeit that this aventure was fall, befallen He woulde not discomforte* them all *discourage Then said eke, that Arcite should not die, He should be healed of his malady.

        And of another thing they were as fain*. glad That of them alle was there no one slain, All were they sorely hurt, and namely** one, although *especially That with a spear was thirled* his breast-bone. *pierced To other woundes, and to broken arms,

        Some hadden salves, and some hadden charms: And pharmacies of herbs, and eke save sage, Salvia officinalis They dranken, for they would their lives have.

        For which this noble Duke, as he well can, Comforteth and honoureth every man,

        And made revel all the longe night,

        Unto the strange lordes, as was right.

        Nor there was holden no discomforting, But as at jousts or at a tourneying;

        For soothly there was no discomfiture, For falling is not but an aventure*. *chance, accident Nor to be led by force unto a stake

        Unyielding, and with twenty knights y-take One person all alone, withouten mo’,

        And harried* forth by armes, foot, and toe, *dragged, hurried And eke his steede driven forth with staves, With footmen, bothe yeomen and eke knaves, servants It was *aretted him no villainy:* counted no disgrace to him

        There may no man clepen it cowardy. call it cowardice

        For which anon Duke Theseus let cry, — caused to be proclaimed

        To stenten* alle rancour and envy, — stop The gree as well on one side as the other, *prize, merit And either side alike as other’s brother: And gave them giftes after their degree, And held a feaste fully dayes three:

        And conveyed the kinges worthily

        Out of his town a journee* largely *day’s journey And home went every man the righte way, There was no more but “Farewell, Have good day.”

        Of this bataille I will no more indite But speak of Palamon and of Arcite.

        Swelleth the breast of Arcite and the sore Increaseth at his hearte more and more.

        The clotted blood, for any leache-craft* surgical skill Corrupteth and is in his bouk y-laft* left in his body

        That neither *veine blood nor ventousing, blood-letting or cupping*

        Nor drink of herbes may be his helping.

        The virtue expulsive or animal,

        From thilke virtue called natural,

        Nor may the venom voide, nor expel

        The pipes of his lungs began to swell

        And every lacert* in his breast adown sinew, muscle Is shent with venom and corruption. destroyed Him gaineth neither, for to get his life, *availeth Vomit upward, nor downward laxative;

        All is to-bursten thilke region;

        Nature hath now no domination.

        And certainly where nature will not wirch,* work Farewell physic: go bear the man to chirch. *church This all and some is, Arcite must die.

        For which he sendeth after Emily,

        And Palamon, that was his cousin dear, Then said he thus, as ye shall after hear.

        “Nought may the woful spirit in mine heart Declare one point of all my sorrows’ smart To you, my lady, that I love the most: But I bequeath the service of my ghost To you aboven every creature,

        Since that my life ne may no longer dure.

        Alas the woe! alas, the paines strong

        That I for you have suffered and so long!

        Alas the death, alas, mine Emily!

        Alas departing* of our company! *the severance Alas, mine hearte’s queen! alas, my wife!

        Mine hearte’s lady, ender of my life!

        What is this world? what aske men to have?

        Now with his love, now in his colde grave Al one, withouten any company.

        Farewell, my sweet, farewell, mine Emily, And softly take me in your armes tway, For love of God, and hearken what I say.

        I have here with my cousin Palamon

        Had strife and rancour many a day agone, For love of you, and for my jealousy.

        And Jupiter so *wis my soule gie, surely guides my soul*

        To speaken of a servant properly,

        With alle circumstances truely,

        That is to say, truth, honour, and knighthead, Wisdom, humbless*, estate, and high kindred, *humility Freedom, and all that longeth to that art, So Jupiter have of my soul part,

        As in this world right now I know not one, So worthy to be lov’d as Palamon,

        That serveth you, and will do all his life.

        And if that you shall ever be a wife,

        Forget not Palamon, the gentle man.”

        And with that word his speech to fail began.

        For from his feet up to his breast was come The cold of death, that had him overnome*. *overcome And yet moreover in his armes two

        The vital strength is lost, and all ago*. *gone Only the intellect, withoute more,

        That dwelled in his hearte sick and sore, Gan faile, when the hearte felte death; Dusked* his eyen two, and fail’d his breath. *grew dim But on his lady yet he cast his eye;

        His laste word was; “Mercy, Emily!”

        His spirit changed house, and wente there, As I came never I cannot telle where.<84>

        Therefore I stent*, I am no divinister**; refrain *diviner Of soules find I nought in this register.

        Ne me list not th’ opinions to tell

        Of them, though that they writen where they dwell; Arcite is cold, there Mars his soule gie. guide Now will I speake forth of Emily.

        Shriek’d Emily, and howled Palamon,

        And Theseus his sister took anon

        Swooning, and bare her from the corpse away.

        What helpeth it to tarry forth the day, To telle how she wept both eve and morrow?

        For in such cases women have such sorrow, When that their husbands be from them y-go, gone That for the more part they sorrow so, Or elles fall into such malady,

        That at the laste certainly they die.

        Infinite be the sorrows and the tears

        Of olde folk, and folk of tender years, In all the town, for death of this Theban: For him there weepeth bothe child and man.

        So great a weeping was there none certain, When Hector was y-brought, all fresh y-slain, To Troy: alas! the pity that was there, Scratching of cheeks, and rending eke of hair.

        “Why wouldest thou be dead?” these women cry, “And haddest gold enough, and Emily.”

        No manner man might gladden Theseus,

        Saving his olde father Egeus,

        That knew this worlde’s transmutatioun, As he had seen it changen up and down, Joy after woe, and woe after gladness; And shewed him example and likeness.

        “Right as there died never man,” quoth he, “That he ne liv’d in earth in some degree, rank, condition Right so there lived never man,” he said, “In all this world, that sometime be not died.

        This world is but a throughfare full of woe, And we be pilgrims, passing to and fro: Death is an end of every worldly sore.”

        And over all this said he yet much more To this effect, full wisely to exhort

        The people, that they should them recomfort.

        Duke Theseus, with all his busy cure, care *Casteth about*, where that the sepulture deliberates

        Of good Arcite may best y-maked be,

        And eke most honourable in his degree.

        And at the last he took conclusion,

        That there as first Arcite and Palamon Hadde for love the battle them between, That in that selve* grove, sweet and green, *selfsame There as he had his amorous desires,

        His complaint, and for love his hote fires, He woulde make a fire*, in which th’ office *funeral pyre Of funeral he might all accomplice;

        And *let anon command* to hack and hew immediately gave orders

        The oakes old, and lay them on a rew in a row

        In culpons*, well arrayed for to brenne**. logs *burn His officers with swifte feet they renne run And ride anon at his commandement.

        And after this, Duke Theseus hath sent After a bier, and it all oversprad

        With cloth of gold, the richest that he had; And of the same suit he clad Arcite.

        Upon his handes were his gloves white, Eke on his head a crown of laurel green, And in his hand a sword full bright and keen.

        He laid him *bare the visage* on the bier, with face uncovered

        Therewith he wept, that pity was to hear.

        And, for the people shoulde see him all, When it was day he brought them to the hall, That roareth of the crying and the soun’.

        Then came this woful Theban, Palamon,

        With sluttery beard, and ruggy ashy hairs,<85>

        In clothes black, y-dropped all with tears, And (passing over weeping Emily)

        The ruefullest of all the company.

        And inasmuch as the service should be in order that

        The more noble and rich in its degree, Duke Theseus let forth three steedes bring, That trapped were in steel all glittering.

        And covered with the arms of Dan Arcite.

        Upon these steedes, that were great and white, There satte folk, of whom one bare his shield, Another his spear in his handes held;

        The thirde bare with him his bow Turkeis, Turkish.

        Of brent* gold was the case** and the harness: burnished *quiver And ride forth a pace with sorrowful cheer** at a foot pace

        Toward the grove, as ye shall after hear. **expression The noblest of the Greekes that there were Upon their shoulders carried the bier, With slacke pace, and eyen red and wet, Throughout the city, by the master* street, *main <86>

        That spread was all with black, and wondrous high Right of the same is all the street y-wrie. covered <87>

        Upon the right hand went old Egeus,

        And on the other side Duke Theseus,

        With vessels in their hand of gold full fine, All full of honey, milk, and blood, and wine; Eke Palamon, with a great company;

        And after that came woful Emily,

        With fire in hand, as was that time the guise, custom To do th’ office of funeral service.

        High labour, and full great appareling preparation Was at the service, and the pyre-making, That with its greene top the heaven raught, reached And twenty fathom broad its armes straught*: *stretched This is to say, the boughes were so broad.

        Of straw first there was laid many a load.

        But how the pyre was maked up on height, And eke the names how the trees hight, were called As oak, fir, birch, asp*, alder, holm, poplere, aspen Willow, elm, plane, ash, box, chestnut, lind, laurere, linden, lime Maple, thorn, beech, hazel, yew, whipul tree, How they were fell’d, shall not be told for me; Nor how the goddes rannen up and down *the forest deities Disinherited of their habitatioun,

        In which they wonned* had in rest and peace, *dwelt Nymphes, Faunes, and Hamadryades;

        Nor how the beastes and the birdes all Fledden for feare, when the wood gan fall; Nor how the ground aghast* was of the light, terrified That was not wont to see the sunne bright; Nor how the fire was couched first with stre*, laid **straw And then with dry stickes cloven in three, And then with greene wood and spicery, spices And then with cloth of gold and with pierrie, precious stones And garlands hanging with full many a flower, The myrrh, the incense with so sweet odour; Nor how Arcita lay among all this,

        Nor what richess about his body is;

        Nor how that Emily, as was the guise, custom *Put in the fire* of funeral service<88>; appplied the torch

        Nor how she swooned when she made the fire, Nor what she spake, nor what was her desire; Nor what jewels men in the fire then cast When that the fire was great and burned fast; Nor how some cast their shield, and some their spear, And of their vestiments, which that they wear, And cuppes full of wine, and milk, and blood, Into the fire, that burnt as it were wood*; mad Nor how the Greekes with a huge rout *procession Three times riden all the fire about <89>

        Upon the left hand, with a loud shouting, And thries with their speares clattering; And thries how the ladies gan to cry;

        Nor how that led was homeward Emily;

        Nor how Arcite is burnt to ashes cold; Nor how the lyke-wake* was y-hold *wake <90>

        All thilke* night, nor how the Greekes play that The wake-plays, ne keep** I not to say: funeral games *care Who wrestled best naked, with oil anoint, Nor who that bare him best in no disjoint. in any contest

        I will not tell eke how they all are gone Home to Athenes when the play is done; But shortly to the point now will I wend, come And maken of my longe tale an end.

        By process and by length of certain years All stinted* is the mourning and the tears *ended Of Greekes, by one general assent.

        Then seemed me there was a parlement

        At Athens, upon certain points and cas*: *cases Amonge the which points y-spoken was

        To have with certain countries alliance, And have of Thebans full obeisance.

        For which this noble Theseus anon

        Let* send after the gentle Palamon, caused Unwist of him what was the cause and why: *unknown But in his blacke clothes sorrowfully

        He came at his commandment *on hie*; in haste

        Then sente Theseus for Emily.

        When they were set*, and hush’d was all the place seated And Theseus abided had a space waited Ere any word came from his wise breast His eyen set he there as was his lest, he cast his eyes And with a sad visage he sighed still, wherever he pleased*

        And after that right thus he said his will.

        “The firste mover of the cause above

        When he first made the faire chain of love, Great was th’ effect, and high was his intent; Well wist he why, and what thereof he meant: For with that faire chain of love he bond bound The fire, the air, the water, and the lond In certain bondes, that they may not flee:<91>

        That same prince and mover eke,” quoth he, “Hath stablish’d, in this wretched world adown, Certain of dayes and duration

        To all that are engender’d in this place, Over the whiche day they may not pace, pass All may they yet their dayes well abridge.

        There needeth no authority to allege

        For it is proved by experience;

        But that me list declare my sentence*. opinion Then may men by this order well discern, That thilke mover stable is and etern. *the same Well may men know, but that it be a fool, That every part deriveth from its whole.

        For nature hath not ta’en its beginning Of no *partie nor cantle* of a thing, part or piece

        But of a thing that perfect is and stable, Descending so, till it be corruptable.

        And therefore of His wise purveyance* providence He hath so well beset his ordinance,

        That species of things and progressions Shallen endure by successions,

        And not etern, withouten any lie:

        This mayst thou understand and see at eye.

        Lo th’ oak, that hath so long a nourishing From the time that it ‘ginneth first to spring, And hath so long a life, as ye may see, Yet at the last y-wasted is the tree.

        Consider eke, how that the harde stone Under our feet, on which we tread and gon, walk Yet wasteth, as it lieth by the way.

        The broade river some time waxeth drey*. dry The greate townes see we wane and wend. *go, disappear Then may ye see that all things have an end.

        Of man and woman see we well also, —

        That needes in one of the termes two, —

        That is to say, in youth or else in age,-

        He must be dead, the king as shall a page; Some in his bed, some in the deepe sea, Some in the large field, as ye may see: There helpeth nought, all go that ilke* way: *same Then may I say that alle thing must die.

        What maketh this but Jupiter the king?

        The which is prince, and cause of alle thing, Converting all unto his proper will,

        From which it is derived, sooth to tell And hereagainst no creature alive,

        Of no degree, availeth for to strive.

        Then is it wisdom, as it thinketh me,

        To make a virtue of necessity,

        And take it well, that we may not eschew, escape And namely what to us all is due.

        And whoso grudgeth* ought, he doth folly, murmurs at And rebel is to him that all may gie. *direct, guide And certainly a man hath most honour

        To dien in his excellence and flower,

        When he is sicker* of his goode name. certain Then hath he done his friend, nor him, no shame himself And gladder ought his friend be of his death, When with honour is yielded up his breath, Than when his name appalled is for age*; decayed by old age

        For all forgotten is his vassalage*. *valour, service Then is it best, as for a worthy fame, To dien when a man is best of name.

        The contrary of all this is wilfulness.

        Why grudge we, why have we heaviness,

        That good Arcite, of chivalry the flower, Departed is, with duty and honour,

        Out of this foule prison of this life?

        Why grudge here his cousin and his wife Of his welfare, that loved him so well?

        Can he them thank? nay, God wot, neverdeal*, — *not a jot That both his soul and eke themselves offend, hurt And yet they may their lustes* not amend**. desires *control What may I conclude of this longe serie, string of remarks But after sorrow I rede* us to be merry, *counsel And thanke Jupiter for all his grace?

        And ere that we departe from this place, I rede that we make of sorrows two

        One perfect joye lasting evermo’:

        And look now where most sorrow is herein, There will I first amenden and begin.

        “Sister,” quoth he, “this is my full assent, With all th’ advice here of my parlement, That gentle Palamon, your owen knight, That serveth you with will, and heart, and might, And ever hath, since first time ye him knew, That ye shall of your grace upon him rue, take pity And take him for your husband and your lord: Lend me your hand, for this is our accord.

        *Let see* now of your womanly pity. make display

        He is a kinge’s brother’s son, pardie*. *by God And though he were a poore bachelere,

        Since he hath served you so many a year, And had for you so great adversity,

        It muste be considered, *‘lieveth me*. believe me

        For gentle mercy oweth to passen right.” ought to be rightly Then said he thus to Palamon the knight; directed

        “I trow there needeth little sermoning To make you assente to this thing.

        Come near, and take your lady by the hand.”

        Betwixte them was made anon the band,

        That hight matrimony or marriage,

        By all the counsel of the baronage.

        And thus with alle bliss and melody

        Hath Palamon y-wedded Emily.

        And God, that all this wide world hath wrought, Send him his love, that hath it dearly bought.

        For now is Palamon in all his weal,

        Living in bliss, in riches, and in heal*. *health And Emily him loves so tenderly,

        And he her serveth all so gentilly,

        That never was there worde them between Of jealousy, nor of none other teen*. *cause of anger Thus endeth Palamon and Emily

        And God save all this faire company.

        Notes to The Knight’s Tale.

        1. For the plan and principal incidents of the “Knight’s Tale,”

        Chaucer was indebted to Boccaccio, who had himself borrowed from some prior poet, chronicler, or romancer. Boccaccio speaks of the story as “very ancient;” and, though that may not be proof of its antiquity, it certainly shows that he took it from an earlier writer. The “Tale” is more or less a paraphrase of Boccaccio’s “Theseida;” but in some points the copy has a distinct dramatic superiority over the original. The “Theseida”

        contained ten thousand lines; Chaucer has condensed it into less than one-fourth of the number. The “Knight’s Tale” is supposed to have been at first composed as a separate work; it is undetermined whether Chaucer took it direct from the Italian of Boccaccio, or from a French translation.

        2. Highte: was called; from the Anglo-Saxon “hatan”, to bid or call; German, “Heissen”, “heisst”.

        3. Feminie: The “Royaume des Femmes” — kingdom of the Amazons. Gower, in the “Confessio Amantis,” styles Penthesilea the “Queen of Feminie.”

        4. Wonnen: Won, conquered; German “gewonnen.”

        5. Ear: To plough; Latin, “arare.” “I have abundant matter for discourse.” The first, and half of the second, of Boccaccio’s twelve books are disposed of in the few lines foregoing.

        6. Waimenting: bewailing; German, “wehklagen”

        7. Starf: died; German, “sterben,” “starb”.

        8. The Minotaur: The monster, half-man and half-bull, which yearly devoured a tribute of fourteen Athenian youths and maidens, until it was slain by Theseus.

        9. Pillers: pillagers, strippers; French, “pilleurs.”

        10. The donjon was originally the central tower or “keep” of feudal castles; it was employed to detain prisoners of importance. Hence the modern meaning of the word dungeon.

        11. Saturn, in the old astrology, was a most unpropitious star to be born under.

        12. To die in the pain was a proverbial expression in the French, used as an alternative to enforce a resolution or a promise.

        Edward III., according to Froissart, declared that he would either succeed in the war against France or die in the pain —

        “Ou il mourroit en la peine.” It was the fashion in those times to swear oaths of friendship and brotherhood; and hence, though the fashion has long died out, we still speak of “sworn friends.”

        13. The saying of the old scholar Boethius, in his treatise “De Consolatione Philosophiae”, which Chaucer translated, and from which he has freely borrowed in his poetry. The words are “Quis legem det amantibus?

        Major lex amor est sibi.”

        (“Who can give law to lovers? Love is a law unto himself, and greater”)

        14. “Perithous” and “Theseus” must, for the metre, be pronounced as words of four and three syllables respectively —

        the vowels at the end not being diphthongated, but enunciated separately, as if the words were printed Pe-ri-tho-us, The-se-us.

        The same rule applies in such words as “creature” and “conscience,” which are trisyllables.

        15. Stound: moment, short space of time; from Anglo-Saxon, “stund;” akin to which is German, “Stunde,” an hour.

        16. Meinie: servants, or menials, &c., dwelling together in a house; from an Anglo-Saxon word meaning a crowd. Compare German, “Menge,” multitude.

        17. The pure fetters: the very fetters. The Greeks used “katharos”, the Romans “purus,” in the same sense.

        18. In the medieval courts of Love, to which allusion is probably made forty lines before, in the word “parlement,” or “parliament,” questions like that here proposed were seriously discussed.

        19. Gear: behaviour, fashion, dress; but, by another reading, the word is “gyre,” and means fit, trance — from the Latin, “gyro,” I turn round.

        20. Before his head in his cell fantastic: in front of his head in his cell of fantasy. “The division of the brain into cells, according to the different sensitive faculties,” says Mr Wright, “is very ancient, and is found depicted in mediaeval manuscripts.” In a manuscript in the Harleian Library, it is stated, “Certum est in prora cerebri esse fantasiam, in medio rationem discretionis, in puppi memoriam” (it is certain that in the front of the brain is imagination, in the middle reason, in the back memory) — a classification not materially differing from that of modern phrenologists.

        21. Dan: Lord; Latin, “Dominus;” Spanish, “Don.”

        22. The “caduceus.”

        23. Argus was employed by Juno to watch Io with his hundred eyes but he was sent to sleep by the flute of Mercury, who then cut off his head.

        24. Next: nearest; German, “naechste”.

        25. Clary: hippocras, wine made with spices.

        26. Warray: make war; French “guerroyer”, to molest; hence, perhaps, “to worry.”

        27. All day meeten men at unset steven: every day men meet at unexpected time. “To set a steven,” is to fix a time, make an appointment.

        28. Roundelay: song coming round again to the words with which it opened.

        29. Now in the crop and now down in the breres: Now in the tree-top, now down in the briars. “Crop and root,” top and bottom, is used to express the perfection or totality of anything.

        30. Beknow: avow, acknowledge: German, “bekennen.”

        31. Shapen was my death erst than my shert: My death was decreed before my shirt ws shaped — that is, before any clothes were made for me, before my birth.

        32. Regne: Queen; French, “Reine;” Venus is meant. The common reading, however, is “regne,” reign or power.

        33. Launde: plain. Compare modern English, “lawn,” and French, “Landes” — flat, bare marshy tracts in the south of France.

        34. Mister: manner, kind; German “muster,” sample, model.

        35. In listes: in the lists, prepared for such single combats between champion and accuser, &c.

        36. Thilke: that, contracted from “the ilke,” the same.

        37. Mars the Red: referring to the ruddy colour of the planet, to which was doubtless due the transference to it of the name of the God of War. In his “Republic,” enumerating the seven planets, Cicero speaks of the propitious and beneficent light of Jupiter: “Tum (fulgor) rutilis horribilisque terris, quem Martium dicitis” — “Then the red glow, horrible to the nations, which you say to be that of Mars.” Boccaccio opens the “Theseida” by an invocation to “rubicondo Marte.”

        38. Last: lace, leash, noose, snare: from Latin, “laceus.”

        39. “Round was the shape, in manner of compass, Full of degrees, the height of sixty pas”

        The building was a circle of steps or benches, as in the ancient amphitheatre. Either the building was sixty paces high; or, more probably, there were sixty of the steps or benches.

        40. Yellow goldes: The sunflower, turnsol, or girasol, which turns with and seems to watch the sun, as a jealous lover his mistress.

        41. Citheron: The Isle of Venus, Cythera, in the Aegean Sea; now called Cerigo: not, as Chaucer’s form of the word might imply, Mount Cithaeron, in the south-west of Boetia, which was appropriated to other deities than Venus — to Jupiter, to Bacchus, and the Muses.

        42. It need not be said that Chaucer pays slight heed to chronology in this passage, where the deeds of Turnus, the glory of King Solomon, and the fate of Croesus are made memories of the far past in the time of fabulous Theseus, the Minotaur-slayer.

        43. Champartie: divided power or possession; an old law-term, signifying the maintenance of a person in a law suit on the condition of receiving part of the property in dispute, if recovered.

        44. Citole: a kind of dulcimer.

        45. The picke-purse: The plunderers that followed armies, and gave to war a horror all their own.

        46. Shepen: stable; Anglo-Saxon, “scypen;” the word “sheppon” still survives in provincial parlance.

        47. This line, perhaps, refers to the deed of Jael.

        48. The shippes hoppesteres: The meaning is dubious. We may understand “the dancing ships,” “the ships that hop” on the waves; “steres” being taken as the feminine adjectival termination: or we may, perhaps, read, with one of the manuscripts, “the ships upon the steres” — that is, even as they are being steered, or on the open sea — a more picturesque notion.

        49. Freting: devouring; the Germans use “Fressen” to mean eating by animals, “essen” by men.

        50. Julius: i.e. Julius Caesar

        51. Puella and Rubeus were two figures in geomancy, representing two constellations-the one signifying Mars retrograde, the other Mars direct.

        52. Calistope: or Callisto, daughter of Lycaon, seduced by Jupiter, turned into a bear by Diana, and placed afterwards, with her son, as the Great Bear among the stars.

        53. Dane: Daphne, daughter of the river-god Peneus, in Thessaly; she was beloved by Apollo, but to avoid his pursuit, she was, at her own prayer, changed into a laurel-tree.

        54. As the goddess of Light, or the goddess who brings to light, Diana — as well as Juno — was invoked by women in childbirth: so Horace, Odes iii. 22, says:—

        “Montium custos nemorumque, Virgo,

        Quae laborantes utero puellas

        Ter vocata audis adimisque leto,

        Diva triformis.”

        (“Virgin custodian of hills and groves, three-formed goddess who hears and saves from death young women who call upon her thrice when in childbirth”)

        55. Every deal: in every part; “deal” corresponds to the German “Theil” a portion.

        56. Sikerly: surely; German, “sicher;” Scotch, “sikkar,” certain.

        When Robert Bruce had escaped from England to assume the Scottish crown, he stabbed Comyn before the altar at Dumfries; and, emerging from the church, was asked by his friend Kirkpatrick if he had slain the traitor. “I doubt it,” said Bruce.

        “Doubt,” cried Kirkpatrick. “I’ll mak sikkar;” and he rushed into the church, and despatched Comyn with repeated thrusts of his dagger.

        57. Kemped: combed; the word survives in “unkempt.”

        58. Alauns: greyhounds, mastiffs; from the Spanish word “Alano,” signifying a mastiff.

        59. Y-ment: mixed; German, “mengen,” to mix.

        60. Prime: The time of early prayers, between six and nine in the morning.

        61. On the dais: see note 32 to the Prologue.

        62. In her hour: in the hour of the day (two hours before daybreak) which after the astrological system that divided the twenty-four among the seven ruling planets, was under the influence of Venus.

        63. Adon: Adonis, a beautiful youth beloved of Venus, whose death by the tusk of a boar she deeply mourned.

        64. The third hour unequal: In the third planetary hour; Palamon had gone forth in the hour of Venus, two hours before daybreak; the hour of Mercury intervened; the third hour was that of Luna, or Diana. “Unequal” refers to the astrological division of day and night, whatever their duration, into twelve parts, which of necessity varied in length with the season.

        65. Smoking: draping; hence the word “smock;” “smokless,” in Chaucer, means naked.

        66. Cerrial: of the species of oak which Pliny, in his “Natural History,” calls “cerrus.”

        67. Stace of Thebes: Statius, the Roman who embodied in the twelve books of his “Thebaid” the ancient legends connected with the war of the seven against Thebes.

        68. Diana was Luna in heaven, Diana on earth, and Hecate in hell; hence the direction of the eyes of her statue to “Pluto’s dark region.” Her statue was set up where three ways met, so that with a different face she looked down each of the three; from which she was called Trivia. See the quotation from Horace, note 54.

        69. Las: net; the invisible toils in which Hephaestus caught Ares and the faithless Aphrodite, and exposed them to the “inextinguishable laughter” of Olympus.

        70. Saturnus the cold: Here, as in “Mars the Red” we have the person of the deity endowed with the supposed quality of the planet called after his name.

        71. The astrologers ascribed great power to Saturn, and predicted “much debate” under his ascendancy; hence it was “against his kind” to compose the heavenly strife.

        72. Ayel: grandfather; French “Aieul”.

        73. Testers: Helmets; from the French “teste”, “tete”, head.

        74. Parements: ornamental garb, French “parer” to deck.

        75. Gniding: Rubbing, polishing; Anglo-Saxon “gnidan”, to rub.

        76. Nakeres: Drums, used in the cavalry; Boccaccio’s word is “nachere”.

        77. Made an O: Ho! Ho! to command attention; like “oyez”, the call for silence in law-courts or before proclamations.

        78. Sarge: serge, a coarse woollen cloth 79. Heart-spoon: The concave part of the breast, where the lower ribs join the cartilago ensiformis.

        80. To-hewen and to-shred: “to” before a verb implies extraordinary violence in the action denoted.

        81. He through the thickest of the throng etc.. “He” in this passage refers impersonally to any of the combatants.

        82. Galaphay: Galapha, in Mauritania.

        83. Belmarie is supposed to have been a Moorish state in Africa; but “Palmyrie” has been suggested as the correct reading.

        84. As I came never I cannot telle where: Where it went I cannot tell you, as I was not there. Tyrwhitt thinks that Chaucer is sneering at Boccacio’s pompous account of the passage of Arcite’s soul to heaven. Up to this point, the description of the death-scene is taken literally from the “Theseida.”

        85. With sluttery beard, and ruggy ashy hairs: With neglected beard, and rough hair strewn with ashes. “Flotery” is the general reading; but “sluttery” seems to be more in keeping with the picture of abandonment to grief.

        86. Master street: main street; so Froissart speaks of “le souverain carrefour.”

        87. Y-wrie: covered, hid; Anglo-Saxon, “wrigan,” to veil.

        88. Emily applied the funeral torch. The “guise” was, among the ancients, for the nearest relative of the deceased to do this, with averted face.

        89. It was the custom for soldiers to march thrice around the funeral pile of an emperor or general; “on the left hand” is added, in reference to the belief that the left hand was propitious — the Roman augur turning his face southward, and so placing on his left hand the east, whence good omens came.

        With the Greeks, however, their augurs facing the north, it was just the contrary. The confusion, frequent in classical writers, is complicated here by the fact that Chaucer’s description of the funeral of Arcite is taken from Statius’ “Thebaid” — from a Roman’s account of a Greek solemnity.

        90. Lyke-wake: watching by the remains of the dead; from Anglo-Saxon, “lice,” a corpse; German, “Leichnam.”

        91. Chaucer here borrows from Boethius, who says: “Hanc rerum seriem ligat,

        Terras ac pelagus regens,

        Et coelo imperitans, amor.”

        (Love ties these things together: the earth, and the ruling sea, and the imperial heavens)

        THE MILLER’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        When that the Knight had thus his tale told In all the rout was neither young nor old, That he not said it was a noble story, And worthy to be *drawen to memory*; recorded

        And namely the gentles every one. especially the gentlefolk

        Our Host then laugh’d and swore, “So may I gon,* prosper This goes aright; unbuckled is the mail;* the budget is opened

        Let see now who shall tell another tale: For truely this game is well begun.

        Now telleth ye, Sir Monk, if that ye conne, know Somewhat, to quiten* with the Knighte’s tale.” match The Miller that fordrunken was all pale, So that unnethes upon his horse he sat, with difficulty He would avalen neither hood nor hat, uncover Nor abide no man for his courtesy, give way to But in Pilate’s voice<1> he gan to cry, And swore by armes, and by blood, and bones, “I can a noble tale for the nones occasion, With which I will now quite the Knighte’s tale.” match Our Host saw well how drunk he was of ale, And said; “Robin, abide, my leve brother, *dear Some better man shall tell us first another: Abide, and let us worke thriftily.”

        By Godde’s soul,” quoth he, “that will not I, For I will speak, or elles go my way!”

        Our Host answer’d; “*Tell on a devil way*; devil take you!

        Thou art a fool; thy wit is overcome.”

        “Now hearken,” quoth the Miller, “all and some: But first I make a protestatioun.

        That I am drunk, I know it by my soun’: And therefore if that I misspeak or say, Wite it the ale of Southwark, I you pray: blame it on<2>

        For I will tell a legend and a life

        Both of a carpenter and of his wife,

        How that a clerk hath set the wrighte’s cap.” fooled the carpenter

        The Reeve answer’d and saide, “*Stint thy clap, hold your tongue*

        Let be thy lewed drunken harlotry.

        It is a sin, and eke a great folly

        To apeiren* any man, or him defame, *injure And eke to bringe wives in evil name.

        Thou may’st enough of other thinges sayn.”

        This drunken Miller spake full soon again, And saide, “Leve brother Osewold,

        Who hath no wife, he is no cuckold.

        But I say not therefore that thou art one; There be full goode wives many one.

        Why art thou angry with my tale now?

        I have a wife, pardie, as well as thou, Yet *n’old I*, for the oxen in my plough, I would not

        Taken upon me more than enough,

        To deemen* of myself that I am one; *judge I will believe well that I am none.

        An husband should not be inquisitive

        Of Godde’s privity, nor of his wife.

        So he may finde Godde’s foison* there, *treasure Of the remnant needeth not to enquere.”

        What should I more say, but that this Millere He would his wordes for no man forbear, But told his churlish* tale in his mannere; *boorish, rude Me thinketh, that I shall rehearse it here.

        And therefore every gentle wight I pray, For Godde’s love to deem not that I say Of evil intent, but that I must rehearse Their tales all, be they better or worse, Or elles falsen* some of my mattere. falsify And therefore whoso list it not to hear, Turn o’er the leaf, and choose another tale; For he shall find enough, both great and smale, Of storial thing that toucheth gentiless, *historical, true And eke morality and holiness.

        Blame not me, if that ye choose amiss.

        The Miller is a churl, ye know well this, So was the Reeve, with many other mo’, And harlotry* they tolde bothe two. ribald tales Avise you* now, and put me out of blame; be warned

        And eke men should not make earnest of game*. *jest, fun Notes to the Prologue to the Miller’s Tale 1. Pilate, an unpopular personage in the mystery-plays of the middle ages, was probably represented as having a gruff, harsh voice.

        2. Wite: blame; in Scotland, “to bear the wyte,” is to bear the blame.

        THE TALE.

        Whilom there was dwelling in Oxenford

        A riche gnof*, that *guestes held to board, miser *took in boarders*

        And of his craft he was a carpenter.

        With him there was dwelling a poor scholer, Had learned art, but all his fantasy

        Was turned for to learn astrology.

        He coude* a certain of conclusions knew To deeme by interrogations, *determine If that men asked him in certain hours, When that men should have drought or elles show’rs: Or if men asked him what shoulde fall

        Of everything, I may not reckon all.

        This clerk was called Hendy* Nicholas; gentle, handsome Of derne love he knew and of solace; *secret, earnest And therewith he was sly and full privy, And like a maiden meek for to see.

        A chamber had he in that hostelry

        Alone, withouten any company,

        Full *fetisly y-dight* with herbes swoot, neatly decorated*

        And he himself was sweet as is the root sweet Of liquorice, or any setewall. valerian His Almagest,<1> and bookes great and small, His astrolabe,<2> belonging to his art, His augrim stones,<3> layed fair apart On shelves couched at his bedde’s head, laid, set His press y-cover’d with a falding red. *coarse cloth And all above there lay a gay psalt’ry On which he made at nightes melody,

        So sweetely, that all the chamber rang: And Angelus ad virginem<4> he sang.

        And after that he sung the kinge’s note; Full often blessed was his merry throat.

        And thus this sweete clerk his time spent After *his friendes finding and his rent.* Attending to his friends, and providing for the cost of his lodging

        This carpenter had wedded new a wife,

        Which that he loved more than his life: Of eighteen year, I guess, she was of age.

        Jealous he was, and held her narr’w in cage, For she was wild and young, and he was old, And deemed himself belike* a cuckold. *perhaps He knew not Cato,<5> for his wit was rude, That bade a man wed his similitude.

        Men shoulde wedden after their estate, For youth and eld* are often at debate. *age But since that he was fallen in the snare, He must endure (as other folk) his care.

        Fair was this younge wife, and therewithal As any weasel her body gent* and small. slim, neat A seint she weared, barred all of silk, girdle A barm-cloth eke as white as morning milk *apron<6>

        Upon her lendes*, full of many a gore**. loins *plait White was her smock*, and broider’d all before, *robe or gown And eke behind, on her collar about

        Of coal-black silk, within and eke without.

        The tapes of her white volupere head-kerchief <7>

        Were of the same suit of her collere;

        Her fillet broad of silk, and set full high: And sickerly* she had a likerous** eye. certainly *lascivious Full small y-pulled were her browes two, And they were bent*, and black as any sloe. arched She was well more blissful on to see* pleasant to look upon

        Than is the newe perjenete* tree; *young pear-tree And softer than the wool is of a wether.

        And by her girdle hung a purse of leather, Tassel’d with silk, and *pearled with latoun*. set with brass pearls

        In all this world to seeken up and down There is no man so wise, that coude thenche* fancy, think of So gay a popelot, or such a wench. *puppet <8>

        Full brighter was the shining of her hue, Than in the Tower the noble* forged new. *a gold coin <9>

        But of her song, it was as loud and yern, lively <10>

        As any swallow chittering on a bern*. barn Thereto she coulde skip, and make a game also romp*

        As any kid or calf following his dame.

        Her mouth was sweet as braket,<11> or as methe mead Or hoard of apples, laid in hay or heath.

        Wincing* she was as is a jolly colt, *skittish Long as a mast, and upright as a bolt.

        A brooch she bare upon her low collere, As broad as is the boss of a bucklere.

        Her shoon were laced on her legges high; She was a primerole,* a piggesnie <12>, primrose For any lord t’ have ligging in his bed, *lying Or yet for any good yeoman to wed.

        Now, sir, and eft* sir, so befell the case, *again That on a day this Hendy Nicholas

        Fell with this younge wife to rage* and play, *toy, play the rogue While that her husband was at Oseney,<13>

        As clerkes be full subtle and full quaint.

        And privily he caught her by the queint,* cunt And said; “Y-wis, but if I have my will, assuredly For derne love of thee, leman, I spill.” for earnest love of thee And helde her fast by the haunche bones, my mistress, I perish*

        And saide “Leman, love me well at once, Or I will dien, all so God me save.”

        And she sprang as a colt doth in the trave<14>: And with her head she writhed fast away, And said; “I will not kiss thee, by my fay*. *faith Why let be,” quoth she, “let be, Nicholas, Or I will cry out harow and alas!<15>

        Do away your handes, for your courtesy.”

        This Nicholas gan mercy for to cry,

        And spake so fair, and proffer’d him so fast, That she her love him granted at the last, And swore her oath by Saint Thomas of Kent, That she would be at his commandement, When that she may her leisure well espy.

        “My husband is so full of jealousy,

        That but* ye waite well, and be privy, *unless I wot right well I am but dead,” quoth she.

        “Ye muste be full derne* as in this case.” secret “Nay, thereof care thee nought,” quoth Nicholas: “A clerk had litherly beset his while, ill spent his time*

        But if he could a carpenter beguile.” *unless And thus they were accorded and y-sworn To wait a time, as I have said beforn.

        When Nicholas had done thus every deal, whit And thwacked her about the lendes* well, *loins He kiss’d her sweet, and taketh his psalt’ry And playeth fast, and maketh melody.

        Then fell it thus, that to the parish church, Of Christe’s owen workes for to wirch, work This good wife went upon a holy day;

        Her forehead shone as bright as any day, So was it washen, when she left her werk.

        Now was there of that church a parish clerk, The which that was y-cleped Absolon.

        Curl’d was his hair, and as the gold it shone, And strutted* as a fanne large and broad; stretched Full straight and even lay his jolly shode. head of hair His rode was red, his eyen grey as goose, *complexion With Paule’s windows carven on his shoes <16>

        In hosen red he went full fetisly*. daintily, neatly Y-clad he was full small and properly, All in a kirtle of a light waget*; girdle *sky blue Full fair and thicke be the pointes set, And thereupon he had a gay surplice,

        As white as is the blossom on the rise*. *twig <17>

        A merry child he was, so God me save;

        Well could he letten blood, and clip, and shave, And make a charter of land, and a quittance.

        In twenty manners could he trip and dance, After the school of Oxenforde tho*,<18> *then And with his legges caste to and fro;

        And playen songes on a small ribible*; *fiddle Thereto he sung sometimes a loud quinible treble And as well could he play on a gitern. guitar In all the town was brewhouse nor tavern, That he not visited with his solas, mirth, sport There as that any *garnard tapstere* was. licentious barmaid

        But sooth to say he was somedeal squaimous squeamish Of farting, and of speeche dangerous.

        This Absolon, that jolly was and gay,

        Went with a censer on the holy day,

        Censing* the wives of the parish fast; burning incense for And many a lovely look he on them cast, And namely on this carpenter’s wife: *especially To look on her him thought a merry life.

        She was so proper, and sweet, and likerous.

        I dare well say, if she had been a mouse, And he a cat, he would *her hent anon*. have soon caught her

        This parish clerk, this jolly Absolon, Hath in his hearte such a love-longing!

        That of no wife took he none offering; For courtesy he said he woulde none.

        The moon at night full clear and brighte shone, And Absolon his gitern hath y-taken,

        For paramours he thoughte for to waken, And forth he went, jolif* and amorous, *joyous Till he came to the carpentere’s house, A little after the cock had y-crow,

        And *dressed him* under a shot window <19>, stationed himself.

        That was upon the carpentere’s wall.

        He singeth in his voice gentle and small; “Now, dear lady, if thy will be,

        I pray that ye will rue* on me;” *take pity Full well accordant to his giterning.

        This carpenter awoke, and heard him sing, And spake unto his wife, and said anon, What Alison, hear’st thou not Absolon, That chanteth thus under our bower* wall?” *chamber And she answer’d her husband therewithal; “Yes, God wot, John, I hear him every deal.”

        This passeth forth; what will ye bet* than well? *better From day to day this jolly Absolon

        So wooeth her, that him is woebegone.

        He waketh all the night, and all the day, To comb his lockes broad, and make him gay.

        He wooeth her *by means and by brocage, by presents and by agents*

        And swore he woulde be her owen page.

        He singeth brokking* as a nightingale. quavering He sent her piment <20>, mead, and spiced ale, And wafers piping hot out of the glede**: cakes *coals And, for she was of town, he proffer’d meed.<21>

        For some folk will be wonnen for richess, And some for strokes, and some with gentiless.

        Sometimes, to show his lightness and mast’ry, He playeth Herod <22> on a scaffold high.

        But what availeth him as in this case?

        So loveth she the Hendy Nicholas,

        That Absolon may blow the bucke’s horn: “go whistle”

        He had for all his labour but a scorn.

        And thus she maketh Absolon her ape,

        And all his earnest turneth to a jape*. *jest Full sooth is this proverb, it is no lie; Men say right thus alway; the nighe sly Maketh oft time the far lief to be loth. <23>

        For though that Absolon be wood* or wroth *mad Because that he far was from her sight, This nigh Nicholas stood still in his light.

        Now bear thee well, thou Hendy Nicholas, For Absolon may wail and sing “Alas!”

        And so befell, that on a Saturday

        This carpenter was gone to Oseney,

        And Hendy Nicholas and Alison

        Accorded were to this conclusion,

        That Nicholas shall *shape him a wile devise a stratagem*

        The silly jealous husband to beguile;

        And if so were the game went aright,

        She shoulde sleepen in his arms all night; For this was her desire and his also.

        And right anon, withoute wordes mo’,

        This Nicholas no longer would he tarry, But doth full soft unto his chamber carry Both meat and drinke for a day or tway.

        And to her husband bade her for to say, If that he asked after Nicholas,

        She shoulde say, “She wist* not where he was; knew Of all the day she saw him not with eye; She trowed he was in some malady, *believed For no cry that her maiden could him call He would answer, for nought that might befall.”

        Thus passed forth all thilke* Saturday, that That Nicholas still in his chamber lay, And ate, and slept, and didde what him list Till Sunday, that the sunne went to rest. when This silly carpenter had great marvaill wondered greatly*

        Of Nicholas, or what thing might him ail, And said; “I am adrad*, by Saint Thomas! *afraid, in dread It standeth not aright with Nicholas:

        *God shielde* that he died suddenly. heaven forbid!

        This world is now full fickle sickerly*. certainly I saw to-day a corpse y-borne to chirch, That now on Monday last I saw him wirch. work “Go up,” quod he unto his knave, “anon; *servant.

        Clepe* at his door, or knocke with a stone: *call Look how it is, and tell me boldely.”

        This knave went him up full sturdily,

        And, at the chamber door while that he stood, He cried and knocked as that he were wood: mad “What how? what do ye, Master Nicholay?

        How may ye sleepen all the longe day?”

        But all for nought, he hearde not a word.

        An hole he found full low upon the board, Where as the cat was wont in for to creep, And at that hole he looked in full deep, And at the last he had of him a sight.

        This Nicholas sat ever gaping upright, As he had kyked* on the newe moon. *looked <24>

        Adown he went, and told his master soon, In what array he saw this ilke* man. same This carpenter to blissen him* began, bless, cross himself

        And said: “Now help us, Sainte Frideswide.<25>

        A man wot* little what shall him betide. *knows This man is fall’n with his astronomy

        Into some woodness* or some agony. *madness I thought aye well how that it shoulde be.

        Men should know nought of Godde’s privity*. secrets Yea, blessed be alway a lewed man, unlearned That nought but only his believe can*. knows no more So far’d another clerk with astronomy: than his “credo.”

        He walked in the fieldes for to *pry

        Upon* the starres, what there should befall, keep watch on

        Till he was in a marle pit y-fall.<26>

        He saw not that. But yet, by Saint Thomas!

        Me rueth sore of Hendy Nicholas: I am very sorry for

        He shall be rated of his studying, chidden for

        If that I may, by Jesus, heaven’s king!

        Get me a staff, that I may underspore lever up While that thou, Robin, heavest off the door: He shall out of his studying, as I guess.”

        And to the chamber door he gan him dress apply himself.

        His knave was a strong carl for the nonce, And by the hasp he heav’d it off at once; Into the floor the door fell down anon.

        This Nicholas sat aye as still as stone, And ever he gap’d upward into the air.

        The carpenter ween’d* he were in despair, thought And hent him by the shoulders mightily, *caught And shook him hard, and cried spitously; angrily “What, Nicholas? what how, man? look adown: Awake, and think on Christe’s passioun.

        I crouche thee<27> from elves, and from wights*. *witches Therewith the night-spell said he anon rights, properly On the four halves* of the house about, *corners And on the threshold of the door without.

        “Lord Jesus Christ, and Sainte Benedight, Blesse this house from every wicked wight, From the night mare, the white Pater-noster; Where wonnest* thou now, Sainte Peter’s sister?” *dwellest And at the last this Hendy Nicholas

        Gan for to sigh full sore, and said; “Alas!

        Shall all time world be lost eftsoones* now?” *forthwith This carpenter answer’d; “What sayest thou?

        What? think on God, as we do, men that swink.*” *labour This Nicholas answer’d; “Fetch me a drink; And after will I speak in privity

        Of certain thing that toucheth thee and me: I will tell it no other man certain.”

        This carpenter went down, and came again, And brought of mighty ale a large quart; And when that each of them had drunk his part, This Nicholas his chamber door fast shet, shut And down the carpenter by him he set,

        And saide; “John, mine host full lief* and dear, loved Thou shalt upon thy truthe swear me here, That to no wight thou shalt my counsel wray: *betray For it is Christes counsel that I say, And if thou tell it man, thou art forlore: lost<28>

        For this vengeance thou shalt have therefor, That if thou wraye* me, thou shalt be wood**.” betray *mad “Nay, Christ forbid it for his holy blood!”

        Quoth then this silly man; “I am no blab, talker Nor, though I say it, am I *lief to gab*. fond of speech

        Say what thou wilt, I shall it never tell To child or wife, by him that harried Hell.” <29>

        “Now, John,” quoth Nicholas, “I will not lie, I have y-found in my astrology,

        As I have looked in the moone bright,

        That now on Monday next, at quarter night, Shall fall a rain, and that so wild and wood, mad That never half so great was Noe’s flood.

        This world,” he said, “in less than half an hour Shall all be dreint*, so hideous is the shower: drowned Thus shall mankinde drench, and lose their life.” *drown This carpenter answer’d; “Alas, my wife!

        And shall she drench? alas, mine Alisoun!”

        For sorrow of this he fell almost adown, And said; “Is there no remedy in this case?”

        “Why, yes, for God,” quoth Hendy Nicholas; “If thou wilt worken after *lore and rede*; learning and advice

        Thou may’st not worken after thine own head.

        For thus saith Solomon, that was full true: Work all by counsel, and thou shalt not rue*. *repent And if thou worke wilt by good counseil, I undertake, withoute mast or sail,

        Yet shall I save her, and thee, and me.

        Hast thou not heard how saved was Noe, When that our Lord had warned him beforn, That all the world with water *should be lorn*?” should perish

        “Yes,” quoth this carpenter,” full yore ago.” long since

        “Hast thou not heard,” quoth Nicholas, “also The sorrow of Noe, with his fellowship, That he had ere he got his wife to ship?<30>

        *Him had been lever, I dare well undertake, At thilke time, than all his wethers black, That she had had a ship herself alone. see note <31>

        And therefore know’st thou what is best to be done?

        This asketh haste, and of an hasty thing Men may not preach or make tarrying.

        Anon go get us fast into this inn house A kneading trough, or else a kemelin, brewing-tub For each of us; but look that they be large, In whiche we may swim* as in a barge: *float And have therein vitaille suffisant

        But for one day; fie on the remenant;

        The water shall aslake* and go away slacken, abate Aboute prime upon the nexte day. *early morning But Robin may not know of this, thy knave, servant Nor eke thy maiden Gill I may not save: Ask me not why: for though thou aske me I will not telle Godde’s privity.

        Sufficeth thee, *but if thy wit be mad, unless thou be To have as great a grace as Noe had; out of thy wits*

        Thy wife shall I well saven out of doubt.

        Go now thy way, and speed thee hereabout.

        But when thou hast for her, and thee, and me, Y-gotten us these kneading tubbes three, Then shalt thou hang them in the roof full high, So that no man our purveyance* espy: *foresight, providence And when thou hast done thus as I have said, And hast our vitaille fair in them y-laid, And eke an axe to smite the cord in two When that the water comes, that we may go, And break an hole on high upon the gable Into the garden-ward, over the stable, That we may freely passe forth our way, When that the greate shower is gone away.

        Then shalt thou swim as merry, I undertake, As doth the white duck after her drake: Then will I clepe,* ‘How, Alison? How, John? *call Be merry: for the flood will pass anon.’

        And thou wilt say, ‘Hail, Master Nicholay, Good-morrow, I see thee well, for it is day.’

        And then shall we be lordes all our life Of all the world, as Noe and his wife.

        But of one thing I warne thee full right, Be well advised, on that ilke* night, same When we be enter’d into shippe’s board, That none of us not speak a single word, Nor clepe nor cry, but be in his prayere, For that is Godde’s owen heste dear. *command Thy wife and thou must hangen far atween, asunder For that betwixte you shall be no sin, No more in looking than there shall in deed.

        This ordinance is said: go, God thee speed To-morrow night, when men be all asleep, Into our kneading tubbes will we creep, And sitte there, abiding Godde’s grace.

        Go now thy way, I have no longer space To make of this no longer sermoning:

        Men say thus: Send the wise, and say nothing: Thou art so wise, it needeth thee nought teach.

        Go, save our lives, and that I thee beseech.”

        This silly carpenter went forth his way, Full oft he said, “Alas! and Well-a-day!,’

        And to his wife he told his privity,

        And she was ware, and better knew than he What all this *quainte cast was for to say*. strange contrivance But natheless she fear’d as she would dey, meant

        And said: “Alas! go forth thy way anon.

        Help us to scape, or we be dead each one.

        I am thy true and very wedded wife;

        Go, deare spouse, and help to save our life.”

        Lo, what a great thing is affection!

        Men may die of imagination,

        So deeply may impression be take.

        This silly carpenter begins to quake:

        He thinketh verily that he may see

        This newe flood come weltering as the sea To drenchen* Alison, his honey dear. drown He weepeth, waileth, maketh sorry cheer*; dismal countenance

        He sigheth, with full many a sorry sough. groan He go’th, and getteth him a kneading trough, And after that a tub, and a kemelin,

        And privily he sent them to his inn:

        And hung them in the roof full privily.

        With his own hand then made he ladders three, To climbe by *the ranges and the stalks the rungs and the uprights*

        Unto the tubbes hanging in the balks*; *beams And victualed them, kemelin, trough, and tub, With bread and cheese, and good ale in a jub, jug Sufficing right enough as for a day.

        But ere that he had made all this array, He sent his knave*, and eke his wench** also, servant *maid Upon his need* to London for to go. business And on the Monday, when it drew to night, He shut his door withoute candle light, And dressed every thing as it should be. *prepared And shortly up they climbed all the three.

        They satte stille well *a furlong way*. the time it would take “Now, Pater noster, clum,”<32> said Nicholay, to walk a furlong

        And “clum,” quoth John; and “clum,” said Alison: This carpenter said his devotion,

        And still he sat and bidded his prayere, Awaking on the rain, if he it hear.

        The deade sleep, for weary business,

        Fell on this carpenter, right as I guess, About the curfew-time,<33> or little more, For travail of his ghost he groaned sore, anguish of spirit

        *And eft he routed, for his head mislay. and then he snored, Adown the ladder stalked Nicholay; for his head lay awry*

        And Alison full soft adown she sped.

        Withoute wordes more they went to bed, There as the carpenter was wont to lie: where

        There was the revel, and the melody.

        And thus lay Alison and Nicholas,

        In business of mirth and in solace,

        Until the bell of laudes* gan to ring, *morning service, at 3.a.m.

        And friars in the chancel went to sing.

        This parish clerk, this amorous Absolon, That is for love alway so woebegone,

        Upon the Monday was at Oseney

        With company, him to disport and play; And asked upon cas* a cloisterer* occasion **monk Full privily after John the carpenter; And he drew him apart out of the church, And said, “I n’ot;* I saw him not here wirch** know not *work Since Saturday; I trow that he be went For timber, where our abbot hath him sent.

        And dwellen at the Grange a day or two: For he is wont for timber for to go,

        Or else he is at his own house certain.

        Where that he be, I cannot soothly sayn.” say certainly

        This Absolon full jolly was and light, And thought, “Now is the time to wake all night, For sickerly* I saw him not stirring *certainly About his door, since day began to spring.

        So may I thrive, but I shall at cock crow Full privily go knock at his window,

        That stands full low upon his bower* wall: *chamber To Alison then will I tellen all

        My love-longing; for I shall not miss

        That at the leaste way I shall her kiss.

        Some manner comfort shall I have, parfay, by my faith My mouth hath itched all this livelong day: That is a sign of kissing at the least.

        All night I mette* eke I was at a feast. *dreamt Therefore I will go sleep an hour or tway, And all the night then will I wake and play.”

        When that the first cock crowed had, anon Up rose this jolly lover Absolon,

        And him arrayed gay, *at point devise. with exact care*

        But first he chewed grains<34> and liquorice, To smelle sweet, ere he had combed his hair.

        Under his tongue a true love <35> he bare, For thereby thought he to be gracious.

        Then came he to the carpentere’s house, And still he stood under the shot window; Unto his breast it raught*, it was so low; *reached And soft he coughed with a semisoun’. low tone “What do ye, honeycomb, sweet Alisoun?

        My faire bird, my sweet cinamome, cinnamon, sweet spice Awaken, leman* mine, and speak to me. *mistress Full little thinke ye upon my woe,

        That for your love I sweat there as I go. wherever No wonder is that I do swelt and sweat. *faint I mourn as doth a lamb after the teat

        Y-wis*, leman, I have such love-longing, certainly That like a turtle true is my mourning. *turtle-dove I may not eat, no more than a maid.”

        “Go from the window, thou jack fool,” she said: “As help me God, it will not be, ‘come ba* me.’ *kiss I love another, else I were to blame”, Well better than thee, by Jesus, Absolon.

        Go forth thy way, or I will cast a stone; And let me sleep; *a twenty devil way*. twenty devils take ye!

        “Alas!” quoth Absolon, “and well away!

        That true love ever was so ill beset:

        Then kiss me, since that it may be no bet, better For Jesus’ love, and for the love of me.”

        “Wilt thou then go thy way therewith?” , quoth she.

        “Yea, certes, leman,” quoth this Absolon.

        “Then make thee ready,” quoth she, “I come anon.”

        [And unto Nicholas she said *full still*: in a low voice

        “Now peace, and thou shalt laugh anon thy fill.”]<36>

        This Absolon down set him on his knees, And said; “I am a lord at all degrees: For after this I hope there cometh more; Leman, thy grace, and, sweete bird, thine ore.*” *favour The window she undid, and that in haste.

        “Have done,” quoth she, “come off, and speed thee fast, Lest that our neighebours should thee espy.”

        Then Absolon gan wipe his mouth full dry.

        Dark was the night as pitch or as the coal, And at the window she put out her hole, And Absolon him fell ne bet ne werse,

        But with his mouth he kiss’d her naked erse Full savourly. When he was ware of this, Aback he start, and thought it was amiss; For well he wist a woman hath no beard.

        He felt a thing all rough, and long y-hair’d, And saide; “Fy, alas! what have I do?”

        “Te he!” quoth she, and clapt the window to; And Absolon went forth at sorry pace.

        “A beard, a beard,” said Hendy Nicholas; “By God’s corpus, this game went fair and well.”

        This silly Absolon heard every deal, word And on his lip he gan for anger bite;

        And to himself he said, “I shall thee quite*. requite, be even with Who rubbeth now, who frotteth now his lips *rubs With dust, with sand, with straw, with cloth, with chips, But Absolon? that saith full oft, “Alas!

        My soul betake I unto Sathanas,

        But me were lever* than all this town,” quoth he rather I this despite awroken for to be. revenged Alas! alas! that I have been y-blent.” *deceived His hote love is cold, and all y-quent. quenched For from that time that he had kiss’d her erse, Of paramours he *sette not a kers, cared not a rush*

        For he was healed of his malady;

        Full often paramours he gan defy,

        And weep as doth a child that hath been beat.

        A softe pace he went over the street

        Unto a smith, men callen Dan* Gerveis, *master That in his forge smithed plough-harness; He sharped share and culter busily.

        This Absolon knocked all easily,

        And said; “Undo, Gerveis, and that anon.”

        “What, who art thou?” “It is I, Absolon.”

        “What? Absolon, what? Christe’s sweete tree, cross Why rise so rath*? hey! Benedicite, *early What aileth you? some gay girl,<37> God it wote, Hath brought you thus upon the viretote:<38>

        By Saint Neot, ye wot well what I mean.”

        This Absolon he raughte* not a bean *recked, cared Of all his play; no word again he gaf, spoke For he had more tow on his distaff<39>

        Than Gerveis knew, and saide; “Friend so dear, That hote culter in the chimney here

        Lend it to me, I have therewith to don*: *do I will it bring again to thee full soon.”

        Gerveis answered; “Certes, were it gold, Or in a poke* nobles all untold, *purse Thou shouldst it have, as I am a true smith.

        Hey! Christe’s foot, what will ye do therewith?”

        “Thereof,” quoth Absolon, “be as be may; I shall well tell it thee another day:”

        And caught the culter by the colde stele*. *handle Full soft out at the door he gan to steal, And went unto the carpentere’s wall

        He coughed first, and knocked therewithal Upon the window, light as he did ere*. *before <40>

        This Alison answered; “Who is there

        That knocketh so? I warrant him a thief.”

        “Nay, nay,” quoth he, “God wot, my sweete lefe, love I am thine Absolon, my own darling.

        Of gold,” quoth he, “I have thee brought a ring, My mother gave it me, so God me save!

        Full fine it is, and thereto well y-grave*: *engraved This will I give to thee, if thou me kiss.”

        Now Nicholas was risen up to piss,

        And thought he would *amenden all the jape*; improve the joke

        He shoulde kiss his erse ere that he scape: And up the window did he hastily,

        And out his erse he put full privily

        Over the buttock, to the haunche bone.

        And therewith spake this clerk, this Absolon, “Speak, sweete bird, I know not where thou art.”

        This Nicholas anon let fly a fart,

        As great as it had been a thunder dent*; peal, clap That with the stroke he was well nigh y-blent; *blinded But he was ready with his iron hot,

        And Nicholas amid the erse he smote.

        Off went the skin an handbreadth all about.

        The hote culter burned so his tout, breech That for the smart he weened* he would die; thought As he were wood, for woe he gan to cry, *mad “Help! water, water, help for Godde’s heart!”

        This carpenter out of his slumber start, And heard one cry “Water,” as he were wood, mad And thought, “Alas! now cometh Noe’s flood.”

        He sat him up withoute wordes mo’

        And with his axe he smote the cord in two; And down went all; he found neither to sell Nor bread nor ale, till he came to the sell, threshold <41>

        Upon the floor, and there in swoon he lay.

        Up started Alison and Nicholay,

        And cried out an “harow!” <15> in the street.

        The neighbours alle, bothe small and great In ranne, for to gauren* on this man, *stare That yet in swoone lay, both pale and wan: For with the fall he broken had his arm.

        But stand he must unto his owen harm,

        For when he spake, he was anon borne down With Hendy Nicholas and Alisoun.

        They told to every man that he was wood*; mad He was aghaste so of Noe’s flood, *afraid Through phantasy, that of his vanity

        He had y-bought him kneading-tubbes three, And had them hanged in the roof above; And that he prayed them for Godde’s love To sitten in the roof for company.

        The folk gan laughen at his phantasy.

        Into the roof they kyken* and they gape, *peep, look.

        And turned all his harm into a jape*. *jest For whatsoe’er this carpenter answer’d, It was for nought, no man his reason heard.

        With oathes great he was so sworn adown, That he was holden wood in all the town.

        For every clerk anon right held with other; They said, “The man was wood, my leve* brother;” *dear And every wight gan laughen at his strife.

        Thus swived* was the carpentere’s wife, enjoyed For all his keeping and his jealousy; *care And Absolon hath kiss’d her nether eye; And Nicholas is scalded in the tout.

        This tale is done, and God save all the rout*. *company Notes to the Miller’s Tale

        1. Almagest: The book of Ptolemy the astronomer, which formed the canon of astrological science in the middle ages.

        2. Astrolabe: “Astrelagour,” “astrelabore”; a mathematical instrument for taking the altitude of the sun or stars.

        3. “Augrim” is a corruption of algorithm, the Arabian term for numeration; “augrim stones,” therefore were probably marked with numerals, and used as counters.

        4. Angelus ad virginem: The Angel’s salutation to Mary; Luke i.

        28. It was the “Ave Maria” of the Catholic Church service.

        5. Cato: Though Chaucer may have referred to the famous Censor, more probably the reference is merely to the “Moral Distichs,” which go under his name, though written after his time; and in a supplement to which the quoted passage may be found.

        6. Barm-cloth: apron; from Anglo-Saxon “barme,” bosom or lap.

        7. Volupere: Head-gear, kerchief; from French, “envelopper,”

        to wrap up.

        8. Popelet: Puppet; but chiefly; young wench.

        9. Noble: nobles were gold coins of especial purity and brightness; “Ex auro nobilissimi, unde nobilis vocatus,” (made from the noblest (purest) gold, and therefore called nobles) says Vossius.

        10. Yern: Shrill, lively; German, “gern,” willingly, cheerfully.

        11. Braket: bragget, a sweet drink made of honey, spices, &c.

        In some parts of the country, a drink made from honeycomb, after the honey is extracted, is still called “bragwort.”

        12. Piggesnie: a fond term, like “my duck;” from Anglo-Saxon, “piga,” a young maid; but Tyrwhitt associates it with the Latin, “ocellus,” little eye, a fondling term, and suggests that the “pigs-eye,” which is very small, was applied in the same sense.

        Davenport and Butler both use the word pigsnie, the first for “darling,” the second literally for “eye;” and Bishop Gardner, “On True Obedience,” in his address to the reader, says: “How softly she was wont to chirpe him under the chin, and kiss him; how prettily she could talk to him (how doth my sweet heart, what saith now pig’s-eye).”

        13. Oseney: A once well-known abbey near Oxford.

        14. Trave: travis; a frame in which unruly horses were shod.

        15. Harow and Alas: Haro! was an old Norman cry for redress or aid. The “Clameur de Haro” was lately raised, under peculiar circumstances, as the prelude to a legal protest, in Jersey.

        16. His shoes were ornamented like the windows of St. Paul’s, especially like the old rose-window.

        17. Rise: Twig, bush; German, “Reis,” a twig; “Reisig,” a copse.

        18. Chaucer satirises the dancing of Oxford as he did the French of Stratford at Bow.

        19. Shot window: A projecting or bow window, whence it was possible shoot at any one approaching the door.

        20. Piment: A drink made with wine, honey, and spices.

        21. Because she was town-bred, he offered wealth, or money reward, for her love.

        22. Parish-clerks, like Absolon, had leading parts in the mysteries or religious plays; Herod was one of these parts, which may have been an object of competition among the amateurs of the period.

        23 .“The nighe sly maketh oft time the far lief to be loth”: a proverb; the cunning one near at hand oft makes the loving one afar off to be odious.

        24. Kyked: Looked; “keek” is still used in some parts in the sense of “peep.”

        25. Saint Frideswide was the patroness of a considerable priory at Oxford, and held there in high repute.

        26. Plato, in his “Theatetus,” tells this story of Thales; but it has since appeared in many other forms.

        27. Crouche: protect by signing the sign of the cross.

        28. Forlore: lost; german, “verloren.”

        29. Him that harried Hell: Christ who wasted or subdued hell: in the middle ages, some very active exploits against the prince of darkness and his powers were ascribed by the monkish tale-tellers to the saviour after he had “descended into hell.”

        30. According to the old mysteries, Noah’s wife refused to come into the ark, and bade her husband row forth and get him a new wife, because he was leaving her gossips in the town to drown. Shem and his brothers got her shipped by main force; and Noah, coming forward to welcome her, was greeted with a box on the ear.

        31. “Him had been lever, I dare well undertake, At thilke time, than all his wethers black, That she had had a ship herself alone.”

        i.e.

        “At that time he would have given all his black wethers, if she had had an ark to herself.”

        32. “Clum,” like “mum,” a note of silence; but otherwise explained as the humming sound made in repeating prayers; from the Anglo-Saxon, “clumian,” to mutter, speak in an under-tone, keep silence.

        33. Curfew-time: Eight in the evening, when, by the law of William the Conqueror, all people were, on ringing of a bell, to extinguish fire and candle, and go to rest; hence the word curfew, from French, “couvre-feu,” cover-fire.

        34. Absolon chewed grains: these were grains of Paris, or Paradise; a favourite spice.

        35. Under his tongue a true love he bare: some sweet herb; another reading, however, is “a true love-knot,” which may have been of the nature of a charm.

        36. The two lines within brackets are not in most of the editions: they are taken from Urry; whether he supplied them or not, they serve the purpose of a necessary explanation.

        37. Gay girl: As applied to a young woman of light manners, this euphemistic phrase has enjoyed a wonderful vitality.

        38. Viretote: Urry reads “meritote,” and explains it from Spelman as a game in which children made themselves giddy by whirling on ropes. In French, “virer” means to turn; and the explanation may, therefore, suit either reading. In modern slang parlance, Gerveis would probably have said, “on the rampage,”

        or “on the swing” — not very far from Spelman’s rendering.

        39. He had more tow on his distaff: a proverbial saying: he was playing a deeper game, had more serious business on hand.

        40. Ere: before; German, “eher.”

        41. Sell: sill of the door, threshold; French, “seuil,” Latin, “solum,” the ground.

        THE REEVE’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        WHEN folk had laughed all at this nice case Of Absolon and Hendy Nicholas,

        Diverse folk diversely they said,

        But for the more part they laugh’d and play’d; were diverted And at this tale I saw no man him grieve, But it were only Osewold the Reeve.

        Because he was of carpenteres craft,

        A little ire is in his hearte laft*; left He gan to grudge and blamed it a lite.* murmur **little.

        “So the* I,” quoth he, “full well could I him quite* thrive **match With blearing* of a proude miller’s eye, *dimming <1>

        If that me list to speak of ribaldry.

        But I am old; me list not play for age; <2>

        Grass time is done, my fodder is now forage.

        This white top* writeth mine olde years; head Mine heart is also moulded as mine hairs; grown mouldy And I do fare as doth an open-erse; *medlar <3>

        That ilke* fruit is ever longer werse, same Till it be rotten in mullok or in stre*. on the ground or in straw

        We olde men, I dread, so fare we;

        Till we be rotten, can we not be ripe; We hop* away, while that the world will pipe; dance For in our will there sticketh aye a nail, To have an hoary head and a green tail, As hath a leek; for though our might be gone, Our will desireth folly ever-in-one: *continually For when we may not do, then will we speak, Yet in our ashes cold does fire reek. smoke<4>

        Four gledes* have we, which I shall devise*, coals ** describe Vaunting, and lying, anger, covetise*. *covetousness These foure sparks belongen unto eld.

        Our olde limbes well may be unweld, unwieldy But will shall never fail us, that is sooth.

        And yet have I alway a coltes tooth,<5>

        As many a year as it is passed and gone Since that my tap of life began to run; For sickerly*, when I was born, anon *certainly Death drew the tap of life, and let it gon: And ever since hath so the tap y-run,

        Till that almost all empty is the tun.

        The stream of life now droppeth on the chimb.<6>

        The silly tongue well may ring and chime Of wretchedness, that passed is full yore*: *long With olde folk, save dotage, is no more. <7>

        When that our Host had heard this sermoning, He gan to speak as lordly as a king,

        And said; “To what amounteth all this wit?

        What? shall we speak all day of holy writ?

        The devil made a Reeve for to preach,

        As of a souter* a shipman, or a leach**. *cobbler <8>

        Say forth thy tale, and tarry not the time: **surgeon <9>

        Lo here is Deptford, and ‘tis half past prime:<10>

        Lo Greenwich, where many a shrew is in.

        It were high time thy tale to begin.”

        “Now, sirs,” quoth then this Osewold the Reeve, I pray you all that none of you do grieve, Though I answer, and somewhat set his hove, hood <11>

        For lawful is *force off with force to shove. to repel force This drunken miller hath y-told us here by force*

        How that beguiled was a carpentere,

        Paraventure* in scorn, for I am one: *perhaps And, by your leave, I shall him quite anon.

        Right in his churlish termes will I speak, I pray to God his necke might to-break.

        He can well in mine eye see a stalk,

        But in his own he cannot see a balk.”<12>

        Notes to the Prologue to the Reeves Tale.

        1. “With blearing of a proude miller’s eye”: dimming his eye; playing off a joke on him.

        2. “Me list not play for age”: age takes away my zest for drollery.

        3. The medlar, the fruit of the mespilus tree, is only edible when rotten.

        4. Yet in our ashes cold does fire reek: “ev’n in our ashes live their wonted fires.”

        5. A colt’s tooth; a wanton humour, a relish for pleasure.

        6. Chimb: The rim of a barrel where the staves project beyond the head.

        7. With olde folk, save dotage, is no more: Dotage is all that is left them; that is, they can only dwell fondly, dote, on the past.

        8. Souter: cobbler; Scottice, “sutor;”’ from Latin, “suere,” to sew.

        9. “Ex sutore medicus” (a surgeon from a cobbler) and “ex sutore nauclerus” (a seaman or pilot from a cobbler) were both proverbial expressions in the Middle Ages.

        10. Half past prime: half-way between prime and tierce; about half-past seven in the morning.

        11. Set his hove; like “set their caps;” as in the description of the Manciple in the Prologue, who “set their aller cap”. “Hove”

        or “houfe,” means “hood;” and the phrase signifies to be even with, outwit.

        12. The illustration of the mote and the beam, from Matthew.

        THE TALE.<1>

        At Trompington, not far from Cantebrig, Cambridge There goes a brook, and over that a brig, Upon the whiche brook there stands a mill: And this is *very sooth* that I you tell. complete truth

        A miller was there dwelling many a day, As any peacock he was proud and gay:

        Pipen he could, and fish, and nettes bete, prepare And turne cups, and wrestle well, and shete*. *shoot Aye by his belt he bare a long pavade, poniard And of his sword full trenchant was the blade.

        A jolly popper* bare he in his pouch; *dagger There was no man for peril durst him touch.

        A Sheffield whittle* bare he in his hose. small knife Round was his face, and camuse was his nose. *flat <2>

        As pilled* as an ape’s was his skull. *peeled, bald.

        He was a market-beter* at the full. *brawler There durste no wight hand upon him legge, lay That he ne swore anon he should abegge*. *suffer the penalty A thief he was, for sooth, of corn and meal, And that a sly, and used well to steal.

        His name was *hoten deinous Simekin called “Disdainful Simkin”*

        A wife he hadde, come of noble kin:

        The parson of the town her father was.

        With her he gave full many a pan of brass, For that Simkin should in his blood ally.

        She was y-foster’d in a nunnery:

        For Simkin woulde no wife, as he said, But she were well y-nourish’d, and a maid, To saven his estate and yeomanry:

        And she was proud, and pert as is a pie*. *magpie A full fair sight it was to see them two; On holy days before her would he go

        With his tippet* y-bound about his head; hood And she came after in a gite of red, *gown <3>

        And Simkin hadde hosen of the same.

        There durste no wight call her aught but Dame: None was so hardy, walking by that way, That with her either durste *rage or play, use freedom*

        But if he would be slain by Simekin *unless With pavade, or with knife, or bodekin.

        For jealous folk be per’lous evermo’:

        Algate* they would their wives wende so. unless so behave*

        And eke for she was somewhat smutterlich, dirty She was as dign* as water in a ditch, nasty And all so full of hoker, and bismare**. ill-nature *abusive speech Her thoughte that a lady should her spare, not judge her hardly What for her kindred, and her nortelrie nurturing, education That she had learned in the nunnery.

        One daughter hadde they betwixt them two Of twenty year, withouten any mo,

        Saving a child that was of half year age, In cradle it lay, and was a proper page. boy This wenche thick and well y-growen was, With camuse* nose, and eyen gray as glass; *flat With buttocks broad, and breastes round and high; But right fair was her hair, I will not lie.

        The parson of the town, for she was fair, In purpose was to make of her his heir Both of his chattels and his messuage, And *strange he made it* of her marriage. he made it a matter His purpose was for to bestow her high of difficulty

        Into some worthy blood of ancestry.

        For holy Church’s good may be dispended spent On holy Church’s blood that is descended.

        Therefore he would his holy blood honour Though that he holy Churche should devour.

        Great soken* hath this miller, out of doubt, toll taken for grinding With wheat and malt, of all the land about; And namely there was a great college *especially Men call the Soler Hall at Cantebrege,<4>

        There was their wheat and eke their malt y-ground.

        And on a day it happed in a stound, suddenly Sick lay the manciple* of a malady, *steward <5>

        Men *weened wisly* that he shoulde die. thought certainly

        For which this miller stole both meal and corn An hundred times more than beforn.

        For theretofore he stole but courteously, But now he was a thief outrageously.

        For which the warden chid and made fare, fuss But thereof *set the miller not a tare*; he cared not a rush

        He crack’d his boast, and swore it was not so. talked big

        Then were there younge poore scholars two, That dwelled in the hall of which I say; Testif* they were, and lusty for to play; *headstrong <6>

        And only for their mirth and revelry

        Upon the warden busily they cry,

        To give them leave for but a *little stound, short time*

        To go to mill, and see their corn y-ground: And hardily* they durste lay their neck, *boldly The miller should not steal them half a peck Of corn by sleight, nor them by force bereave take away And at the last the warden give them leave: John hight the one, and Alein hight the other, Of one town were they born, that highte Strother,<7>

        Far in the North, I cannot tell you where.

        This Alein he made ready all his gear, And on a horse the sack he cast anon:

        Forth went Alein the clerk, and also John, With good sword and with buckler by their side.

        John knew the way, him needed not no guide, And at the mill the sack adown he lay’th.

        Alein spake first; “All hail, Simon, in faith, How fares thy faire daughter, and thy wife.”

        “Alein, welcome,” quoth Simkin, “by my life, And John also: how now, what do ye here?”

        “By God, Simon,” quoth John, “need has no peer*. *equal Him serve himself behoves that has no swain, servant Or else he is a fool, as clerkes sayn.

        Our manciple I hope* he will be dead, expect So workes aye the wanges in his head: *cheek-teeth <8>

        And therefore is I come, and eke Alein, To grind our corn and carry it home again: I pray you speed us hence as well ye may.”

        “It shall be done,” quoth Simkin, “by my fay.

        What will ye do while that it is in hand?”

        “By God, right by the hopper will I stand,”

        Quoth John, “and see how that the corn goes in.

        Yet saw I never, by my father’s kin,

        How that the hopper wagges to and fro.”

        Alein answered, “John, and wilt thou so?

        Then will I be beneathe, by my crown,

        And see how that the meale falls adown Into the trough, that shall be my disport*: *amusement For, John, in faith I may be of your sort; I is as ill a miller as is ye.”

        This miller smiled at their nicety, simplicity And thought, “All this is done but for a wile.

        They weenen* that no man may them beguile, *think But by my thrift yet shall I blear their eye,<9>

        For all the sleight in their philosophy.

        The more *quainte knackes* that they make, odd little tricks

        The more will I steal when that I take.

        Instead of flour yet will I give them bren*. *bran The greatest clerks are not the wisest men, As whilom to the wolf thus spake the mare: <10>

        Of all their art ne count I not a tare.”

        Out at the door he went full privily,

        When that he saw his time, softely.

        He looked up and down, until he found

        The clerkes’ horse, there as he stood y-bound Behind the mill, under a levesell: arbour<11>

        And to the horse he went him fair and well, And stripped off the bridle right anon.

        And when the horse was loose, he gan to gon Toward the fen, where wilde mares run, Forth, with “Wehee!” through thick and eke through thin.

        This miller went again, no word he said, But did his note*, and with these clerkes play’d, *business <12>

        Till that their corn was fair and well y-ground.

        And when the meal was sacked and y-bound, Then John went out, and found his horse away, And gan to cry, “Harow, and wellaway!

        Our horse is lost: Alein, for Godde’s bones, Step on thy feet; come off, man, all at once: Alas! our warden has his palfrey lorn.*” lost This Alein all forgot, both meal and corn; All was out of his mind his husbandry. careful watch over “What, which way is he gone?” he gan to cry. the corn

        The wife came leaping inward at a renne, run She said; “Alas! your horse went to the fen With wilde mares, as fast as he could go.

        Unthank* come on his hand that bound him so *ill luck, a curse And his that better should have knit the rein.”

        “Alas!” quoth John, “Alein, for Christes pain Lay down thy sword, and I shall mine also.

        I is full wight*, God wate**, as is a roe. swift *knows By Godde’s soul he shall not scape us bathe*. *both <13>

        Why n’ had thou put the capel* in the lathe**? horse<14> *barn Ill hail, Alein, by God thou is a fonne.*” *fool These silly clerkes have full fast y-run Toward the fen, both Alein and eke John; And when the miller saw that they were gone, He half a bushel of their flour did take, And bade his wife go knead it in a cake.

        He said; I trow, the clerkes were afeard, Yet can a miller *make a clerkes beard, cheat a scholar* <15>

        For all his art: yea, let them go their way!

        Lo where they go! yea, let the children play: They get him not so lightly, by my crown.”

        These silly clerkes runnen up and down With “Keep, keep; stand, stand; jossa*, warderere. turn Go whistle thou, and I shall keep him here.” *catch But shortly, till that it was very night They coulde not, though they did all their might, Their capel catch, he ran alway so fast: Till in a ditch they caught him at the last.

        Weary and wet, as beastes in the rain, Comes silly John, and with him comes Alein.

        “Alas,” quoth John, “the day that I was born!

        Now are we driv’n till hething* and till scorn. mockery Our corn is stol’n, men will us fonnes call, fools Both the warden, and eke our fellows all, And namely the miller, wellaway!” especially Thus plained John, as he went by the way Toward the mill, and Bayard in his hand. the bay horse The miller sitting by the fire he fand. found For it was night, and forther might they not, go their way But for the love of God they him besought Of herberow and ease, for their penny. *lodging The miller said again,” If there be any, Such as it is, yet shall ye have your part.

        Mine house is strait, but ye have learned art; Ye can by arguments maken a place

        A mile broad, of twenty foot of space.

        Let see now if this place may suffice, Or make it room with speech, as is your guise.*” *fashion “Now, Simon,” said this John, “by Saint Cuthberd Aye is thou merry, and that is fair answer’d.

        I have heard say, man shall take of two things, Such as he findes, or such as he brings.

        But specially I pray thee, hoste dear, Gar <16> us have meat and drink, and make us cheer, And we shall pay thee truly at the full: With empty hand men may not hawkes tull*. *allure Lo here our silver ready for to spend.”

        This miller to the town his daughter send For ale and bread, and roasted them a goose, And bound their horse, he should no more go loose: And them in his own chamber made a bed.

        With sheetes and with chalons* fair y-spread, *blankets<17>

        Not from his owen bed ten foot or twelve: His daughter had a bed all by herselve, Right in the same chamber *by and by*: side by side

        It might no better be, and cause why,

        There was no roomer herberow in the place. roomier lodging

        They suppen, and they speaken of solace, And drinken ever strong ale at the best.

        Aboute midnight went they all to rest.

        Well had this miller varnished his head; Full pale he was, fordrunken, and nought red. without his wits

        He yoxed*, and he spake thorough the nose, hiccuped As he were in the quakke, or in the pose**. grunting *catarrh To bed he went, and with him went his wife, As any jay she light was and jolife, jolly So was her jolly whistle well y-wet.

        The cradle at her beddes feet was set, To rock, and eke to give the child to suck.

        And when that drunken was all in the crock pitcher<18>

        To bedde went the daughter right anon, To bedde went Alein, and also John.

        There was no more; needed them no dwale.<19>

        This miller had, so wisly* bibbed ale, certainly That as a horse he snorted in his sleep, Nor of his tail behind he took no keep. heed His wife bare him a burdoun, a full strong; *bass <20>

        Men might their routing* hearen a furlong. *snoring The wenche routed eke for company.

        Alein the clerk, that heard this melody, He poked John, and saide: “Sleepest thou?

        Heardest thou ever such a song ere now?

        Lo what a compline<21> is y-mell* them all. *among A wilde fire upon their bodies fall,

        Who hearken’d ever such a ferly* thing? *strange <22>

        Yea, they shall have the flow’r of ill ending!

        This longe night there *tides me* no rest. comes to me

        But yet no force*, all shall be for the best. matter For, John,” said he, “as ever may I thrive, If that I may, yon wenche will I swive. enjoy carnally Some easement has law y-shapen** us satisfaction *provided For, John, there is a law that sayeth thus, That if a man in one point be aggriev’d, That in another he shall be relievd.

        Our corn is stol’n, soothly it is no nay, And we have had an evil fit to-day.

        And since I shall have none amendement Against my loss, I will have easement: By Godde’s soul, it shall none, other be.”

        This John answer’d; Alein, avise thee: have a care

        The miller is a perilous man,” he said, “And if that he out of his sleep abraid, awaked He mighte do us both a villainy*.” *mischief Alein answer’d; “I count him not a fly.

        And up he rose, and by the wench he crept.

        This wenche lay upright, and fast she slept, Till he so nigh was, ere she might espy, That it had been too late for to cry:

        And, shortly for to say, they were at one.

        Now play, Alein, for I will speak of John.

        This John lay still a furlong way <23> or two, And to himself he made ruth* and woe. wail “Alas!” quoth he, “this is a wicked jape; *trick Now may I say, that I is but an ape.

        Yet has my fellow somewhat for his harm; He has the miller’s daughter in his arm: He auntred* him, and hath his needes sped, *adventured And I lie as a draff-sack in my bed;

        And when this jape is told another day, I shall be held a daffe* or a cockenay <24> coward I will arise, and auntre it, by my fay: *attempt Unhardy is unsely, <25> as men say.”

        And up he rose, and softely he went

        Unto the cradle, and in his hand it hent, took And bare it soft unto his beddes feet.

        Soon after this the wife *her routing lete, stopped snoring*

        And gan awake, and went her out to piss And came again and gan the cradle miss And groped here and there, but she found none.

        “Alas!” quoth she, “I had almost misgone I had almost gone to the clerkes’ bed.

        Ey! Benedicite, then had I foul y-sped.”

        And forth she went, till she the cradle fand.

        She groped alway farther with her hand And found the bed, and *thoughte not but good had no suspicion*

        Because that the cradle by it stood,

        And wist not where she was, for it was derk; But fair and well she crept in by the clerk, And lay full still, and would have caught a sleep.

        Within a while this John the Clerk up leap And on this goode wife laid on full sore; So merry a fit had she not had full yore. for a long time

        He pricked hard and deep, as he were mad.

        This jolly life have these two clerkes had, Till that the thirde cock began to sing.

        Alein wax’d weary in the morrowing,

        For he had swonken* all the longe night, *laboured And saide; “Farewell, Malkin, my sweet wight.

        The day is come, I may no longer bide, But evermore, where so I go or ride,

        I is thine owen clerk, so have I hele.*” health “Now, deare leman,” quoth she, “go, fare wele: *sweetheart But ere thou go, one thing I will thee tell.

        When that thou wendest homeward by the mill, Right at the entry of the door behind

        Thou shalt a cake of half a bushel find, That was y-maked of thine owen meal,

        Which that I help’d my father for to steal.

        And goode leman, God thee save and keep.”

        And with that word she gan almost to weep.

        Alein uprose and thought, “Ere the day daw I will go creepen in by my fellaw:”

        And found the cradle with his hand anon.

        “By God!” thought he, “all wrong I have misgone: My head is *totty of my swink* tonight, giddy from my labour

        That maketh me that I go not aright.

        I wot well by the cradle I have misgo’; Here lie the miller and his wife also.”

        And forth he went a twenty devil way

        Unto the bed, there as the miller lay.

        He ween’d* t’ have creeped by his fellow John, *thought And by the miller in he crept anon,

        And caught him by the neck, and gan him shake, And said; “Thou John, thou swines-head, awake For Christes soul, and hear a noble game!

        For by that lord that called is Saint Jame, As I have thries in this shorte night

        Swived the miller’s daughter bolt-upright, While thou hast as a coward lain aghast*.” *afraid “Thou false harlot,” quoth the miller, “hast?

        Ah, false traitor, false clerk,” quoth he, “Thou shalt be dead, by Godde’s dignity, Who durste be so bold to disparage disgrace My daughter, that is come of such lineage?”

        And by the throate-ball* he caught Alein, Adam’s apple And he him hent dispiteously** again, seized *angrily And on the nose he smote him with his fist; Down ran the bloody stream upon his breast: And in the floor with nose and mouth all broke They wallow, as do two pigs in a poke.

        And up they go, and down again anon,

        Till that the miller spurned* on a stone, *stumbled And down he backward fell upon his wife, That wiste nothing of this nice strife: For she was fall’n asleep a little wight while With John the clerk, that waked had all night: And with the fall out of her sleep she braid*. *woke “Help, holy cross of Bromeholm,” <26> she said; “In manus tuas! <27> Lord, to thee I call.

        Awake, Simon, the fiend is on me fall; Mine heart is broken; help; I am but dead: There li’th one on my womb and on mine head.

        Help, Simkin, for these false clerks do fight”

        This John start up as fast as e’er he might, And groped by the walles to and fro

        To find a staff; and she start up also, And knew the estres* better than this John, apartment And by the wall she took a staff anon: And saw a little shimmering of a light, For at an hole in shone the moone bright, And by that light she saw them both the two, But sickerly she wist not who was who, *certainly But as she saw a white thing in her eye.

        And when she gan this white thing espy, She ween’d* the clerk had wear’d a volupere**; supposed *night-cap And with the staff she drew aye nere* and nere, nearer And ween’d to have hit this Alein at the full, And smote the miller on the pilled* skull; *bald That down he went, and cried,” Harow! I die.”

        These clerkes beat him well, and let him lie, And greithen* them, and take their horse anon, *make ready, dress And eke their meal, and on their way they gon: And at the mill door eke they took their cake Of half a bushel flour, full well y-bake.

        Thus is the proude miller well y-beat, And hath y-lost the grinding of the wheat; And payed for the supper *every deal every bit Of Alein and of John, that beat him well; His wife is swived, and his daughter als*; *also Lo, such it is a miller to be false.

        And therefore this proverb is said full sooth, “*Him thar not winnen well* that evil do’th, he deserves not to gain

        A guiler shall himself beguiled be:”

        And God that sitteth high in majesty

        Save all this Company, both great and smale.

        Thus have I quit* the Miller in my tale. *made myself quits with Notes to the Reeve’s Tale

        1. The incidents of this tale were much relished in the Middle Ages, and are found under various forms. Boccaccio has told them in the ninth day of his “Decameron”.

        2. Camuse: flat; French “camuse”, snub-nosed.

        3. Gite: gown or coat; French “jupe.”

        4. Soler Hall: the hall or college at Cambridge with the gallery or upper storey; supposed to have been Clare Hall.

        (Transcribers note: later commentators identify it with King’s Hall, now merged with Trinity College) 5. Manciple: steward; provisioner of the hall. See also note 47

        to the prologue to the Tales.

        6. Testif: headstrong, wild-brained; French, “entete.”

        7. Strother: Tyrwhitt points to Anstruther, in Fife: Mr Wright to the Vale of Langstroth, in the West Riding of Yorkshire.

        Chaucer has given the scholars a dialect that may have belonged to either district, although it more immediately suggests the more northern of the two.

        (Transcribers note: later commentators have identified it with a now vanished village near Kirknewton in Northumberland.

        There was a well-known Alein of Strother in Chaucer’s lifetime.)

        8. Wanges: grinders, cheek-teeth; Anglo-Saxon, “Wang,” the cheek; German, “Wange.”

        9. See note 1 to the Prologue to the Reeves Tale 10. In the “Cento Novelle Antiche,” the story is told of a mule, which pretends that his name is written on the bottom of his hind foot. The wolf attempts to read it, the mule kills him with a kick in the forehead; and the fox, looking on, remarks that “every man of letters is not wise.” A similar story is told in “Reynard the Fox.”

        11. Levesell: an arbour; Anglo-Saxon, “lefe-setl,” leafy seat.

        12. Noth: business; German, “Noth,” necessity.

        13. Bathe: both; Scottice, “baith.”

        14. Capel: horse; Gaelic, “capall;” French, “cheval;” Italian, “cavallo,” from Latin, “caballus.”

        15. Make a clerkes beard: cheat a scholar; French, “faire la barbe;” and Boccaccio uses the proverb in the same sense.

        16. “Gar” is Scotch for “cause;” some editions read, however, “get us some”.

        17. Chalons: blankets, coverlets, made at Chalons in France.

        18. Crock: pitcher, cruse; Anglo-Saxon, “crocca;” German, “krug;” hence “crockery.”

        19. Dwale: night-shade, Solanum somniferum, given to cause sleep.

        20. Burdoun: bass; “burden” of a song. It originally means the drone of a bagpipe; French, “bourdon.”

        21. Compline: evensong in the church service; chorus.

        22. Ferly: strange. In Scotland, a “ferlie” is an unwonted or remarkable sight.

        23. A furlong way: As long as it might take to walk a furlong.

        24. Cockenay: a term of contempt, probably borrowed from the kitchen; a cook, in base Latin, being termed “coquinarius.”

        compare French “coquin,” rascal.

        25. Unhardy is unsely: the cowardly is unlucky; “nothing venture, nothing have;” German, “unselig,” unhappy.

        26. Holy cross of Bromeholm: A common adjuration at that time; the cross or rood of the priory of Bromholm, in Norfolk, was said to contain part of the real cross and therefore held in high esteem.

        27. In manus tuas: Latin, “in your hands”.

        THE COOK’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        THE Cook of London, while the Reeve thus spake, For joy he laugh’d and clapp’d him on the back: “Aha!” quoth he, “for Christes passion, This Miller had a sharp conclusion,

        Upon this argument of herbergage. lodging Well saide Solomon in his language,

        Bring thou not every man into thine house, For harbouring by night is perilous.

        *Well ought a man avised for to be a man should take good heed*

        Whom that he brought into his privity.

        I pray to God to give me sorrow and care If ever, since I highte* Hodge of Ware, was called Heard I a miller better set a-work*; handled He had a jape of malice in the derk. trick But God forbid that we should stinte here, *stop And therefore if ye will vouchsafe to hear A tale of me, that am a poore man,

        I will you tell as well as e’er I can

        A little jape that fell in our city.”

        Our Host answer’d and said; “I grant it thee.

        Roger, tell on; and look that it be good, For many a pasty hast thou letten blood, And many a Jack of Dover<1> hast thou sold, That had been twice hot and twice cold.

        Of many a pilgrim hast thou Christe’s curse, For of thy parsley yet fare they the worse.

        That they have eaten in thy stubble goose: For in thy shop doth many a fly go loose.

        Now tell on, gentle Roger, by thy name, But yet I pray thee be not *wroth for game*; angry with my jesting

        A man may say full sooth in game and play.”

        “Thou sayst full sooth,” quoth Roger, “by my fay; But sooth play quad play,<2> as the Fleming saith, And therefore, Harry Bailly, by thy faith, Be thou not wroth, else we departe* here, *part company Though that my tale be of an hostelere. innkeeper But natheless, I will not tell it yet, But ere we part, y-wis* thou shalt be quit.”<3> *assuredly And therewithal he laugh’d and made cheer,<4>

        And told his tale, as ye shall after hear.

        Notes to the Prologue to the Cook’s Tale 1. Jack of Dover: an article of cookery. (Transcriber’s note: suggested by some commentators to be a kind of pie, and by others to be a fish)

        2. Sooth play quad play: true jest is no jest.

        3. It may be remembered that each pilgrim was bound to tell two stories; one on the way to Canterbury, the other returning.

        4. Made cheer: French, “fit bonne mine;” put on a pleasant countenance.

        THE TALE.

        A prentice whilom dwelt in our city,

        And of a craft of victuallers was he:

        Galliard* he was, as goldfinch in the shaw*, lively **grove Brown as a berry, a proper short fellaw: With lockes black, combed full fetisly. daintily And dance he could so well and jollily, That he was called Perkin Revellour.

        He was as full of love and paramour,

        As is the honeycomb of honey sweet;

        Well was the wenche that with him might meet.

        At every bridal would he sing and hop; He better lov’d the tavern than the shop.

        For when there any riding was in Cheap,<1>

        Out of the shoppe thither would he leap, And, till that he had all the sight y-seen, And danced well, he would not come again; And gather’d him a meinie* of his sort, company of fellows To hop and sing, and make such disport: And there they sette steven* for to meet made appointment

        To playen at the dice in such a street.

        For in the towne was there no prentice That fairer coulde cast a pair of dice Than Perkin could; and thereto he was free he spent money liberally Of his dispence, in place of privity.* where he would not be seen*

        That found his master well in his chaffare, merchandise For oftentime he found his box full bare.

        For, soothely, a prentice revellour,

        That haunteth dice, riot, and paramour, His master shall it in his shop abie, suffer for All* have he no part of the minstrelsy. although For theft and riot they be convertible, All can they play on gitern or ribible. guitar or rebeck*

        Revel and truth, as in a low degree,

        They be full wroth* all day, as men may see. at variance This jolly prentice with his master bode, Till he was nigh out of his prenticehood, All were he snubbed both early and late, *rebuked And sometimes led with revel to Newgate.

        But at the last his master him bethought, Upon a day when he his paper<2> sought, Of a proverb, that saith this same word; Better is rotten apple out of hoard,

        Than that it should rot all the remenant: So fares it by a riotous servant;

        It is well lesse harm to let him pace, pass, go Than he shend* all the servants in the place. *corrupt Therefore his master gave him a quittance, And bade him go, with sorrow and mischance.

        And thus this jolly prentice had his leve*: desire Now let him riot all the night, or leave. *refrain And, for there is no thief without a louke,<3>

        That helpeth him to wasten and to souk spend Of that he bribe* can, or borrow may, *steal Anon he sent his bed and his array

        Unto a compere* of his owen sort, comrade That loved dice, and riot, and disport; And had a wife, that held for countenance for appearances*

        A shop, and swived* for her sustenance. *prostituted herself … … . <4>

        Notes to the Cook’s Tale

        1. Cheapside, where jousts were sometimes held, and which was the great scene of city revels and processions.

        2. His paper: his certificate of completion of his apprenticeship.

        3. Louke: The precise meaning of the word is unknown, but it is doubtless included in the cant term “pal”.

        4. The Cook’s Tale is unfinished in all the manuscripts; but in some, of minor authority, the Cook is made to break off his tale, because “it is so foul,” and to tell the story of Gamelyn, on which Shakespeare’s “As You Like It” is founded. The story is not Chaucer’s, and is different in metre, and inferior in composition to the Tales. It is supposed that Chaucer expunged the Cook’s Tale for the same reason that made him on his deathbed lament that he had written so much “ribaldry.”

        THE MAN OF LAW’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        Our Hoste saw well that the brighte sun Th’ arc of his artificial day had run

        The fourthe part, and half an houre more; And, though he were not deep expert in lore, He wist it was the eight-and-twenty day Of April, that is messenger to May;

        And saw well that the shadow of every tree Was in its length of the same quantity That was the body erect that caused it; And therefore by the shadow he took his wit, knowledge That Phoebus, which that shone so clear and bright, Degrees was five-and-forty clomb on height; And for that day, as in that latitude, It was ten of the clock, he gan conclude; And suddenly he plight* his horse about. *pulled <1>

        “Lordings,” quoth he, “I warn you all this rout, company The fourthe partie of this day is gone.

        Now for the love of God and of Saint John Lose no time, as farforth as ye may.

        Lordings, the time wasteth night and day, And steals from us, what privily sleeping, And what through negligence in our waking, As doth the stream, that turneth never again, Descending from the mountain to the plain.

        Well might Senec, and many a philosopher, Bewaile time more than gold in coffer.

        For loss of chattels may recover’d be, But loss of time shendeth* us, quoth he. destroys It will not come again, withoute dread,

        No more than will Malkin’s maidenhead,<2>

        When she hath lost it in her wantonness.

        Let us not moulde thus in idleness.

        “Sir Man of Law,” quoth he, “so have ye bliss, Tell us a tale anon, as forword* is. *the bargain Ye be submitted through your free assent To stand in this case at my judgement.

        Acquit you now, and *holde your behest*; keep your promise

        Then have ye done your devoir* at the least.” *duty “Hoste,” quoth he, “de par dieux jeo asente; <3>

        To breake forword is not mine intent.

        Behest is debt, and I would hold it fain, All my behest; I can no better sayn.

        For such law as a man gives another wight, He should himselfe usen it by right.

        Thus will our text: but natheless certain I can right now no thrifty* tale sayn, worthy But Chaucer (though he can but lewedly knows but imperfectly*

        On metres and on rhyming craftily)

        Hath said them, in such English as he can, Of olde time, as knoweth many a man.

        And if he have not said them, leve* brother, *dear In one book, he hath said them in another For he hath told of lovers up and down, More than Ovide made of mentioun

        In his Epistolae, that be full old.

        Why should I telle them, since they he told?

        In youth he made of Ceyx and Alcyon,<4>

        And since then he hath spoke of every one These noble wives, and these lovers eke.

        Whoso that will his large volume seek

        Called the Saintes’ Legend of Cupid:<5>

        There may he see the large woundes wide Of Lucrece, and of Babylon Thisbe;

        The sword of Dido for the false Enee;

        The tree of Phillis for her Demophon;

        The plaint of Diane, and of Hermion,

        Of Ariadne, and Hypsipile;

        The barren isle standing in the sea;

        The drown’d Leander for his fair Hero; The teares of Helene, and eke the woe

        Of Briseis, and Laodamia;

        The cruelty of thee, Queen Medea,

        Thy little children hanging by the halse, neck For thy Jason, that was of love so false.

        Hypermnestra, Penelop’, Alcest’,

        Your wifehood he commendeth with the best.

        But certainly no worde writeth he

        Of *thilke wick’ example of Canace, that wicked*

        That loved her own brother sinfully;

        (Of all such cursed stories I say, Fy), Or else of Tyrius Apollonius,

        How that the cursed king Antiochus

        Bereft his daughter of her maidenhead; That is so horrible a tale to read,

        When he her threw upon the pavement.

        And therefore he, *of full avisement, deliberately, advisedly*

        Would never write in none of his sermons Of such unkind* abominations; *unnatural Nor I will none rehearse, if that I may.

        But of my tale how shall I do this day?

        Me were loth to be liken’d doubteless

        To Muses, that men call Pierides<6>

        (Metamorphoseos <7> wot what I mean),

        But natheless I recke not a bean,

        Though I come after him with hawebake*; *lout <8>

        I speak in prose, and let him rhymes make.”

        And with that word, he with a sober cheer Began his tale, and said as ye shall hear.

        Notes to the Prologue to The Man of Law’s Tale 1. Plight: pulled; the word is an obsolete past tense from “pluck.”

        2. No more than will Malkin’s maidenhead: a proverbial saying; which, however, had obtained fresh point from the Reeve’s Tale, to which the host doubtless refers.

        3. De par dieux jeo asente: “by God, I agree”. It is characteristic that the somewhat pompous Sergeant of Law should couch his assent in the semi-barbarous French, then familiar in law procedure.

        4. Ceyx and Alcyon: Chaucer treats of these in the introduction to the poem called “The Book of the Duchess.” It relates to the death of Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, the poet’s patron, and afterwards his connexion by marriage.

        5. The Saintes Legend of Cupid: Now called “The Legend of Good Women”. The names of eight ladies mentioned here are not in the “Legend” as it has come down to us; while those of two ladies in the “legend” — Cleopatra and Philomela — are her omitted.

        6. Not the Muses, who had their surname from the place near Mount Olympus where the Thracians first worshipped them; but the nine daughters of Pierus, king of Macedonia, whom he called the nine Muses, and who, being conquered in a contest with the genuine sisterhood, were changed into birds.

        7. Metamorphoseos: Ovid’s.

        8. Hawebake: hawbuck, country lout; the common proverbial phrase, “to put a rogue above a gentleman,” may throw light on the reading here, which is difficult.

        THE TALE. <1>

        O scatheful harm, condition of poverty, With thirst, with cold, with hunger so confounded; To aske help thee shameth in thine hearte; If thou none ask, so sore art thou y-wounded, That very need unwrappeth all thy wound hid.

        Maugre thine head thou must for indigence Or steal, or beg, or borrow thy dispence*. expense Thou blamest Christ, and sayst full bitterly, He misdeparteth riches temporal; allots amiss Thy neighebour thou witest sinfully, blamest And sayst, thou hast too little, and he hath all: “Parfay (sayst thou) sometime he reckon shall, When that his tail shall brennen in the glede, burn in the fire*

        For he not help’d the needful in their need.”

        Hearken what is the sentence of the wise: Better to die than to have indigence.

        Thy selve neighebour will thee despise, that same

        If thou be poor, farewell thy reverence.

        Yet of the wise man take this sentence, Alle the days of poore men be wick’, wicked, evil Beware therefore ere thou come to that prick*. *point If thou be poor, thy brother hateth thee, And all thy friendes flee from thee, alas!

        O riche merchants, full of wealth be ye, O noble, prudent folk, as in this case, Your bagges be not fill’d with *ambes ace, two aces*

        But with six-cinque, that runneth for your chance;<2> six-five

        At Christenmass well merry may ye dance.

        Ye seeke land and sea for your winnings, As wise folk ye knowen all th’ estate

        Of regnes*; ye be fathers of tidings, kingdoms And tales, both of peace and of debate: *contention, war I were right now of tales desolate, barren, empty.

        But that a merchant, gone in many a year, Me taught a tale, which ye shall after hear.

        In Syria whilom dwelt a company

        Of chapmen rich, and thereto sad* and true, *grave, steadfast Clothes of gold, and satins rich of hue.

        That widewhere* sent their spicery, to distant parts Their chaffare was so thriftly** and so new, wares *advantageous That every wight had dainty* to chaffare* pleasure **deal With them, and eke to selle them their ware.

        Now fell it, that the masters of that sort Have shapen them to Rome for to wend, determined, prepared

        Were it for chapmanhood* or for disport, *trading None other message would they thither send, But come themselves to Rome, this is the end: And in such place as thought them a vantage For their intent, they took their herbergage. lodging Sojourned have these merchants in that town A certain time as fell to their pleasance: And so befell, that th’ excellent renown Of th’ emperore’s daughter, Dame Constance, Reported was, with every circumstance, Unto these Syrian merchants in such wise, From day to day, as I shall you devise relate This was the common voice of every man “Our emperor of Rome, God him see, look on with favour A daughter hath, that since the the world began, To reckon as well her goodness and beauty, Was never such another as is she:

        I pray to God in honour her sustene, sustain And would she were of all Europe the queen.

        “In her is highe beauty without pride, And youth withoute greenhood* or folly: *childishness, immaturity To all her workes virtue is her guide; Humbless hath slain in her all tyranny: She is the mirror of all courtesy,

        Her heart a very chamber of holiness,

        Her hand minister of freedom for almess*.” almsgiving And all this voice was sooth, as God is true; But now to purpose let us turn again. *our tale <3>

        These merchants have done freight their shippes new, And when they have this blissful maiden seen, Home to Syria then they went full fain, And did their needes*, as they have done yore, business **formerly And liv’d in weal*; I can you say no more. *prosperity Now fell it, that these merchants stood in grace favour Of him that was the Soudan* of Syrie: *Sultan For when they came from any strange place He would of his benigne courtesy

        Make them good cheer, and busily espy inquire Tidings of sundry regnes*, for to lear* realms **learn The wonders that they mighte see or hear.

        Amonges other thinges, specially

        These merchants have him told of Dame Constance So great nobless, in earnest so royally, That this Soudan hath caught so great pleasance pleasure To have her figure in his remembrance, That all his lust*, and all his busy cure*, pleasure **care Was for to love her while his life may dure.

        Paraventure in thilke* large book, *that Which that men call the heaven, y-written was With starres, when that he his birthe took, That he for love should have his death, alas!

        For in the starres, clearer than is glass, Is written, God wot, whoso could it read, The death of every man withoute dread. doubt In starres many a winter therebeforn

        Was writ the death of Hector, Achilles, Of Pompey, Julius, ere they were born; The strife of Thebes; and of Hercules, Of Samson, Turnus, and of Socrates

        The death; but mennes wittes be so dull, That no wight can well read it at the full.

        This Soudan for his privy council sent, And, *shortly of this matter for to pace, to pass briefly by*

        He hath to them declared his intent,

        And told them certain, but* he might have grace *unless To have Constance, within a little space, He was but dead; and charged them in hie haste To shape* for his life some remedy. *contrive Diverse men diverse thinges said;

        And arguments they casten up and down; Many a subtle reason forth they laid;

        They speak of magic, and abusion*; *deception But finally, as in conclusion,

        They cannot see in that none avantage, Nor in no other way, save marriage.

        Then saw they therein such difficulty

        By way of reason, for to speak all plain, Because that there was such diversity

        Between their bothe lawes, that they sayn, They trowe* that no Christian prince would fain* believe **willingly Wedden his child under our lawe sweet, That us was given by Mahound* our prophete. *Mahomet And he answered: “Rather than I lose

        Constance, I will be christen’d doubteless I must be hers, I may none other choose, I pray you hold your arguments in peace,<4>

        Save my life, and be not reckeless

        To gette her that hath my life in cure, keeping For in this woe I may not long endure.”

        What needeth greater dilatation?

        I say, by treaty and ambassadry,

        And by the Pope’s mediation,

        And all the Church, and all the chivalry, That in destruction of Mah’metry, Mahometanism And in increase of Christe’s lawe dear, They be accorded* so as ye may hear; agreed How that the Soudan, and his baronage, And all his lieges, shall y-christen’d be, And he shall have Constance in marriage, And certain gold, I n’ot what quantity, *know not And hereto find they suffisant surety.

        The same accord is sworn on either side; Now, fair Constance, Almighty God thee guide!

        Now woulde some men waiten, as I guess, That I should tellen all the purveyance, provision The which the emperor of his noblesse

        Hath shapen* for his daughter, Dame Constance. *prepared Well may men know that so great ordinance May no man tellen in a little clause,

        As was arrayed for so high a cause.

        Bishops be shapen with her for to wend, Lordes, ladies, and knightes of renown, And other folk enough, this is the end.

        And notified is throughout all the town, That every wight with great devotioun

        Should pray to Christ, that he this marriage Receive *in gree*, and speede this voyage. with good will, favour

        The day is comen of her departing, —

        I say the woful fatal day is come,

        That there may be no longer tarrying,

        But forward they them dressen* all and some. prepare to set out

        Constance, that was with sorrow all o’ercome, Full pale arose, and dressed her to wend, For well she saw there was no other end.

        Alas! what wonder is it though she wept, That shall be sent to a strange nation From friendes, that so tenderly her kept, And to be bound under subjection

        of one, she knew not his condition?

        Husbands be all good, and have been *of yore, of old*

        That knowe wives; I dare say no more.

        “Father,” she said, “thy wretched child Constance, Thy younge daughter, foster’d up so soft, And you, my mother, my sov’reign pleasance Over all thing, out-taken* Christ *on loft, except *on high*

        Constance your child her recommendeth oft Unto your grace; for I shall to Syrie, Nor shall I ever see you more with eye.

        “Alas! unto the barbarous nation

        I must anon, since that it is your will: But Christ, that starf* for our redemption, died So give me grace his hestes to fulfil. commands I, wretched woman, no force though I spill! no matter though Women are born to thraldom and penance, I perish*

        And to be under mannes governance.”

        I trow at Troy when Pyrrhus brake the wall, Or Ilion burnt, or Thebes the city,

        Nor at Rome for the harm through Hannibal, That Romans hath y-vanquish’d times three, Was heard such tender weeping for pity, As in the chamber was for her parting; But forth she must, whether she weep or sing.

        O firste moving cruel Firmament,<5>

        With thy diurnal sway that crowdest* aye, *pushest together, drivest And hurtlest all from East till Occident That naturally would hold another way; Thy crowding set the heav’n in such array At the beginning of this fierce voyage, That cruel Mars hath slain this marriage.

        Unfortunate ascendant tortuous,

        Of which the lord is helpless fall’n, alas!

        Out of his angle into the darkest house; O Mars, O Atyzar,<6> as in this case;

        O feeble Moon, unhappy is thy pace. progress Thou knittest thee where thou art not receiv’d, Where thou wert well, from thennes art thou weiv’d. <7>

        Imprudent emperor of Rome, alas!

        Was there no philosopher in all thy town?

        Is no time bet* than other in such case? *better Of voyage is there none election,

        Namely* to folk of high condition, especially Not when a root is of a birth y-know? when the nativity is known*

        Alas! we be too lewed*, or too slow. *ignorant To ship was brought this woeful faire maid Solemnely, with every circumstance:

        “Now Jesus Christ be with you all,” she said.

        There is no more,but “Farewell, fair Constance.”

        She *pained her* to make good countenance. made an effort

        And forth I let her sail in this manner, And turn I will again to my matter.

        The mother of the Soudan, well of vices, Espied hath her sone’s plain intent,

        How he will leave his olde sacrifices: And right anon she for her council sent, And they be come, to knowe what she meant, And when assembled was this folk *in fere, together*

        She sat her down, and said as ye shall hear.

        “Lordes,” she said, “ye knowen every one, How that my son in point is for to lete forsake The holy lawes of our Alkaron, Koran Given by God’s messenger Mahomete:

        But one avow to greate God I hete, promise Life shall rather out of my body start, Than Mahomet’s law go out of mine heart.

        “What should us tiden* of this newe law, *betide, befall But thraldom to our bodies, and penance, And afterward in hell to be y-draw,

        For we *renied Mahound our creance? denied Mahomet our belief*

        But, lordes, will ye maken assurance,

        As I shall say, assenting to my lore*? *advice And I shall make us safe for evermore.”

        They sworen and assented every man

        To live with her and die, and by her stand: And every one, in the best wise he can, To strengthen her shall all his friendes fand. endeavour<8>

        And she hath this emprise taken in hand, Which ye shall heare that I shall devise*; *relate And to them all she spake right in this wise.

        “We shall first feign us *Christendom to take*; embrace Christianity

        Cold water shall not grieve us but a lite*: *little And I shall such a feast and revel make, That, as I trow, I shall the Soudan quite. requite, match For though his wife be christen’d ne’er so white, She shall have need to wash away the red, Though she a fount of water with her led.”

        O Soudaness*, root of iniquity, *Sultaness Virago thou, Semiramis the second!

        O serpent under femininity,

        Like to the serpent deep in hell y-bound!

        O feigned woman, all that may confound Virtue and innocence, through thy malice, Is bred in thee, as nest of every vice!

        O Satan envious! since thilke day

        That thou wert chased from our heritage, Well knowest thou to woman th’ olde way.

        Thou madest Eve to bring us in servage*: bondage Thou wilt fordo this Christian marriage: *ruin Thine instrument so (wellaway the while!) Mak’st thou of women when thou wilt beguile.

        This Soudaness, whom I thus blame and warray, oppose, censure Let privily her council go their way:

        Why should I in this tale longer tarry?

        She rode unto the Soudan on a day,

        And said him, that she would *reny her lay, renounce her creed*

        And Christendom of priestes’ handes fong, take<9>

        Repenting her she heathen was so long; Beseeching him to do her that honour,

        That she might have the Christian folk to feast: “To please them I will do my labour.”

        The Soudan said, “I will do at your hest,*” desire And kneeling, thanked her for that request; So glad he was, he wist not what to say. *knew She kiss’d her son, and home she went her way.

        Arrived be these Christian folk to land In Syria, with a great solemne rout,

        And hastily this Soudan sent his sond, message First to his mother, and all the realm about, And said, his wife was comen out of doubt, And pray’d them for to ride again* the queen, to meet The honour of his regne to sustene. *realm Great was the press, and rich was the array Of Syrians and Romans met in fere. in company

        The mother of the Soudan rich and gay

        Received her with all so glad a cheer face As any mother might her daughter dear

        And to the nexte city there beside

        A softe pace solemnely they ride.

        Nought, trow I, the triumph of Julius

        Of which that Lucan maketh such a boast, Was royaller, or more curious,

        Than was th’ assembly of this blissful host But O this scorpion, this wicked ghost, spirit The Soudaness, for all her flattering

        Cast* under this full mortally to sting. *contrived The Soudan came himself soon after this, So royally, that wonder is to tell,

        And welcomed her with all joy and bliss.

        And thus in mirth and joy I let them dwell.

        The fruit of his matter is that I tell; When the time came, men thought it for the best That revel stint,* and men go to their rest. *cease The time is come that this old Soudaness Ordained hath the feast of which I told, And to the feast the Christian folk them dress In general, yea, bothe young and old.

        There may men feast and royalty behold, And dainties more than I can you devise; But all too dear they bought it ere they rise.

        O sudden woe, that ev’r art successour To worldly bliss! sprent* is with bitterness sprinkled Th’ end of our joy, of our worldly labour; Woe occupies the fine* of our gladness. seizes the end

        Hearken this counsel, for thy sickerness*: *security Upon thy glade days have in thy mind

        The unware* woe of harm, that comes behind. unforeseen For, shortly for to tell it at a word, The Soudan and the Christians every one Were all to-hewn and sticked* at the board, cut to pieces

        But it were only Dame Constance alone.

        This olde Soudaness, this cursed crone, Had with her friendes done this cursed deed, For she herself would all the country lead.

        Nor there was Syrian that was converted, That of the counsel of the Soudan wot, knew That was not all to-hewn, ere he asterted*: *escaped And Constance have they ta’en anon foot-hot, immediately And in a ship all steereless,* God wot, without rudder They have her set, and bid her learn to sail Out of Syria againward to Itale. back to Italy*

        A certain treasure that she thither lad, took And, sooth to say, of victual great plenty, They have her giv’n, and clothes eke she had And forth she sailed in the salte sea: O my Constance, full of benignity,

        O emperores younge daughter dear,

        He that is lord of fortune be thy steer*! rudder, guide She bless’d herself, and with full piteous voice Unto the cross of Christ thus saide she; “O dear, O wealful altar, holy cross, blessed, beneficent Red of the Lambes blood, full of pity, That wash’d the world from old iniquity, Me from the fiend and from his clawes keep, That day that I shall drenchen in the deepe. *drown “Victorious tree, protection of the true, That only worthy were for to bear

        The King of Heaven, with his woundes new, The white Lamb, that hurt was with a spear; Flemer* of fiendes out of him and her *banisher, driver out On which thy limbes faithfully extend,<10>

        Me keep, and give me might my life to mend.”

        Yeares and days floated this creature

        Throughout the sea of Greece, unto the strait Of Maroc*, as it was her a venture: *Morocco; Gibraltar On many a sorry meal now may she bait, After her death full often may she wait, expect Ere that the wilde waves will her drive Unto the place there as she shall arrive. *where Men mighten aske, why she was not slain?

        Eke at the feast who might her body save?

        And I answer to that demand again,

        Who saved Daniel in the horrible cave, Where every wight, save he, master or knave, servant Was with the lion frett*, ere he astart?* devoured ** escaped No wight but God, that he bare in his heart.

        God list* to shew his wonderful miracle *it pleased In her, that we should see his mighty workes: Christ, which that is to every harm triacle, remedy, salve By certain meanes oft, as knowe clerkes, scholars Doth thing for certain ende, that full derk is To manne’s wit, that for our, ignorance Ne cannot know his prudent purveyance*. *foresight Now since she was not at the feast y-slaw, slain Who kepte her from drowning in the sea?

        Who kepte Jonas in the fish’s maw,

        Till he was spouted up at Nineveh?

        Well may men know, it was no wight but he That kept the Hebrew people from drowning, With drye feet throughout the sea passing.

        Who bade the foure spirits of tempest,<11>

        That power have t’ annoye land and sea, Both north and south, and also west and east, Annoye neither sea, nor land, nor tree?

        Soothly the commander of that was he

        That from the tempest aye this woman kept, As well when she awoke as when she slept.

        Where might this woman meat and drinke have?

        Three year and more how lasted her vitaille*? *victuals Who fed the Egyptian Mary in the cave

        Or in desert? no wight but Christ *sans faille. without fail*

        Five thousand folk it was as great marvaille With loaves five and fishes two to feed God sent his foison* at her greate need. *abundance She drived forth into our ocean

        Throughout our wilde sea, till at the last Under an hold*, that nempnen** I not can, castle *name Far in Northumberland, the wave her cast And in the sand her ship sticked so fast That thennes would it not in all a tide: <12>

        The will of Christ was that she should abide.

        The Constable of the castle down did fare go To see this wreck, and all the ship he sought, searched And found this weary woman full of care; He found also the treasure that she brought: In her language mercy she besought,

        The life out of her body for to twin, divide Her to deliver of woe that she was in.

        A manner Latin corrupt <13> was her speech, But algate* thereby was she understond. *nevertheless The Constable, when him list no longer seech, search This woeful woman brought he to the lond.

        She kneeled down, and thanked *Godde’s sond*; what God had sent

        But what she was she would to no man say For foul nor fair, although that she should dey. die She said, she was so mazed in the sea, That she forgot her minde, by her truth.

        The Constable had of her so great pity And eke his wife, that they wept for ruth: pity She was so diligent withoute slouth

        To serve and please every one in that place, That all her lov’d, that looked in her face.

        The Constable and Dame Hermegild his wife Were Pagans, and that country every where; But Hermegild lov’d Constance as her life; And Constance had so long sojourned there In orisons, with many a bitter tear,

        Till Jesus had converted through His grace Dame Hermegild, Constabless of that place.

        In all that land no Christians durste rout; assemble All Christian folk had fled from that country Through Pagans, that conquered all about The plages* of the North by land and sea. regions, coasts To Wales had fled the Christianity the Old Britons who Of olde Britons, dwelling in this isle; were Christians*

        There was their refuge for the meanewhile.

        But yet n’ere* Christian Britons so exiled, there were That there n’ere some which in their privity not Honoured Christ, and heathen folk beguiled; And nigh the castle such there dwelled three: And one of them was blind, and might not see, But* it were with thilk* eyen of his mind, except *those With which men maye see when they be blind.

        Bright was the sun, as in a summer’s day, For which the Constable, and his wife also, And Constance, have y-take the righte way Toward the sea a furlong way or two,

        To playen, and to roame to and fro;

        And in their walk this blinde man they met, Crooked and old, with eyen fast y-shet. shut “In the name of Christ,” cried this blind Briton, “Dame Hermegild, give me my sight again!”

        This lady *wax’d afrayed of that soun’, was alarmed by that cry*

        Lest that her husband, shortly for to sayn, Would her for Jesus Christe’s love have slain, Till Constance made her hold, and bade her wirch work The will of Christ, as daughter of holy Church The Constable wax’d abashed* of that sight, astonished And saide; “What amounteth all this fare?” what means all Constance answered; “Sir, it is Christ’s might, this ado?*

        That helpeth folk out of the fiendes snare:”

        And so farforth she gan our law declare, with such effect

        That she the Constable, ere that it were eve, Converted, and on Christ made him believe.

        This Constable was not lord of the place Of which I speak, there as he Constance fand, found But kept it strongly many a winter space, Under Alla, king of Northumberland,

        That was full wise, and worthy of his hand Against the Scotes, as men may well hear; But turn I will again to my mattere.

        Satan, that ever us waiteth to beguile, Saw of Constance all her perfectioun,

        And *cast anon how he might quite her while; considered how to have And made a young knight, that dwelt in that town, revenge on her*

        Love her so hot of foul affectioun,

        That verily him thought that he should spill perish But* he of her might ones have his will. *unless He wooed her, but it availed nought;

        She woulde do no sinne by no way:

        And for despite, he compassed his thought To make her a shameful death to dey; die He waiteth when the Constable is away, And privily upon a night he crept

        In Hermegilda’s chamber while she slept.

        Weary, forwaked* in her orisons, *having been long awake Sleepeth Constance, and Hermegild also.

        This knight, through Satanas’ temptation; All softetly is to the bed y-go, gone And cut the throat of Hermegild in two, And laid the bloody knife by Dame Constance, And went his way, there God give him mischance.

        Soon after came the Constable home again, And eke Alla that king was of that land, And saw his wife dispiteously* slain, *cruelly For which full oft he wept and wrung his hand; And ill the bed the bloody knife he fand By Dame Constance: Alas! what might she say?

        For very woe her wit was all away.

        To King Alla was told all this mischance And eke the time, and where, and in what wise That in a ship was founden this Constance, As here before ye have me heard devise: describe The kinges heart for pity *gan agrise, to be grieved, to tremble*

        When he saw so benign a creature

        Fall in disease* and in misaventure. distress For as the lamb toward his death is brought, So stood this innocent before the king: This false knight, that had this treason wrought, Bore her in hand* that she had done this thing: accused her falsely

        But natheless there was great murmuring Among the people, that say they cannot guess That she had done so great a wickedness.

        For they had seen her ever virtuous,

        And loving Hermegild right as her life: Of this bare witness each one in that house, Save he that Hermegild slew with his knife: This gentle king had *caught a great motife been greatly moved Of this witness, and thought he would inquere by the evidence*

        Deeper into this case, the truth to lear. learn Alas! Constance, thou has no champion, Nor fighte canst thou not, so wellaway!

        But he that starf for our redemption, *died And bound Satan, and yet li’th where he lay, So be thy stronge champion this day:

        For, but Christ upon thee miracle kithe, show Withoute guilt thou shalt be slain *as swithe. immediately*

        She set her down on knees, and thus she said; “Immortal God, that savedest Susanne

        From false blame; and thou merciful maid, Mary I mean, the daughter to Saint Anne, Before whose child the angels sing Osanne, Hosanna If I be guiltless of this felony,

        My succour be, or elles shall I die.”

        Have ye not seen sometime a pale face

        (Among a press) of him that hath been lad led Toward his death, where he getteth no grace, And such a colour in his face hath had, Men mighte know him that was so bestad bested, situated Amonges all the faces in that rout?

        So stood Constance, and looked her about.

        O queenes living in prosperity,

        Duchesses, and ye ladies every one,

        Have some ruth* on her adversity! *pity An emperor’s daughter, she stood alone; She had no wight to whom to make her moan.

        O blood royal, that standest in this drede, danger Far be thy friendes in thy greate need!

        This king Alla had such compassioun,

        As gentle heart is full filled of pity, That from his eyen ran the water down

        “Now hastily do fetch a book,” quoth he; “And if this knight will sweare, how that she This woman slew, yet will we us advise consider Whom that we will that shall be our justice.”

        A Briton book, written with Evangiles, the Gospels Was fetched, and on this book he swore anon She guilty was; and, in the meanewhiles, An hand him smote upon the necke bone, That down he fell at once right as a stone: And both his eyen burst out of his face In sight of ev’rybody in that place.

        A voice was heard, in general audience, That said; “Thou hast deslander’d guilteless The daughter of holy Church in high presence; Thus hast thou done, and yet *hold I my peace?” shall I be silent?*

        Of this marvel aghast was all the press, As mazed folk they stood every one

        For dread of wreake,* save Constance alone. *vengeance Great was the dread and eke the repentance Of them that hadde wrong suspicion

        Upon this sely* innocent Constance; *simple, harmless And for this miracle, in conclusion,

        And by Constance’s mediation,

        The king, and many another in that place, Converted was, thanked be Christe’s grace!

        This false knight was slain for his untruth By judgement of Alla hastily;

        And yet Constance had of his death great ruth; compassion And after this Jesus of his mercy

        Made Alla wedde full solemnely

        This holy woman, that is so bright and sheen, And thus hath Christ y-made Constance a queen.

        But who was woeful, if I shall not lie, Of this wedding but Donegild, and no mo’, The kinge’s mother, full of tyranny?

        Her thought her cursed heart would burst in two; She would not that her son had done so; Her thought it a despite that he should take So strange a creature unto his make. mate, consort Me list not of the chaff nor of the stre straw Make so long a tale, as of the corn.

        What should I tellen of the royalty

        Of this marriage, or which course goes beforn, Who bloweth in a trump or in an horn?

        The fruit of every tale is for to say; They eat and drink, and dance, and sing, and play.

        They go to bed, as it was skill* and right; *reasonable For though that wives be full holy things, They muste take in patience at night

        Such manner* necessaries as be pleasings kind of To folk that have y-wedded them with rings, And lay a lite* their holiness aside a little of

        As for the time, it may no better betide.

        On her he got a knave* child anon, *male <14>

        And to a Bishop and to his Constable eke He took his wife to keep, when he is gone To Scotland-ward, his foemen for to seek.

        Now fair Constance, that is so humble and meek, So long is gone with childe till that still She held her chamb’r, abiding Christe’s will The time is come, a knave child she bare; Mauricius at the font-stone they him call.

        This Constable *doth forth come* a messenger, caused to come forth

        And wrote unto his king that clep’d was All’, How that this blissful tiding is befall, And other tidings speedful for to say

        He* hath the letter, and forth he go’th his way. i.e. the messenger This messenger, to do his avantage, promote his own interest*

        Unto the kinge’s mother rideth swithe, swiftly And saluteth her full fair in his language.

        “Madame,” quoth he, “ye may be glad and blithe, And thanke God an hundred thousand sithe; times My lady queen hath child, withoute doubt, To joy and bliss of all this realm about.

        “Lo, here the letter sealed of this thing, That I must bear with all the haste I may: If ye will aught unto your son the king, I am your servant both by night and day.”

        Donegild answer’d, “As now at this time, nay; But here I will all night thou take thy rest, To-morrow will I say thee what me lest.*” pleases This messenger drank sadly ale and wine, *steadily And stolen were his letters privily

        Out of his box, while he slept as a swine; And counterfeited was full subtilly

        Another letter, wrote full sinfully,

        Unto the king, direct of this mattere

        From his Constable, as ye shall after hear.

        This letter said, the queen deliver’d was Of so horrible a fiendlike creature,

        That in the castle none so hardy* was *brave That any while he durst therein endure: The mother was an elf by aventure

        Become, by charmes or by sorcery,

        And every man hated her company.

        Woe was this king when he this letter had seen, But to no wight he told his sorrows sore, But with his owen hand he wrote again, “Welcome the sond* of Christ for evermore will, sending To me, that am now learned in this lore: Lord, welcome be thy lust and thy pleasance, *will, pleasure My lust I put all in thine ordinance.

        “Keepe* this child, albeit foul or fair, *preserve And eke my wife, unto mine homecoming: Christ when him list may send to me an heir More agreeable than this to my liking.”

        This letter he sealed, privily weeping.

        Which to the messenger was taken soon, And forth he went, there is no more to do’n. do O messenger full fill’d of drunkenness, Strong is thy breath, thy limbes falter aye, And thou betrayest alle secretness;

        Thy mind is lorn,* thou janglest as a jay; *lost Thy face is turned in a new array; aspect Where drunkenness reigneth in any rout, company There is no counsel hid, withoute doubt.

        O Donegild, I have no English dign worthy Unto thy malice, and thy tyranny:

        And therefore to the fiend I thee resign, Let him indite of all thy treachery

        ‘Fy, mannish,* fy! O nay, by God I lie; *unwomanly woman Fy, fiendlike spirit! for I dare well tell, Though thou here walk, thy spirit is in hell.

        This messenger came from the king again, And at the kinge’s mother’s court he light, alighted And she was of this messenger full fain, glad And pleased him in all that e’er she might.

        He drank, and *well his girdle underpight*; stowed away (liquor) He slept, and eke he snored in his guise under his girdle

        All night, until the sun began to rise.

        Eft* were his letters stolen every one, *again And counterfeited letters in this wise: The king commanded his Constable anon, On pain of hanging and of high jewise, judgement That he should suffer in no manner wise Constance within his regne* for to abide *kingdom Three dayes, and a quarter of a tide;

        But in the same ship as he her fand,

        Her and her younge son, and all her gear, He shoulde put, and crowd* her from the land, *push And charge her, that she never eft come there.

        O my Constance, well may thy ghost* have fear, *spirit And sleeping in thy dream be in penance, pain, trouble When Donegild cast* all this ordinance.* contrived **plan, plot This messenger, on morrow when he woke, Unto the castle held the nexte* way, *nearest And to the constable the letter took;

        And when he this dispiteous* letter sey,* cruel **saw Full oft he said, “Alas, and wellaway!

        Lord Christ,” quoth he, “how may this world endure?

        So full of sin is many a creature.

        “O mighty God, if that it be thy will, Since thou art rightful judge, how may it be That thou wilt suffer innocence to spill, be destroyed And wicked folk reign in prosperity?

        Ah! good Constance, alas! so woe is me, That I must be thy tormentor, or dey die A shameful death, there is no other way.

        Wept bothe young and old in all that place, When that the king this cursed letter sent; And Constance, with a deadly pale face, The fourthe day toward her ship she went.

        But natheless she took in good intent

        The will of Christ, and kneeling on the strond strand, shore She saide, “Lord, aye welcome be thy sond whatever thou sendest “He that me kepte from the false blame, While I was in the land amonges you,

        He can me keep from harm and eke from shame In the salt sea, although I see not how As strong as ever he was, he is yet now, In him trust I, and in his mother dere, That is to me my sail and eke my stere.” rudder, guide Her little child lay weeping in her arm And, kneeling, piteously to him she said “Peace, little son, I will do thee no harm:”

        With that her kerchief off her head she braid, took, drew And over his little eyen she it laid,

        And in her arm she lulled it full fast, And unto heav’n her eyen up she cast.

        “Mother,” quoth she, “and maiden bright, Mary, Sooth is, that through a woman’s eggement incitement, egging on Mankind was lorn,* and damned aye to die; *lost For which thy child was on a cross y-rent: torn, pierced Thy blissful eyen saw all his torment, Then is there no comparison between

        Thy woe, and any woe man may sustene.

        “Thou saw’st thy child y-slain before thine eyen, And yet now lives my little child, parfay: by my faith Now, lady bright, to whom the woeful cryen, Thou glory of womanhood, thou faire may, maid Thou haven of refuge, bright star of day, Rue* on my child, that of thy gentleness take pity Ruest on every rueful in distress. *sorrowful person “O little child, alas! what is thy guilt, That never wroughtest sin as yet, pardie? par Dieu; by God Why will thine harde* father have thee spilt?* cruel **destroyed O mercy, deare Constable,” quoth she,

        “And let my little child here dwell with thee: And if thou dar’st not save him from blame, So kiss him ones in his father’s name.”

        Therewith she looked backward to the land, And saide, “Farewell, husband rutheless!”

        And up she rose, and walked down the strand Toward the ship, her following all the press: multitude And ever she pray’d her child to hold his peace, And took her leave, and with an holy intent She blessed her, and to the ship she went.

        Victualed was the ship, it is no drede, doubt Abundantly for her a full long space:

        And other necessaries that should need be needed She had enough, heried* be Godde’s grace: *praised <15>

        For wind and weather, Almighty God purchase, provide And bring her home; I can no better say; But in the sea she drived forth her way.

        Alla the king came home soon after this Unto the castle, of the which I told,

        And asked where his wife and his child is; The Constable gan about his heart feel cold, And plainly all the matter he him told As ye have heard; I can tell it no better; And shew’d the king his seal, and eke his letter And saide; “Lord, as ye commanded me

        On pain of death, so have I done certain.”

        The messenger tormented* was, till he tortured Muste beknow, and tell it flat and plain, *confess <16>

        From night to night in what place he had lain; And thus, by wit and subtle inquiring, Imagin’d was by whom this harm gan spring.

        The hand was known that had the letter wrote, And all the venom of the cursed deed;

        But in what wise, certainly I know not.

        Th’ effect is this, that Alla, *out of drede, without doubt*

        His mother slew, that may men plainly read, For that she traitor was to her liegeance: allegiance Thus ended olde Donegild with mischance.

        The sorrow that this Alla night and day Made for his wife, and for his child also, There is no tongue that it telle may.

        But now will I again to Constance go,

        That floated in the sea in pain and woe Five year and more, as liked Christe’s sond, decree, command Ere that her ship approached to the lond. land Under an heathen castle, at the last,

        Of which the name in my text I not find, Constance and eke her child the sea upcast.

        Almighty God, that saved all mankind,

        Have on Constance and on her child some mind, That fallen is in heathen hand eftsoon again *In point to spill,* as I shall tell you soon! in danger of perishing

        Down from the castle came there many a wight To gauren* on this ship, and on Constance: *gaze, stare But shortly from the castle, on a night, The lorde’s steward, — God give him mischance, —

        A thief that had *renied our creance, denied our faith*

        Came to the ship alone, and said he would Her leman* be, whether she would or n’ould. illicit lover Woe was this wretched woman then begone; Her child cri’d, and she cried piteously: But blissful Mary help’d her right anon, For, with her struggling well and mightily, The thief fell overboard all suddenly, And in the sea he drenched for vengeance, drowned And thus hath Christ unwemmed kept Constance. *unblemished O foul lust of luxury! lo thine end!

        Not only that thou faintest* manne’s mind, *weakenest But verily thou wilt his body shend. destroy Th’ end of thy work, or of thy lustes blind, Is complaining: how many may men find, That not for work, sometimes, but for th’ intent To do this sin, be either slain or shent?

        How may this weake woman have the strength Her to defend against this renegate?

        O Goliath, unmeasurable of length,

        How mighte David make thee so mate? overthrown So young, and of armour so desolate, devoid How durst he look upon thy dreadful face?

        Well may men see it was but Godde’s grace.

        Who gave Judith courage or hardiness

        To slay him, Holofernes, in his tent,

        And to deliver out of wretchedness

        The people of God? I say for this intent That right as God spirit of vigour sent To them, and saved them out of mischance, So sent he might and vigour to Constance.

        Forth went her ship throughout the narrow mouth Of *Jubaltare and Septe,* driving alway, Gibraltar and Ceuta

        Sometime west, and sometime north and south, And sometime east, full many a weary day: Till Christe’s mother (blessed be she aye) Had shaped* through her endeless goodness *resolved, arranged To make an end of all her heaviness.

        Now let us stint* of Constance but a throw,* cease speaking And speak we of the Roman emperor, **short time That out of Syria had by letters know

        The slaughter of Christian folk, and dishonor Done to his daughter by a false traitor, I mean the cursed wicked Soudaness,

        That at the feast *let slay both more and less. caused both high and low to be killed*

        For which this emperor had sent anon

        His senator, with royal ordinance,

        And other lordes, God wot, many a one, On Syrians to take high vengeance:

        They burn and slay, and bring them to mischance Full many a day: but shortly this is th’ end, Homeward to Rome they shaped them to wend.

        This senator repaired with victory

        To Rome-ward, sailing full royally,

        And met the ship driving, as saith the story, In which Constance sat full piteously: And nothing knew he what she was, nor why She was in such array; nor she will say Of her estate, although that she should dey. die He brought her unto Rome, and to his wife He gave her, and her younge son also:

        And with the senator she led her life.

        Thus can our Lady bringen out of woe

        Woeful Constance, and many another mo’: And longe time she dwelled in that place, In holy works ever, as was her grace.

        The senatores wife her aunte was,

        But for all that she knew her ne’er the more: I will no longer tarry in this case,

        But to King Alla, whom I spake of yore, That for his wife wept and sighed sore, I will return, and leave I will Constance Under the senatores governance.

        King Alla, which that had his mother slain, Upon a day fell in such repentance;

        That, if I shortly tell it shall and plain, To Rome he came to receive his penitance, And put him in the Pope’s ordinance

        In high and low, and Jesus Christ besought Forgive his wicked works that he had wrought.

        The fame anon throughout the town is borne, How Alla king shall come on pilgrimage, By harbingers that wente him beforn,

        For which the senator, as was usage,

        Rode *him again,* and many of his lineage, to meet him

        As well to show his high magnificence, As to do any king a reverence.

        Great cheere* did this noble senator *courtesy To King Alla and he to him also;

        Each of them did the other great honor; And so befell, that in a day or two

        This senator did to King Alla go

        To feast, and shortly, if I shall not lie, Constance’s son went in his company.

        Some men would say,<17> at request of Constance This senator had led this child to feast: I may not tellen every circumstance,

        Be as be may, there was he at the least: But sooth is this, that at his mother’s hest behest Before Alla during *the meates space, meal time*

        The child stood, looking in the kinges face.

        This Alla king had of this child great wonder, And to the senator he said anon,

        “Whose is that faire child that standeth yonder?”

        “I n’ot,” quoth he, “by God and by Saint John; know not A mother he hath, but father hath he none, That I of wot:” and shortly in a stound short time <18>

        He told to Alla how this child was found.

        “But God wot,” quoth this senator also, “So virtuous a liver in all my life

        I never saw, as she, nor heard of mo’

        Of worldly woman, maiden, widow or wife: I dare well say she hadde lever* a knife *rather Throughout her breast, than be a woman wick’, wicked There is no man could bring her to that prick. point Now was this child as like unto Constance As possible is a creature to be:

        This Alla had the face in remembrance

        Of Dame Constance, and thereon mused he, If that the childe’s mother *were aught she could be she*

        That was his wife; and privily he sight, sighed And sped him from the table *that he might. as fast as he could*

        “Parfay,” thought he, “phantom* is in mine head. by my faith I ought to deem, of skilful judgement, *a fantasy That in the salte sea my wife is dead.”

        And afterward he made his argument,

        “What wot I, if that Christ have hither sent My wife by sea, as well as he her sent To my country, from thennes that she went?”

        And, after noon, home with the senator.

        Went Alla, for to see this wondrous chance.

        This senator did Alla great honor,

        And hastily he sent after Constance:

        But truste well, her liste not to dance.

        When that she wiste wherefore was that sond, summons Unneth* upon her feet she mighte stand. *with difficulty When Alla saw his wife, fair he her gret, greeted And wept, that it was ruthe for to see, For at the firste look he on her set

        He knew well verily that it was she:

        And she, for sorrow, as dumb stood as a tree: So was her hearte shut in her distress, When she remember’d his unkindeness.

        Twice she swooned in his owen sight,

        He wept and him excused piteously:

        “Now God,” quoth he, “and all his hallows bright saints So wisly* on my soule have mercy, *surely That of your harm as guilteless am I,

        As is Maurice my son, so like your face, Else may the fiend me fetch out of this place.”

        Long was the sobbing and the bitter pain, Ere that their woeful heartes mighte cease; Great was the pity for to hear them plain, lament Through whiche plaintes gan their woe increase.

        I pray you all my labour to release,

        I may not tell all their woe till to-morrow, I am so weary for to speak of sorrow.

        But finally, when that the *sooth is wist, truth is known*

        That Alla guiltless was of all her woe, I trow an hundred times have they kiss’d, And such a bliss is there betwixt them two, That, save the joy that lasteth evermo’, There is none like, that any creature

        Hath seen, or shall see, while the world may dure.

        Then prayed she her husband meekely

        In the relief of her long piteous pine, sorrow That he would pray her father specially, That of his majesty he would incline

        To vouchesafe some day with him to dine: She pray’d him eke, that he should by no way Unto her father no word of her say.

        Some men would say,<17> how that the child Maurice Did this message unto the emperor:

        But, as I guess, Alla was not so nice, foolish To him that is so sovereign of honor

        As he that is of Christian folk the flow’r, Send any child, but better ‘tis to deem He went himself; and so it may well seem.

        This emperor hath granted gentilly

        To come to dinner, as he him besought: And well rede* I, he looked busily *guess, know Upon this child, and on his daughter thought.

        Alla went to his inn, and as him ought Arrayed* for this feast in every wise, prepared As farforth as his cunning* may suffice. as far as his skill

        The morrow came, and Alla gan him dress, make ready And eke his wife, the emperor to meet: And forth they rode in joy and in gladness, And when she saw her father in the street, She lighted down and fell before his feet.

        “Father,” quoth she, “your younge child Constance Is now full clean out of your remembrance.

        “I am your daughter, your Constance,” quoth she, “That whilom ye have sent into Syrie;

        It am I, father, that in the salt sea

        Was put alone, and damned* for to die. *condemned Now, goode father, I you mercy cry,

        Send me no more into none heatheness,

        But thank my lord here of his kindeness.”

        Who can the piteous joye tellen all,

        Betwixt them three, since they be thus y-met?

        But of my tale make an end I shall,

        The day goes fast, I will no longer let. hinder These gladde folk to dinner be y-set;

        In joy and bliss at meat I let them dwell, A thousand fold well more than I can tell.

        This child Maurice was since then emperor Made by the Pope, and lived Christianly, To Christe’s Churche did he great honor: But I let all his story passe by,

        Of Constance is my tale especially,

        In the olde Roman gestes* men may find *histories<19>

        Maurice’s life, I bear it not in mind.

        This King Alla, when he his time sey, saw With his Constance, his holy wife so sweet, To England are they come the righte way, Where they did live in joy and in quiet.

        But little while it lasted, I you hete, promise Joy of this world for time will not abide, From day to night it changeth as the tide.

        Who liv’d ever in such delight one day, That him not moved either conscience,

        Or ire, or talent, or *some kind affray, some kind of disturbance*

        Envy, or pride, or passion, or offence?

        I say but for this ende this sentence, judgment, opinion*

        That little while in joy or in pleasance Lasted the bliss of Alla with Constance.

        For death, that takes of high and low his rent, When passed was a year, even as I guess, Out of this world this King Alla he hent, snatched For whom Constance had full great heaviness.

        Now let us pray that God his soule bless: And Dame Constance, finally to say,

        Toward the town of Rome went her way.

        To Rome is come this holy creature,

        And findeth there her friendes whole and sound: Now is she scaped all her aventure:

        And when that she her father hath y-found, Down on her knees falleth she to ground, Weeping for tenderness in hearte blithe She herieth* God an hundred thousand sithe.* praises **times In virtue and in holy almes-deed

        They liven all, and ne’er asunder wend; Till death departeth them, this life they lead: And fare now well, my tale is at an end Now Jesus Christ, that of his might may send Joy after woe, govern us in his grace

        And keep us alle that be in this place.

        Notes to the Man of Law’s Tale

        1. This tale is believed by Tyrwhitt to have been taken, with no material change, from the “Confessio Amantis” of John Gower, who was contemporary with Chaucer, though somewhat his senior. In the prologue, the references to the stories of Canace, and of Apollonius Tyrius, seem to be an attack on Gower, who had given these tales in his book; whence Tyrwhitt concludes that the friendship between the two poets suffered some interruption in the latter part of their lives. Gower was not the inventor of the story, which he found in old French romances, and it is not improbable that Chaucer may have gone to the same source as Gower, though the latter undoubtedly led the way.

        (Transcriber’s note: later commentators have identified the introduction describing the sorrows of poverty, along with the other moralising interludes in the tale, as translated from “De Contemptu Mundi” (“On the contempt of the world”) by Pope Innocent.)

        2. Transcriber’ note: This refers to the game of hazard, a dice game like craps, in which two (“ambes ace”) won, and eleven (“six-cinque”) lost.

        3. Purpose: discourse, tale: French “propos”.

        4. “Peace” rhymed with “lese” and “chese”, the old forms of “lose” and “choose”.

        5. According to Middle Age writers there were two motions of the first heaven; one everything always from east to west above the stars; the other moving the stars against the first motion, from west to east, on two other poles.

        6. Atyzar: the meaning of this word is not known; but “occifer”, murderer, has been suggested instead by Urry, on the authority of a marginal reading on a manuscript.

        (Transcriber’s note: later commentators explain it as derived from Arabic “al-ta’thir”, influence – used here in an astrological sense)

        7. “Thou knittest thee where thou art not receiv’d, Where thou wert well, from thennes art thou weiv’d”

        i.e.

        “Thou joinest thyself where thou art rejected, and art declined or departed from the place where thou wert well.” The moon portends the fortunes of Constance.

        8. Fand: endeavour; from Anglo-Saxon, “fandian,” to try 9. Feng: take; Anglo-Saxon “fengian”, German, “fangen”.

        10. Him and her on which thy limbes faithfully extend: those who in faith wear the crucifix.

        11. The four spirits of tempest: the four angels who held the four winds of the earth and to whom it was given to hurt the earth and the sea (Rev. vii. 1, 2).

        12. Thennes would it not in all a tide: thence would it not move for long, at all.

        13. A manner Latin corrupt: a kind of bastard Latin.

        14. Knave child: male child; German “Knabe”.

        15. Heried: honoured, praised; from Anglo-Saxon, “herian.”

        Compare German, “herrlich,” glorious, honourable.

        16. Beknow: confess; German, “bekennen.”

        17. The poet here refers to Gower’s version of the story.

        18. Stound: short time; German, “stunde”, hour.

        19. Gestes: histories, exploits; Latin, “res gestae”.

        THE WIFE OF BATH’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE. <1>

        Experience, though none authority authoritative texts Were in this world, is right enough for me To speak of woe that is in marriage:

        For, lordings, since I twelve year was of age, (Thanked be God that *is etern on live), lives eternally*

        Husbands at the church door have I had five,<2>

        For I so often have y-wedded be,

        And all were worthy men in their degree.

        But me was told, not longe time gone is That sithen* Christe went never but ones since To wedding, in the Cane of Galilee, Cana That by that ilk example taught he me, *same That I not wedded shoulde be but once.

        Lo, hearken eke a sharp word for the nonce, occasion Beside a welle Jesus, God and man,

        Spake in reproof of the Samaritan:

        “Thou hast y-had five husbandes,” said he; “And thilke* man, that now hath wedded thee, *that Is not thine husband:” <3> thus said he certain; What that he meant thereby, I cannot sayn.

        But that I aske, why the fifthe man

        Was not husband to the Samaritan?

        How many might she have in marriage?

        Yet heard I never tellen *in mine age in my life*

        Upon this number definitioun.

        Men may divine, and glosen* up and down; *comment But well I wot, express without a lie, God bade us for to wax and multiply;

        That gentle text can I well understand.

        Eke well I wot, he said, that mine husband Should leave father and mother, and take to me; But of no number mention made he,

        Of bigamy or of octogamy;

        Why then should men speak of it villainy? as if it were a disgrace Lo here, the wise king Dan* Solomon, *Lord <4>

        I trow that he had wives more than one; As would to God it lawful were to me

        To be refreshed half so oft as he!

        What gift* of God had he for all his wives? *special favour, licence No man hath such, that in this world alive is.

        God wot, this noble king, *as to my wit, as I understand*

        The first night had many a merry fit

        With each of them, so *well was him on live. so well he lived*

        Blessed be God that I have wedded five!

        Welcome the sixth whenever that he shall.

        For since I will not keep me chaste in all, When mine husband is from the world y-gone, Some Christian man shall wedde me anon.

        For then th’ apostle saith that I am free To wed, a’ God’s half, where it liketh me. on God’s part

        He saith, that to be wedded is no sin; Better is to be wedded than to brin. burn What recketh* me though folk say villainy** care *evil Of shrewed* Lamech, and his bigamy? *impious, wicked I wot well Abraham was a holy man,

        And Jacob eke, as far as ev’r I can. know And each of them had wives more than two; And many another holy man also.

        Where can ye see, *in any manner age, in any period*

        That highe God defended* marriage *forbade <5>

        By word express? I pray you tell it me; Or where commanded he virginity?

        I wot as well as you, it is no dread, doubt Th’ apostle, when he spake of maidenhead, He said, that precept thereof had he none: Men may counsel a woman to be one, a maid But counseling is no commandement;

        He put it in our owen judgement.

        For, hadde God commanded maidenhead,

        Then had he damned* wedding out of dread;* condemned **doubt And certes, if there were no seed y-sow, sown Virginity then whereof should it grow?

        Paul durste not commanden, at the least, A thing of which his Master gave no hest. command The dart* is set up for virginity; *goal <6>

        Catch whoso may, who runneth best let see.

        But this word is not ta’en of every wight, *But there as* God will give it of his might. except where

        I wot well that th’ apostle was a maid, But natheless, although he wrote and said, He would that every wight were such as he, All is but counsel to virginity.

        And, since to be a wife he gave me leave Of indulgence, so is it no repreve scandal, reproach To wedde me, if that my make* should die, mate, husband Without exception of bigamy; charge, reproach All were it* good no woman for to touch though it might be

        (He meant as in his bed or in his couch), For peril is both fire and tow t’assemble Ye know what this example may resemble.

        This is all and some, he held virginity More profit than wedding in frailty:

        (*Frailty clepe I, but if* that he and she frailty I call it, Would lead their lives all in chastity), unless

        I grant it well, I have of none envy

        Who maidenhead prefer to bigamy;

        It liketh them t’ be clean in body and ghost; soul Of mine estate* I will not make a boast. *condition For, well ye know, a lord in his household Hath not every vessel all of gold; <7>

        Some are of tree, and do their lord service.

        God calleth folk to him in sundry wise, And each one hath of God a proper gift, Some this, some that, as liketh him to shift. appoint, distribute Virginity is great perfection,

        And continence eke with devotion:

        But Christ, that of perfection is the well, fountain Bade not every wight he should go sell All that he had, and give it to the poor, And in such wise follow him and his lore: doctrine He spake to them that would live perfectly, —

        And, lordings, by your leave, that am not I; I will bestow the flower of mine age

        In th’ acts and in the fruits of marriage.

        Tell me also, to what conclusion end, purpose Were members made of generation,

        And of so perfect wise a wight* y-wrought? *being Trust me right well, they were not made for nought.

        Glose whoso will, and say both up and down, That they were made for the purgatioun Of urine, and of other thinges smale,

        And eke to know a female from a male:

        And for none other cause? say ye no?

        Experience wot well it is not so.

        So that the clerkes* be not with me wroth, scholars I say this, that they were made for both, That is to say, for office, and for ease for duty and Of engendrure, there we God not displease. for pleasure*

        Why should men elles in their bookes set, That man shall yield unto his wife her debt?

        Now wherewith should he make his payement, If he us’d not his silly instrument?

        Then were they made upon a creature

        To purge urine, and eke for engendrure.

        But I say not that every wight is hold, obliged That hath such harness* as I to you told, *equipment To go and use them in engendrure;

        Then should men take of chastity no cure. care Christ was a maid, and shapen* as a man, *fashioned And many a saint, since that this world began, Yet ever liv’d in perfect chastity.

        I will not vie* with no virginity. contend Let them with bread of pured wheat be fed, *purified And let us wives eat our barley bread.

        And yet with barley bread, Mark tell us can,<8>

        Our Lord Jesus refreshed many a man.

        In such estate as God hath *cleped us, called us to I’ll persevere, I am not precious, over-dainty In wifehood I will use mine instrument As freely as my Maker hath it sent.

        If I be dangerous* God give me sorrow; *sparing of my favours Mine husband shall it have, both eve and morrow, When that him list come forth and pay his debt.

        A husband will I have, I *will no let, will bear no hindrance*

        Which shall be both my debtor and my thrall, slave And have his tribulation withal

        Upon his flesh, while that I am his wife.

        I have the power during all my life

        Upon his proper body, and not he;

        Right thus th’ apostle told it unto me, And bade our husbands for to love us well; All this sentence me liketh every deal. whit Up start the Pardoner, and that anon;

        “Now, Dame,” quoth he, “by God and by Saint John, Ye are a noble preacher in this case.

        I was about to wed a wife, alas!

        What? should I bie* it on my flesh so dear? suffer for Yet had I lever wed no wife this year.” rather “Abide,” quoth she; “my tale is not begun *wait in patience Nay, thou shalt drinken of another tun Ere that I go, shall savour worse than ale.

        And when that I have told thee forth my tale Of tribulation in marriage,

        Of which I am expert in all mine age,

        (This is to say, myself hath been the whip), Then mayest thou choose whether thou wilt sip Of *thilke tunne,* that I now shall broach. that tun

        Beware of it, ere thou too nigh approach, For I shall tell examples more than ten: Whoso will not beware by other men,

        By him shall other men corrected be:

        These same wordes writeth Ptolemy;

        Read in his Almagest, and take it there.”

        “Dame, I would pray you, if your will it were,”

        Saide this Pardoner, “as ye began,

        Tell forth your tale, and spare for no man, And teach us younge men of your practique.”

        “Gladly,” quoth she, “since that it may you like.

        But that I pray to all this company,

        If that I speak after my fantasy,

        To take nought agrief* what I may say; *to heart For mine intent is only for to play.

        Now, Sirs, then will I tell you forth my tale.

        As ever may I drinke wine or ale

        I shall say sooth; the husbands that I had Three of them were good, and two were bad The three were goode men, and rich, and old *Unnethes mighte they the statute hold they could with difficulty In which that they were bounden unto me. obey the law*

        Yet wot well what I mean of this, pardie. by God As God me help, I laugh when that I think How piteously at night I made them swink, labour But, *by my fay, I told of it no store: by my faith, I held it They had me giv’n their land and their treasor, of no account*

        Me needed not do longer diligence

        To win their love, or do them reverence.

        They loved me so well, by God above,

        That I tolde no dainty of their love. cared nothing for

        A wise woman will busy her ever-in-one constantly To get their love, where that she hath none.

        But, since I had them wholly in my hand, And that they had me given all their land, Why should I take keep* them for to please, care But it were for my profit, or mine ease? *unless I set them so a-worke, by my fay,

        That many a night they sange, wellaway!

        The bacon was not fetched for them, I trow, That some men have in Essex at Dunmow.<9>

        I govern’d them so well after my law,

        That each of them full blissful was and fawe fain To bringe me gay thinges from the fair.

        They were full glad when that I spake them fair, For, God it wot, I *chid them spiteously. rebuked them angrily*

        Now hearken how I bare me properly.

        Ye wise wives, that can understand,

        Thus should ye speak, and *bear them wrong on hand, make them For half so boldely can there no man believe falsely*

        Swearen and lien as a woman can.

        (I say not this by wives that be wise, But if it be when they them misadvise.)* unless act unadvisedly A wise wife, if that she can her good, knows Shall beare them on hand* the cow is wood, make them believe

        And take witness of her owen maid

        Of their assent: but hearken how I said.

        “Sir olde kaynard,<10> is this thine array?

        Why is my neigheboure’s wife so gay?

        She is honour’d over all where she go’th, wheresoever I sit at home, I have no thrifty cloth. good clothes*

        What dost thou at my neigheboure’s house?

        Is she so fair? art thou so amorous?

        What rown’st* thou with our maid? benedicite, whisperest Sir olde lechour, let thy japes be. *tricks And if I have a gossip, or a friend

        (Withoute guilt), thou chidest as a fiend, If that I walk or play unto his house.

        Thou comest home as drunken as a mouse, And preachest on thy bench, with evil prefe: proof Thou say’st to me, it is a great mischief To wed a poore woman, for costage: expense And if that she be rich, of high parage; birth <11>

        Then say’st thou, that it is a tormentry To suffer her pride and melancholy.

        And if that she be fair, thou very knave, Thou say’st that every holour* will her have; *whoremonger She may no while in chastity abide,

        That is assailed upon every side.

        Thou say’st some folk desire us for richess, Some for our shape, and some for our fairness, And some, for she can either sing or dance, And some for gentiless and dalliance,

        Some for her handes and her armes smale: Thus goes all to the devil, by thy tale; Thou say’st, men may not keep a castle wall That may be so assailed *over all.* everywhere

        And if that she be foul, thou say’st that she Coveteth every man that she may see;

        For as a spaniel she will on him leap, Till she may finde some man her to cheap; buy And none so grey goose goes there in the lake, (So say’st thou) that will be without a make. mate And say’st, it is a hard thing for to weld *wield, govern A thing that no man will, *his thankes, held. hold with his goodwill*

        Thus say’st thou, lorel,* when thou go’st to bed, *good-for-nothing And that no wise man needeth for to wed, Nor no man that intendeth unto heaven.

        With wilde thunder dint* and fiery leven* stroke **lightning Mote* thy wicked necke be to-broke. *may Thou say’st, that dropping houses, and eke smoke, And chiding wives, make men to flee

        Out of their owne house; ah! ben’dicite, What aileth such an old man for to chide?

        Thou say’st, we wives will our vices hide, Till we be fast,* and then we will them shew. *wedded Well may that be a proverb of a shrew. ill-tempered wretch Thou say’st, that oxen, asses, horses, hounds, They be *assayed at diverse stounds, tested at various Basons and lavers, ere that men them buy, seasons Spoones, stooles, and all such husbandry, And so be pots, and clothes, and array, raiment But folk of wives make none assay,

        Till they be wedded, — olde dotard shrew! —

        And then, say’st thou, we will our vices shew.

        Thou say’st also, that it displeaseth me, But if * that thou wilt praise my beauty, unless And but thou pore alway upon my face, unless And call me faire dame in every place; And but thou make a feast on thilke** day unless *that That I was born, and make me fresh and gay; And but thou do to my norice* honour, *nurse <12>

        And to my chamberere* within my bow’r, *chamber-maid And to my father’s folk, and mine allies; relations Thus sayest thou, old barrel full of lies.

        And yet also of our prentice Jenkin,

        For his crisp hair, shining as gold so fine, And for he squireth me both up and down, Yet hast thou caught a false suspicioun: I will him not, though thou wert dead to-morrow.

        But tell me this, why hidest thou, *with sorrow, sorrow on thee!*

        The keyes of thy chest away from me?

        It is my good* as well as thine, pardie. *property What, think’st to make an idiot of our dame?

        Now, by that lord that called is Saint Jame, Thou shalt not both, although that thou wert wood, furious Be master of my body, and my good, property The one thou shalt forego, maugre* thine eyen. *in spite of What helpeth it of me t’inquire and spyen?

        I trow thou wouldest lock me in thy chest.

        Thou shouldest say, ‘Fair wife, go where thee lest; Take your disport; I will believe no tales; I know you for a true wife, Dame Ales.’ Alice We love no man, that taketh keep* or charge *care Where that we go; we will be at our large.

        Of alle men most blessed may he be,

        The wise astrologer Dan* Ptolemy, *Lord That saith this proverb in his Almagest:<13>

        ‘Of alle men his wisdom is highest,

        That recketh not who hath the world in hand.

        By this proverb thou shalt well understand, Have thou enough, what thar* thee reck or care *needs, behoves How merrily that other folkes fare?

        For certes, olde dotard, by your leave, Ye shall have [pleasure] <14> right enough at eve.

        He is too great a niggard that will werne forbid A man to light a candle at his lantern; He shall have never the less light, pardie.

        Have thou enough, thee thar* not plaine** thee need *complain Thou say’st also, if that we make us gay With clothing and with precious array, That it is peril of our chastity.

        And yet, — with sorrow! — thou enforcest thee, And say’st these words in the apostle’s name: ‘In habit made with chastity and shame modesty Ye women shall apparel you,’ quoth he,<15>

        ‘And not in tressed hair and gay perrie, jewels As pearles, nor with gold, nor clothes rich.’

        After thy text nor after thy rubrich

        I will not work as muchel as a gnat.

        Thou say’st also, I walk out like a cat; For whoso woulde singe the catte’s skin Then will the catte well dwell in her inn; house And if the catte’s skin be sleek and gay, She will not dwell in house half a day, But forth she will, ere any day be daw’d, To shew her skin, and go a caterwaw’d. caterwauling This is to say, if I be gay, sir shrew, I will run out, my borel* for to shew. *apparel, fine clothes Sir olde fool, what helpeth thee to spyen?

        Though thou pray Argus with his hundred eyen To be my wardecorps,* as he can best body-guard In faith he shall not keep me, but me lest: unless I please*

        Yet could I make his beard, so may I the. make a jest of him

        “Thou sayest eke, that there be thinges three, *thrive Which thinges greatly trouble all this earth, And that no wighte may endure the ferth: fourth O lefe* sir shrew, may Jesus short** thy life. pleasant *shorten Yet preachest thou, and say’st, a hateful wife Y-reckon’d is for one of these mischances.

        Be there *none other manner resemblances no other kind of That ye may liken your parables unto, comparison*

        But if a silly wife be one of tho? those Thou likenest a woman’s love to hell;

        To barren land where water may not dwell.

        Thou likenest it also to wild fire;

        The more it burns, the more it hath desire To consume every thing that burnt will be.

        Thou sayest, right as wormes shend* a tree, *destroy Right so a wife destroyeth her husbond; This know they well that be to wives bond.”

        Lordings, right thus, as ye have understand, *Bare I stiffly mine old husbands on hand, made them believe*

        That thus they saiden in their drunkenness; And all was false, but that I took witness On Jenkin, and upon my niece also.

        O Lord! the pain I did them, and the woe, ‘Full guilteless, by Godde’s sweete pine; pain For as a horse I coulde bite and whine; I coulde plain,* an’** I was in the guilt, complain *even though Or elles oftentime I had been spilt ruined Whoso first cometh to the nilll, first grint; is ground I plained first, so was our war y-stint. stopped They were full glad to excuse them full blive quickly Of things that they never *aguilt their live. were guilty in their lives*

        Of wenches would I *beare them on hand, falsely accuse them*

        When that for sickness scarcely might they stand, Yet tickled I his hearte for that he

        Ween’d* that I had of him so great cherte:* though **affection<16>

        I swore that all my walking out by night Was for to espy wenches that he dight: adorned Under that colour had I many a mirth.

        For all such wit is given us at birth; Deceit, weeping, and spinning, God doth give To women kindly, while that they may live. *naturally And thus of one thing I may vaunte me, At th’ end I had the better in each degree, By sleight, or force, or by some manner thing, As by continual murmur or grudging, complaining Namely* a-bed, there hadde they mischance, *especially There would I chide, and do them no pleasance: I would no longer in the bed abide,

        If that I felt his arm over my side,

        Till he had made his ransom unto me,

        Then would I suffer him do his nicety. folly <17>

        And therefore every man this tale I tell, Win whoso may, for all is for to sell; With empty hand men may no hawkes lure; For winning would I all his will endure, And make me a feigned appetite,

        And yet in bacon* had I never delight: *i.e. of Dunmow <9>

        That made me that I ever would them chide.

        For, though the Pope had sitten them beside, I would not spare them at their owen board, For, by my troth, I quit* them word for word *repaid As help me very God omnipotent,

        Though I right now should make my testament I owe them not a word, that is not quit repaid I brought it so aboute by my wit,

        That they must give it up, as for the best Or elles had we never been in rest.

        For, though he looked as a wood* lion, *furious Yet should he fail of his conclusion.

        Then would I say, “Now, goode lefe* tak keep* dear **heed How meekly looketh Wilken oure sheep!

        Come near, my spouse, and let me ba* thy cheek *kiss <18>

        Ye shoulde be all patient and meek,

        And have a *sweet y-spiced* conscience, tender, nice

        Since ye so preach of Jobe’s patience.

        Suffer alway, since ye so well can preach, And but* ye do, certain we shall you teach unless That it is fair to have a wife in peace.

        One of us two must bowe* doubteless: *give way And since a man is more reasonable

        Than woman is, ye must be suff’rable.

        What aileth you to grudge* thus and groan? *complain Is it for ye would have my [love] <14> alone?

        Why, take it all: lo, have it every deal, whit Peter! <19> shrew* you but ye love it well curse For if I woulde sell my belle chose, beautiful thing*

        I coulde walk as fresh as is a rose,

        But I will keep it for your owen tooth.

        Ye be to blame, by God, I say you sooth.”

        Such manner wordes hadde we on hand.

        Now will I speaken of my fourth husband.

        My fourthe husband was a revellour;

        This is to say, he had a paramour,

        And I was young and full of ragerie, wantonness Stubborn and strong, and jolly as a pie. magpie Then could I dance to a harpe smale,

        And sing, y-wis,* as any nightingale, *certainly When I had drunk a draught of sweete wine.

        Metellius, the foule churl, the swine, That with a staff bereft his wife of life For she drank wine, though I had been his wife, Never should he have daunted me from drink: And, after wine, of Venus most I think.

        For all so sure as cold engenders hail, A liquorish mouth must have a liquorish tail.

        In woman vinolent* is no defence,* full of wine *resistance This knowe lechours by experience.

        But, lord Christ, when that it rememb’reth me Upon my youth, and on my jollity,

        It tickleth me about mine hearte-root; Unto this day it doth mine hearte boot, good That I have had my world as in my time.

        But age, alas! that all will envenime, poison, embitter Hath me bereft my beauty and my pith: vigour Let go; farewell; the devil go therewith.

        The flour is gon, there is no more to tell, The bran, as I best may, now must I sell.

        But yet to be right merry will I fand. try Now forth to tell you of my fourth husband, I say, I in my heart had great despite, That he of any other had delight;

        But he was quit,* by God and by Saint Joce:<21> *requited, paid back I made for him of the same wood a cross; Not of my body in no foul mannere,

        But certainly I made folk such cheer,

        That in his owen grease I made him fry For anger, and for very jealousy.

        By God, in earth I was his purgatory,

        For which I hope his soul may be in glory.

        For, God it wot, he sat full oft and sung, When that his shoe full bitterly him wrung. pinched There was no wight, save God and he, that wist In many wise how sore I did him twist.<20>

        He died when I came from Jerusalem,

        And lies in grave under the *roode beam: cross*

        Although his tomb is not so curious

        As was the sepulchre of Darius,

        Which that Apelles wrought so subtlely.

        It is but waste to bury them preciously.

        Let him fare well, God give his soule rest, He is now in his grave and in his chest.

        Now of my fifthe husband will I tell:

        God let his soul never come into hell.

        And yet was he to me the moste shrew; cruel, ill-tempered That feel I on my ribbes all *by rew, in a row And ever shall, until mine ending day.

        But in our bed he was so fresh and gay, And therewithal so well he could me glose, flatter When that he woulde have my belle chose, Though he had beaten me on every bone, Yet could he win again my love anon.

        I trow, I lov’d him better, for that he Was of his love so dangerous* to me. *sparing, difficult We women have, if that I shall not lie, In this matter a quainte fantasy.

        Whatever thing we may not lightly have, Thereafter will we cry all day and crave.

        Forbid us thing, and that desire we;

        Press on us fast, and thenne will we flee.

        With danger* utter we all our chaffare;* difficulty **merchandise Great press at market maketh deare ware, And too great cheap is held at little price; This knoweth every woman that is wise.

        My fifthe husband, God his soule bless, Which that I took for love and no richess, He some time was *a clerk of Oxenford, a scholar of Oxford*

        And had left school, and went at home to board With my gossip,* dwelling in oure town: *godmother God have her soul, her name was Alisoun.

        She knew my heart, and all my privity, Bet than our parish priest, so may I the. thrive To her betrayed I my counsel all;

        For had my husband pissed on a wall,

        Or done a thing that should have cost his life, To her, and to another worthy wife,

        And to my niece, which that I loved well, I would have told his counsel every deal. jot And so I did full often, God it wot,

        That made his face full often red and hot For very shame, and blam’d himself, for he Had told to me so great a privity. secret And so befell that ones in a Lent

        (So oftentimes I to my gossip went,

        For ever yet I loved to be gay,

        And for to walk in March, April, and May From house to house, to heare sundry tales), That Jenkin clerk, and my gossip, Dame Ales, And I myself, into the fieldes went.

        Mine husband was at London all that Lent; I had the better leisure for to play,

        And for to see, and eke for to be sey seen Of lusty folk; what wist I where my grace favour Was shapen for to be, or in what place? *appointed Therefore made I my visitations

        To vigilies,* and to processions, *festival-eves<22>

        To preachings eke, and to these pilgrimages, To plays of miracles, and marriages,

        And weared upon me gay scarlet gites. gowns These wormes, nor these mothes, nor these mites On my apparel frett* them never a deal* fed **whit And know’st thou why? for they were used* well. *worn Now will I telle forth what happen’d me: I say, that in the fieldes walked we,

        Till truely we had such dalliance,

        This clerk and I, that of my purveyance foresight I spake to him, and told him how that he, If I were widow, shoulde wedde me.

        For certainly, I say for no bobance, boasting<23>

        Yet was I never without purveyance foresight Of marriage, nor of other thinges eke: I hold a mouse’s wit not worth a leek, That hath but one hole for to starte* to,<24> *escape And if that faile, then is all y-do. done [*I bare him on hand* he had enchanted me falsely assured him

        (My dame taughte me that subtilty);

        And eke I said, I mette* of him all night, *dreamed He would have slain me, as I lay upright, And all my bed was full of very blood; But yet I hop’d that he should do me good; For blood betoken’d gold, as me was taught.

        And all was false, I dream’d of him right naught, But as I follow’d aye my dame’s lore,

        As well of that as of other things more.] <25>

        But now, sir, let me see, what shall I sayn?

        Aha! by God, I have my tale again.

        When that my fourthe husband was on bier, I wept algate* and made a sorry cheer,** always *countenance As wives must, for it is the usage;

        And with my kerchief covered my visage; But, for I was provided with a make, mate I wept but little, that I undertake promise To churche was mine husband borne a-morrow With neighebours that for him made sorrow, And Jenkin, oure clerk, was one of tho: those As help me God, when that I saw him go After the bier, methought he had a pair Of legges and of feet so clean and fair, That all my heart I gave unto his hold. keeping He was, I trow, a twenty winter old,

        And I was forty, if I shall say sooth, But yet I had always a colte’s tooth.

        Gat-toothed* I was, and that became me well, *see note <26>

        I had the print of Sainte Venus’ seal.

        [As help me God, I was a lusty one,

        And fair, and rich, and young, and *well begone: in a good way*

        For certes I am all venerian under the influence of Venus In feeling, and my heart is martian; under the influence of Mars Venus me gave my lust and liquorishness, And Mars gave me my sturdy hardiness.] <25>

        Mine ascendant was Taure,* and Mars therein: *Taurus Alas, alas, that ever love was sin!

        I follow’d aye mine inclination

        By virtue of my constellation:

        That made me that I coulde not withdraw My chamber of Venus from a good fellaw.

        [Yet have I Marte’s mark upon my face, And also in another privy place.

        For God so wisly* be my salvation, *certainly I loved never by discretion,

        But ever follow’d mine own appetite,

        All* were he short, or long, or black, or white, whether I took no keep, so that he liked me, *heed How poor he was, neither of what degree.] <25>

        What should I say? but that at the month’s end This jolly clerk Jenkin, that was so hend, courteous Had wedded me with great solemnity,

        And to him gave I all the land and fee That ever was me given therebefore:

        But afterward repented me full sore.

        He woulde suffer nothing of my list. pleasure By God, he smote me ones with his fist, For that I rent out of his book a leaf, That of the stroke mine eare wax’d all deaf.

        Stubborn I was, as is a lioness,

        And of my tongue a very jangleress, prater And walk I would, as I had done beforn, From house to house, although he had it sworn: had sworn to For which he oftentimes woulde preach prevent it And me of olde Roman gestes* teach *stories How that Sulpitius Gallus left his wife And her forsook for term of all his

        For nought but open-headed* he her say* bare-headed **saw Looking out at his door upon a day.

        Another Roman <27> told he me by name, That, for his wife was at a summer game Without his knowing, he forsook her eke.

        And then would he upon his Bible seek

        That ilke* proverb of Ecclesiast, *same Where he commandeth, and forbiddeth fast, Man shall not suffer his wife go roll about.

        Then would he say right thus withoute doubt: “Whoso that buildeth his house all of sallows, willows And pricketh his blind horse over the fallows, And suff’reth his wife to *go seeke hallows, make pilgrimages*

        Is worthy to be hanged on the gallows.”

        But all for nought; I *sette not a haw cared nothing for*

        Of his proverbs, nor of his olde saw;

        Nor would I not of him corrected be.

        I hate them that my vices telle me,

        And so do more of us (God wot) than I.

        This made him wood* with me all utterly; furious I woulde not forbear him in no case. *endure Now will I say you sooth, by Saint Thomas, Why that I rent out of his book a leaf, For which he smote me, so that I was deaf.

        He had a book, that gladly night and day For his disport he would it read alway; He call’d it Valerie,<28> and Theophrast, And with that book he laugh’d alway full fast.

        And eke there was a clerk sometime at Rome, A cardinal, that highte Saint Jerome,

        That made a book against Jovinian,

        Which book was there; and eke Tertullian, Chrysippus, Trotula, and Heloise,

        That was an abbess not far from Paris; And eke the Parables* of Solomon, Proverbs Ovide’s Art, <29> and bourdes many one; *jests And alle these were bound in one volume.

        And every night and day was his custume (When he had leisure and vacation

        From other worldly occupation)

        To readen in this book of wicked wives.

        He knew of them more legends and more lives Than be of goodde wives in the Bible.

        For, trust me well, it is an impossible That any clerk will speake good of wives, (But if it be of holy saintes’ lives) *unless Nor of none other woman never the mo’.

        Who painted the lion, tell it me, who?

        By God, if women haddde written stories, As clerkes have within their oratories, They would have writ of men more wickedness Than all the mark of Adam <30> may redress The children of Mercury and of Venus,<31>

        Be in their working full contrarious.

        Mercury loveth wisdom and science,

        And Venus loveth riot and dispence. extravagance And for their diverse disposition,

        Each falls in other’s exaltation.

        As thus, God wot, Mercury is desolate

        In Pisces, where Venus is exaltate,

        And Venus falls where Mercury is raised. <32>

        Therefore no woman by no clerk is praised.

        The clerk, when he is old, and may not do Of Venus’ works not worth his olde shoe, Then sits he down, and writes in his dotage, That women cannot keep their marriage.

        But now to purpose, why I tolde thee

        That I was beaten for a book, pardie.

        Upon a night Jenkin, that was our sire, goodman Read on his book, as he sat by the fire, Of Eva first, that for her wickedness

        Was all mankind brought into wretchedness, For which that Jesus Christ himself was slain, That bought us with his hearte-blood again.

        Lo here express of women may ye find

        That woman was the loss of all mankind.

        Then read he me how Samson lost his hairs Sleeping, his leman cut them with her shears, Through whiche treason lost he both his eyen.

        Then read he me, if that I shall not lien, Of Hercules, and of his Dejanire,

        That caused him to set himself on fire.

        Nothing forgot he of the care and woe

        That Socrates had with his wives two;

        How Xantippe cast piss upon his head.

        This silly man sat still, as he were dead, He wip’d his head, and no more durst he sayn, But, “Ere the thunder stint* there cometh rain.” ceases Of Phasiphae, that was queen of Crete, For shrewedness he thought the tale sweet. *wickedness Fy, speak no more, it is a grisly thing, Of her horrible lust and her liking.

        Of Clytemnestra, for her lechery

        That falsely made her husband for to die, He read it with full good devotion.

        He told me eke, for what occasion

        Amphiorax at Thebes lost his life:

        My husband had a legend of his wife

        Eryphile, that for an ouche* of gold *clasp, collar Had privily unto the Greekes told,

        Where that her husband hid him in a place, For which he had at Thebes sorry grace.

        Of Luna told he me, and of Lucie;

        They bothe made their husbands for to die, That one for love, that other was for hate.

        Luna her husband on an ev’ning late

        Empoison’d had, for that she was his foe: Lucia liquorish lov’d her husband so,

        That, for he should always upon her think, She gave him such a manner* love-drink, sort of That he was dead before it were the morrow: And thus algates husbands hadde sorrow. *always Then told he me how one Latumeus

        Complained to his fellow Arius

        That in his garden growed such a tree, On which he said how that his wives three Hanged themselves for heart dispiteous.

        “O leve* brother,” quoth this Arius, dear “Give me a plant of thilke blessed tree, *that And in my garden planted shall it be.”

        Of later date of wives hath he read,

        That some have slain their husbands in their bed, And let their *lechour dight them* all the night, lover ride them

        While that the corpse lay on the floor upright: And some have driven nails into their brain, While that they slept, and thus they have them slain: Some have them given poison in their drink: He spake more harm than hearte may bethink.

        And therewithal he knew of more proverbs, Than in this world there groweth grass or herbs.

        “Better (quoth he) thine habitation

        Be with a lion, or a foul dragon,

        Than with a woman using for to chide.

        Better (quoth he) high in the roof abide, Than with an angry woman in the house, They be so wicked and contrarious:

        They hate that their husbands loven aye.”

        He said, “A woman cast her shame away

        When she cast off her smock;” and farthermo’, “A fair woman, but* she be chaste also, *except Is like a gold ring in a sowe’s nose.

        Who coulde ween,* or who coulde suppose *think The woe that in mine heart was, and the pine? pain And when I saw that he would never fine finish To readen on this cursed book all night, All suddenly three leaves have I plight plucked Out of his book, right as he read, and eke I with my fist so took him on the cheek, That in our fire he backward fell adown.

        And he up start, as doth a wood* lion, *furious And with his fist he smote me on the head, That on the floor I lay as I were dead.

        And when he saw how still that there I lay, He was aghast, and would have fled away, Till at the last out of my swoon I braid, woke “Oh, hast thou slain me, thou false thief?” I said “And for my land thus hast thou murder’d me?

        Ere I be dead, yet will I kisse thee.”

        And near he came, and kneeled fair adown, And saide”, “Deare sister Alisoun,

        As help me God, I shall thee never smite: That I have done it is thyself to wite, blame Forgive it me, and that I thee beseek.” beseech And yet eftsoons* I hit him on the cheek, *immediately; again And saidde, “Thief, thus much am I awreak. avenged Now will I die, I may no longer speak.”

        But at the last, with muche care and woe We fell accorded* by ourselves two: *agreed He gave me all the bridle in mine hand To have the governance of house and land, And of his tongue, and of his hand also.

        I made him burn his book anon right tho. then And when that I had gotten unto me

        By mast’ry all the sovereignety,

        And that he said, “Mine owen true wife, Do *as thee list,* the term of all thy life, as pleases thee

        Keep thine honour, and eke keep mine estate; After that day we never had debate.

        God help me so, I was to him as kind

        As any wife from Denmark unto Ind,

        And also true, and so was he to me:

        I pray to God that sits in majesty

        So bless his soule, for his mercy dear.

        Now will I say my tale, if ye will hear. —

        The Friar laugh’d when he had heard all this: “Now, Dame,” quoth he, “so have I joy and bliss, This is a long preamble of a tale.”

        And when the Sompnour heard the Friar gale, speak “Lo,” quoth this Sompnour, “Godde’s armes two, A friar will intermete* him evermo’: *interpose <33>

        Lo, goode men, a fly and eke a frere

        Will fall in ev’ry dish and eke mattere.

        What speak’st thou of perambulation? preamble What? amble or trot; or peace, or go sit down: Thou lettest* our disport in this mattere.” *hinderesst “Yea, wilt thou so, Sir Sompnour?” quoth the Frere; “Now by my faith I shall, ere that I go, Tell of a Sompnour such a tale or two, That all the folk shall laughen in this place.”

        “Now do, else, Friar, I beshrew* thy face,” curse Quoth this Sompnour; “and I beshrewe me, But if I telle tales two or three *unless Of friars, ere I come to Sittingbourne, That I shall make thine hearte for to mourn: For well I wot thy patience is gone.”

        Our Hoste cried, “Peace, and that anon;”

        And saide, “Let the woman tell her tale.

        Ye fare* as folk that drunken be of ale. *behave Do, Dame, tell forth your tale, and that is best.”

        “All ready, sir,” quoth she, “right as you lest, please If I have licence of this worthy Frere.”

        “Yes, Dame,” quoth he, “tell forth, and I will hear.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Wife of Bath’s Tale 1. Among the evidences that Chaucer’s great work was left incomplete, is the absence of any link of connexion between the Wife of Bath’s Prologue and Tale, and what goes before. This deficiency has in some editions caused the Squire’s and the Merchant’s Tales to be interposed between those of the Man of Law and the Wife of Bath; but in the Merchant’s Tale there is internal proof that it was told after the jolly Dame’s. Several manuscripts contain verses designed to serve as a connexion; but they are evidently not Chaucer’s, and it is unnecessary to give them here. Of this Prologue, which may fairly be regarded as a distinct autobiographical tale, Tyrwhitt says: “The extraordinary length of it, as well as the vein of pleasantry that runs through it, is very suitable to the character of the speaker.

        The greatest part must have been of Chaucer’s own invention, though one may plainly see that he had been reading the popular invectives against marriage and women in general; such as the ‘Roman de la Rose,’ ‘Valerius ad Rufinum, De non Ducenda Uxore,’ (‘Valerius to Rufinus, on not being ruled by one’s wife’) and particularly ‘Hieronymus contra Jovinianum.’ (‘Jerome against Jovinianus’) St Jerome, among other things designed to discourage marriage, has inserted in his treatise a long passage from ‘Liber Aureolus Theophrasti de Nuptiis.’ (‘Theophrastus’s Golden Book of Marriage’).”

        2. A great part of the marriage service used to be performed in the church-porch.

        3. Jesus and the Samaritan woman: John iv. 13.

        4. Dan: Lord; Latin, “dominus.” Another reading is “the wise man, King Solomon.”

        5. Defended: forbade; French, “defendre,” to prohibit.

        6. Dart: the goal; a spear or dart was set up to mark the point of victory.

        7. “But in a great house there are not only vessels of gold and silver, but also of wood and of earth; and some to honour, and some to dishonour.” — 2 Tim. ii 20.

        8. Jesus feeding the multitude with barley bread: Mark vi. 41, 42.

        9. At Dunmow prevailed the custom of giving, amid much merry making, a flitch of bacon to the married pair who had lived together for a year without quarrel or regret. The same custom prevailed of old in Bretagne.

        10. “Cagnard,” or “Caignard,” a French term of reproach, originally derived from “canis,” a dog.

        11. Parage: birth, kindred; from Latin, “pario,” I beget.

        12. Norice: nurse; French, “nourrice.”

        13. This and the previous quotation from Ptolemy are due to the Dame’s own fancy.

        14. (Transcriber’s note: Some Victorian censorship here. The word given in [brackets] should be “queint” i.e. “cunt”.) 15. Women should not adorn themselves: see I Tim. ii. 9.

        16. Cherte: affection; from French, “cher,” dear.

        17. Nicety: folly; French, “niaiserie.”

        18. Ba: kiss; from French, “baiser.”

        19. Peter!: by Saint Peter! a common adjuration, like Marie!

        from the Virgin’s name.

        20. St. Joce: or Judocus, a saint of Ponthieu, in France.

        21. “An allusion,” says Mr Wright, “to the story of the Roman sage who, when blamed for divorcing his wife, said that a shoe might appear outwardly to fit well, but no one but the wearer knew where it pinched.”

        22. Vigilies: festival-eves; see note 33 to the Prologue to the Tales.

        23. Bobance: boasting; Ben Jonson’s braggart, in “Every Man in his Humour,” is named Bobadil.

        24. “I hold a mouse’s wit not worth a leek, That hath but one hole for to starte to”

        A very old proverb in French, German, and Latin.

        25. The lines in brackets are only in some of the manuscripts.

        26. Gat-toothed: gap-toothed; goat-toothed; or cat-or separate toothed. See note 41 to the prologue to the Tales.

        27. Sempronius Sophus, of whom Valerius Maximus tells in his sixth book.

        28. The tract of Walter Mapes against marriage, published under the title of “Epistola Valerii ad Rufinum.”

        29. “Ars Amoris.”

        30. All the mark of Adam: all who bear the mark of Adam i.e.

        all men.

        31. The Children of Mercury and Venus: those born under the influence of the respective planets.

        32. A planet, according to the old astrologers, was in “exaltation” when in the sign of the Zodiac in which it exerted its strongest influence; the opposite sign, in which it was weakest, was called its “dejection.” Venus being strongest in Pisces, was weakest in Virgo; but in Virgo Mercury was in “exaltation.”

        33. Intermete: interpose; French, “entremettre.”

        THE TALE. <1>

        In olde dayes of the king Arthour,

        Of which that Britons speake great honour, All was this land full fill’d of faerie; fairies The Elf-queen, with her jolly company, Danced full oft in many a green mead

        This was the old opinion, as I read;

        I speak of many hundred years ago;

        But now can no man see none elves mo’, For now the great charity and prayeres Of limitours,* and other holy freres, *begging friars <2>

        That search every land and ev’ry stream As thick as motes in the sunne-beam,

        Blessing halls, chambers, kitchenes, and bowers, Cities and burghes, castles high and towers, Thorpes* and barnes, shepens** and dairies, villages <3> *stables This makes that there be now no faeries: For there as wont to walke was an elf, where

        There walketh now the limitour himself, In undermeles* and in morrowings*, evenings <4> **mornings And saith his matins and his holy things, As he goes in his limitatioun. begging district Women may now go safely up and down,

        In every bush, and under every tree;

        There is none other incubus <5> but he; And he will do to them no dishonour.

        And so befell it, that this king Arthour Had in his house a lusty bacheler,

        That on a day came riding from river: <6>

        And happen’d, that, alone as she was born, He saw a maiden walking him beforn,

        Of which maiden anon, maugre* her head, *in spite of By very force he reft her maidenhead:

        For which oppression was such clamour, And such pursuit unto the king Arthour, That damned* was this knight for to be dead *condemned By course of law, and should have lost his head; (Paraventure such was the statute tho), then But that the queen and other ladies mo’

        So long they prayed the king of his grace, Till he his life him granted in the place, And gave him to the queen, all at her will To choose whether she would him save or spill destroy The queen thanked the king with all her might; And, after this, thus spake she to the knight, When that she saw her time upon a day.

        “Thou standest yet,” quoth she, “in such array, a position That of thy life yet hast thou no surety; I grant thee life, if thou canst tell to me What thing is it that women most desiren: Beware, and keep thy neck-bone from the iron executioner’s axe And if thou canst not tell it me anon, Yet will I give thee leave for to gon

        A twelvemonth and a day, to seek and lear learn An answer suffisant* in this mattere. *satisfactory And surety will I have, ere that thou pace, go Thy body for to yielden in this place.”

        Woe was the knight, and sorrowfully siked; sighed But what? he might not do all as him liked.

        And at the last he chose him for to wend, depart And come again, right at the yeare’s end, With such answer as God would him purvey: provide And took his leave, and wended forth his way.

        He sought in ev’ry house and ev’ry place, Where as he hoped for to finde grace,

        To learne what thing women love the most: But he could not arrive in any coast,

        Where as he mighte find in this mattere Two creatures *according in fere. agreeing together*

        Some said that women loved best richess, Some said honour, and some said jolliness, Some rich array, and some said lust* a-bed, *pleasure And oft time to be widow and be wed.

        Some said, that we are in our heart most eased When that we are y-flatter’d and y-praised.

        He *went full nigh the sooth,* I will not lie; came very near A man shall win us best with flattery; the truth

        And with attendance, and with business Be we y-limed,* bothe more and less. caught with bird-lime And some men said that we do love the best For to be free, and do right as us lest, whatever we please*

        And that no man reprove us of our vice, But say that we are wise, and nothing nice, foolish <7>

        For truly there is none among us all,

        If any wight will *claw us on the gall, see note <8>*

        That will not kick, for that he saith us sooth: Assay,* and he shall find it, that so do’th. *try For be we never so vicious within,

        We will be held both wise and clean of sin.

        And some men said, that great delight have we For to be held stable and eke secre, discreet And in one purpose steadfastly to dwell, And not bewray* a thing that men us tell. *give away But that tale is not worth a rake-stele. rake-handle Pardie, we women canne nothing hele, hide <9>

        Witness on Midas; will ye hear the tale?

        Ovid, amonges other thinges smale small Saith, Midas had, under his longe hairs, Growing upon his head two ass’s ears;

        The whiche vice he hid, as best he might, Full subtlely from every man’s sight,

        That, save his wife, there knew of it no mo’; He lov’d her most, and trusted her also; He prayed her, that to no creature

        She woulde tellen of his disfigure.

        She swore him, nay, for all the world to win, She would not do that villainy or sin, To make her husband have so foul a name: She would not tell it for her owen shame.

        But natheless her thoughte that she died, That she so longe should a counsel hide; Her thought it swell’d so sore about her heart That needes must some word from her astart And, since she durst not tell it unto man Down to a marish fast thereby she ran, Till she came there, her heart was all afire: And, as a bittern bumbles* in the mire, *makes a humming noise She laid her mouth unto the water down “Bewray me not, thou water, with thy soun’”

        Quoth she, “to thee I tell it, and no mo’, Mine husband hath long ass’s eares two!

        Now is mine heart all whole; now is it out; I might no longer keep it, out of doubt.”

        Here may ye see, though we a time abide, Yet out it must, we can no counsel hide.

        The remnant of the tale, if ye will hear, Read in Ovid, and there ye may it lear. learn This knight, of whom my tale is specially, When that he saw he might not come thereby, That is to say, what women love the most, Within his breast full sorrowful was his ghost. spirit But home he went, for he might not sojourn, The day was come, that homeward he must turn.

        And in his way it happen’d him to ride, In all his care,* under a forest side, *trouble, anxiety Where as he saw upon a dance go

        Of ladies four-and-twenty, and yet mo’, Toward this ilke* dance he drew full yern,* same **eagerly <10>

        The hope that he some wisdom there should learn; But certainly, ere he came fully there, Y-vanish’d was this dance, he knew not where; No creature saw he that bare life,

        Save on the green he sitting saw a wife, A fouler wight there may no man devise. imagine, tell Against* this knight this old wife gan to rise, to meet And said, “Sir Knight, hereforth lieth no way. *from here Tell me what ye are seeking, by your fay.

        Paraventure it may the better be:

        These olde folk know muche thing.” quoth she.

        My leve* mother,” quoth this knight, “certain, dear I am but dead, but if that I can sayn unless What thing it is that women most desire: Could ye me wiss, I would well *quite your hire.” instruct <11>

        “Plight me thy troth here in mine hand,” quoth she, *reward you*

        “The nexte thing that I require of thee Thou shalt it do, if it be in thy might, And I will tell it thee ere it be night.”

        “Have here my trothe,” quoth the knight; “I grant.”

        “Thenne,” quoth she, “I dare me well avaunt, boast, affirm Thy life is safe, for I will stand thereby, Upon my life the queen will say as I:

        Let see, which is the proudest of them all, That wears either a kerchief or a caul, That dare say nay to that I shall you teach.

        Let us go forth withoute longer speech Then *rowned she a pistel* in his ear, she whispered a secret

        And bade him to be glad, and have no fear.

        When they were come unto the court, this knight Said, he had held his day, as he had hight, promised And ready was his answer, as he said.

        Full many a noble wife, and many a maid, And many a widow, for that they be wise, —

        The queen herself sitting as a justice, —

        Assembled be, his answer for to hear,

        And afterward this knight was bid appear.

        To every wight commanded was silence,

        And that the knight should tell in audience, What thing that worldly women love the best.

        This knight he stood not still, as doth a beast, But to this question anon answer’d

        With manly voice, that all the court it heard, “My liege lady, generally,” quoth he,

        “Women desire to have the sovereignty

        As well over their husband as their love And for to be in mast’ry him above.

        This is your most desire, though ye me kill, Do as you list, I am here at your will.”

        In all the court there was no wife nor maid Nor widow, that contraried what he said, But said, he worthy was to have his life.

        And with that word up start that olde wife Which that the knight saw sitting on the green.

        “Mercy,” quoth she, “my sovereign lady queen, Ere that your court departe, do me right.

        I taughte this answer unto this knight, For which he plighted me his trothe there, The firste thing I would of him requere, He would it do, if it lay in his might.

        Before this court then pray I thee, Sir Knight,”

        Quoth she, “that thou me take unto thy wife, For well thou know’st that I have kept* thy life. *preserved If I say false, say nay, upon thy fay.” faith This knight answer’d, “Alas, and wellaway!

        I know right well that such was my behest. promise For Godde’s love choose a new request

        Take all my good, and let my body go.”

        “Nay, then,” quoth she, “I shrew* us bothe two, curse For though that I be old, and foul, and poor, I n’ould for all the metal nor the ore, would not That under earth is grave, or lies above *buried But if thy wife I were and eke thy love.”

        “My love?” quoth he, “nay, my damnation, Alas! that any of my nation

        Should ever so foul disparaged be.

        But all for nought; the end is this, that he Constrained was, that needs he muste wed, And take this olde wife, and go to bed.

        Now woulde some men say paraventure

        That for my negligence I do no cure take no pains To tell you all the joy and all th’ array That at the feast was made that ilke* day. *same To which thing shortly answeren I shall: I say there was no joy nor feast at all, There was but heaviness and muche sorrow: For privily he wed her on the morrow;

        And all day after hid him as an owl,

        So woe was him, his wife look’d so foul Great was the woe the knight had in his thought When he was with his wife to bed y-brought; He wallow’d, and he turned to and fro.

        This olde wife lay smiling evermo’,

        And said, “Dear husband, benedicite,

        Fares every knight thus with his wife as ye?

        Is this the law of king Arthoures house?

        Is every knight of his thus dangerous? fastidious, niggardly I am your owen love, and eke your wife I am she, which that saved hath your life And certes yet did I you ne’er unright.

        Why fare ye thus with me this firste night?

        Ye fare like a man had lost his wit.

        What is my guilt? for God’s love tell me it, And it shall be amended, if I may.”

        “Amended!” quoth this knight; “alas, nay, nay, It will not be amended, never mo’;

        Thou art so loathly, and so old also,

        And thereto* comest of so low a kind, *in addition That little wonder though I wallow and wind; writhe, turn about So woulde God, mine hearte woulde brest!” burst “Is this,” quoth she, “the cause of your unrest?”

        “Yea, certainly,” quoth he; “no wonder is.”

        “Now, Sir,” quoth she, “I could amend all this, If that me list, ere it were dayes three, *So well ye mighte bear you unto me. if you could conduct But, for ye speaken of such gentleness yourself well As is descended out of old richess, towards me*

        That therefore shalle ye be gentlemen; Such arrogancy is *not worth a hen. worth nothing Look who that is most virtuous alway,

        *Prive and apert,* and most intendeth aye in private and public

        To do the gentle deedes that he can;

        And take him for the greatest gentleman.

        Christ will,* we claim of him our gentleness, wills, requires Not of our elders for their old richess. *ancestors For though they gave us all their heritage, For which we claim to be of high parage, birth, descent Yet may they not bequeathe, for no thing, To none of us, their virtuous living

        That made them gentlemen called to be, And bade us follow them in such degree.

        Well can the wise poet of Florence,

        That highte Dante, speak of this sentence: sentiment Lo, in such manner* rhyme is Dante’s tale. kind of ‘Full seld’ upriseth by his branches smale *seldom Prowess of man, for God of his goodness Wills that we claim of him our gentleness;’ <12>

        For of our elders may we nothing claim But temp’ral things that man may hurt and maim.

        Eke every wight knows this as well as I, If gentleness were planted naturally

        Unto a certain lineage down the line,

        Prive and apert, then would they never fine cease To do of gentleness the fair office

        Then might they do no villainy nor vice.

        Take fire, and bear it to the darkest house Betwixt this and the mount of Caucasus, And let men shut the doores, and go thenne, thence Yet will the fire as fair and lighte brenne burn As twenty thousand men might it behold; *Its office natural aye will it hold, it will perform its On peril of my life, till that it die. natural duty*

        Here may ye see well how that gentery gentility, nobility Is not annexed to possession,

        Since folk do not their operation

        Alway, as doth the fire, lo, *in its kind from its very nature*

        For, God it wot, men may full often find A lorde’s son do shame and villainy.

        And he that will have price* of his gent’ry, esteem, honour For he was boren of a gentle house, *because And had his elders noble and virtuous, And will himselfe do no gentle deedes, Nor follow his gentle ancestry, that dead is, He is not gentle, be he duke or earl;

        For villain sinful deedes make a churl.

        For gentleness is but the renomee renown Of thine ancestors, for their high bounte, goodness, worth Which is a strange thing to thy person: Thy gentleness cometh from God alone.

        Then comes our very* gentleness of grace; *true It was no thing bequeath’d us with our place.

        Think how noble, as saith Valerius,

        Was thilke* Tullius Hostilius, *that That out of povert’ rose to high

        Read in Senec, and read eke in Boece,

        There shall ye see express, that it no drede* is, *doubt That he is gentle that doth gentle deedes.

        And therefore, leve* husband, I conclude, *dear Albeit that mine ancestors were rude,

        Yet may the highe God, — and so hope I, —

        Grant me His grace to live virtuously: Then am I gentle when that I begin

        To live virtuously, and waive* sin. *forsake “And whereas ye of povert’ me repreve, reproach The highe God, on whom that we believe, In wilful povert’ chose to lead his life: And certes, every man, maiden, or wife May understand that Jesus, heaven’s king, Ne would not choose a virtuous living.

        *Glad povert’ is an honest thing, certain; poverty cheerfully This will Senec and other clerkes sayn endured*

        Whoso that holds him paid of his povert’, is satisfied with

        I hold him rich though he hath not a shirt.

        He that coveteth is a poore wight

        For he would have what is not in his might But he that nought hath, nor coveteth to have, Is rich, although ye hold him but a knave. slave, abject wretch *Very povert’ is sinne,* properly. the only true poverty is sin

        Juvenal saith of povert’ merrily:

        The poore man, when he goes by the way Before the thieves he may sing and play <13>

        Povert’ is hateful good,<14> and, as I guess, A full great *bringer out of business; deliver from trouble*

        A great amender eke of sapience

        To him that taketh it in patience.

        Povert’ is this, although it seem elenge strange <15>

        Possession that no wight will challenge Povert’ full often, when a man is low, Makes him his God and eke himself to know Povert’ a spectacle* is, as thinketh me a pair of spectacles Through which he may his very friendes see. *true And, therefore, Sir, since that I you not grieve, Of my povert’ no more me repreve. reproach “Now, Sir, of elde* ye repreve me: *age And certes, Sir, though none authority text, dictum Were in no book, ye gentles of honour

        Say, that men should an olde wight honour, And call him father, for your gentleness; And authors shall I finden, as I guess.

        Now there ye say that I am foul and old, Then dread ye not to be a cokewold. cuckold For filth, and elde, all so may I the, thrive Be greate wardens upon chastity.

        But natheless, since I know your delight, I shall fulfil your wordly appetite.

        Choose now,” quoth she, “one of these thinges tway, To have me foul and old till that I dey, die And be to you a true humble wife,

        And never you displease in all my life: Or elles will ye have me young and fair, And take your aventure of the repair resort That shall be to your house because of me, —

        Or in some other place, it may well be?

        Now choose yourselfe whether that you liketh.

        This knight adviseth* him and sore he siketh,* considered **sighed But at the last he said in this mannere; “My lady and my love, and wife so dear, I put me in your wise governance,

        Choose for yourself which may be most pleasance And most honour to you and me also;

        I do no force the whether of the two: *care not For as you liketh, it sufficeth me.”

        “Then have I got the mastery,” quoth she, “Since I may choose and govern as me lest.” pleases “Yea, certes wife,” quoth he, “I hold it best.”

        “Kiss me,” quoth she, “we are no longer wroth, at variance For by my troth I will be to you both; This is to say, yea, bothe fair and good.

        I pray to God that I may *sterve wood, die mad*

        But* I to you be all so good and true, unless As ever was wife since the world was new; And but I be to-morrow as fair to seen, *unless As any lady, emperess or queen,

        That is betwixt the East and eke the West Do with my life and death right as you lest. please Cast up the curtain, and look how it is.”

        And when the knight saw verily all this, That she so fair was, and so young thereto, For joy he hent* her in his armes two: *took His hearte bathed in a bath of bliss,

        A thousand times *on row* he gan her kiss: in succession

        And she obeyed him in every thing

        That mighte do him pleasance or liking.

        And thus they live unto their lives’ end In perfect joy; and Jesus Christ us send Husbandes meek and young, and fresh in bed, And grace to overlive them that we wed.

        And eke I pray Jesus to short their lives, That will not be governed by their wives.

        And old and angry niggards of dispence, expense God send them soon a very pestilence!

        Notes to the Wife of Bath’s Tale

        1. It is not clear whence Chaucer derived this tale. Tyrwhitt thinks it was taken from the story of Florent, in the first book of Gower’s “Confessio Amantis;” or perhaps from an older narrative from which Gower himself borrowed. Chaucer has condensed and otherwise improved the fable, especially by laying the scene, not in Sicily, but at the court of our own King Arthur.

        2. Limitours: begging friars. See note 18 to the prologue to the Tales.

        3. Thorpes: villages. Compare German, “Dorf,”; Dutch, “Dorp.”

        4. Undermeles: evening-tides, afternoons; “undern” signifies the evening; and “mele,” corresponds to the German “Mal” or “Mahl,” time.

        5. Incubus: an evil spirit supposed to do violence to women; a nightmare.

        6. Where he had been hawking after waterfowl. Froissart says that any one engaged in this sport “alloit en riviere.”

        7. Nice: foolish; French, “niais.”

        8. Claw us on the gall: Scratch us on the sore place. Compare, “Let the galled jade wince.” Hamlet iii. 2.

        9. Hele: hide; from Anglo-Saxon, “helan,” to hide, conceal.

        10. Yern: eagerly; German, “gern.”

        11. Wiss: instruct; German, “weisen,” to show or counsel.

        12. Dante, “Purgatorio”, vii. 121.

        13. “Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator” — “Satires,” x. 22.

        14. In a fabulous conference between the Emperor Adrian and the philosopher Secundus, reported by Vincent of Beauvais, occurs the passage which Chaucer here paraphrases: — “Quid est Paupertas? Odibile bonum; sanitas mater; remotio Curarum; sapientae repertrix; negotium sine damno; possessio absque calumnia; sine sollicitudinae felicitas.” (What is Poverty? A hateful good; a mother of health; a putting away of cares; a discoverer of wisdom; business without injury; ownership without calumny; happiness without anxiety) 15. Elenge: strange; from French “eloigner,” to remove.

        THE FRIAR’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.<1>

        This worthy limitour, this noble Frere, He made always a manner louring cheer countenance Upon the Sompnour; but for honesty courtesy No villain word as yet to him spake he: But at the last he said unto the Wife: “Dame,” quoth he, “God give you right good life, Ye have here touched, all so may I the, thrive In school matter a greate difficulty.

        Ye have said muche thing right well, I say; But, Dame, here as we ride by the way, Us needeth not but for to speak of game, And leave authorities, in Godde’s name, To preaching, and to school eke of clergy.

        But if it like unto this company,

        I will you of a Sompnour tell a game;

        Pardie, ye may well knowe by the name, That of a Sompnour may no good be said; I pray that none of you be *evil paid; dissatisfied*

        A Sompnour is a runner up and down

        With mandements* for fornicatioun, mandates, summonses

        And is y-beat at every towne’s end.”

        Then spake our Host; “Ah, sir, ye should be hend civil, gentle And courteous, as a man of your estate; In company we will have no debate:

        Tell us your tale, and let the Sompnour be.”

        “Nay,” quoth the Sompnour, “let him say by me What so him list; when it comes to my lot, By God, I shall him quiten* every groat! *pay him off I shall him telle what a great honour

        It is to be a flattering limitour

        And his office I shall him tell y-wis”.

        Our Host answered, “Peace, no more of this.”

        And afterward he said unto the frere,

        “Tell forth your tale, mine owen master dear.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Friar’s tale 1. On the Tale of the Friar, and that of the Sompnour which follows, Tyrwhitt has remarked that they “are well engrafted upon that of the Wife of Bath. The ill-humour which shows itself between these two characters is quite natural, as no two professions at that time were at more constant variance. The regular clergy, and particularly the mendicant friars, affected a total exemption from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, except that of the Pope, which made them exceedingly obnoxious to the bishops and of course to all the inferior officers of the national hierarchy.” Both tales, whatever their origin, are bitter satires on the greed and worldliness of the Romish clergy.

        THE TALE.

        Whilom* there was dwelling in my country *once on a time An archdeacon, a man of high degree,

        That boldely did execution,

        In punishing of fornication,

        Of witchecraft, and eke of bawdery,

        Of defamation, and adultery,

        Of churche-reeves,* and of testaments, churchwardens Of contracts, and of lack of sacraments, And eke of many another manner crime, *sort of Which needeth not rehearsen at this time, Of usury, and simony also;

        But, certes, lechours did he greatest woe; They shoulde singen, if that they were hent; caught And smale tithers<1> were foul y-shent, troubled, put to shame If any person would on them complain;

        There might astert them no pecunial pain.<2>

        For smalle tithes, and small offering, He made the people piteously to sing;

        For ere the bishop caught them with his crook, They weren in the archedeacon’s book;

        Then had he, through his jurisdiction, Power to do on them correction.

        He had a Sompnour ready to his hand,

        A slier boy was none in Engleland;

        For subtlely he had his espiaille, espionage That taught him well where it might aught avail.

        He coulde spare of lechours one or two, To teache him to four and twenty mo’.

        For, — though this Sompnour wood* be as a hare, — *furious, mad To tell his harlotry I will not spare, For we be out of their correction,

        They have of us no jurisdiction,

        Ne never shall have, term of all their lives.

        “Peter; so be the women of the stives,” stews Quoth this Sompnour, “y-put out of our cure.” care “Peace, with mischance and with misaventure,”

        Our Hoste said, “and let him tell his tale.

        Now telle forth, and let the Sompnour gale, whistle; bawl Nor spare not, mine owen master dear.”

        This false thief, the Sompnour (quoth the Frere), Had always bawdes ready to his hand,

        As any hawk to lure in Engleland,

        That told him all the secrets that they knew, —

        For their acquaintance was not come of new; They were his approvers* privily. *informers He took himself at great profit thereby: His master knew not always what he wan. won Withoute mandement, a lewed* man *ignorant He could summon, on pain of Christe’s curse, And they were inly glad to fill his purse, And make him greate feastes at the nale. alehouse And right as Judas hadde purses smale, small And was a thief, right such a thief was he, His master had but half *his duety. what was owing him*

        He was (if I shall give him his laud)

        A thief, and eke a Sompnour, and a bawd.

        And he had wenches at his retinue,

        That whether that Sir Robert or Sir Hugh, Or Jack, or Ralph, or whoso that it were That lay by them, they told it in his ear.

        Thus were the wench and he of one assent; And he would fetch a feigned mandement, And to the chapter summon them both two, And pill* the man, and let the wenche go. *plunder, pluck Then would he say, “Friend, I shall for thy sake Do strike thee out of oure letters blake; black Thee thar* no more as in this case travail; *need I am thy friend where I may thee avail.”

        Certain he knew of bribers many mo’

        Than possible is to tell in yeare’s two: For in this world is no dog for the bow,<3>

        That can a hurt deer from a whole know, Bet* than this Sompnour knew a sly lechour, *better Or an adult’rer, or a paramour:

        And, for that was the fruit of all his rent, Therefore on it he set all his intent.

        And so befell, that once upon a day.

        This Sompnour, waiting ever on his prey, Rode forth to summon a widow, an old ribibe,<4>

        Feigning a cause, for he would have a bribe.

        And happen’d that he saw before him ride A gay yeoman under a forest side:

        A bow he bare, and arrows bright and keen, He had upon a courtepy* of green, *short doublet A hat upon his head with fringes blake. black “Sir,” quoth this Sompnour, “hail, and well o’ertake.”

        “Welcome,” quoth he, “and every good fellaw; Whither ridest thou under this green shaw?”* shade Saide this yeoman; “wilt thou far to-day?”

        This Sompnour answer’d him, and saide, “Nay.

        Here faste by,” quoth he, “is mine intent To ride, for to raisen up a rent,

        That longeth to my lorde’s duety.”

        “Ah! art thou then a bailiff?” “Yea,” quoth he.

        He durste not for very filth and shame Say that he was a Sompnour, for the name.

        “De par dieux,” <5> quoth this yeoman, “leve* brother, *dear Thou art a bailiff, and I am another.

        I am unknowen, as in this country.

        Of thine acquaintance I will praye thee, And eke of brotherhood, if that thee list. please I have gold and silver lying in my chest; If that thee hap to come into our shire, All shall be thine, right as thou wilt desire.”

        “Grand mercy,”* quoth this Sompnour, “by my faith.” *great thanks Each in the other’s hand his trothe lay’th, For to be sworne brethren till they dey. die<6>

        In dalliance they ride forth and play.

        This Sompnour, which that was as full of jangles, chattering As full of venom be those wariangles, butcher-birds <7>

        And ev’r inquiring upon every thing,

        “Brother,” quoth he, “where is now your dwelling, Another day if that I should you seech?” seek, visit This yeoman him answered in soft speech; Brother,” quoth he, “far in the North country,<8>

        Where as I hope some time I shall thee see Ere we depart I shall thee so well wiss, inform That of mine house shalt thou never miss.”

        Now, brother,” quoth this Sompnour, “I you pray, Teach me, while that we ride by the way, (Since that ye be a bailiff as am I,)

        Some subtilty, and tell me faithfully

        For mine office how that I most may win.

        And *spare not* for conscience or for sin, conceal nothing

        But, as my brother, tell me how do ye.”

        Now by my trothe, brother mine,” said he, As I shall tell to thee a faithful tale: My wages be full strait and eke full smale; My lord is hard to me and dangerous, niggardly And mine office is full laborious;

        And therefore by extortion I live,

        Forsooth I take all that men will me give.

        Algate* by sleighte, or by violence, *whether From year to year I win all my dispence; I can no better tell thee faithfully.”

        Now certes,” quoth this Sompnour, “so fare* I; *do I spare not to take, God it wot,

        But if it be too heavy or too hot. unless

        What I may get in counsel privily,

        No manner conscience of that have I.

        N’ere* mine extortion, I might not live, were it not for For of such japes will I not be shrive.* tricks **confessed Stomach nor conscience know I none;

        I shrew* these shrifte-fathers** every one. curse *confessors Well be we met, by God and by St Jame.

        But, leve brother, tell me then thy name,”

        Quoth this Sompnour. Right in this meane while This yeoman gan a little for to smile.

        “Brother,” quoth he, “wilt thou that I thee tell?

        I am a fiend, my dwelling is in hell,

        And here I ride about my purchasing,

        To know where men will give me any thing.

        *My purchase is th’ effect of all my rent what I can gain is my Look how thou ridest for the same intent sole revenue*

        To winne good, thou reckest never how, Right so fare I, for ride will I now

        Into the worlde’s ende for a prey.”

        “Ah,” quoth this Sompnour, “benedicite! what say y’?

        I weened ye were a yeoman truly. *thought Ye have a manne’s shape as well as I

        Have ye then a figure determinate

        In helle, where ye be in your estate?” at home “Nay, certainly,” quoth he, there have we none, But when us liketh we can take us one, Or elles make you seem* that we be shape *believe Sometime like a man, or like an ape;

        Or like an angel can I ride or go;

        It is no wondrous thing though it be so, A lousy juggler can deceive thee.

        And pardie, yet can I more craft* than he.” *skill, cunning “Why,” quoth the Sompnour, “ride ye then or gon In sundry shapes and not always in one?”

        “For we,” quoth he, “will us in such form make.

        As most is able our prey for to take.”

        “What maketh you to have all this labour?”

        “Full many a cause, leve Sir Sompnour,”

        Saide this fiend. “But all thing hath a time; The day is short and it is passed prime, And yet have I won nothing in this day; I will intend* to winning, if I may, *apply myself And not intend our thinges to declare: For, brother mine, thy wit is all too bare To understand, although I told them thee.

        But for thou askest why laboure we: because

        For sometimes we be Godde’s instruments And meanes to do his commandements,

        When that him list, upon his creatures, In divers acts and in divers figures:

        Withoute him we have no might certain, If that him list to stande thereagain. against it And sometimes, at our prayer have we leave Only the body, not the soul, to grieve: Witness on Job, whom that we did full woe, And sometimes have we might on both the two, —

        This is to say, on soul and body eke,

        And sometimes be we suffer’d for to seek Upon a man and do his soul unrest

        And not his body, and all is for the best, When he withstandeth our temptation,

        It is a cause of his salvation,

        Albeit that it was not our intent

        He should be safe, but that we would him hent. catch And sometimes be we servants unto man, As to the archbishop Saint Dunstan,

        And to th’apostle servant eke was I.”

        “Yet tell me,” quoth this Sompnour, “faithfully, Make ye you newe bodies thus alway

        Of th’ elements?” The fiend answered, “Nay: Sometimes we feign, and sometimes we arise With deade bodies, in full sundry wise, And speak as reas’nably, and fair, and well, As to the Pythoness<9> did Samuel:

        And yet will some men say it was not he.

        I *do no force of* your divinity. set no value upon

        But one thing warn I thee, I will not jape,* jest Thou wilt algates weet how we be shape: assuredly know

        Thou shalt hereafterward, my brother dear, Come, where thee needeth not of me to lear. learn For thou shalt by thine own experience *Conne in a chair to rede of this sentence, learn to understand Better than Virgil, while he was alive, what I have said*

        Or Dante also. <10> Now let us ride blive, briskly For I will holde company with thee,

        Till it be so that thou forsake me.”

        “Nay,” quoth this Sompnour, “that shall ne’er betide.

        I am a yeoman, that is known full wide; My trothe will I hold, as in this case; For though thou wert the devil Satanas, My trothe will I hold to thee, my brother, As I have sworn, and each of us to other, For to be true brethren in this case,

        And both we go *abouten our purchase. seeking what we Take thou thy part, what that men will thee give, may pick up*

        And I shall mine, thus may we bothe live.

        And if that any of us have more than other, Let him be true, and part it with his brother.”

        “I grante,” quoth the devil, “by my fay.”

        And with that word they rode forth their way, And right at th’ent’ring of the towne’s end, To which this Sompnour shope* him for to wend,* shaped **go They saw a cart, that charged was with hay, Which that a carter drove forth on his way.

        Deep was the way, for which the carte stood: The carter smote, and cried as he were wood, mad “Heit Scot! heit Brok! what, spare ye for the stones?

        The fiend (quoth he) you fetch body and bones, As farforthly* as ever ye were foal’d, *sure So muche woe as I have with you tholed. endured <11>

        The devil have all, horses, and cart, and hay.”

        The Sompnour said, “Here shall we have a prey,”

        And near the fiend he drew, *as nought ne were, as if nothing Full privily, and rowned* in his ear: were the matter*

        “Hearken, my brother, hearken, by thy faith, *whispered Hearest thou not, how that the carter saith?

        Hent* it anon, for he hath giv’n it thee, seize Both hay and cart, and eke his capels three.” *horses <12>

        “Nay,” quoth the devil, “God wot, never a deal,* whit It is not his intent, trust thou me well; Ask him thyself, if thou not trowest* me, believest Or elles stint a while and thou shalt see.” *stop The carter thwack’d his horses on the croup, And they began to drawen and to stoop.

        “Heit now,” quoth he; “there, Jesus Christ you bless, And all his handiwork, both more and less!

        That was well twight,* mine owen liart,** boy, pulled *grey<13>

        I pray God save thy body, and Saint Loy!

        Now is my cart out of the slough, pardie.”

        “Lo, brother,” quoth the fiend, “what told I thee?

        Here may ye see, mine owen deare brother, The churl spake one thing, but he thought another.

        Let us go forth abouten our voyage;

        Here win I nothing upon this carriage.”

        When that they came somewhat out of the town, This Sompnour to his brother gan to rown; “Brother,” quoth he, “here wons* an old rebeck,<14> *dwells That had almost as lief to lose her neck.

        As for to give a penny of her good.

        I will have twelvepence, though that she be wood, mad Or I will summon her to our office;

        And yet, God wot, of her know I no vice.

        But for thou canst not, as in this country, Winne thy cost, take here example of me.”

        This Sompnour clapped at the widow’s gate: “Come out,” he said, “thou olde very trate; trot <15>

        I trow thou hast some friar or priest with thee.”

        “Who clappeth?” said this wife; “benedicite, God save you, Sir, what is your sweete will?”

        “I have,” quoth he, “of summons here a bill.

        Up* pain of cursing, looke that thou be *upon To-morrow before our archdeacon’s knee, To answer to the court of certain things.”

        “Now Lord,” quoth she, “Christ Jesus, king of kings, So wis1y* helpe me, *as I not may. surely *as I cannot*

        I have been sick, and that full many a day.

        I may not go so far,” quoth she, “nor ride, But I be dead, so pricketh it my side.

        May I not ask a libel, Sir Sompnour,

        And answer there by my procuratour

        To such thing as men would appose* me?” *accuse “Yes,” quoth this Sompnour, “pay anon, let see, Twelvepence to me, and I will thee acquit.

        I shall no profit have thereby but lit: little My master hath the profit and not I.

        Come off, and let me ride hastily;

        Give me twelvepence, I may no longer tarry.”

        “Twelvepence!” quoth she; “now lady Sainte Mary So wisly* help me out of care and sin, *surely This wide world though that I should it win, No have I not twelvepence within my hold.

        Ye know full well that I am poor and old; *Kithe your almes* upon me poor wretch.” show your charity

        “Nay then,” quoth he, “the foule fiend me fetch, If I excuse thee, though thou should’st be spilt.” ruined “Alas!” quoth she, “God wot, I have no guilt.”

        “Pay me,” quoth he, “or, by the sweet Saint Anne, As I will bear away thy newe pan

        For debte, which thou owest me of old, —

        When that thou madest thine husband cuckold, —

        I paid at home for thy correction.”

        “Thou liest,” quoth she, “by my salvation; Never was I ere now, widow or wife,

        Summon’d unto your court in all my life; Nor never I was but of my body true.

        Unto the devil rough and black of hue

        Give I thy body and my pan also.”

        And when the devil heard her curse so

        Upon her knees, he said in this mannere; “Now, Mabily, mine owen mother dear,

        Is this your will in earnest that ye say?”

        “The devil,” quoth she, “so fetch him ere he dey, die And pan and all, but* he will him repent.” unless “Nay, olde stoat, that is not mine intent,” *polecat Quoth this Sompnour, “for to repente me For any thing that I have had of thee; I would I had thy smock and every cloth.”

        “Now, brother,” quoth the devil, “be not wroth; Thy body and this pan be mine by right.

        Thou shalt with me to helle yet tonight, Where thou shalt knowen of our privity secrets More than a master of divinity.”

        And with that word the foule fiend him hent. seized Body and soul, he with the devil went, Where as the Sompnours have their heritage; And God, that maked after his image

        Mankinde, save and guide us all and some, And let this Sompnour a good man become.

        Lordings, I could have told you (quoth this Frere), Had I had leisure for this Sompnour here, After the text of Christ, and Paul, and John, And of our other doctors many a one,

        Such paines, that your heartes might agrise, be horrified Albeit so, that no tongue may devise,* — *relate Though that I might a thousand winters tell, —

        The pains of thilke* cursed house of hell *that But for to keep us from that cursed place Wake we, and pray we Jesus, of his grace, So keep us from the tempter, Satanas.

        Hearken this word, beware as in this case.

        The lion sits *in his await* alway on the watch <16>

        To slay the innocent, if that he may.

        Disposen aye your heartes to withstond The fiend that would you make thrall and bond; He may not tempte you over your might, For Christ will be your champion and your knight; And pray, that this our Sompnour him repent Of his misdeeds ere that the fiend him hent. seize Notes to the Friar’s Tale

        1. Small tithers: people who did not pay their full tithes. Mr Wright remarks that “the sermons of the friars in the fourteenth century were most frequently designed to impress the ahsolute duty of paying full tithes and offerings”.

        2. There might astert them no pecunial pain: they got off with no mere pecuniary punishment. (Transcriber’s note: “Astert”

        means “escape”. An alternative reading of this line is “there might astert him no pecunial pain” i.e. no fine ever escaped him (the archdeacon))

        3. A dog for the bow: a dog attending a huntsman with bow and arrow.

        4. Ribibe: the name of a musical instrument; applied to an old woman because of the shrillness of her voice.

        5. De par dieux: by the gods.

        6. See note 12 to the Knight’s Tale.

        7. Wariangles: butcher-birds; which are very noisy and ravenous, and tear in pieces the birds on which they prey; the thorn on which they do this was said to become poisonous.

        8. Medieval legends located hell in the North.

        9. The Pythoness: the witch, or woman, possesed with a prophesying spirit; from the Greek, “Pythia.” Chaucer of course refers to the raising of Samuel’s spirit by the witch of Endor.

        10. Dante and Virgil were both poets who had in fancy visited Hell.

        11. Tholed: suffered, endured; “thole” is still used in Scotland in the same sense.

        12. Capels: horses. See note 14 to the Reeve’s Tale.

        13. Liart: grey; elsewhere applied by Chaucer to the hairs of an old man. So Burns, in the “Cotter’s Saturday Night,” speaks of the gray temples of “the sire” — “His lyart haffets wearing thin and bare.”

        14. Rebeck: a kind of fiddle; used like “ribibe,” as a nickname for a shrill old scold.

        15. Trot; a contemptuous term for an old woman who has trotted about much, or who moves with quick short steps.

        16. In his await: on the watch; French, “aux aguets.”

        THE SOMPNOUR’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        The Sompnour in his stirrups high he stood, Upon this Friar his hearte was so wood, furious That like an aspen leaf he quoke* for ire: *quaked, trembled “Lordings,” quoth he, “but one thing I desire; I you beseech, that of your courtesy,

        Since ye have heard this false Friar lie, As suffer me I may my tale tell

        This Friar boasteth that he knoweth hell, And, God it wot, that is but little wonder, Friars and fiends be but little asunder.

        For, pardie, ye have often time heard tell, How that a friar ravish’d was to hell

        In spirit ones by a visioun,

        And, as an angel led him up and down,

        To shew him all the paines that there were, In all the place saw he not a frere;

        Of other folk he saw enough in woe.

        Unto the angel spake the friar tho; then ‘Now, Sir,’ quoth he, ‘have friars such a grace, That none of them shall come into this place?’

        ‘Yes’ quoth the angel; ‘many a millioun:’

        And unto Satanas he led him down.

        ‘And now hath Satanas,’ said he, ‘a tail Broader than of a carrack<1> is the sail.

        Hold up thy tail, thou Satanas,’ quoth he, ‘Shew forth thine erse, and let the friar see Where is the nest of friars in this place.’

        And *less than half a furlong way of space immediately* <2>

        Right so as bees swarmen out of a hive, Out of the devil’s erse there gan to drive A twenty thousand friars *on a rout. in a crowd*

        And throughout hell they swarmed all about, And came again, as fast as they may gon, And in his erse they creeped every one: He clapt his tail again, and lay full still.

        This friar, when he looked had his fill Upon the torments of that sorry place, His spirit God restored of his grace

        Into his body again, and he awoke;

        But natheless for feare yet he quoke,

        So was the devil’s erse aye in his mind; That is his heritage, *of very kind by his very nature*

        God save you alle, save this cursed Frere; My prologue will I end in this mannere.

        Notes to the Prologue to the Sompnour’s Tale 1. Carrack: A great ship of burden used by the Portuguese; the name is from the Italian, “cargare,” to load 2. In less than half a furlong way of space: immediately; literally, in less time than it takes to walk half a furlong (110

        yards).

        THE TALE.

        Lordings, there is in Yorkshire, as I guess, A marshy country called Holderness,

        In which there went a limitour about

        To preach, and eke to beg, it is no doubt.

        And so befell that on a day this frere Had preached at a church in his mannere, And specially, above every thing,

        Excited he the people in his preaching To trentals, <1> and to give, for Godde’s sake, Wherewith men mighte holy houses make, There as divine service is honour’d,

        Not there as it is wasted and devour’d, Nor where it needeth not for to be given, As to possessioners, <2> that may liven, Thanked be God, in wealth and abundance.

        “Trentals,” said he, “deliver from penance Their friendes’ soules, as well old as young, Yea, when that they be hastily y-sung, —

        Not for to hold a priest jolly and gay, He singeth not but one mass in a day.

        “Deliver out,” quoth he, “anon the souls.

        Full hard it is, with flesh-hook or with owls awls To be y-clawed, or to burn or bake: <3>

        Now speed you hastily, for Christe’s sake.”

        And when this friar had said all his intent, With qui cum patre<4> forth his way he went, When folk in church had giv’n him what them lest; pleased He went his way, no longer would he rest, With scrip and tipped staff, *y-tucked high: with his robe tucked In every house he gan to pore* and pry, up high peer And begged meal and cheese, or elles corn.

        His fellow had a staff tipped with horn, A pair of tables* all of ivory, writing tablets And a pointel y-polish’d fetisly,* pencil **daintily And wrote alway the names, as he stood; Of all the folk that gave them any good, Askaunce* that he woulde for them pray. *see note <5>

        “Give us a bushel wheat, or malt, or rey, rye A Godde’s kichel,* or a trip** of cheese, little cake<6> *scrap Or elles what you list, we may not chese; choose A Godde’s halfpenny, <6> or a mass penny; Or give us of your brawn, if ye have any; A dagon* of your blanket, leve dame, *remnant Our sister dear, — lo, here I write your name,—

        Bacon or beef, or such thing as ye find.”

        A sturdy harlot* went them aye behind, *manservant <7>

        That was their hoste’s man, and bare a sack, And what men gave them, laid it on his back And when that he was out at door, anon He *planed away* the names every one, rubbed out

        That he before had written in his tables: He served them with nifles* and with fables. — *silly tales “Nay, there thou liest, thou Sompnour,” quoth the Frere.

        “Peace,” quoth our Host, “for Christe’s mother dear; Tell forth thy tale, and spare it not at all.”

        “So thrive I,” quoth this Sompnour, “so I shall.” —

        So long he went from house to house, till he Came to a house, where he was wont to be Refreshed more than in a hundred places Sick lay the husband man, whose that the place is, Bed-rid upon a couche low he lay:

        *“Deus hic,” quoth he; “O Thomas friend, good day,” God be here*

        Said this friar, all courteously and soft.

        “Thomas,” quoth he, “God yield it you, full oft reward you for

        Have I upon this bench fared full well, Here have I eaten many a merry meal.”

        And from the bench he drove away the cat, And laid adown his potent* and his hat, *staff <8>

        And eke his scrip, and sat himself adown: His fellow was y-walked into town

        Forth with his knave,* into that hostelry servant Where as he shope him that night to lie. *shaped, purposed “O deare master,” quoth this sicke man, “How have ye fared since that March began?

        I saw you not this fortenight and more.”

        “God wot,” quoth he, “labour’d have I full sore; And specially for thy salvation

        Have I said many a precious orison,

        And for mine other friendes, God them bless.

        I have this day been at your church at mess, mass And said sermon after my simple wit,

        Not all after the text of Holy Writ;

        For it is hard to you, as I suppose,

        And therefore will I teach you aye the glose. gloss, comment Glosing is a full glorious thing certain, For letter slayeth, as we clerkes* sayn. *scholars There have I taught them to be charitable, And spend their good where it is reasonable.

        And there I saw our dame; where is she?”

        “Yonder I trow that in the yard she be,”

        Saide this man; “and she will come anon.”

        “Hey master, welcome be ye by Saint John,”

        Saide this wife; “how fare ye heartily?”

        This friar riseth up full courteously, And her embraceth *in his armes narrow, closely And kiss’th her sweet, and chirketh as a sparrow With his lippes: “Dame,” quoth he, “right well, As he that is your servant every deal. whit Thanked be God, that gave you soul and life, Yet saw I not this day so fair a wife

        In all the churche, God so save me,”

        “Yea, God amend defaultes, Sir,” quoth she; “Algates* welcome be ye, by my fay.” *always “Grand mercy, Dame; that have I found alway.

        But of your greate goodness, by your leave, I woulde pray you that ye not you grieve, I will with Thomas speak *a little throw: a little while*

        These curates be so negligent and slow To grope tenderly a conscience.

        In shrift* and preaching is my diligence *confession And study in Peter’s wordes and in Paul’s; I walk and fishe Christian menne’s souls, To yield our Lord Jesus his proper rent; To spread his word is alle mine intent.”

        “Now by your faith, O deare Sir,” quoth she, “Chide him right well, for sainte charity.

        He is aye angry as is a pismire, ant Though that he have all that he can desire, Though I him wrie* at night, and make him warm, *cover And ov’r him lay my leg and eke mine arm, He groaneth as our boar that lies in sty: Other disport of him right none have I, I may not please him in no manner case.”

        “O Thomas, *je vous dis,* Thomas, Thomas, I tell you

        This maketh the fiend, this must be amended. is the devil’s work

        Ire is a thing that high God hath defended, forbidden And thereof will I speak a word or two.”

        “Now, master,” quoth the wife, “ere that I go, What will ye dine? I will go thereabout.”

        “Now, Dame,” quoth he, “je vous dis sans doute, <9>

        Had I not of a capon but the liver,

        And of your white bread not but a shiver, thin slice And after that a roasted pigge’s head, (But I would that for me no beast were dead,) Then had I with you homely suffisance.

        I am a man of little sustenance.

        My spirit hath its fost’ring in the Bible.

        My body is aye so ready and penible painstaking To wake,* that my stomach is destroy’d. *watch I pray you, Dame, that ye be not annoy’d, Though I so friendly you my counsel shew; By God, I would have told it but to few.”

        “Now, Sir,” quoth she, “but one word ere I go; My child is dead within these weeke’s two, Soon after that ye went out of this town.”

        “His death saw I by revelatioun,”

        Said this friar, “at home in our dortour. dormitory <10>

        I dare well say, that less than half an hour Mter his death, I saw him borne to bliss In mine vision, so God me wiss. direct So did our sexton, and our fermerere, infirmary-keeper That have been true friars fifty year, —

        They may now, God be thanked of his love, Make their jubilee, and walk above.<12>

        And up I rose, and all our convent eke, With many a teare trilling on my cheek, Withoute noise or clattering of bells, Te Deum was our song, and nothing else, Save that to Christ I bade an orison,

        Thanking him of my revelation.

        For, Sir and Dame, truste me right well, Our orisons be more effectuel,

        And more we see of Christe’s secret things, Than *borel folk,* although that they be kings. laymen<13>

        We live in povert’, and in abstinence, And borel folk in riches and dispence

        Of meat and drink, and in their foul delight.

        We have this worlde’s lust* all in despight* pleasure **contempt Lazar and Dives lived diversely,

        And diverse guerdon* hadde they thereby. reward Whoso will pray, he must fast and be clean, And fat his soul, and keep his body lean We fare as saith th’ apostle; cloth and food *clothing Suffice us, although they be not full good.

        The cleanness and the fasting of us freres Maketh that Christ accepteth our prayeres.

        Lo, Moses forty days and forty night

        Fasted, ere that the high God full of might Spake with him in the mountain of Sinai: With empty womb* of fasting many a day *stomach Received he the lawe, that was writ

        With Godde’s finger; and Eli,<14> well ye wit, know In Mount Horeb, ere he had any speech

        With highe God, that is our live’s leech, physician, healer He fasted long, and was in contemplance.

        Aaron, that had the temple in governance, And eke the other priestes every one,

        Into the temple when they shoulde gon

        To praye for the people, and do service, They woulde drinken in no manner wise

        No drinke, which that might them drunken make, But there in abstinence pray and wake, Lest that they died: take heed what I say —

        But* they be sober that for the people pray — *unless Ware that, I say — no more: for it sufficeth.

        Our Lord Jesus, as Holy Writ deviseth, narrates Gave us example of fasting and prayeres: Therefore we mendicants, we sely* freres, *simple, lowly Be wedded to povert’ and continence,

        To charity, humbless, and abstinence,

        To persecution for righteousness,

        To weeping, misericorde,* and to cleanness. *compassion And therefore may ye see that our prayeres (I speak of us, we mendicants, we freres), Be to the highe God more acceptable

        Than youres, with your feastes at your table.

        From Paradise first, if I shall not lie, Was man out chased for his gluttony,

        And chaste was man in Paradise certain.

        But hark now, Thomas, what I shall thee sayn; I have no text of it, as I suppose,

        But I shall find it in *a manner glose; a kind of comment*

        That specially our sweet Lord Jesus

        Spake this of friars, when he saide thus, ‘Blessed be they that poor in spirit be’

        And so forth all the gospel may ye see, Whether it be liker our profession,

        Or theirs that swimmen in possession;

        Fy on their pomp, and on their gluttony, And on their lewedness! I them defy.

        Me thinketh they be like Jovinian,<15>

        Fat as a whale, and walking as a swan; All vinolent* as bottle in the spence;* full of wine **store-room Their prayer is of full great reverence; When they for soules say the Psalm of David, Lo, ‘Buf’ they say, Cor meum eructavit.<16>

        Who follow Christe’s gospel and his lore doctrine But we, that humble be, and chaste, and pore, poor Workers of Godde’s word, not auditours? hearers Therefore right as a hawk *upon a sours rising*

        Up springs into the air, right so prayeres Of charitable and chaste busy freres

        Make their sours to Godde’s eares two. rise

        Thomas, Thomas, so may I ride or go,

        And by that lord that called is Saint Ive, *N’ere thou our brother, shouldest thou not thrive; see note <17>*

        In our chapiter pray we day and night

        To Christ, that he thee sende health and might, Thy body for to *wielde hastily. soon be able to move freely*

        “God wot,” quoth he, “nothing thereof feel I; So help me Christ, as I in fewe years

        Have spended upon *divers manner freres friars of various sorts*

        Full many a pound, yet fare I ne’er the bet; better Certain my good have I almost beset: spent Farewell my gold, for it is all ago.” gone The friar answer’d, “O Thomas, dost thou so?

        What needest thou diverse friars to seech? seek What needeth him that hath a perfect leech, healer To seeken other leeches in the town?

        Your inconstance is your confusioun.

        Hold ye then me, or elles our convent, To praye for you insufficient?

        Thomas, that jape* it is not worth a mite; jest Your malady is for we have too lite. because we have Ah, give that convent half a quarter oats; too little*

        And give that convent four and twenty groats; And give that friar a penny, and let him go!

        Nay, nay, Thomas, it may no thing be so.

        What is a farthing worth parted on twelve?

        Lo, each thing that is oned* in himselve *made one, united Is more strong than when it is y-scatter’d.

        Thomas, of me thou shalt not be y-flatter’d, Thou wouldest have our labour all for nought.

        The highe God, that all this world hath wrought, Saith, that the workman worthy is his hire Thomas, nought of your treasure I desire As for myself, but that all our convent To pray for you is aye so diligent:

        And for to builde Christe’s owen church.

        Thomas, if ye will learne for to wirch, work Of building up of churches may ye find If it be good, in Thomas’ life of Ind.<18>

        Ye lie here full of anger and of ire,

        With which the devil sets your heart on fire, And chide here this holy innocent

        Your wife, that is so meek and patient.

        And therefore trow* me, Thomas, if thee lest,* believe **please Ne strive not with thy wife, as for the best.

        And bear this word away now, by thy faith, Touching such thing, lo, what the wise man saith: ‘Within thy house be thou no lion;

        To thy subjects do none oppression;

        Nor make thou thine acquaintance for to flee.’

        And yet, Thomas, eftsoones* charge I thee, *again Beware from ire that in thy bosom sleeps, Ware from the serpent, that so slily creeps Under the grass, and stingeth subtilly.

        Beware, my son, and hearken patiently, That twenty thousand men have lost their lives For striving with their lemans* and their wives. *mistresses Now since ye have so holy and meek a wife, What needeth you, Thomas, to make strife?

        There is, y-wis,* no serpent so cruel, *certainly When men tread on his tail nor half so fell, fierce As woman is, when she hath caught an ire; Very* vengeance is then all her desire. *pure, only Ire is a sin, one of the greate seven, Abominable to the God of heaven,

        And to himself it is destruction.

        This every lewed* vicar and parson *ignorant Can say, how ire engenders homicide;

        Ire is in sooth th’ executor* of pride. *executioner I could of ire you say so muche sorrow, My tale shoulde last until to-morrow.

        And therefore pray I God both day and ight, An irous* man God send him little might. *passionate It is great harm, and certes great pity To set an irous man in high degree.

        “Whilom* there was an irous potestate,* once **judge<19>

        As saith Senec, that during his estate term of office Upon a day out rode knightes two;

        And, as fortune would that it were so, The one of them came home, the other not.

        Anon the knight before the judge is brought, That saide thus; ‘Thou hast thy fellow slain, For which I doom thee to the death certain.’

        And to another knight commanded he;

        ‘Go, lead him to the death, I charge thee.’

        And happened, as they went by the way

        Toward the place where as he should dey, die The knight came, which men weened* had been dead *thought Then thoughte they it was the beste rede counsel To lead them both unto the judge again.

        They saide, ‘Lord, the knight hath not y-slain His fellow; here he standeth whole alive.’

        ‘Ye shall be dead,’ quoth he, ‘so may I thrive, That is to say, both one, and two, and three.’

        And to the firste knight right thus spake he: ‘I damned thee, thou must algate* be dead: *at all events And thou also must needes lose thine head, For thou the cause art why thy fellow dieth.’

        And to the thirde knight right thus he sayeth, ‘Thou hast not done that I commanded thee.’

        And thus he did do slay them alle three.

        Irous Cambyses was eke dronkelew, a drunkard And aye delighted him to be a shrew. vicious, ill-tempered And so befell, a lord of his meinie, suite That loved virtuous morality,

        Said on a day betwixt them two right thus: ‘A lord is lost, if he be vicious.

        [An irous man is like a frantic beast, In which there is of wisdom *none arrest*;] no control

        And drunkenness is eke a foul record

        Of any man, and namely* of a lord. especially There is full many an eye and many an ear Awaiting on* a lord, he knows not where. *watching For Godde’s love, drink more attemperly: temperately Wine maketh man to lose wretchedly

        His mind, and eke his limbes every one.’

        ‘The reverse shalt thou see,’ quoth he, ‘anon, And prove it by thine own experience,

        That wine doth to folk no such offence.

        There is no wine bereaveth me my might Of hand, nor foot, nor of mine eyen sight.’

        And for despite he dranke muche more

        A hundred part* than he had done before, times And right anon this cursed irous wretch This knighte’s sone let before him fetch, *caused Commanding him he should before him stand: And suddenly he took his bow in hand,

        And up the string he pulled to his ear, And with an arrow slew the child right there.

        ‘Now whether have I a sicker* hand or non?’* sure **not Quoth he; ‘Is all my might and mind agone?

        Hath wine bereaved me mine eyen sight?’

        Why should I tell the answer of the knight?

        His son was slain, there is no more to say.

        Beware therefore with lordes how ye play, use freedom Sing placebo;<20> and I shall if I can, But if it be unto a poore man: *unless To a poor man men should his vices tell, But not t’ a lord, though he should go to hell.

        Lo, irous Cyrus, thilke* Persian, *that How he destroy’d the river of Gisen,<21>

        For that a horse of his was drowned therein, When that he wente Babylon to win:

        He made that the river was so small,

        That women mighte wade it *over all. everywhere Lo, what said he, that so well teache can, ‘Be thou no fellow to an irous man,

        Nor with no wood* man walke by the way, *furious Lest thee repent;’ I will no farther say.

        “Now, Thomas, leve* brother, leave thine ire, *dear Thou shalt me find as just as is as squire; Hold not the devil’s knife aye at thine heaat; Thine anger doth thee all too sore smart; pain But shew to me all thy confession.”

        “Nay,” quoth the sicke man, “by Saint Simon I have been shriven* this day of my curate; *confessed I have him told all wholly mine estate.

        Needeth no more to speak of it, saith he, But if me list of mine humility.”

        “Give me then of thy good to make our cloister,”

        Quoth he, “for many a mussel and many an oyster, When other men have been full well at ease, Hath been our food, our cloister for to rese: raise, build And yet, God wot, unneth* the foundement* scarcely **foundation Performed is, nor of our pavement

        Is not a tile yet within our wones: habitation By God, we owe forty pound for stones.

        Now help, Thomas, for *him that harrow’d hell, Christ <22>

        For elles must we oure bookes sell,

        And if ye lack our predication,

        Then goes this world all to destruction.

        For whoso from this world would us bereave, So God me save, Thomas, by your leave, He would bereave out of this world the sun For who can teach and worken as we conne? know how to do And that is not of little time (quoth he), But since Elijah was, and Elisee, Elisha Have friars been, that find I of record, In charity, y-thanked be our Lord.

        Now, Thomas, help for sainte charity.”

        And down anon he set him on his knee,

        The sick man waxed wellnigh wood* for ire, *mad He woulde that the friar had been a-fire With his false dissimulation.

        “Such thing as is in my possession,”

        Quoth he, “that may I give you and none other: Ye say me thus, how that I am your brother.”

        “Yea, certes,” quoth this friar, “yea, truste well; I took our Dame the letter of our seal”<23>

        “Now well,” quoth he, “and somewhat shall I give Unto your holy convent while I live;

        And in thine hand thou shalt it have anon, On this condition, and other none,

        That thou depart* it so, my deare brother, *divide That every friar have as much as other: This shalt thou swear on thy profession, Withoute fraud or cavillation.” quibbling “I swear it,” quoth the friar, “upon my faith.”

        And therewithal his hand in his he lay’th; “Lo here my faith, in me shall be no lack.”

        “Then put thine hand adown right by my back,”

        Saide this man, “and grope well behind, Beneath my buttock, there thou shalt find A thing, that I have hid in privity.”

        “Ah,” thought this friar, “that shall go with me.”

        And down his hand he launched to the clift, cleft In hope for to finde there a gift.

        And when this sicke man felte this frere About his taile groping there and here, Amid his hand he let the friar a fart; There is no capel* drawing in a cart, *horse That might have let a fart of such a soun’.

        The friar up start, as doth a wood* lioun: *fierce “Ah, false churl,” quoth he, “for Godde’s bones, This hast thou in despite done for the nones: on purpose Thou shalt abie* this fart, if that I may.” suffer for His meinie, which that heard of this affray, *servants Came leaping in, and chased out the frere, And forth he went with a full angry cheer countenance And fetch’d his fellow, there as lay his store: He looked as it were a wilde boar,

        And grounde with his teeth, so was he wroth.

        A sturdy pace down to the court he go’th, Where as there wonn’d* a man of great honour, *dwelt To whom that he was always confessour: This worthy man was lord of that village.

        This friar came, as he were in a rage, Where as this lord sat eating at his board: Unnethes* might the friar speak one word, *with difficulty Till at the last he saide, “God you see.” save This lord gan look, and said, “Ben’dicite!

        What? Friar John, what manner world is this?

        I see well that there something is amiss; Ye look as though the wood were full of thieves.

        Sit down anon, and tell me what your grieve* is, *grievance, grief And it shall be amended, if I may.”

        “I have,” quoth he, “had a despite to-day, God *yielde you,* adown in your village, *reward you That in this world is none so poor a page, That would not have abominatioun

        Of that I have received in your town:

        And yet ne grieveth me nothing so sore, As that the olde churl, with lockes hoar, Blasphemed hath our holy convent eke.”

        “Now, master,” quoth this lord, “I you beseek” —

        “No master, Sir,” quoth he, “but servitour, Though I have had in schoole that honour. <24>

        God liketh not, that men us Rabbi call Neither in market, nor in your large hall.”

        *“No force,” quoth he; “but tell me all your grief.” no matter*

        Sir,” quoth this friar, “an odious mischief This day betid* is to mine order and me, *befallen And so par consequence to each degree

        Of holy churche, God amend it soon.”

        “Sir,” quoth the lord, “ye know what is to doon: do *Distemp’r you not,* ye be my confessour. be not impatient

        Ye be the salt of th’ earth, and the savour; For Godde’s love your patience now hold; Tell me your grief.” And he anon him told As ye have heard before, ye know well what.

        The lady of the house aye stiller sat, Till she had hearde what the friar said, “Hey, Godde’s mother;” quoth she, “blissful maid, Is there ought elles? tell me faithfully.”

        “Madame,” quoth he, “how thinketh you thereby?”

        “How thinketh me?” quoth she; “so God me speed, I say, a churl hath done a churlish deed, What should I say? God let him never the; thrive His sicke head is full of vanity;

        I hold him in *a manner phrenesy.” a sort of frenzy*

        “Madame,” quoth he, “by God, I shall not lie, But I in other wise may be awreke, revenged I shall defame him *ov’r all there* I speak; *wherever This false blasphemour, that charged me To parte that will not departed be,

        To every man alike, with mischance.”

        The lord sat still, as he were in a trance, And in his heart he rolled up and down, “How had this churl imaginatioun

        To shewe such a problem to the frere.

        Never ere now heard I of such mattere; I trow* the Devil put it in his mind. believe In all arsmetrik shall there no man find, *arithmetic Before this day, of such a question.

        Who shoulde make a demonstration,

        That every man should have alike his part As of the sound and savour of a fart?

        O nice* proude churl, I shrew** his face. foolish *curse Lo, Sires,” quoth the lord, “with harde grace, Who ever heard of such a thing ere now?

        To every man alike? tell me how.

        It is impossible, it may not be.

        Hey nice* churl, God let him never the.* foolish **thrive The rumbling of a fart, and every soun’, Is but of air reverberatioun,

        And ever wasteth lite* and lite* away; little There is no man can deemen, by my fay, judge, decide If that it were departed equally. *divided What? lo, my churl, lo yet how shrewedly impiously, wickedly Unto my confessour to-day he spake;

        I hold him certain a demoniac.

        Now eat your meat, and let the churl go play, Let him go hang himself a devil way!”

        Now stood the lorde’s squier at the board, That carv’d his meat, and hearde word by word Of all this thing, which that I have you said.

        “My lord,” quoth he, “be ye not *evil paid, displeased*

        I coulde telle, for a gowne-cloth, cloth for a gown*

        To you, Sir Friar, so that ye be not wrot, How that this fart should even* dealed be *equally Among your convent, if it liked thee.”

        “Tell,” quoth the lord, “and thou shalt have anon A gowne-cloth, by God and by Saint John.”

        “My lord,” quoth he, “when that the weather is fair, Withoute wind, or perturbing of air,

        Let* bring a cart-wheel here into this hall, cause*

        But looke that it have its spokes all; Twelve spokes hath a cart-wheel commonly; And bring me then twelve friars, know ye why?

        For thirteen is a convent as I guess;<25>

        Your confessor here, for his worthiness, Shall perform up the number of his convent. complete

        Then shall they kneel adown by one assent, And to each spoke’s end, in this mannere, Full sadly* lay his nose shall a frere; *carefully, steadily Your noble confessor there, God him save, Shall hold his nose upright under the nave.

        Then shall this churl, with belly stiff and tought tight As any tabour,* hither be y-brought; *drum And set him on the wheel right of this cart Upon the nave, and make him let a fart, And ye shall see, on peril of my life, By very proof that is demonstrative,

        That equally the sound of it will wend, go And eke the stink, unto the spokes’ end, Save that this worthy man, your confessour’

        (Because he is a man of great honour), Shall have the firste fruit, as reason is; The noble usage of friars yet it is,

        The worthy men of them shall first be served, And certainly he hath it well deserved; He hath to-day taught us so muche good With preaching in the pulpit where he stood, That I may vouchesafe, I say for me,

        He had the firste smell of fartes three; And so would all his brethren hardily; He beareth him so fair and holily.”

        The lord, the lady, and each man, save the frere, Saide, that Jankin spake in this mattere As well as Euclid, or as Ptolemy.

        Touching the churl, they said that subtilty And high wit made him speaken as he spake; He is no fool, nor no demoniac.

        And Jankin hath y-won a newe gown;

        My tale is done, we are almost at town.

        Notes to the Sompnour’s Tale

        1. Trentals: The money given to the priests for performing thirty masses for the dead, either in succession or on the anniversaries of their death; also the masses themselves, which were very profitable to the clergy.

        2. Possessioners: The regular religious orders, who had lands and fixed revenues; while the friars, by their vows, had to depend on voluntary contributions, though their need suggested many modes of evading the prescription.

        3. In Chaucer’s day the most material notions about the tortures of hell prevailed, and were made the most of by the clergy, who preyed on the affection and fear of the survivors, through the ingenious doctrine of purgatory. Old paintings and illuminations represent the dead as torn by hooks, roasted in fires, boiled in pots, and subjected to many other physical torments.

        4. Qui cum patre: “Who with the father”; the closing words of the final benediction pronounced at Mass.

        5. Askaunce: The word now means sideways or asquint; here it means “as if;” and its force is probably to suggest that the second friar, with an ostentatious stealthiness, noted down the names of the liberal, to make them believe that they would be remembered in the holy beggars’ orisons.

        6. A Godde’s kichel/halfpenny: a little cake/halfpenny, given for God’s sake.

        7. Harlot: hired servant; from Anglo-Saxon, “hyran,” to hire; the word was commonly applied to males.

        8. Potent: staff; French, “potence,” crutch, gibbet.

        9. Je vous dis sans doute: French; “I tell you without doubt.”

        10. Dortour: dormitory; French, “dortoir.”

        12. The Rules of St Benedict granted peculiar honours and immunities to monks who had lived fifty years — the jubilee period — in the order. The usual reading of the words ending the two lines is “loan” or “lone,” and “alone;” but to walk alone does not seem to have been any peculiar privilege of a friar, while the idea of precedence, or higher place at table and in processions, is suggested by the reading in the text.

        13. Borel folk: laymen, people who are not learned; “borel”

        was a kind of coarse cloth.

        14. Eli: Elijah (1 Kings, xix.)

        15. An emperor Jovinian was famous in the mediaeval legends for his pride and luxury

        16. Cor meum eructavit: literally, “My heart has belched forth;”

        in our translation, (i.e. the Authorised “King James” Version –

        Transcriber) “My heart is inditing a goodly matter.” (Ps. xlv.

        1.). “Buf” is meant to represent the sound of an eructation, and to show the “great reverence” with which “those in possession,”

        the monks of the rich monasteries, performed divine service, 17. N’ere thou our brother, shouldest thou not thrive: if thou wert not of our brotherhood, thou shouldst have no hope of recovery.

        18. Thomas’ life of Ind: The life of Thomas of India – i.e. St.

        Thomas the Apostle, who was said to have travelled to India.

        19. Potestate: chief magistrate or judge; Latin, “potestas;”

        Italian, “podesta.” Seneca relates the story of Cornelius Piso; “De Ira,” i. 16.

        20. Placebo: An anthem of the Roman Church, from Psalm cxvi. 9, which in the Vulgate reads, “Placebo Domino in regione vivorum” — “I will please the Lord in the land of the living”

        21. The Gysen: Seneca calls it the Gyndes; Sir John Mandeville tells the story of the Euphrates. “Gihon,” was the name of one of the four rivers of Eden (Gen. ii, 13).

        22. Him that harrowed Hell: Christ. See note 14 to the Reeve’s Tale.

        23. Mr. Wright says that “it was a common practice to grant under the conventual seal to benefactors and others a brotherly participation in the spiritual good works of the convent, and in their expected reward after death.”

        24. The friar had received a master’s degree.

        25. The regular number of monks or friars in a convent was fixed at twelve, with a superior, in imitation of the apostles and their Master; and large religious houses were held to consist of so many convents.

        THE CLERK’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        “SIR Clerk of Oxenford,” our Hoste said, “Ye ride as still and coy, as doth a maid That were new spoused, sitting at the board: This day I heard not of your tongue a word.

        I trow ye study about some sophime: sophism But Solomon saith, every thing hath time.

        For Godde’s sake, be of *better cheer, livelier mien*

        It is no time for to study here.

        Tell us some merry tale, by your fay; faith For what man that is entered in a play, He needes must unto that play assent.

        But preache not, as friars do in Lent, To make us for our olde sinnes weep,

        Nor that thy tale make us not to sleep.

        Tell us some merry thing of aventures.

        Your terms, your coloures, and your figures, Keep them in store, till so be ye indite High style, as when that men to kinges write.

        Speake so plain at this time, I you pray, That we may understande what ye say.”

        This worthy Clerk benignely answer’d;

        “Hoste,” quoth he, “I am under your yerd, rod <1>

        Ye have of us as now the governance,

        And therefore would I do you obeisance, As far as reason asketh, hardily: boldly, truly I will you tell a tale, which that I

        Learn’d at Padova of a worthy clerk,

        As proved by his wordes and his werk.

        He is now dead, and nailed in his chest, I pray to God to give his soul good rest.

        Francis Petrarc’, the laureate poet,<2>

        Highte* this clerk, whose rhetoric so sweet *was called Illumin’d all Itale of poetry,

        As Linian <3> did of philosophy,

        Or law, or other art particulere:

        But death, that will not suffer us dwell here But as it were a twinkling of an eye,

        Them both hath slain, and alle we shall die.

        “But forth to tellen of this worthy man, That taughte me this tale, as I began, I say that first he with high style inditeth (Ere he the body of his tale writeth)

        A proem, in the which describeth he

        Piedmont, and of Saluces <4> the country, And speaketh of the Pennine hilles high, That be the bounds of all West Lombardy: And of Mount Vesulus in special,

        Where as the Po out of a welle small

        Taketh his firste springing and his source, That eastward aye increaseth in his course T’Emilia-ward, <5> to Ferraro, and Venice, The which a long thing were to devise. narrate And truely, as to my judgement,

        Me thinketh it a thing impertinent, irrelevant Save that he would conveye his mattere: But this is the tale, which that ye shall hear.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Clerk’s Tale 1. Under your yerd: under your rod; as the emblem of government or direction.

        2. Francesco Petrarca, born 1304, died 1374; for his Latin epic poem on the carer of Scipio, called “Africa,” he was solemnly crowned with the poetic laurel in the Capitol of Rome, on Easter-day of 1341.

        3. Linian: An eminent jurist and philosopher, now almost forgotten, who died four or five years after Petrarch.

        4. Saluces: Saluzzo, a district of Savoy; its marquises were celebrated during the Middle Ages.

        5. Emilia: The region called Aemilia, across which ran the Via Aemilia — made by M. Aemilius Lepidus, who was consul at Rome B.C. 187. It continued the Flaminian Way from Ariminum (Rimini) across the Po at Placentia (Piacenza) to Mediolanum (Milan), traversing Cisalpine Gaul.

        THE TALE.<1>

        *Pars Prima. First Part*

        There is, right at the west side of Itale, Down at the root of Vesulus<2> the cold, A lusty* plain, abundant of vitaille; pleasant **victuals There many a town and tow’r thou may’st behold, That founded were in time of fathers old, And many another delectable sight;

        And Saluces this noble country hight.

        A marquis whilom lord was of that land, As were his worthy elders* him before, *ancestors And obedient, aye ready to his hand,

        Were all his lieges, bothe less and more: Thus in delight he liv’d, and had done yore, long Belov’d and drad,* through favour of fortune, *held in reverence Both of his lordes and of his commune. commonalty Therewith he was, to speak of lineage, The gentilest y-born of Lombardy,

        A fair person, and strong, and young of age, And full of honour and of courtesy:

        Discreet enough his country for to gie, guide, rule Saving in some things that he was to blame; And Walter was this younge lordes name.

        I blame him thus, that he consider’d not In time coming what might him betide,

        But on his present lust* was all his thought, *pleasure And for to hawk and hunt on every side; Well nigh all other cares let he slide, And eke he would (that was the worst of all) Wedde no wife for aught that might befall.

        Only that point his people bare so sore, That flockmel* on a day to him they went, *in a body And one of them, that wisest was of lore (Or elles that the lord would best assent That he should tell him what the people meant, Or elles could he well shew such mattere), He to the marquis said as ye shall hear.

        “O noble Marquis! your humanity

        Assureth us and gives us hardiness,

        As oft as time is of necessity,

        That we to you may tell our heaviness: Accepte, Lord, now of your gentleness, What we with piteous heart unto you plain, complain of And let your ears my voice not disdain.

        “All* have I nought to do in this mattere *although More than another man hath in this place, Yet forasmuch as ye, my Lord so dear,

        Have always shewed me favour and grace, I dare the better ask of you a space

        Of audience, to shewen our request,

        And ye, my Lord, to do right *as you lest. as pleaseth you*

        “For certes, Lord, so well us like you And all your work, and ev’r have done, that we Ne coulde not ourselves devise how

        We mighte live in more felicity:

        Save one thing, Lord, if that your will it be, That for to be a wedded man you lest;

        Then were your people *in sovereign hearte’s rest. completely “Bowe your neck under the blissful yoke Of sovereignty, and not of service,

        Which that men call espousal or wedlock: And thinke, Lord, among your thoughtes wise, How that our dayes pass in sundry wise; For though we sleep, or wake, or roam, or ride, Aye fleeth time, it will no man abide.

        “And though your greene youthe flow’r as yet, In creepeth age always as still as stone, And death menaceth every age, and smit smiteth In each estate, for there escapeth none: And all so certain as we know each one That we shall die, as uncertain we all Be of that day when death shall on us fall.

        “Accepte then of us the true intent, mind, desire That never yet refused youre hest, command And we will, Lord, if that ye will assent, Choose you a wife, in short time at the lest, least Born of the gentilest and of the best

        Of all this land, so that it ought to seem Honour to God and you, as we can deem.

        “Deliver us out of all this busy dread, doubt And take a wife, for highe Godde’s sake: For if it so befell, as God forbid,

        That through your death your lineage should slake, become extinct And that a strange successor shoulde take Your heritage, oh! woe were us on live: alive Wherefore we pray you hastily to wive.”

        Their meeke prayer and their piteous cheer Made the marquis for to have pity.

        “Ye will,” quoth he, “mine owen people dear, To that I ne’er ere* thought constraine me. *before I me rejoiced of my liberty,

        That seldom time is found in rnarriage; Where I was free, I must be in servage! servitude “But natheless I see your true intent, And trust upon your wit, and have done aye: Wherefore of my free will I will assent To wedde me, as soon as e’er I may.

        But whereas ye have proffer’d me to-day To choose me a wife, I you release

        That choice, and pray you of that proffer cease.

        “For God it wot, that children often been Unlike their worthy elders them before, Bounte* comes all of God, not of the strene* goodness Of which they be engender’d and y-bore: **stock, race I trust in Godde’s bounte, and therefore My marriage, and mine estate and rest, I him betake; he may do as him lest. *commend to him “Let me alone in choosing of my wife;

        That charge upon my back I will endure: But I you pray, and charge upon your life, That what wife that I take, ye me assure To worship* her, while that her life may dure, *honour In word and work both here and elleswhere, As she an emperore’s daughter were.

        “And farthermore this shall ye swear, that ye Against my choice shall never grudge* nor strive. *murmur For since I shall forego my liberty

        At your request, as ever may I thrive, Where as mine heart is set, there will I live And but* ye will assent in such mannere, *unless I pray you speak no more of this mattere.”

        With heartly will they sworen and assent To all this thing, there said not one wight nay: Beseeching him of grace, ere that they went, That he would grante them a certain day Of his espousal, soon as e’er he rnay, For yet always the people somewhat dread were in fear or doubt Lest that the marquis woulde no wife wed.

        He granted them a day, such as him lest, On which he would be wedded sickerly, certainly And said he did all this at their request; And they with humble heart full buxomly, obediently <3>

        Kneeling upon their knees full reverently, Him thanked all; and thus they have an end Of their intent, and home again they wend.

        And hereupon he to his officers

        Commanded for the feaste to purvey. provide And to his privy knightes and squiers

        Such charge he gave, as him list on them lay: And they to his commandement obey,

        And each of them doth all his diligence To do unto the feast all reverence.

        *Pars Secunda Second Part*

        Not far from thilke* palace honourable, that Where as this marquis shope his marriage, prepared; resolved on There stood a thorp, of sighte delectable, *hamlet In which the poore folk of that village Hadde their beastes and their harbourage, dwelling And of their labour took their sustenance, After the earthe gave them abundance.

        Among this poore folk there dwelt a man Which that was holden poorest of them all; But highe God sometimes sende can

        His grace unto a little ox’s stall;

        Janicola men of that thorp him call.

        A daughter had he, fair enough to sight, And Griseldis this younge maiden hight.

        But for to speak of virtuous beauty,

        Then was she one the fairest under sun: Full poorely y-foster’d up was she;

        No *likerous lust* was in her heart y-run; luxurious pleasure

        Well ofter of the well than of the tun She drank, <4> and, for* she woulde virtue please *because She knew well labour, but no idle ease.

        But though this maiden tender were of age; Yet in the breast of her virginity

        There was inclos’d a *sad and ripe corage; steadfast and mature And in great reverence and charity spirit*

        Her olde poore father foster’d she.

        A few sheep, spinning, on the field she kept, She woulde not be idle till she slept.

        And when she homeward came, she would bring Wortes,* and other herbes, times oft, *plants, cabbages The which she shred and seeth’d for her living, And made her bed full hard, and nothing soft: And aye she kept her father’s life on loft up, aloft With ev’ry obeisance and diligence,

        That child may do to father’s reverence.

        Upon Griselda, this poor creature,

        Full often sithes* this marquis set his eye, *times As he on hunting rode, paraventure: by chance And when it fell that he might her espy, He not with wanton looking of folly

        His eyen cast on her, but in sad* wise serious Upon her cheer he would him oft advise;* countenance **consider Commending in his heart her womanhead, And eke her virtue, passing any wight

        Of so young age, as well in cheer as deed.

        For though the people have no great insight In virtue, he considered full right

        Her bounte,* and disposed that he would *goodness Wed only her, if ever wed he should.

        The day of wedding came, but no wight can Telle what woman that it shoulde be;

        For which marvail wonder’d many a man, And saide, when they were in privity,

        “Will not our lord yet leave his vanity?

        Will he not wed? Alas, alas the while!

        Why will he thus himself and us beguile?”

        But natheless this marquis had *done make* caused to be made

        Of gemmes, set in gold and in azure,

        Brooches and ringes, for Griselda’s sake, And of her clothing took he the measure Of a maiden like unto her stature,

        And eke of other ornamentes all

        That unto such a wedding shoulde fall. befit The time of undern* of the same day *evening <5>

        Approached, that this wedding shoulde be, And all the palace put was in array,

        Both hall and chamber, each in its degree, Houses of office stuffed with plenty

        There may’st thou see of dainteous vitaille, victuals, provisions That may be found, as far as lasts Itale.

        This royal marquis, richely array’d,

        Lordes and ladies in his company,

        The which unto the feaste were pray’d, And of his retinue the bach’lery,

        With many a sound of sundry melody,

        Unto the village, of the which I told, In this array the right way did they hold.

        Griseld’ of this (God wot) full innocent, That for her shapen* was all this array, *prepared To fetche water at a well is went,

        And home she came as soon as e’er she may.

        For well she had heard say, that on that day The marquis shoulde wed, and, if she might, She fain would have seen somewhat of that sight.

        She thought, “I will with other maidens stand, That be my fellows, in our door, and see The marchioness; and therefore will I fand strive To do at home, as soon as it may be,

        The labour which belongeth unto me,

        And then I may at leisure her behold,

        If she this way unto the castle hold.”

        And as she would over the threshold gon, The marquis came and gan for her to call, And she set down her water-pot anon

        Beside the threshold, in an ox’s stall, And down upon her knees she gan to fall, And with sad* countenance kneeled still, *steady Till she had heard what was the lorde’s will.

        The thoughtful marquis spake unto the maid Full soberly, and said in this mannere: “Where is your father, Griseldis?” he said.

        And she with reverence, *in humble cheer, with humble air*

        Answered, “Lord, he is all ready here.”

        And in she went withoute longer let delay And to the marquis she her father fet. fetched He by the hand then took the poore man, And saide thus, when he him had aside: “Janicola, I neither may nor can

        Longer the pleasance of mine hearte hide; If that thou vouchesafe, whatso betide, Thy daughter will I take, ere that I wend, go As for my wife, unto her life’s end.

        “Thou lovest me, that know I well certain, And art my faithful liegeman y-bore, born And all that liketh me, I dare well sayn It liketh thee; and specially therefore Tell me that point, that I have said before, —

        If that thou wilt unto this purpose draw, To take me as for thy son-in-law.”

        This sudden case* the man astonied so, event That red he wax’d, abash’d, and all quaking amazed He stood; unnethes said he wordes mo’, *scarcely But only thus; “Lord,” quoth he, “my willing Is as ye will, nor against your liking I will no thing, mine owen lord so dear; Right as you list governe this mattere.”

        “Then will I,” quoth the marquis softely, “That in thy chamber I, and thou, and she, Have a collation;* and know’st thou why? *conference For I will ask her, if her will it be

        To be my wife, and rule her after me:

        And all this shall be done in thy presence, I will not speak out of thine audience.” hearing And in the chamber while they were about The treaty, which ye shall hereafter hear, The people came into the house without, And wonder’d them in how honest mannere And tenderly she kept her father dear; But utterly Griseldis wonder might,

        For never erst* ne saw she such a sight. *before No wonder is though that she be astoned, astonished To see so great a guest come in that place, She never was to no such guestes woned; accustomed, wont For which she looked with full pale face.

        But shortly forth this matter for to chase, push on, pursue These are the wordes that the marquis said To this benigne, very,* faithful maid. *true <6>

        “Griseld’,” he said, “ye shall well understand, It liketh to your father and to me

        That I you wed, and eke it may so stand, As I suppose ye will that it so be:

        But these demandes ask I first,” quoth he, “Since that it shall be done in hasty wise; Will ye assent, or elles you advise? consider “I say this, be ye ready with good heart To all my lust,* and that I freely may, pleasure As me best thinketh, do you* laugh or smart, cause you to

        And never ye to grudge,* night nor day, *murmur And eke when I say Yea, ye say not Nay, Neither by word, nor frowning countenance?

        Swear this, and here I swear our alliance.”

        Wond’ring upon this word, quaking for dread, She saide; “Lord, indigne and unworthy Am I to this honour that ye me bede, offer But as ye will yourself, right so will I: And here I swear, that never willingly In word or thought I will you disobey, For to be dead; though me were loth to dey.” die “This is enough, Griselda mine,” quoth he.

        And forth he went with a full sober cheer, Out at the door, and after then came she, And to the people he said in this mannere: “This is my wife,” quoth he, “that standeth here.

        Honoure her, and love her, I you pray, Whoso me loves; there is no more to say.”

        And, for that nothing of her olde gear She shoulde bring into his house, he bade That women should despoile* her right there; *strip Of which these ladies were nothing glad To handle her clothes wherein she was clad: But natheless this maiden bright of hue From foot to head they clothed have all new.

        Her haires have they comb’d that lay untress’d loose Full rudely, and with their fingers small A crown upon her head they have dress’d, And set her full of nouches <7> great and small: Of her array why should I make a tale?

        Unneth* the people her knew for her fairness, *scarcely When she transmuted was in such richess.

        The marquis hath her spoused with a ring Brought for the same cause, and then her set Upon a horse snow-white, and well ambling, And to his palace, ere he longer let delayed With joyful people, that her led and met, Conveyed her; and thus the day they spend In revel, till the sunne gan descend.

        And, shortly forth this tale for to chase, I say, that to this newe marchioness

        God hath such favour sent her of his grace,
        That it ne seemed not by likeliness
        That she was born and fed in rudeness, —
        As in a cot, or in an ox’s stall, —
        But nourish’d in an emperore’s hall.

        To every wight she waxen* is so dear grown And worshipful, that folk where she was born, That from her birthe knew her year by year, Unnethes trowed* they, but durst have sworn, scarcely believed

        That to Janicol’ of whom I spake before, She was not daughter, for by conjecture Them thought she was another creature.

        For though that ever virtuous was she, She was increased in such excellence

        Of thewes* good, y-set in high bounte, qualities And so discreet, and fair of eloquence, So benign, and so digne of reverence, *worthy And coulde so the people’s heart embrace, That each her lov’d that looked on her face.

        Not only of Saluces in the town
        Published was the bounte of her name,
        But eke besides in many a regioun;
        If one said well, another said the same:
        So spread of here high bounte the fame,
        That men and women, young as well as old,
        Went to Saluces, her for to behold.

        Thus Walter lowly, — nay, but royally,-
        Wedded with fortn’ate honestete, virtue
        In Godde’s peace lived full easily
        At home, and outward grace enough had he:
        And, for he saw that under low degree
        Was honest virtue hid, the people him held
        A prudent man, and that is seen full seld’. seldom
        Not only this Griseldis through her wit *Couth all the feat* of wifely homeliness, knew all the duties

        But eke, when that the case required it,
        The common profit coulde she redress:
        There n’as discord, rancour, nor heaviness In all the land, that she could not appease, And wisely bring them all in rest and ease Though that her husband absent were or non, not If gentlemen or other of that country, Were wroth,* she woulde bringe them at one, *at feud So wise and ripe wordes hadde she,
        And judgement of so great equity,

        That she from heaven sent was, as men wend, weened, imagined People to save, and every wrong t’amend Not longe time after that this Griseld’

        Was wedded, she a daughter had y-bore; All she had lever* borne a knave** child, rather *boy Glad was the marquis and his folk therefore; For, though a maiden child came all before, She may unto a knave child attain

        By likelihood, since she is not barren.

        *Pars Tertia. Third Part*

        There fell, as falleth many times mo’, When that his child had sucked but a throw,* little while This marquis in his hearte longed so

        To tempt his wife, her sadness* for to know, *steadfastness That he might not out of his hearte throw This marvellous desire his wife t’asssay; try Needless,* God wot, he thought her to affray.* without cause **alarm, disturb He had assayed her anough before,

        And found her ever good; what needed it Her for to tempt, and always more and more?

        Though some men praise it for a subtle wit, But as for me, I say that *evil it sit it ill became him*

        T’assay a wife when that it is no need, And putte her in anguish and in dread.

        For which this marquis wrought in this mannere: He came at night alone there as she lay, With sterne face and with full troubled cheer, And saide thus; “Griseld’,” quoth he “that day That I you took out of your poor array, And put you in estate of high nobless, Ye have it not forgotten, as I guess.

        “I say, Griseld’, this present dignity, In which that I have put you, as I trow believe Maketh you not forgetful for to be

        That I you took in poor estate full low, For any weal you must yourselfe know.

        Take heed of every word that I you say, There is no wight that hears it but we tway. two “Ye know yourself well how that ye came here Into this house, it is not long ago;

        And though to me ye be right lefe* and dear, loved Unto my gentles ye be nothing so: *nobles, gentlefolk They say, to them it is great shame and woe For to be subject, and be in servage,

        To thee, that born art of small lineage.

        “And namely* since thy daughter was y-bore *especially These wordes have they spoken doubteless; But I desire, as I have done before,

        To live my life with them in rest and peace: I may not in this case be reckeless;

        I must do with thy daughter for the best, Not as I would, but as my gentles lest. please “And yet, God wot, this is full loth* to me: *odious But natheless withoute your weeting knowing I will nought do; but this will I,” quoth he, “That ye to me assenten in this thing.

        Shew now your patience in your working, That ye me hight* and swore in your village *promised The day that maked was our marriage.”

        When she had heard all this, she not amev’d changed Neither in word, in cheer, nor countenance (For, as it seemed, she was not aggriev’d); She saide; “Lord, all lies in your pleasance, My child and I, with hearty obeisance

        Be youres all, and ye may save or spill destroy Your owen thing: work then after your will.

        “There may no thing, so God my soule save, *Like to* you, that may displease me: be pleasing
        Nor I desire nothing for to have,
        Nor dreade for to lose, save only ye:
        This will is in mine heart, and aye shall be, No length of time, nor death, may this deface, Nor change my corage* to another place.” *spirit, heart Glad was the marquis for her answering, But yet he feigned as he were not so;

        All dreary was his cheer and his looking When that he should out of the chamber go.

        Soon after this, a furlong way or two,<8>
        He privily hath told all his intent
        Unto a man, and to his wife him sent.

        A *manner sergeant* was this private* man, kind of squire

        The which he faithful often founden had *discreet In thinges great, and eke such folk well can Do execution in thinges bad:

        The lord knew well, that he him loved and drad. dreaded And when this sergeant knew his lorde’s will, Into the chamber stalked he full still.

        “Madam,” he said, “ye must forgive it me, Though I do thing to which I am constrain’d; Ye be so wise, that right well knowe ye *That lordes’ hestes may not be y-feign’d; see note <9>*

        They may well be bewailed and complain’d, But men must needs unto their lust* obey; *pleasure And so will I, there is no more to say.

        “This child I am commanded for to take.”

        And spake no more, but out the child he hent seized Dispiteously,* and gan a cheer** to make unpityingly *show, aspect As though he would have slain it ere he went.

        Griseldis must all suffer and consent: And as a lamb she sat there meek and still, And let this cruel sergeant do his will Suspicious* was the diffame** of this man, ominous *evil reputation Suspect his face, suspect his word also, Suspect the time in which he this began: Alas! her daughter, that she loved so, She weened* he would have it slain right tho,* thought **then But natheless she neither wept nor siked, sighed Conforming her to what the marquis liked.

        But at the last to speake she began,

        And meekly she unto the sergeant pray’d, So as he was a worthy gentle man,

        That she might kiss her child, ere that it died: And in her barme* this little child she laid, *lap, bosom With full sad face, and gan the child to bless, cross And lulled it, and after gan it kiss.

        And thus she said in her benigne voice: Farewell, my child, I shall thee never see; But since I have thee marked with the cross, Of that father y-blessed may’st thou be That for us died upon a cross of tree: Thy soul, my little child, I *him betake, commit unto him*

        For this night shalt thou dien for my sake.

        I trow* that to a norice** in this case believe *nurse It had been hard this ruthe* for to see: *pitiful sight Well might a mother then have cried, “Alas!”

        But natheless so sad steadfast was she,
        That she endured all adversity,
        And to the sergeant meekely she said,
        “Have here again your little younge maid.
        “Go now,” quoth she, “and do my lord’s behest.
        And one thing would I pray you of your grace,
        But if my lord forbade you at the least, unless
        Bury this little body in some place,
        That neither beasts nor birdes it arace.” tear <10>

        But he no word would to that purpose say,
        But took the child and went upon his way.
        The sergeant came unto his lord again, And of Griselda’s words and of her cheer demeanour He told him point for point, in short and plain, And him presented with his daughter dear.

        Somewhat this lord had ruth in his mannere, But natheless his purpose held he still, As lordes do, when they will have their will; And bade this sergeant that he privily Shoulde the child full softly wind and wrap, With alle circumstances tenderly,
        And carry it in a coffer, or in lap;
        But, upon pain his head off for to swap, strike That no man shoulde know of his intent, Nor whence he came, nor whither that he went; But at Bologna, to his sister dear,

        That at that time of Panic’* was Countess, *Panico He should it take, and shew her this mattere, Beseeching her to do her business

        This child to foster in all gentleness, And whose child it was he bade her hide From every wight, for aught that might betide.

        The sergeant went, and hath fulfill’d this thing.
        But to the marquis now returne we;
        For now went he full fast imagining
        If by his wife’s cheer he mighte see,
        Or by her wordes apperceive, that she
        Were changed; but he never could her find, But ever-in-one* alike sad** and kind. constantly *steadfast As glad, as humble, as busy in service, And eke in love, as she was wont to be, Was she to him, in every *manner wise; sort of way*

        And of her daughter not a word spake she; *No accident for no adversity no change of humour resulting Was seen in her, nor e’er her daughter’s name from her affliction*
        She named, or in earnest or in game.

        *Pars Quarta Fourth Part*

        In this estate there passed be four year Ere she with childe was; but, as God wo’ld, A knave* child she bare by this Waltere, *boy Full gracious and fair for to behold;

        And when that folk it to his father told, Not only he, but all his country, merry Were for this child, and God they thank and hery. praise When it was two year old, and from the breast Departed* of the norice, on a day taken, weaned This marquis caughte yet another lest was seized by yet To tempt his wife yet farther, if he may. another desire*

        Oh! needless was she tempted in as say; trial But wedded men *not connen no measure, know no moderation*

        When that they find a patient creature.

        “Wife,” quoth the marquis, “ye have heard ere this My people sickly bear our marriage; regard with displeasure

        And namely* since my son y-boren is, *especially Now is it worse than ever in all our age: The murmur slays mine heart and my corage, For to mine ears cometh the voice so smart, painfully That it well nigh destroyed hath mine heart.

        “Now say they thus, ‘When Walter is y-gone, Then shall the blood of Janicol’ succeed, And be our lord, for other have we none:’

        Such wordes say my people, out of drede. doubt Well ought I of such murmur take heed, For certainly I dread all such sentence, expression of opinion Though they not *plainen in mine audience. complain in my hearing*

        “I woulde live in peace, if that I might; Wherefore I am disposed utterly,

        As I his sister served ere* by night, *before Right so think I to serve him privily.

        This warn I you, that ye not suddenly
        Out of yourself for no woe should outraie; become outrageous, rave Be patient, and thereof I you pray.”

        “I have,” quoth she, “said thus, and ever shall, I will no thing, nor n’ill no thing, certain, But as you list; not grieveth me at all Though that my daughter and my son be slain At your commandement; that is to sayn, I have not had no part of children twain, But first sickness, and after woe and pain.

        “Ye be my lord, do with your owen thing Right as you list, and ask no rede of me: For, as I left at home all my clothing When I came first to you, right so,” quoth she, “Left I my will and all my liberty,

        And took your clothing: wherefore I you pray, Do your pleasance, I will your lust* obey. *will “And, certes, if I hadde prescience

        Your will to know, ere ye your lust* me told, *will I would it do withoute negligence:

        But, now I know your lust, and what ye wo’ld, All your pleasance firm and stable I hold; For, wist I that my death might do you ease, Right gladly would I dien you to please.

        “Death may not make no comparisoun
        Unto your love.” And when this marquis say saw The constance of his wife, he cast adown His eyen two, and wonder’d how she may In patience suffer all this array;

        And forth he went with dreary countenance; But to his heart it was full great pleasance.

        This ugly sergeant, in the same wise
        That he her daughter caught, right so hath he (Or worse, if men can any worse devise,) Y-hent* her son, that full was of beauty: seized And ever-in-one so patient was she, *unvaryingly
        That she no cheere made of heaviness,
        But kiss’d her son, and after gan him bless.

        Save this she prayed him, if that he might,
        Her little son he would in earthe grave, bury
        His tender limbes, delicate to sight,
        From fowles and from beastes for to save.
        But she none answer of him mighte have;
        He went his way, as him nothing ne raught, cared
        But to Bologna tenderly it brought.
        The marquis wonder’d ever longer more
        Upon her patience; and, if that he
        Not hadde soothly knowen therebefore
        That perfectly her children loved she, He would have ween’d* that of some subtilty, *thought And of malice, or for cruel corage, disposition She hadde suffer’d this with sad* visage. *steadfast, unmoved But well he knew, that, next himself, certain She lov’d her children best in every wise.

        But now of women would I aske fain,
        If these assayes mighte not suffice?
        What could a sturdy* husband more devise *stern
        To prove her wifehood and her steadfastness,
        And he continuing ev’r in sturdiness?
        But there be folk of such condition,
        That, when they have a certain purpose take, Thiey cannot stint* of their intention, *cease But, right as they were bound unto a stake, They will not of their firste purpose slake: slacken, abate Right so this marquis fully hath purpos’d To tempt his wife, as he was first dispos’d.

        He waited, if by word or countenance
        That she to him was changed of corage: spirit
        But never could he finde variance,
        She was aye one in heart and in visage, And aye the farther that she was in age, The more true (if that it were possible) She was to him in love, and more penible. painstaking in devotion For which it seemed thus, that of them two There was but one will; for, as Walter lest, pleased The same pleasance was her lust* also; *pleasure And, God be thanked, all fell for the best.

        She shewed well, for no worldly unrest,
        A wife as of herself no thinge should
        Will, in effect, but as her husbaud would.
        The sland’r of Walter wondrous wide sprad,
        That of a cruel heart he wickedly,
        For* he a poore woman wedded had, *because
        Had murder’d both his children privily:
        Such murmur was among them commonly.

        No wonder is: for to the people’s ear
        There came no word, but that they murder’d were.
        For which, whereas his people therebefore Had lov’d him well, the sland’r of his diffame infamy Made them that they him hated therefore.
        To be a murd’rer is a hateful name.
        But natheless, for earnest or for game, He of his cruel purpose would not stent; To tempt his wife was set all his intent.

        When that his daughter twelve year was of age, He to the Court of Rome, in subtle wise Informed of his will, sent his message, messenger Commanding him such bulles to devise

        As to his cruel purpose may suffice,
        How that the Pope, for his people’s rest, Bade him to wed another, if him lest. wished I say he bade they shoulde counterfeit The Pope’s bulles, making mention

        That he had leave his firste wife to lete, leave To stinte* rancour and dissension *put an end to Betwixt his people and him: thus spake the bull, The which they have published at full.

        The rude people, as no wonder is,

        Weened* full well that it had been right so: *thought, believed But, when these tidings came to Griseldis.

        I deeme that her heart was full of woe; But she, alike sad* for evermo’, *steadfast Disposed was, this humble creature,

        Th’ adversity of fortune all t’ endure; Abiding ever his lust and his pleasance, To whom that she was given, heart and all, As *to her very worldly suffisance. to the utmost extent But, shortly if this story tell I shall, of her power*

        The marquis written hath in special

        A letter, in which he shewed his intent, And secretly it to Bologna sent.

        To th’ earl of Panico, which hadde tho there Wedded his sister, pray’d he specially To bringe home again his children two

        In honourable estate all openly:

        But one thing he him prayed utterly,

        That he to no wight, though men would inquere, Shoulde not tell whose children that they were, But say, the maiden should y-wedded be Unto the marquis of Saluce anon.

        And as this earl was prayed, so did he, For, at day set, he on his way is gone Toward Saluce, and lorde’s many a one

        In rich array, this maiden for to guide, —

        Her younge brother riding her beside.

        Arrayed was toward* her marriage *as if for This freshe maiden, full of gemmes clear; Her brother, which that seven year was of age, Arrayed eke full fresh in his mannere: And thus, in great nobless, and with glad cheer, Toward Saluces shaping their journey,

        From day to day they rode upon their way.

        *Pars Quinta. Fifth Part*

        Among all this, after his wick’ usage, while all this was The marquis, yet his wife to tempte more going on

        To the uttermost proof of her corage,

        Fully to have experience and lore knowledge If that she were as steadfast as before, He on a day, in open audience,

        Full boisterously said her this sentence: “Certes, Griseld’, I had enough pleasance To have you to my wife, for your goodness, And for your truth, and for your obeisance, Not for your lineage, nor for your richess; But now know I, in very soothfastness, That in great lordship, if I well advise, There is great servitude in sundry wise.

        “I may not do as every ploughman may:

        My people me constraineth for to take

        Another wife, and cryeth day by day;

        And eke the Pope, rancour for to slake, Consenteth it, that dare I undertake:

        And truely, thus much I will you say,

        My newe wife is coming by the way.

        “Be strong of heart, and *void anon* her place; immediately vacate

        And thilke* dower that ye brought to me, *that Take it again, I grant it of my grace.

        Returne to your father’s house,” quoth he; “No man may always have prosperity;

        With even heart I rede* you to endure *counsel The stroke of fortune or of aventure.”

        And she again answer’d in patience:

        “My Lord,” quoth she, “I know, and knew alway, How that betwixte your magnificence

        And my povert’ no wight nor can nor may Make comparison, it *is no nay; cannot be denied*

        I held me never digne* in no mannere *worthy To be your wife, nor yet your chamberere. chamber-maid “And in this house, where ye me lady made, (The highe God take I for my witness,

        And all so wisly* he my soule glade),* surely **gladdened I never held me lady nor mistress,

        But humble servant to your worthiness, And ever shall, while that my life may dure, Aboven every worldly creature.

        “That ye so long, of your benignity,

        Have holden me in honour and nobley, nobility Where as I was not worthy for to be,

        That thank I God and you, to whom I pray Foryield* it you; there is no more to say: *reward Unto my father gladly will I wend, go And with him dwell, unto my lifes end, “Where I was foster’d as a child full small, Till I be dead my life there will I lead, A widow clean in body, heart, and all.

        For since I gave to you my maidenhead, And am your true wife, it is no dread, doubt God shielde* such a lordes wife to take *forbid Another man to husband or to make. mate “And of your newe wife, God of his grace So grant you weal and all prosperity:

        For I will gladly yield to her my place, In which that I was blissful wont to be.

        For since it liketh you, my Lord,” quoth she, “That whilom weren all mine hearte’s rest, That I shall go, I will go when you lest.

        “But whereas ye me proffer such dowaire As I first brought, it is well in my mind, It was my wretched clothes, nothing fair, The which to me were hard now for to find.

        O goode God! how gentle and how kind

        Ye seemed by your speech and your visage, The day that maked was our marriage!

        “But sooth is said, — algate* I find it true, *at all events For in effect it proved is on me, —

        Love is not old as when that it is new.

        But certes, Lord, for no adversity,

        To dien in this case, it shall not be

        That e’er in word or work I shall repent That I you gave mine heart in whole intent.

        “My Lord, ye know that in my father’s place Ye did me strip out of my poore weed, raiment And richely ye clad me of your grace;

        To you brought I nought elles, out of dread, But faith, and nakedness, and maidenhead; And here again your clothing I restore, And eke your wedding ring for evermore.

        “The remnant of your jewels ready be

        Within your chamber, I dare safely sayn: Naked out of my father’s house,” quoth she, “I came, and naked I must turn again.

        All your pleasance would I follow fain: cheerfully But yet I hope it be not your intent

        That smockless* I out of your palace went. naked “Ye could not do so dishonest a thing, dishonourable That thilke womb, in which your children lay, *that Shoulde before the people, in my walking, Be seen all bare: and therefore I you pray, Let me not like a worm go by the way:

        Remember you, mine owen Lord so dear,

        I was your wife, though I unworthy were.

        “Wherefore, in guerdon* of my maidenhead, *reward Which that I brought and not again I bear, As vouchesafe to give me to my meed reward But such a smock as I was wont to wear, That I therewith may wrie* the womb of her *cover That was your wife: and here I take my leave Of you, mine owen Lord, lest I you grieve.”

        “The smock,” quoth he, “that thou hast on thy back, Let it be still, and bear it forth with thee.”

        But well unnethes* thilke word he spake, *with difficulty But went his way for ruth and for pity.

        Before the folk herselfe stripped she, And in her smock, with foot and head all bare, Toward her father’s house forth is she fare. gone The folk her follow’d weeping on her way, And fortune aye they cursed as they gon: go But she from weeping kept her eyen drey, dry Nor in this time worde spake she none.

        Her father, that this tiding heard anon, Cursed the day and time, that nature

        Shope* him to be a living creature. *formed, ordained For, out of doubt, this olde poore man Was ever in suspect of her marriage:

        For ever deem’d he, since it first began, That when the lord *fulfill’d had his corage, had gratified his whim*

        He woulde think it were a disparage disparagement To his estate, so low for to alight,

        And voide* her as soon as e’er he might. dismiss Against his daughter hastily went he to meet (For he by noise of folk knew her coming), And with her olde coat, as it might be, He cover’d her, full sorrowfully weeping: But on her body might he it not bring, For rude was the cloth, and more of age By dayes fele than at her marriage. *many <11>

        Thus with her father for a certain space Dwelled this flow’r of wifely patience, That neither by her words nor by her face, Before the folk nor eke in their absence, Ne shewed she that her was done offence, Nor of her high estate no remembrance

        Ne hadde she, *as by* her countenance. to judge from

        No wonder is, for in her great estate

        Her ghost* was ever in plein** humility; spirit *full No tender mouth, no hearte delicate,

        No pomp, and no semblant of royalty;

        But full of patient benignity,

        Discreet and prideless, aye honourable, And to her husband ever meek and stable.

        Men speak of Job, and most for his humbless, As clerkes, when them list, can well indite, Namely* of men; but, as in soothfastness, *particularly Though clerkes praise women but a lite, little There can no man in humbless him acquite As women can, nor can be half so true

        As women be, *but it be fall of new. unless it has lately come to pass*

        *Pars Sexta Sixth Part*

        From Bologn’ is the earl of Panic’ come, Of which the fame up sprang to more and less; And to the people’s eares all and some Was know’n eke, that a newe marchioness He with him brought, in such pomp and richess That never was there seen with manne’s eye So noble array in all West Lombardy.

        The marquis, which that shope* and knew all this, *arranged Ere that the earl was come, sent his message messenger For thilke poore sely* Griseldis; *innocent And she, with humble heart and glad visage, Nor with no swelling thought in her corage, mind Came at his hest,* and on her knees her set, *command And rev’rently and wisely she him gret. greeted “Griseld’,” quoth he, “my will is utterly, This maiden, that shall wedded be to me, Received be to-morrow as royally

        As it possible is in my house to be;

        And eke that every wight in his degree Have *his estate* in sitting and service, what befits his And in high pleasance, as I can devise. condition

        “I have no women sufficient, certain,

        The chambers to array in ordinance

        After my lust;* and therefore would I fain *pleasure That thine were all such manner governance: Thou knowest eke of old all my pleasance; Though thine array be bad, and ill besey, poor to look on *Do thou thy devoir at the leaste way.” do your duty in the quickest manner*

        “Not only, Lord, that I am glad,” quoth she, “To do your lust, but I desire also

        You for to serve and please in my degree, Withoute fainting, and shall evermo’:

        Nor ever for no weal, nor for no woe,

        Ne shall the ghost* within mine hearte stent* spirit **cease To love you best with all my true intent.”

        And with that word she gan the house to dight, arrange And tables for to set, and beds to make, And *pained her* to do all that she might, she took pains

        Praying the chambereres* for Godde’s sake *chamber-maids To hasten them, and faste sweep and shake, And she the most serviceable of all

        Hath ev’ry chamber arrayed, and his hall.

        Aboute undern* gan the earl alight, *afternoon <5>

        That with him brought these noble children tway; For which the people ran to see the sight Of their array, so *richely besey; rich to behold*

        And then at erst amonges them they say, for the first time

        That Walter was no fool, though that him lest pleased To change his wife; for it was for the best.

        For she is fairer, as they deemen* all, *think Than is Griseld’, and more tender of age, And fairer fruit between them shoulde fall, And more pleasant, for her high lineage: Her brother eke so fair was of visage, That them to see the people hath caught pleasance, Commending now the marquis’ governance.

        “O stormy people, unsad* and ev’r untrue, variable And undiscreet, and changing as a vane, Delighting ev’r in rumour that is new, For like the moon so waxe ye and wane: Aye full of clapping, dear enough a jane, worth nothing <12>*

        Your doom* is false, your constance evil preveth,* judgment **proveth A full great fool is he that you believeth.”

        Thus saide the sad* folk in that city, *sedate When that the people gazed up and down; For they were glad, right for the novelty, To have a newe lady of their town.

        No more of this now make I mentioun,

        But to Griseld’ again I will me dress, And tell her constancy and business.

        Full busy was Griseld’ in ev’ry thing

        That to the feaste was appertinent;

        Right nought was she abash’d* of her clothing, *ashamed Though it were rude, and somedeal eke to-rent; tattered But with glad cheer* unto the gate she went *expression With other folk, to greet the marchioness, And after that did forth her business.

        With so glad cheer* his guestes she receiv’d expression And so conningly each in his degree, *cleverly, skilfully That no defaulte no man apperceiv’d,

        But aye they wonder’d what she mighte be That in so poor array was for to see,

        And coude* such honour and reverence; *knew, understood And worthily they praise her prudence.

        In all this meane while she not stent ceased This maid, and eke her brother, to commend With all her heart in full benign intent, So well, that no man could her praise amend: But at the last, when that these lordes wend go To sitte down to meat, he gan to call

        Griseld’, as she was busy in the hall.

        “Griseld’,” quoth he, as it were in his play, “How liketh thee my wife, and her beauty?”

        “Right well, my Lord,” quoth she, “for, in good fay, faith A fairer saw I never none than she:

        I pray to God give you prosperity;

        And so I hope, that he will to you send Pleasance enough unto your lives end.

        “One thing beseech I you, and warn also, That ye not pricke with no tormenting

        This tender maiden, as ye have done mo: me <13>

        For she is foster’d in her nourishing

        More tenderly, and, to my supposing,

        She mighte not adversity endure

        As could a poore foster’d creature.”

        And when this Walter saw her patience, Her gladde cheer, and no malice at all, And* he so often had her done offence, although And she aye sad and constant as a wall, *steadfast Continuing ev’r her innocence o’er all, The sturdy marquis gan his hearte dress prepare To rue upon her wifely steadfastness.

        “This is enough, Griselda mine,” quoth he, “Be now no more *aghast, nor evil paid, afraid, nor displeased*

        I have thy faith and thy benignity

        As well as ever woman was, assay’d,

        In great estate and poorely array’d:

        Now know I, deare wife, thy steadfastness;”

        And her in arms he took, and gan to kiss.

        And she for wonder took of it no keep; notice She hearde not what thing he to her said: She far’d as she had start out of a sleep, Till she out of her mazedness abraid. awoke “Griseld’,” quoth he, “by God that for us died, Thou art my wife, none other I have,

        Nor ever had, as God my soule save.

        “This is thy daughter, which thou hast suppos’d To be my wife; that other faithfully

        Shall be mine heir, as I have aye dispos’d; Thou bare them of thy body truely:

        At Bologna kept I them privily:

        Take them again, for now may’st thou not say That thou hast lorn* none of thy children tway. *lost “And folk, that otherwise have said of me, I warn them well, that I have done this deed For no malice, nor for no cruelty,

        But to assay in thee thy womanhead:

        And not to slay my children (God forbid), But for to keep them privily and still, Till I thy purpose knew, and all thy will.”

        When she this heard, in swoon adown she falleth For piteous joy; and after her swooning, She both her younge children to her calleth, And in her armes piteously weeping

        Embraced them, and tenderly kissing,

        Full like a mother, with her salte tears She bathed both their visage and their hairs.

        O, what a piteous thing it was to see

        Her swooning, and her humble voice to hear!

        “Grand mercy, Lord, God thank it you,” quoth she, That ye have saved me my children dear; Now reck* I never to be dead right here; care Since I stand in your love, and in your grace, No force of* death, nor when my spirit pace. no matter for pass “O tender, O dear, O young children mine, Your woeful mother *weened steadfastly believed firmly*

        That cruel houndes, or some foul vermine, Had eaten you; but God of his mercy,

        And your benigne father tenderly

        Have done you keep:” and in that same stound caused you to All suddenly she swapt** down to the ground. be preserved*

        hour *fell And in her swoon so sadly* holdeth she firmly Her children two, when she gan them embrace, That with great sleight and great difficulty *art The children from her arm they can arace, pull away O! many a tear on many a piteous face

        Down ran of them that stoode her beside, Unneth’* aboute her might they abide. *scarcely Walter her gladdeth, and her sorrow slaketh: assuages She riseth up abashed* from her trance, *astonished And every wight her joy and feaste maketh, Till she hath caught again her countenance.

        Walter her doth so faithfully pleasance, That it was dainty for to see the cheer Betwixt them two, since they be met in fere. together The ladies, when that they their time sey, saw Have taken her, and into chamber gone, And stripped her out of her rude array, And in a cloth of gold that brightly shone, And with a crown of many a riche stone Upon her head, they into hall her brought: And there she was honoured as her ought.

        Thus had this piteous day a blissful end; For every man and woman did his might

        This day in mirth and revel to dispend, Till on the welkin* shone the starres bright: *firmament For more solemn in every mannes sight

        This feaste was, and greater of costage, expense Than was the revel of her marriage.

        Full many a year in high prosperity

        Lived these two in concord and in rest; And richely his daughter married he

        Unto a lord, one of the worthiest

        Of all Itale; and then in peace and rest His wife’s father in his court he kept, Till that the soul out of his body crept.

        His son succeeded in his heritage,

        In rest and peace, after his father’s day: And fortunate was eke in marriage,

        All* he put not his wife in great assay: although This world is not so strong, it is no nay, not to be denied*

        As it hath been in olde times yore;

        And hearken what this author saith, therefore; This story is said, <14> not for that wives should Follow Griselda in humility,

        For it were importable* though they would; *not to be borne But for that every wight in his degree Shoulde be constant in adversity,

        As was Griselda; therefore Petrarch writeth This story, which with high style he inditeth.

        For, since a woman was so patient

        Unto a mortal man, well more we ought

        Receiven all in gree* that God us sent. goodwill *For great skill is he proved that he wrought: see note <15>*

        But he tempteth no man that he hath bought, As saith Saint James, if ye his ‘pistle read; He proveth folk all day, it is no dread. doubt And suffereth us, for our exercise,

        With sharpe scourges of adversity

        Full often to be beat in sundry wise;

        Not for to know our will, for certes he, Ere we were born, knew all our frailty; And for our best is all his governance; Let us then live in virtuous sufferance.

        But one word, lordings, hearken, ere I go: It were full hard to finde now-a-days

        In all a town Griseldas three or two:

        For, if that they were put to such assays, The gold of them hath now so bad allays alloys With brass, that though the coin be fair *at eye, to see*

        It woulde rather break in two than ply. bend For which here, for the Wife’s love of Bath, —

        Whose life and all her sex may God maintain In high mast’ry, and elles were it scath,* — *damage, pity I will, with lusty hearte fresh and green, Say you a song to gladden you, I ween: And let us stint of earnestful mattere.

        Hearken my song, that saith in this mannere.

        L’Envoy of Chaucer.

        “Griseld’ is dead, and eke her patience, And both at once are buried in Itale:

        For which I cry in open audience,

        No wedded man so hardy be t’ assail

        His wife’s patience, in trust to find

        Griselda’s, for in certain he shall fail.

        “O noble wives, full of high prudence, Let no humility your tongues nail:

        Nor let no clerk have cause or diligence To write of you a story of such marvail, As of Griselda patient and kind,

        Lest Chichevache<16> you swallow in her entrail.

        “Follow Echo, that holdeth no silence, But ever answereth at the countertail; counter-tally <17>

        Be not bedaffed* for your innocence, *befooled But sharply take on you the governail; helm Imprinte well this lesson in your mind, For common profit, since it may avail.

        “Ye archiwives,* stand aye at defence, *wives of rank Since ye be strong as is a great camail, camel Nor suffer not that men do you offence.

        And slender wives, feeble in battail,

        Be eager as a tiger yond in Ind;

        Aye clapping as a mill, I you counsail.

        “Nor dread them not, nor do them reverence; For though thine husband armed be in mail, The arrows of thy crabbed eloquence

        Shall pierce his breast, and eke his aventail;<18>

        In jealousy I rede* eke thou him bind, advise And thou shalt make him couch as doth a quail. *submit, shrink “If thou be fair, where folk be in presence Shew thou thy visage and thine apparail: If thou be foul, be free of thy dispence; To get thee friendes aye do thy travail: Be aye of cheer as light as leaf on lind, linden, lime-tree And let him care, and weep, and wring, and wail.”

        Notes to the Clerk’s Tale

        1. Petrarch, in his Latin romance, “De obedientia et fide uxoria Mythologia,” (Of obedient and faithful wives in Mythology) translated the charming story of “the patient Grizel” from the Italian of Bocaccio’s “Decameron;” and Chaucer has closely followed Petrarch’s translation, made in 1373, the year before that in which he died. The fact that the embassy to Genoa, on which Chaucer was sent, took place in 1372-73, has lent countenance to the opinion that the English poet did actually visit the Italian bard at Padua, and hear the story from his own lips. This, however, is only a probability; for it is a moot point whether the two poets ever met.

        2. Vesulus: Monte Viso, a lofty peak at the junction of the Maritime and Cottian Alps; from two springs on its east side rises the Po.

        3. Buxomly: obediently; Anglo-Saxon, “bogsom,” old English, “boughsome,” that can be easily bent or bowed; German, “biegsam,” pliant, obedient.

        4. Well ofter of the well than of the tun she drank: she drank water much more often than wine.

        5. Undern: afternoon, evening, though by some “undern”

        is understood as dinner-time — 9 a. m. See note 4 to the Wife of Bath’s Tale.

        6. Very: true; French “vrai”.

        7. Nouches: Ornaments of some kind not precisely known; some editions read “ouches,” studs, brooches. (Transcriber’s note: The OED gives “nouches” as a form of “ouches,”

        buckles)

        8. A furlong way or two: a short time; literally, as long as it takes to walk one or two furlongs (a furlong is 220 yards) 9. Lordes’ hestes may not be y-feign’d: it will not do merely to feign compliance with a lord’s commands.

        10. Arace: tear; French, “arracher.”

        11. Fele: many; German, “viel.”

        12. Dear enough a jane: worth nothing. A jane was a small coin of little worth, so the meaning is “not worth a red cent”.

        13. Mo: me. “This is one of the most licentious corruptions of orthography,” says Tyrwhitt, “that I remember to have observed in Chaucer;” but such liberties were common among the European poets of his time, when there was an extreme lack of certainty in orthography.

        14. The fourteen lines that follow are translated almost literally from Petrarch’s Latin.

        15. For great skill is he proved that he wrought: for it is most reasonable that He should prove or test that which he made.

        16. Chichevache, in old popular fable, was a monster that fed only on good women, and was always very thin from scarcity of such food; a corresponding monster, Bycorne, fed only on obedient and kind husbands, and was always fat. The origin of the fable was French; but Lydgate has a ballad on the subject.

        “Chichevache” literally means “niggardly” or “greedy cow.”

        17. Countertail: Counter-tally or counter-foil; something exactly corresponding.

        18. Aventail: forepart of a helmet, vizor.

        THE MERCHANT’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.<l>

        “Weeping and wailing, care and other sorrow, I have enough, on even and on morrow,”

        Quoth the Merchant, “and so have other mo’, That wedded be; I trow* that it be so; *believe For well I wot it fareth so by me.

        I have a wife, the worste that may be, For though the fiend to her y-coupled were, She would him overmatch, I dare well swear.

        Why should I you rehearse in special

        Her high malice? she is *a shrew at all. thoroughly, in There is a long and large difference everything wicked*

        Betwixt Griselda’s greate patience,

        And of my wife the passing cruelty.

        Were I unbounden, all so may I the, thrive I woulde never eft* come in the snare. *again We wedded men live in sorrow and care; Assay it whoso will, and he shall find That I say sooth, by Saint Thomas of Ind,<2>

        As for the more part; I say not all, —

        God shielde* that it shoulde so befall. *forbid Ah! good Sir Host, I have y-wedded be

        These moneths two, and more not, pardie; And yet I trow* that he that all his life *believe Wifeless hath been, though that men would him rive wound Into the hearte, could in no mannere

        Telle so much sorrow, as I you here

        Could tellen of my wife’s cursedness.” wickedness “Now,” quoth our Host, “Merchant, so God you bless, Since ye so muche knowen of that art,

        Full heartily I pray you tell us part.”

        “Gladly,” quoth he; “but of mine owen sore, For sorry heart, I telle may no more.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Merchant’s Tale 1. Though the manner in which the Merchant takes up the closing words of the Envoy to the Clerk’s Tale, and refers to the patience of Griselda, seems to prove beyond doubt that the order of the Tales in the text is the right one, yet in some manuscripts of good authority the Franklin’s Tale follows the Clerk’s, and the Envoy is concluded by this stanza: —

        “This worthy Clerk when ended was his tale, Our Hoste said, and swore by cocke’s bones ‘Me lever were than a barrel of ale

        My wife at home had heard this legend once; This is a gentle tale for the nonce;

        As, to my purpose, wiste ye my will.

        But thing that will not be, let it be still.’”

        In other manuscripts of less authority the Host proceeds, in two similar stanzas, to impose a Tale on the Franklin; but Tyrwhitt is probably right in setting them aside as spurious, and in admitting the genuineness of the first only, if it be supposed that Chaucer forgot to cancel it when he had decided on another mode of connecting the Merchant’s with the Clerk’s Tale.

        2. Saint Thomas of Ind: St. Thomas the Apostle, who was believed to have travelled in India.

        THE TALE.<l>

        Whilom there was dwelling in Lombardy

        A worthy knight, that born was at Pavie, In which he liv’d in great prosperity; And forty years a wifeless man was he, And follow’d aye his bodily delight

        On women, where as was his appetite,

        As do these fooles that be seculeres.<2>

        And, when that he was passed sixty years, Were it for holiness, or for dotage,

        I cannot say, but such a great corage inclination Hadde this knight to be a wedded man,

        That day and night he did all that he can To espy where that he might wedded be; Praying our Lord to grante him, that he Mighte once knowen of that blissful life That is betwixt a husband and his wife, And for to live under that holy bond

        With which God firste man and woman bond.

        “None other life,” said he, “is worth a bean; For wedlock is so easy, and so clean,

        That in this world it is a paradise.”

        Thus said this olde knight, that was so wise.

        And certainly, as sooth* as God is king, true To take a wife it is a glorious thing, And namely when a man is old and hoar, *especially Then is a wife the fruit of his treasor; Then should he take a young wife and a fair, On which he might engender him an heir, And lead his life in joy and in solace; mirth, delight Whereas these bachelors singen “Alas!”

        When that they find any adversity

        In love, which is but childish vanity.

        And truely it sits* well to be so, becomes, befits That bachelors have often pain and woe: On brittle ground they build, and brittleness They finde when they weene sickerness: think that there They live but as a bird or as a beast, is security*

        In liberty, and under no arrest; check, control Whereas a wedded man in his estate

        Liveth a life blissful and ordinate,

        Under the yoke of marriage y-bound;

        Well may his heart in joy and bliss abound.

        For who can be so buxom* as a wife? *obedient Who is so true, and eke so attentive

        To keep* him, sick and whole, as is his make?* care for **mate For weal or woe she will him not forsake: She is not weary him to love and serve, Though that he lie bedrid until he sterve. die And yet some clerkes say it is not so; Of which he, Theophrast, is one of tho: those *What force* though Theophrast list for to lie? what matter

        “Take no wife,” quoth he, <3> “for husbandry, thrift As for to spare in household thy dispence; A true servant doth more diligence

        Thy good to keep, than doth thine owen wife, For she will claim a half part all her life.

        And if that thou be sick, so God me save, Thy very friendes, or a true knave, servant Will keep thee bet than she, that *waiteth aye ahways waits to After thy good, and hath done many a day.” inherit your property*

        This sentence, and a hundred times worse, Writeth this man, there God his bones curse.

        But take no keep* of all such vanity, notice Defy Theophrast, and hearken to me. *distrust A wife is Godde’s gifte verily;

        All other manner giftes hardily, truly As handes, rentes, pasture, or commune, common land Or mebles,* all be giftes of fortune, *furniture <4>

        That passen as a shadow on the wall:

        But dread* thou not, if plainly speak I shall, *doubt A wife will last, and in thine house endure, Well longer than thee list, paraventure. perhaps Marriage is a full great sacrament;

        He which that hath no wife, I hold him shent; ruined He liveth helpless, and all desolate

        (I speak of folk *in secular estate*): who are not And hearken why, I say not this for nought, — of the clergy

        That woman is for manne’s help y-wrought.

        The highe God, when he had Adam maked, And saw him all alone belly naked,

        God of his greate goodness saide then, Let us now make a help unto this man

        Like to himself; and then he made him Eve.

        Here may ye see, and hereby may ye preve, prove That a wife is man s help and his comfort, His paradise terrestre and his disport.

        So buxom* and so virtuous is she, *obedient, complying They muste needes live in unity;

        One flesh they be, and one blood, as I guess, With but one heart in weal and in distress.

        A wife? Ah! Saint Mary, ben’dicite,

        How might a man have any adversity

        That hath a wife? certes I cannot say

        The bliss the which that is betwixt them tway, There may no tongue it tell, or hearte think.

        If he be poor, she helpeth him to swink; labour She keeps his good, and wasteth never a deal; whit All that her husband list, her liketh* well; *pleaseth She saith not ones Nay, when he saith Yea; “Do this,” saith he; “All ready, Sir,” saith she.

        O blissful order, wedlock precious!

        Thou art so merry, and eke so virtuous, And so commended and approved eke,

        That every man that holds him worth a leek Upon his bare knees ought all his life To thank his God, that him hath sent a wife; Or elles pray to God him for to send

        A wife, to last unto his life’s end.

        For then his life is set in sickerness, security He may not be deceived, as I guess,

        So that he work after his wife’s rede; counsel Then may he boldely bear up his head,

        They be so true, and therewithal so wise.

        For which, if thou wilt worken as the wise, Do alway so as women will thee rede. counsel Lo how that Jacob, as these clerkes read, By good counsel of his mother Rebecc’

        Bounde the kiddes skin about his neck; For which his father’s benison* he wan. *benediction Lo Judith, as the story telle can,

        By good counsel she Godde’s people kept, And slew him, Holofernes, while he slept.

        Lo Abigail, by good counsel, how she

        Saved her husband Nabal, when that he

        Should have been slain. And lo, Esther also By counsel good deliver’d out of woe

        The people of God, and made him, Mardoche, Of Assuere enhanced* for to be. advanced in dignity There is nothing in gree superlative of higher esteem*

        (As saith Senec) above a humble wife.

        Suffer thy wife’s tongue, as Cato bit; bid She shall command, and thou shalt suffer it, And yet she will obey of courtesy.

        A wife is keeper of thine husbandry:

        Well may the sicke man bewail and weep, There as there is no wife the house to keep.

        I warne thee, if wisely thou wilt wirch, work Love well thy wife, as Christ loveth his church: Thou lov’st thyself, if thou lovest thy wife.

        No man hateth his flesh, but in his life He fost’reth it; and therefore bid I thee Cherish thy wife, or thou shalt never the. thrive Husband and wife, what *so men jape or play, although men joke Of worldly folk holde the sicker* way; and jeer certain They be so knit there may no harm betide, And namely* upon the wife’s side. * especially For which this January, of whom I told, Consider’d hath within his dayes old,

        The lusty life, the virtuous quiet,

        That is in marriage honey-sweet.

        And for his friends upon a day he sent To tell them the effect of his intent.

        With face sad,* his tale he hath them told: grave, earnest He saide, “Friendes, I am hoar and old, And almost (God wot) on my pitte’s brink, *grave’s Upon my soule somewhat must I think.

        I have my body foolishly dispended,

        Blessed be God that it shall be amended; For I will be certain a wedded man,

        And that anon in all the haste I can,

        Unto some maiden, fair and tender of age; I pray you shape* for my marriage * arrange, contrive All suddenly, for I will not abide:

        And I will fond* to espy, on my side, *try To whom I may be wedded hastily.

        But forasmuch as ye be more than,

        Ye shalle rather* such a thing espy

        Than I, and where me best were to ally.

        But one thing warn I you, my friendes dear, I will none old wife have in no mannere: She shall not passe sixteen year certain.

        Old fish and younge flesh would I have fain.

        Better,” quoth he, “a pike than a pickerel, young pike And better than old beef is tender veal.

        I will no woman thirty year of age,

        It is but beanestraw and great forage.

        And eke these olde widows (God it wot) They conne* so much craft on Wade’s boat,<5> know So muche brooke harm when that them lest, they can do so much That with them should I never live in rest. harm when they wish*

        For sundry schooles make subtle clerkes; Woman of many schooles half a clerk is.

        But certainly a young thing men may guy, guide Right as men may warm wax with handes ply. bend,mould Wherefore I say you plainly in a clause, I will none old wife have, right for this cause.

        For if so were I hadde such mischance, That I in her could have no pleasance, Then should I lead my life in avoutrie, adultery And go straight to the devil when I die.

        Nor children should I none upon her getten: Yet *were me lever* houndes had me eaten I would rather

        Than that mine heritage shoulde fall

        In strange hands: and this I tell you all.

        I doubte not I know the cause why

        Men shoulde wed: and farthermore know I There speaketh many a man of marriage

        That knows no more of it than doth my page, For what causes a man should take a wife.

        If he ne may not live chaste his life, Take him a wife with great devotion,

        Because of lawful procreation

        Of children, to th’ honour of God above, And not only for paramour or love;

        And for they shoulde lechery eschew,

        And yield their debte when that it is due: Or for that each of them should help the other In mischief,* as a sister shall the brother, *trouble And live in chastity full holily.

        But, Sires, by your leave, that am not I, For, God be thanked, I dare make avaunt, boast I feel my limbes stark* and suffisant *strong To do all that a man belongeth to:

        I wot myselfe best what I may do.

        Though I be hoar, I fare as doth a tree, That blossoms ere the fruit y-waxen* be; *grown The blossomy tree is neither dry nor dead; I feel me now here hoar but on my head.

        Mine heart and all my limbes are as green As laurel through the year is for to seen. see And, since that ye have heard all mine intent, I pray you to my will ye would assent.”

        Diverse men diversely him told

        Of marriage many examples old;

        Some blamed it, some praised it, certain; But at the haste, shortly for to sayn

        (As all day* falleth altercation *constantly, every day Betwixte friends in disputation),

        There fell a strife betwixt his brethren two, Of which that one was called Placebo,

        Justinus soothly called was that other.

        Placebo said; “O January, brother,

        Full little need have ye, my lord so dear, Counsel to ask of any that is here:

        But that ye be so full of sapience,

        That you not liketh, for your high prudence, To waive* from the word of Solomon. *depart, deviate This word said he unto us every one;

        Work alle thing by counsel, — thus said he, —

        And thenne shalt thou not repente thee But though that Solomon spake such a word, Mine owen deare brother and my lord,

        So wisly* God my soule bring at rest, *surely I hold your owen counsel is the best.

        For, brother mine, take of me this motive; advice, encouragement I have now been a court-man all my life, And, God it wot, though I unworthy be, I have standen in full great degree

        Aboute lordes of full high estate;

        Yet had I ne’er with none of them debate; I never them contraried truely.

        I know well that my lord can* more than I; *knows What that he saith I hold it firm and stable, I say the same, or else a thing semblable.

        A full great fool is any counsellor

        That serveth any lord of high honour

        That dare presume, or ones thinken it; That his counsel should pass his lorde’s wit.

        Nay, lordes be no fooles by my fay.

        Ye have yourselfe shewed here to day

        So high sentence,* so holily and well judgment, sentiment That I consent, and confirm every deal in every point*

        Your wordes all, and your opinioun

        By God, there is no man in all this town Nor in Itale, could better have y-said.

        Christ holds him of this counsel well apaid. satisfied And truely it is a high courage

        Of any man that stopen* is in age, *advanced <6>

        To take a young wife, by my father’s kin; Your hearte hangeth on a jolly pin.

        Do now in this matter right as you lest, For finally I hold it for the best.”

        Justinus, that aye stille sat and heard, Right in this wise to Placebo answer’d.

        “Now, brother mine, be patient I pray, Since ye have said, and hearken what I say.

        Senec, among his other wordes wise,

        Saith, that a man ought him right well advise, consider To whom he gives his hand or his chattel.

        And since I ought advise me right well To whom I give my good away from me,

        Well more I ought advise me, pardie,

        To whom I give my body: for alway

        I warn you well it is no childe’s play To take a wife without advisement.

        Men must inquire (this is mine assent) Whe’er she be wise, or sober, or dronkelew, given to drink Or proud, or any other ways a shrew,

        A chidester,* or a waster of thy good, *a scold Or rich or poor; or else a man is wood. mad Albeit so, that no man finde shall

        None in this world, that *trotteth whole in all, is sound in No man, nor beast, such as men can devise,* every point describe But nathehess it ought enough suffice

        With any wife, if so were that she had More goode thewes* than her vices bad: * qualities And all this asketh leisure to inquere.

        For, God it wot, I have wept many a tear Full privily, since I have had a wife.

        Praise whoso will a wedded manne’s life, Certes, I find in it but cost and care, And observances of all blisses bare.

        And yet, God wot, my neighebours about, And namely* of women many a rout,** especially *company Say that I have the moste steadfast wife, And eke the meekest one, that beareth life.

        But I know best where wringeth* me my shoe, *pinches Ye may for me right as you like do

        Advise you, ye be a man of age,

        How that ye enter into marriage;

        And namely* with a young wife and a fair, * especially By him that made water, fire, earth, air, The youngest man that is in all this rout company Is busy enough to bringen it about

        To have his wife alone, truste me:

        Ye shall not please her fully yeares three, This is to say, to do her full pleasance.

        A wife asketh full many an observance.

        I pray you that ye be not *evil apaid.” displeased*

        “Well,” quoth this January, “and hast thou said?

        Straw for thy Senec, and for thy proverbs, I counte not a pannier full of herbs

        Of schoole termes; wiser men than thou, As thou hast heard, assented here right now To my purpose: Placebo, what say ye?”

        “I say it is a cursed* man,” quoth he, ill-natured, wicked “That letteth matrimony, sickerly.” *hindereth And with that word they rise up suddenly, And be assented fully, that he should

        Be wedded when him list, and where he would.

        High fantasy and curious business

        From day to day gan in the soul impress imprint themselves Of January about his marriage

        Many a fair shape, and many a fair visage There passed through his hearte night by night.

        As whoso took a mirror polish’d bright, And set it in a common market-place,

        Then should he see many a figure pace

        By his mirror; and in the same wise

        Gan January in his thought devise

        Of maidens, which that dwelte him beside: He wiste not where that he might abide. stay, fix his choice For if that one had beauty in her face, Another stood so in the people’s grace For her sadness* and her benignity, *sedateness That of the people greatest voice had she: And some were rich and had a badde name.

        But natheless, betwixt earnest and game, He at the last appointed him on one,

        And let all others from his hearte gon, And chose her of his own authority;

        For love is blind all day, and may not see.

        And when that he was into bed y-brought, He pourtray’d in his heart and in his thought Her freshe beauty, and her age tender, Her middle small, her armes long and slender, Her wise governance, her gentleness,

        Her womanly bearing, and her sadness. sedateness And when that he *on her was condescended, had selected her*

        He thought his choice might not be amended; For when that he himself concluded had, He thought each other manne’ s wit so bad, That impossible it were to reply

        Against his choice; this was his fantasy.

        His friendes sent he to, at his instance, And prayed them to do him that pleasance, That hastily they would unto him come; He would abridge their labour all and some: Needed no more for them to go nor ride,<7>

        *He was appointed where he would abide. he had definitively Placebo came, and eke his friendes soon, made his choice*

        And *alderfirst he bade them all a boon, first of all he asked That none of them no arguments would make a favour of them*

        Against the purpose that he had y-take: Which purpose was pleasant to God, said he, And very ground of his prosperity.

        He said, there was a maiden in the town, Which that of beauty hadde great renown; All* were it so she were of small degree, although Sufficed him her youth and her beauty; Which maid, he said, he would have to his wife, To lead in ease and holiness his life; And thanked God, that he might have her all, That no wight with his blisse parte shall; *have a share And prayed them to labour in this need, And shape that he faile not to speed:

        For then, he said, his spirit was at ease.

        “Then is,” quoth he, “nothing may me displease, Save one thing pricketh in my conscience, The which I will rehearse in your presence.

        I have,” quoth he, “heard said, full yore* ago, *long There may no man have perfect blisses two, This is to say, on earth and eke in heaven.

        For though he keep him from the sinne’s seven, And eke from every branch of thilke tree,<8>

        Yet is there so perfect felicity,

        And so great *ease and lust,* in marriage, comfort and pleasure

        That ev’r I am aghast,* now in mine age *ashamed, afraid That I shall head now so merry a life, So delicate, withoute woe or strife,

        That I shall have mine heav’n on earthe here.

        For since that very heav’n is bought so dear, With tribulation and great penance,

        How should I then, living in such pleasance As alle wedded men do with their wives, Come to the bliss where Christ *etern on live is? lives eternally*

        This is my dread;* and ye, my brethren tway, doubt Assoile me this question, I you pray.” *resolve, answer Justinus, which that hated his folly,

        Answer’d anon right in his japery; mockery, jesting way And, for he would his longe tale abridge, He woulde no authority* allege, *written texts But saide; “Sir, so there be none obstacle Other than this, God of his high miracle, And of his mercy, may so for you wirch, work That, ere ye have your rights of holy church, Ye may repent of wedded manne’s life,

        In which ye say there is no woe nor strife: And elles God forbid, but if he sent *unless A wedded man his grace him to repent

        Well often, rather than a single man.

        And therefore, Sir, *the beste rede I can, this is the best counsel Despair you not, but have in your memory, that I know*

        Paraventure she may be your purgatory; She may be Godde’s means, and Godde’s whip; And then your soul shall up to heaven skip Swifter than doth an arrow from a bow.

        I hope to God hereafter ye shall know

        That there is none so great felicity

        In marriage, nor ever more shall be,

        That you shall let* of your salvation; hinder So that ye use, as skill is and reason, The lustes of your wife attemperly,* pleasures **moderately And that ye please her not too amorously, And that ye keep you eke from other sin.

        My tale is done, for my wit is but thin.

        Be not aghast* hereof, my brother dear, *aharmed, afraid But let us waden out of this mattere,

        The Wife of Bath, if ye have understand, Of marriage, which ye have now in hand, Declared hath full well in little space; Fare ye now well, God have you in his grace.”

        And with this word this Justin’ and his brother Have ta’en their leave, and each of them of other.

        And when they saw that it must needes be, They wroughte so, by sleight and wise treaty, That she, this maiden, which that *Maius hight, was named May*

        As hastily as ever that she might,

        Shall wedded be unto this January.

        I trow it were too longe you to tarry, If I told you of every *script and band written bond*

        By which she was feoffed in his hand;

        Or for to reckon of her rich array

        But finally y-comen is the day

        That to the churche bothe be they went, For to receive the holy sacrament,

        Forth came the priest, with stole about his neck, And bade her be like Sarah and Rebecc’

        In wisdom and in truth of marriage;

        And said his orisons, as is usage,

        And crouched* them, and prayed God should them bless, crossed And made all sicker enough with holiness. *certain Thus be they wedded with solemnity;

        And at the feaste sat both he and she, With other worthy folk, upon the dais.

        All full of joy and bliss is the palace, And full of instruments, and of vitaille, victuals, food The moste dainteous* of all Itale. *delicate Before them stood such instruments of soun’, That Orpheus, nor of Thebes Amphioun,

        Ne made never such a melody.

        At every course came in loud minstrelsy, That never Joab trumped for to hear,

        Nor he, Theodomas, yet half so clear

        At Thebes, when the city was in doubt.

        Bacchus the wine them skinked* all about. *poured <9>

        And Venus laughed upon every wight

        (For January was become her knight,

        And woulde both assaye his courage

        In liberty, and eke in marriage),

        And with her firebrand in her hand about Danced before the bride and all the rout.

        And certainly I dare right well say this, Hymeneus, that god of wedding is,

        Saw never his life so merry a wedded man.

        Hold thou thy peace, thou poet Marcian,<10>

        That writest us that ilke* wedding merry *same Of her Philology and him Mercury,

        And of the songes that the Muses sung; Too small is both thy pen, and eke thy tongue For to describen of this marriage.

        When tender youth hath wedded stooping age, There is such mirth that it may not be writ; Assay it youreself, then may ye wit know If that I lie or no in this mattere.

        Maius, that sat with so benign a cheer, countenance Her to behold it seemed faerie;

        Queen Esther never look’d with such an eye On Assuere, so meek a look had she;

        I may you not devise all her beauty;

        But thus much of her beauty tell I may, That she was hike the bright morrow of May Full filled of all beauty and pleasance.

        This January is ravish’d in a trance,

        At every time he looked in her face;

        But in his heart he gan her to menace, That he that night in armes would her strain Harder than ever Paris did Helene.

        But natheless yet had he great pity

        That thilke night offende her must he, And thought, “Alas, O tender creature, Now woulde God ye mighte well endure

        All my courage, it is so sharp and keen; I am aghast* ye shall it not sustene. *afraid But God forbid that I did all my might.

        Now woulde God that it were waxen night, And that the night would lasten evermo’.

        I would that all this people were y-go.” gone away And finally he did all his labour,

        As he best mighte, saving his honour,

        To haste them from the meat in subtle wise.

        The time came that reason was to rise; And after that men dance, and drinke fast, And spices all about the house they cast, And full of joy and bliss is every man, All but a squire, that highte Damian,

        Who carv’d before the knight full many a day; He was so ravish’d on his lady May,

        That for the very pain he was nigh wood; mad Almost he swelt* and swooned where he stood, *fainted So sore had Venus hurt him with her brand, As that she bare it dancing in her hand.

        And to his bed he went him hastily;

        No more of him as at this time speak I; But there I let him weep enough and plain, bewail Till freshe May will rue upon his pain.

        O perilous fire, that in the bedstraw breedeth!

        O foe familiar,* that his service bedeth!* domestic <11> **offers O servant traitor, O false homely hewe, servant <12>

        Like to the adder in bosom shy untrue, God shield us alle from your acquaintance!

        O January, drunken in pleasance

        Of marriage, see how thy Damian,

        Thine owen squier and thy boren* man, *born <13>

        Intendeth for to do thee villainy: dishonour, outrage God grante thee thine *homehy foe* t’ espy. enemy in the household

        For in this world is no worse pestilence Than homely foe, all day in thy presence.

        Performed hath the sun his arc diurn, daily No longer may the body of him sojourn

        On the horizon, in that latitude:

        Night with his mantle, that is dark and rude, Gan overspread the hemisphere about:

        For which departed is this *lusty rout pleasant company*

        From January, with thank on every side.

        Home to their houses lustily they ride, Where as they do their thinges as them lest, And when they see their time they go to rest.

        Soon after that this hasty* January *eager Will go to bed, he will no longer tarry.

        He dranke hippocras, clarre, and vernage <14>

        Of spices hot, to increase his courage; And many a lectuary* had he full fine, *potion Such as the cursed monk Dan Constantine<15>

        Hath written in his book *de Coitu; of sexual intercourse*

        To eat them all he would nothing eschew: And to his privy friendes thus said he: “For Godde’s love, as soon as it may be, Let voiden all this house in courteous wise.” everyone leave

        And they have done right as he will devise.

        Men drinken, and the travers* draw anon; *curtains The bride is brought to bed as still as stone; And when the bed was with the priest y-bless’d, Out of the chamber every wight him dress’d, And January hath fast in arms y-take

        His freshe May, his paradise, his make. mate He lulled her, he kissed her full oft; With thicke bristles of his beard unsoft, Like to the skin of houndfish,* sharp as brere* dogfish **briar (For he was shav’n all new in his mannere), He rubbed her upon her tender face,

        And saide thus; “Alas! I must trespace To you, my spouse, and you greatly offend, Ere time come that I will down descend.

        But natheless consider this,” quoth he, “There is no workman, whatsoe’er he be, That may both worke well and hastily:

        This will be done at leisure perfectly.

        It is no force how longe that we play; no matter

        In true wedlock coupled be we tway;

        And blessed be the yoke that we be in, For in our actes may there be no sin.

        A man may do no sinne with his wife,

        Nor hurt himselfe with his owen knife; For we have leave to play us by the law.”

        Thus labour’d he, till that the day gan daw, And then he took a sop in fine clarre, And upright in his bedde then sat he.

        And after that he sang full loud and clear, And kiss’d his wife, and made wanton cheer.

        He was all coltish, full of ragerie wantonness And full of jargon as a flecked pie.<16>

        The slacke skin about his necke shaked, While that he sang, so chanted he and craked. quavered But God wot what that May thought in her heart, When she him saw up sitting in his shirt In his night-cap, and with his necke lean: She praised not his playing worth a bean.

        Then said he thus; “My reste will I take Now day is come, I may no longer wake; And down he laid his head and slept till prime.

        And afterward, when that he saw his time, Up rose January, but freshe May

        Helde her chamber till the fourthe day, As usage is of wives for the best.

        For every labour some time must have rest, Or elles longe may he not endure;

        This is to say, no life of creature,

        Be it of fish, or bird, or beast, or man.

        Now will I speak of woeful Damian,

        That languisheth for love, as ye shall hear; Therefore I speak to him in this manneare.

        I say. “O silly Damian, alas!

        Answer to this demand, as in this case, How shalt thou to thy lady, freshe May, Telle thy woe? She will alway say nay; Eke if thou speak, she will thy woe bewray; betray God be thine help, I can no better say.

        This sicke Damian in Venus’ fire

        So burned that he died for desire;

        For which he put his life *in aventure, at risk*

        No longer might he in this wise endure; But privily a penner* gan he borrow, *writing-case And in a letter wrote he all his sorrow, In manner of a complaint or a lay,

        Unto his faire freshe lady May.

        And in a purse of silk, hung on his shirt, He hath it put, and laid it at his heart.

        The moone, that at noon was thilke* day *that That January had wedded freshe May,

        In ten of Taure, was into Cancer glided;<17>

        So long had Maius in her chamber abided, As custom is unto these nobles all.

        A bride shall not eaten in the ball

        Till dayes four, or three days at the least, Y-passed be; then let her go to feast.

        The fourthe day complete from noon to noon, When that the highe masse was y-done,

        In halle sat this January, and May,

        As fresh as is the brighte summer’s day.

        And so befell, how that this goode man Remember’d him upon this Damian.

        And saide; “Saint Mary, how may this be, That Damian attendeth not to me?

        Is he aye sick? or how may this betide?”

        His squiers, which that stoode there beside, Excused him, because of his sickness,

        Which letted* him to do his business: *hindered None other cause mighte make him tarry.

        “That me forthinketh,”* quoth this January *grieves, causes “He is a gentle squier, by my truth; uneasiness If that he died, it were great harm and ruth.

        He is as wise, as discreet, and secre’, secret, trusty As any man I know of his degree,

        And thereto manly and eke serviceble,

        And for to be a thrifty man right able.

        But after meat, as soon as ever I may

        I will myself visit him, and eke May,

        To do him all the comfort that I can.”

        And for that word him blessed every man, That of his bounty and his gentleness

        He woulde so comforten in sickness

        His squier, for it was a gentle deed.

        “Dame,” quoth this January, “take good heed, At after meat, ye with your women all

        (When that ye be in chamb’r out of this hall), That all ye go to see this Damian:

        Do him disport, he is a gentle man;

        And telle him that I will him visite,

        *Have I nothing but rested me a lite: when only I have rested And speed you faste, for I will abide me a little*

        Till that ye sleepe faste by my side.”

        And with that word he gan unto him call A squier, that was marshal of his hall, And told him certain thinges that he wo’ld.

        This freshe May hath straight her way y-hold, With all her women, unto Damian.

        Down by his beddes side sat she than, then Comforting him as goodly as she may.

        This Damian, when that his time he say, saw In secret wise his purse, and eke his bill, In which that he y-written had his will, Hath put into her hand withoute more,

        Save that he sighed wondrous deep and sore, And softely to her right thus said he: “Mercy, and that ye not discover me:

        For I am dead if that this thing be kid.” discovered <18>

        The purse hath she in her bosom hid,

        And went her way; ye get no more of me; But unto January come is she,

        That on his bedde’s side sat full soft.

        He took her, and he kissed her full oft, And laid him down to sleep, and that anon.

        She feigned her as that she muste gon

        There as ye know that every wight must need; And when she of this bill had taken heed, She rent it all to cloutes* at the last, *fragments And in the privy softely it cast.

        Who studieth* now but faire freshe May? *is thoughtful Adown by olde January she lay,

        That slepte, till the cough had him awaked: Anon he pray’d her strippe her all naked, He would of her, he said, have some pleasance; And said her clothes did him incumbrance.

        And she obey’d him, be her *lefe or loth. willing or unwilling*

        But, lest that precious* folk be with me wroth, *over-nice <19>

        How that he wrought I dare not to you tell, Or whether she thought it paradise or hell; But there I let them worken in their wise Till evensong ring, and they must arise.

        Were it by destiny, or aventure, chance Were it by influence, or by nature,

        Or constellation, that in such estate

        The heaven stood at that time fortunate As for to put a bill of Venus’ works

        (For alle thing hath time, as say these clerks), To any woman for to get her love,

        I cannot say; but greate God above,

        That knoweth that none act is causeless, *He deem* of all, for I will hold my peace. let him judge

        But sooth is this, how that this freshe May Hath taken such impression that day

        Of pity on this sicke Damian,

        That from her hearte she not drive can The remembrance for *to do him ease. to satisfy “Certain,” thought she, “whom that this thing displease his desire*

        I recke not, for here I him assure,

        To love him best of any creature,

        Though he no more haddee than his shirt.”

        Lo, pity runneth soon in gentle heart.

        Here may ye see, how excellent franchise generosity In women is when they them *narrow advise. closely consider*

        Some tyrant is, — as there be many a one, —

        That hath a heart as hard as any stone, Which would have let him sterven* in the place *die Well rather than have granted him her grace; And then rejoicen in her cruel pride.

        And reckon not to be a homicide.

        This gentle May, full filled of pity,

        Right of her hand a letter maked she,

        In which she granted him her very grace; There lacked nought, but only day and place, Where that she might unto his lust suffice: For it shall be right as he will devise.

        And when she saw her time upon a day

        To visit this Damian went this May,

        And subtilly this letter down she thrust Under his pillow, read it if him lust. pleased She took him by the hand, and hard him twist So secretly, that no wight of it wist, And bade him be all whole; and forth she went To January, when he for her sent.

        Up rose Damian the nexte morrow,

        All passed was his sickness and his sorrow.

        He combed him, he proined <20> him and picked, He did all that unto his lady liked;

        And eke to January he went as low

        As ever did a dogge for the bow.<21>

        He is so pleasant unto every man

        (For craft is all, whoso that do it can), Every wight is fain to speak him good; And fully in his lady’s grace he stood.

        Thus leave I Damian about his need,

        And in my tale forth I will proceed.

        Some clerke* holde that felicity writers, scholars Stands in delight; and therefore certain he, This noble January, with all his might In honest wise as longeth to a knight, belongeth Shope him to live full deliciously: *prepared, arranged His housing, his array, as honestly honourably, suitably To his degree was maked as a king’s.

        Amonges other of his honest things

        He had a garden walled all with stone; So fair a garden wot I nowhere none.

        For out of doubt I verily suppose

        That he that wrote the Romance of the Rose <22>

        Could not of it the beauty well devise; describe Nor Priapus <23> mighte not well suffice, Though he be god of gardens, for to tell The beauty of the garden, and the well fountain That stood under a laurel always green.

        Full often time he, Pluto, and his queen Proserpina, and all their faerie,

        Disported them and made melody

        About that well, and danced, as men told.

        This noble knight, this January old

        Such dainty* had in it to walk and play, *pleasure That he would suffer no wight to bear the key, Save he himself, for of the small wicket He bare always of silver a cliket, key With which, when that him list, he it unshet. opened And when that he would pay his wife’s debt, In summer season, thither would he go, And May his wife, and no wight but they two; And thinges which that were not done in bed, He in the garden them perform’d and sped.

        And in this wise many a merry day

        Lived this January and fresh May,

        But worldly joy may not always endure

        To January, nor to no creatucere.

        O sudden hap! O thou fortune unstable!

        Like to the scorpion so deceivable, deceitful That fhatt’rest with thy head when thou wilt sting; Thy tail is death, through thine envenoming.

        O brittle joy! O sweete poison quaint! strange O monster, that so subtilly canst paint Thy giftes, under hue of steadfastness, That thou deceivest bothe *more and less!* great and small

        Why hast thou January thus deceiv’d,

        That haddest him for thy full friend receiv’d?

        And now thou hast bereft him both his eyen, For sorrow of which desireth he to dien.

        Alas! this noble January free,

        Amid his lust* and his prosperity *pleasure Is waxen blind, and that all suddenly.

        He weeped and he wailed piteously;

        And therewithal the fire of jealousy

        (Lest that his wife should fall in some folly) So burnt his hearte, that he woulde fain, That some man bothe him and her had slain; For neither after his death, nor in his life, Ne would he that she were no love nor wife, But ever live as widow in clothes black, Sole as the turtle that hath lost her make. mate But at the last, after a month or tway, His sorrow gan assuage, soothe to say.

        For, when he wist it might none other be, He patiently took his adversity:

        Save out of doubte he may not foregon

        That he was jealous evermore-in-one: continually Which jealousy was so outrageous,

        That neither in hall, nor in none other house, Nor in none other place never the mo’

        He woulde suffer her to ride or go,

        But if that he had hand on her alway. *unless For which full often wepte freshe May, That loved Damian so burningly

        That she must either dien suddenly,

        Or elles she must have him as her lest: pleased She waited* when her hearte woulde brest.* expected **burst Upon that other side Damian

        Becomen is the sorrowfullest man

        That ever was; for neither night nor day He mighte speak a word to freshe May,

        As to his purpose, of no such mattere, But if that January must it hear, unless

        That had a hand upon her evermo’.

        But natheless, by writing to and fro,

        And privy signes, wist he what she meant, And she knew eke the fine* of his intent. *end, aim O January, what might it thee avail,

        Though thou might see as far as shippes sail?

        For as good is it blind deceiv’d to be, As be deceived when a man may see.

        Lo, Argus, which that had a hundred eyen, <24>

        For all that ever he could pore or pryen, Yet was he blent;* and, God wot, so be mo’, deceived That weene wisly* that it be not so: think confidently

        Pass over is an ease, I say no more.

        This freshe May, of which I spake yore, previously In warm wax hath *imprinted the cliket taken an impression That January bare of the small wicket of the key*

        By which into his garden oft he went;

        And Damian, that knew all her intent,

        The cliket counterfeited privily;

        There is no more to say, but hastily

        Some wonder by this cliket shall betide, Which ye shall hearen, if ye will abide.

        O noble Ovid, sooth say’st thou, God wot, What sleight is it, if love be long and hot, That he’ll not find it out in some mannere?

        By Pyramus and Thisbe may men lear; learn Though they were kept full long and strait o’er all, They be accorded,* rowning** through a wall, agreed       *whispering Where no wight could have found out such a sleight.

        But now to purpose; ere that dayes eight Were passed of the month of July, fill it befell That January caught so great a will,

        Through egging* of his wife, him for to play *inciting In his garden, and no wight but they tway, That in a morning to this May said he: <25>

        “Rise up, my wife, my love, my lady free; The turtle’s voice is heard, mine owen sweet; The winter is gone, with all his raines weet. wet Come forth now with thine *eyen columbine eyes like the doves*

        Well fairer be thy breasts than any wine.

        The garden is enclosed all about;

        Come forth, my white spouse; for, out of doubt, Thou hast me wounded in mine heart, O wife: No spot in thee was e’er in all thy life.

        Come forth, and let us taken our disport; I choose thee for my wife and my comfort.”

        Such olde lewed* wordes used he. *foolish, ignorant On Damian a signe made she,

        That he should go before with his cliket.

        This Damian then hath opened the wicket, And in he start, and that in such mannere That no wight might him either see or hear; And still he sat under a bush. Anon

        This January, as blind as is a stone,

        With Maius in his hand, and no wight mo’, Into this freshe garden is y-go,

        And clapped to the wicket suddenly.

        “Now, wife,” quoth he, “here is but thou and I; Thou art the creature that I beste love: For, by that Lord that sits in heav’n above, Lever* I had to dien on a knife, *rather Than thee offende, deare true wife.

        For Godde’s sake, think how I thee chees, chose Not for no covetise* doubteless, * covetousness But only for the love I had to thee.

        And though that I be old, and may not see, Be to me true, and I will tell you why.

        Certes three thinges shall ye win thereby: First, love of Christ, and to yourself honour, And all mine heritage, town and tow’r.

        I give it you, make charters as you lest; This shall be done to-morrow ere sun rest, So wisly* God my soule bring to bliss! *surely I pray you, on this covenant me kiss.

        And though that I be jealous, wite* me not; blame Ye be so deep imprinted in my thought, That when that I consider your beauty, And therewithal th’unlikely eld* of me, dissimilar age

        I may not, certes, though I shoulde die, Forbear to be out of your company,

        For very love; this is withoute doubt: Now kiss me, wife, and let us roam about.”

        This freshe May, when she these wordes heard, Benignely to January answer’d;

        But first and forward she began to weep: “I have,” quoth she, “a soule for to keep As well as ye, and also mine honour,

        And of my wifehood thilke* tender flow’r *that same Which that I have assured in your hond, When that the priest to you my body bond: Wherefore I will answer in this mannere, With leave of you mine owen lord so dear.

        I pray to God, that never dawn the day That I *no sterve,* as foul as woman may, do not die

        If e’er I do unto my kin that shame,

        Or elles I impaire so my name,

        That I bee false; and if I do that lack, Do strippe me, and put me in a sack,

        And in the nexte river do me drench: drown I am a gentle woman, and no wench.

        Why speak ye thus? but men be e’er untrue, And women have reproof of you aye new.

        Ye know none other dalliance, I believe, But speak to us of untrust and repreve.” reproof And with that word she saw where Damian Sat in the bush, and coughe she began; And with her finger signe made she,

        That Damian should climb upon a tree

        That charged was with fruit; and up he went: For verily he knew all her intent,

        And every signe that she coulde make,

        Better than January her own make. mate For in a letter she had told him all

        Of this matter, how that he worke shall.

        And thus I leave him sitting in the perry, pear-tree And January and May roaming full merry.

        Bright was the day, and blue the firmament; Phoebus of gold his streames down had sent To gladden every flow’r with his warmness; He was that time in Geminis, I guess,

        But little from his declination

        Of Cancer, Jove’s exaltation.

        And so befell, in that bright morning-tide, That in the garden, on the farther side, Pluto, that is the king of Faerie,

        And many a lady in his company

        Following his wife, the queen Proserpina, —

        Which that he ravished out of Ethna,<26>

        While that she gather’d flowers in the mead (In Claudian ye may the story read,

        How in his grisly chariot he her fet*), — *fetched This king of Faerie adown him set

        Upon a bank of turfes fresh and green, And right anon thus said he to his queen.

        “My wife,” quoth he, “there may no wight say nay, —

        Experience so proves it every day, —

        The treason which that woman doth to man.

        Ten hundred thousand stories tell I can Notable of your untruth and brittleness inconstancy O Solomon, richest of all richess,

        Full fill’d of sapience and worldly glory, Full worthy be thy wordes of memory

        To every wight that wit and reason can. knows Thus praised he yet the bounte* of man: *goodness ‘Among a thousand men yet found I one, But of all women found I never none.’ <27>

        Thus said this king, that knew your wickedness; And Jesus, Filius Sirach, <28> as I guess, He spake of you but seldom reverence.

        A wilde fire and corrupt pestilence

        So fall upon your bodies yet tonight!

        Ne see ye not this honourable knight?

        Because, alas! that he is blind and old, His owen man shall make him cuckold.

        Lo, where he sits, the lechour, in the tree.

        Now will I granten, of my majesty,

        Unto this olde blinde worthy knight,

        That he shall have again his eyen sight, When that his wife will do him villainy; Then shall be knowen all her harlotry, Both in reproof of her and other mo’.”

        “Yea, Sir,” quoth Proserpine,” and will ye so?

        Now by my mother Ceres’ soul I swear

        That I shall give her suffisant answer, And alle women after, for her sake;

        That though they be in any guilt y-take, With face bold they shall themselves excuse, And bear them down that woulde them accuse.

        For lack of answer, none of them shall dien.

        All* had ye seen a thing with both your eyen, although Yet shall we visage it* so hardily, confront it

        And weep, and swear, and chide subtilly, That ye shall be as lewed* as be geese. *ignorant, confounded What recketh me of your authorities?

        I wot well that this Jew, this Solomon, Found of us women fooles many one:

        But though that he founde no good woman, Yet there hath found many another man

        Women full good, and true, and virtuous; Witness on them that dwelt in Christes house; With martyrdom they proved their constance.

        The Roman gestes <29> make remembrance Of many a very true wife also.

        But, Sire, be not wroth, albeit so,

        Though that he said he found no good woman, I pray you take the sentence* of the man: opinion, real meaning He meant thus, that in sovereign bounte perfect goodness Is none but God, no, neither *he nor she. man nor woman*

        Hey, for the very God that is but one, Why make ye so much of Solomon?

        What though he made a temple, Godde’s house?

        What though he were rich and glorious?

        So made he eke a temple of false goddes; How might he do a thing that more forbode* is? *forbidden Pardie, as fair as ye his name emplaster, plaster over, “whitewash”

        He was a lechour, and an idolaster, idohater And in his eld he very* God forsook. the true And if that God had not (as saith the book) Spared him for his father’s sake, he should Have lost his regne rather** than he would. kingdom *sooner I sette not of all the villainy value not

        That he of women wrote, a butterfly.

        I am a woman, needes must I speak,

        Or elles swell until mine hearte break.

        For since he said that we be jangleresses, chatterers As ever may I brooke* whole my tresses, *preserve I shall not spare for no courtesy

        To speak him harm, that said us villainy.”

        “Dame,” quoth this Pluto, “be no longer wroth; I give it up: but, since I swore mine oath That I would grant to him his sight again, My word shall stand, that warn I you certain: I am a king; it sits* me not to lie.” *becomes, befits “And I,” quoth she, “am queen of Faerie.

        Her answer she shall have, I undertake, Let us no more wordes of it make.

        Forsooth, I will no longer you contrary.”

        Now let us turn again to January,

        That in the garden with his faire May

        Singeth well merrier than the popinjay: parrot “You love I best, and shall, and other none.”

        So long about the alleys is he gone,

        Till he was come to *that ilke perry, the same pear-tree*

        Where as this Damian satte full merry

        On high, among the freshe leaves green.

        This freshe May, that is so bright and sheen, Gan for to sigh, and said, “Alas my side!

        Now, Sir,” quoth she, “for aught that may betide, I must have of the peares that I see,

        Or I must die, so sore longeth me

        To eaten of the smalle peares green;

        Help, for her love that is of heaven queen!

        I tell you well, a woman in my plight <30>

        May have to fruit so great an appetite, That she may dien, but* she of it have. ” *unless “Alas!” quoth he, “that I had here a knave servant That coulde climb; alas! alas!” quoth he, “For I am blind.” “Yea, Sir, *no force,”* quoth she; no matter

        “But would ye vouchesafe, for Godde’s sake, The perry in your armes for to take

        (For well I wot that ye mistruste me), Then would I climbe well enough,” quoth she, “So I my foot might set upon your back.”

        “Certes,” said he, “therein shall be no lack, Might I you helpe with mine hearte’s blood.”

        He stooped down, and on his back she stood, And caught her by a twist,* and up she go’th. twig, bough (Ladies, I pray you that ye be not wroth, I cannot glose, I am a rude man): *mince matters And suddenly anon this Damian

        Gan pullen up the smock, and in he throng. rushed <31>

        And when that Pluto saw this greate wrong, To January he gave again his sight,

        And made him see as well as ever he might.

        And when he thus had caught his sight again, Was never man of anything so fain:

        But on his wife his thought was evermo’.

        Up to the tree he cast his eyen two,

        And saw how Damian his wife had dress’d, In such mannere, it may not be express’d, But if I woulde speak uncourteously. unless

        And up he gave a roaring and a cry,

        As doth the mother when the child shall die; “Out! help! alas! harow!” he gan to cry; “O stronge, lady, stowre! <32> what doest thou?”

        And she answered: “Sir, what aileth you?

        Have patience and reason in your mind, I have you help’d on both your eyen blind.

        On peril of my soul, I shall not lien, As me was taught to helpe with your eyen, Was nothing better for to make you see, Than struggle with a man upon a tree:

        God wot, I did it in full good intent.”

        “Struggle!” quoth he, “yea, algate* in it went. *whatever way God give you both one shame’s death to dien!

        He swived* thee; I saw it with mine eyen; *enjoyed carnally And elles be I hanged by the halse.” neck “Then is,” quoth she, “my medicine all false; For certainly, if that ye mighte see,

        Ye would not say these wordes unto me.

        Ye have some glimpsing,* and no perfect sight.” *glimmering “I see,” quoth he, “as well as ever I might, (Thanked be God!) with both mine eyen two, And by my faith me thought he did thee so.”

        “Ye maze,* ye maze, goode Sir,” quoth she; *rave, are confused “This thank have I for I have made you see: Alas!” quoth she, “that e’er I was so kind.”

        “Now, Dame,” quoth he, “let all pass out of mind; Come down, my lefe,* and if I have missaid, love God help me so, as I am evil apaid. dissatisfied*

        But, by my father’s soul, I ween’d have seen How that this Damian had by thee lain, And that thy smock had lain upon his breast.”

        “Yea, Sir,” quoth she, “ye may *ween as ye lest: think as you But, Sir, a man that wakes out of his sleep, please*

        He may not suddenly well take keep notice Upon a thing, nor see it perfectly,

        Till that he be adawed* verily. *awakened Right so a man, that long hath blind y-be, He may not suddenly so well y-see,

        First when his sight is newe come again, As he that hath a day or two y-seen.

        Till that your sight establish’d be a while, There may full many a sighte you beguile.

        Beware, I pray you, for, by heaven’s king, Full many a man weeneth to see a thing, And it is all another than it seemeth; He which that misconceiveth oft misdeemeth.”

        And with that word she leapt down from the tree.

        This January, who is glad but he?

        He kissed her, and clipped* her full oft, *embraced And on her womb he stroked her full soft; And to his palace home he hath her lad. led Now, goode men, I pray you to be glad.

        Thus endeth here my tale of January,

        God bless us, and his mother, Sainte Mary.

        Notes to The Merchant’s Tale

        1. If, as is probable, this Tale was translated from the French, the original is not now extant. Tyrwhitt remarks that the scene “is laid in Italy, but none of the names, except Damian and Justin, seem to be Italian, but rather made at pleasure; so that I doubt whether the story be really of Italian growth. The adventure of the pear-tree I find in a small collection of Latin fables, written by one Adoiphus, in elegiac verses of his fashion, in the year 1315… . Whatever was the real origin of the Tale, the machinery of the fairies, which Chaucer has used so happily, was probably added by himself; and, indeed, I cannot help thinking that his Pluto and Proserpina were the true progenitors of Oberon and Titania; or rather, that they themselves have, once at least, deigned to revisit our poetical system under the latter names.”

        2. Seculeres: of the laity; but perhaps, since the word is of two-fold meaning, Chaucer intends a hit at the secular clergy, who, unlike the regular orders, did not live separate from the world, but shared in all its interests and pleasures — all the more easily and freely, that they had not the civil restraint of marriage.

        3. This and the next eight lines are taken from the “Liber aureolus Theophrasti de nuptiis,” (“Theophrastus’s Golden Book of Marriage”) quoted by Hieronymus, “Contra Jovinianum,” (“Against Jovinian”) and thence again by John of Salisbury.

        4. Mebles: movables, furniture, &c.; French, “meubles.”

        5. “Wade’s boat” was called Guingelot; and in it, according to the old romance, the owner underwent a long series of wild adventures, and performed many strange exploits. The romance is lost, and therefore the exact force of the phrase in the text is uncertain; but Mr Wright seems to be warranted in supposing that Wade’s adventures were cited as examples of craft and cunning — that the hero, in fact, was a kind of Northern Ulysses, It is possible that to the same source we may trace the proverbial phrase, found in Chaucer’s “Remedy of Love,” to “bear Wattis pack” signifying to be duped or beguiled.

        6. Stopen: advanced; past participle of “step.” Elsewhere “y-stept in age” is used by Chaucer.

        7. They did not need to go in quest of a wife for him, as they had promised.

        8. Thilke tree: that tree of original sin, of which the special sins are the branches.

        9. Skinked: poured out; from Anglo-Saxon, “scencan.”

        10. Marcianus Capella, who wrote a kind of philosophical romance, “De Nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae” (Of the Marriage of Mercury and Philology) . “Her” and “him,” two lines after, like “he” applied to Theodomas, are prefixed to the proper names for emphasis, according to the Anglo-Saxon usage.

        11. Familiar: domestic; belonging to the “familia,” or household.

        12. Hewe: domestic servant; from Anglo-Saxon, “hiwa.”

        Tyrwhitt reads “false of holy hue;” but Mr Wright has properly restored the reading adopted in the text.

        13. Boren man: born; owing to January faith and loyalty because born in his household.

        14. Hippocras: spiced wine. Clarre: also a kind of spiced wine.

        Vernage: a wine believed to have come from Crete, although its name — Italian, “Vernaccia” — seems to be derived from Verona.

        15. Dan Constantine: a medical author who wrote about 1080; his works were printed at Basle in 1536.

        16. Full of jargon as a flecked pie: he chattered like a magpie 17. Nearly all the manuscripts read “in two of Taure;” but Tyrwhitt has shown that, setting out from the second degree of Taurus, the moon, which in the four complete days that Maius spent in her chamber could not have advanced more than fifty-three degrees, would only have been at the twenty-fifth degree of Gemini — whereas, by reading “ten,” she is brought to the third degree of Cancer.

        18. Kid; or “kidde,” past participle of “kythe” or “kithe,” to show or discover.

        19. Precious: precise, over-nice; French, “precieux,” affected.

        20. Proined: or “pruned;” carefully trimmed and dressed himself. The word is used in falconry of a hawk when she picks and trims her feathers.

        21. A dogge for the bow: a dog attending a hunter with the bow.

        22 The Romance of the Rose: a very popular mediaeval romance, the English version of which is partly by Chaucer. It opens with a description of a beautiful garden.

        23. Priapus: Son of Bacchus and Venus: he was regarded as the promoter of fertility in all agricultural life, vegetable and animal; while not only gardens, but fields, flocks, bees — and even fisheries — were supposed to be under his protection.

        24. Argus was employed by Juno to watch Io with his hundred eyes but he was sent to sleep by the flute of Mercury, who then cut off his head.

        25. “My beloved spake, and said unto me, Rise up, my love, my fair one, and come away. For lo, the winter is past, the rain is over and gone: The flowers appear on the earth, the time of the singing of the birds is come, and the voice of the turtle is heard in our land.”

        — Song of Solomon, ii. 10-12.

        26. “That fair field,

        Of Enna, where Proserpine, gath’ring flowers, Herself a fairer flow’r, by gloomy Dis Was gather’d.”

        — Milton, Paradise Lost, iv. 268

        27. “Behold, this have I found, saith the preacher, counting one by one, to find out the account:

        Which yet my soul seeketh, but I find not: one man amongst a thousand have I found, but a woman among all those I have not found.

        Lo, this only have I found, that God hath made man upright.”

        Ecclesiastes vii. 27-29.

        28. Jesus, the son of Sirach, to whom is ascribed one of the books of the Apochrypha — that called the “Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus;” in which, especially in the ninth and twenty-fifth chapters, severe cautions are given against women.

        29. Roman gestes: histories; such as those of Lucretia, Porcia, &c.

        30. May means January to believe that she is pregnant, and that she has a craving for unripe pears.

        31. At this point, and again some twenty lines below, several verses of a very coarse character had been inserted in later manuscripts; but they are evidently spurious, and are omitted in the best editions.

        32. “Store” is the general reading here, but its meaning is not obvious. “Stowre” is found in several manuscripts; it signifies “struggle” or “resist;” and both for its own appropriateness, and for the force which it gives the word “stronge,” the reading in the text seems the better.

        THE SQUIRE’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        “HEY! Godde’s mercy!” said our Hoste tho, then “Now such a wife I pray God keep me fro’.

        Lo, suche sleightes and subtilities

        In women be; for aye as busy as bees

        Are they us silly men for to deceive,

        And from the soothe* will they ever weive,* truth **swerve, depart As this Merchante’s tale it proveth well.

        But natheless, as true as any steel,

        I have a wife, though that she poore be; But of her tongue a labbing* shrew is she; chattering And yet she hath a heap of vices mo’. moreover Thereof no force;* let all such thinges go. no matter

        But wit* ye what? in counsel** be it said, know *secret, confidence Me rueth sore I am unto her tied;

        For, an’ I shoulde reckon every vice if Which that she hath, y-wis* I were too nice;** certainly *foolish And cause why, it should reported be

        And told her by some of this company

        (By whom, it needeth not for to declare, Since women connen utter such chaffare <1>), And eke my wit sufficeth not thereto

        To tellen all; wherefore my tale is do. done Squier, come near, if it your wille be, And say somewhat of love, for certes ye *Conne thereon* as much as any man.” know about it

        “Nay, Sir,” quoth he; “but such thing as I can, With hearty will, — for I will not rebel Against your lust,* — a tale will I tell. *pleasure Have me excused if I speak amiss;

        My will is good; and lo, my tale is this.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Squire’s Tale 1. Women connen utter such chaffare: women are adepts at giving circulation to such wares. The Host evidently means that his wife would be sure to hear of his confessions from some female member of the company.

        THE TALE.<1>

        *Pars Prima. First part*

        At Sarra, in the land of Tartary,

        There dwelt a king that warrayed* Russie, <2> *made war on Through which there died many a doughty man; This noble king was called Cambuscan,<3>

        Which in his time was of so great renown, That there was nowhere in no regioun

        So excellent a lord in alle thing:

        Him lacked nought that longeth to a king, As of the sect of which that he was born.

        He kept his law to which he was y-sworn, And thereto* he was hardy, wise, and rich, *moreover, besides And piteous and just, always y-lich; alike, even-tempered True of his word, benign and honourable; *Of his corage as any centre stable; firm, immovable of spirit*

        Young, fresh, and strong, in armes desirous As any bachelor of all his house.

        A fair person he was, and fortunate,

        And kept alway so well his royal estate, That there was nowhere such another man.

        This noble king, this Tartar Cambuscan, Hadde two sons by Elfeta his wife,

        Of which the eldest highte Algarsife,

        The other was y-called Camballo.

        A daughter had this worthy king also,

        That youngest was, and highte Canace:

        But for to telle you all her beauty,

        It lies not in my tongue, nor my conning; skill I dare not undertake so high a thing:

        Mine English eke is insufficient,

        It muste be a rhetor* excellent, orator That couth his colours longing for that art, see <4>*

        If he should her describen any part;

        I am none such, I must speak as I can.

        And so befell, that when this Cambuscan Had twenty winters borne his diadem,

        As he was wont from year to year, I deem, He let *the feast of his nativity his birthday party*

        Do crye, throughout Sarra his city, be proclaimed

        The last Idus of March, after the year.

        Phoebus the sun full jolly was and clear, For he was nigh his exaltation

        In Marte’s face, and in his mansion <5>

        In Aries, the choleric hot sign:

        Full lusty* was the weather and benign; *pleasant For which the fowls against the sunne sheen, bright What for the season and the younge green, Full loude sange their affections:

        Them seemed to have got protections

        Against the sword of winter keen and cold.

        This Cambuscan, of which I have you told, In royal vesture, sat upon his dais,

        With diadem, full high in his palace;

        And held his feast so solemn and so rich, That in this worlde was there none it lich. like Of which if I should tell all the array, Then would it occupy a summer’s day;

        And eke it needeth not for to devise describe At every course the order of service.

        I will not tellen of their strange sewes, dishes <6>

        Nor of their swannes, nor their heronsews. young herons <7>

        Eke in that land, as telle knightes old, There is some meat that is full dainty hold, That in this land men *reck of* it full small: care for

        There is no man that may reporten all.

        I will not tarry you, for it is prime, And for it is no fruit, but loss of time; Unto my purpose* I will have recourse. *story <8>

        And so befell that, after the third course, While that this king sat thus in his nobley, noble array Hearing his ministreles their thinges play Before him at his board deliciously,

        In at the halle door all suddenly

        There came a knight upon a steed of brass, And in his hand a broad mirror of glass; Upon his thumb he had of gold a ring,

        And by his side a naked sword hanging: And up he rode unto the highe board.

        In all the hall was there not spoke a word, For marvel of this knight; him to behold Full busily they waited,* young and old. *watched This strange knight, that came thus suddenly, All armed, save his head, full richely, Saluted king, and queen, and lordes all, By order as they satten in the hall,

        With so high reverence and observance, As well in speech as in his countenance, That Gawain <9> with his olde courtesy, Though he were come again out of Faerie, Him *coulde not amende with a word. could not better him And after this, before the highe board, by one word*

        He with a manly voice said his message, After the form used in his language,

        Withoute vice* of syllable or letter. *fault And, for his tale shoulde seem the better, Accordant to his worde’s was his cheer, demeanour As teacheth art of speech them that it lear. learn Albeit that I cannot sound his style,

        Nor cannot climb over so high a stile, Yet say I this, as to *commune intent, general sense or meaning*

        Thus much amounteth all that ever he meant, this is the sum of

        If it so be that I have it in mind.

        He said; “The king of Araby and Ind,

        My liege lord, on this solemne day

        Saluteth you as he best can and may,

        And sendeth you, in honour of your feast, By me, that am all ready at your hest, command This steed of brass, that easily and well Can in the space of one day naturel

        (This is to say, in four-and-twenty hours), Whereso you list, in drought or else in show’rs, Beare your body into every place

        To which your hearte willeth for to pace, pass, go Withoute wem* of you, through foul or fair. *hurt, injury Or if you list to fly as high in air

        As doth an eagle, when him list to soar, This same steed shall bear you evermore Withoute harm, till ye be where *you lest it pleases you*

        (Though that ye sleepen on his back, or rest), And turn again, with writhing* of a pin. twisting He that it wrought, he coude many a gin;** knew *contrivance <10>

        He waited* in any a constellation, *observed Ere he had done this operation,

        And knew full many a seal <11> and many a bond This mirror eke, that I have in mine hond, Hath such a might, that men may in it see When there shall fall any adversity

        Unto your realm, or to yourself also,

        And openly who is your friend or foe.

        And over all this, if any lady bright

        Hath set her heart on any manner wight, If he be false, she shall his treason see, His newe love, and all his subtlety,

        So openly that there shall nothing hide.

        Wherefore, against this lusty summer-tide, This mirror, and this ring that ye may see, He hath sent to my lady Canace,

        Your excellente daughter that is here.

        The virtue of this ring, if ye will hear, Is this, that if her list it for to wear Upon her thumb, or in her purse it bear, There is no fowl that flyeth under heaven, That she shall not well understand his steven, speech, sound And know his meaning openly and plain, And answer him in his language again:

        And every grass that groweth upon root She shall eke know, to whom it will do boot, remedy All be his woundes ne’er so deep and wide.

        This naked sword, that hangeth by my side, Such virtue hath, that what man that it smite, Throughout his armour it will carve and bite, Were it as thick as is a branched oak: And what man is y-wounded with the stroke Shall ne’er be whole, till that you list, of grace, To stroke him with the flat in thilke* place *the same Where he is hurt; this is as much to sayn, Ye muste with the flatte sword again

        Stroke him upon the wound, and it will close.

        This is the very sooth, withoute glose; deceit It faileth not, while it is in your hold.”

        And when this knight had thus his tale told, He rode out of the hall, and down he light.

        His steede, which that shone as sunne bright, Stood in the court as still as any stone.

        The knight is to his chamber led anon, And is unarmed, and to meat y-set. seated These presents be full richely y-fet,* — *fetched This is to say, the sword and the mirrour, —

        And borne anon into the highe tow’r,

        With certain officers ordain’d therefor; And unto Canace the ring is bore

        Solemnely, where she sat at the table; But sickerly, withouten any fable,

        The horse of brass, that may not be remued. removed <12>

        It stood as it were to the ground y-glued; There may no man out of the place it drive For no engine of windlass or polive; pulley And cause why, for they *can not the craft; know not the cunning And therefore in the place they have it laft, of the mechanism*

        Till that the knight hath taught them the mannere To voide* him, as ye shall after hear. remove Great was the press, that swarmed to and fro To gauren on this horse that stoode so: *gaze For it so high was, and so broad and long, So well proportioned for to be strong, Right as it were a steed of Lombardy;

        Therewith so horsely, and so quick of eye, As it a gentle Poileis <13> courser were: For certes, from his tail unto his ear Nature nor art ne could him not amend

        In no degree, as all the people wend. weened, thought But evermore their moste wonder was

        How that it coulde go, and was of brass; It was of Faerie, as the people seem’d.

        Diverse folk diversely they deem’d;

        As many heads, as many wittes been.

        They murmured, as doth a swarm of been, bees And made skills* after their fantasies, *reasons Rehearsing of the olde poetries,

        And said that it was like the Pegasee, Pegasus The horse that hadde winges for to flee; fly Or else it was the Greeke’s horse Sinon,<14>

        That broughte Troye to destruction,

        As men may in the olde gestes* read. *tales of adventures Mine heart,” quoth one, “is evermore in dread; I trow some men of armes be therein,

        That shape* them this city for to win: *design, prepare It were right good that all such thing were know.”

        Another rowned* to his fellow low, *whispered And said, “He lies; for it is rather like An apparence made by some magic,

        As jugglers playen at these feastes great.”

        Of sundry doubts they jangle thus and treat.

        As lewed* people deeme commonly *ignorant Of thinges that be made more subtilly

        Than they can in their lewdness comprehend; They *deeme gladly to the badder end. are ready to think And some of them wonder’d on the mirrour, the worst*

        That borne was up into the master* tow’r, *chief <15>

        How men might in it suche thinges see.

        Another answer’d and said, it might well be Naturally by compositions

        Of angles, and of sly reflections;

        And saide that in Rome was such a one.

        They speak of Alhazen and Vitellon,<16>

        And Aristotle, that wrote in their lives Of quainte* mirrors, and of prospectives, *curious As knowe they that have their bookes heard.

        And other folk have wonder’d on the swerd, sword That woulde pierce throughout every thing; And fell in speech of Telephus the king, And of Achilles for his quainte spear, <17>

        For he could with it bothe heal and dere, wound Right in such wise as men may with the swerd Of which right now ye have yourselves heard.

        They spake of sundry hard’ning of metal, And spake of medicines therewithal,

        And how, and when, it shoulde harden’d be, Which is unknowen algate* unto me. *however Then spake they of Canacee’s ring,

        And saiden all, that such a wondrous thing Of craft of rings heard they never none, Save that he, Moses, and King Solomon, Hadden *a name of conning* in such art. a reputation for Thus said the people, and drew them apart. knowledge

        Put natheless some saide that it was

        Wonder to maken of fern ashes glass,

        And yet is glass nought like ashes of fern; But for they have y-knowen it so ferne* because **before <18>

        Therefore ceaseth their jangling and their wonder.

        As sore wonder some on cause of thunder, On ebb and flood, on gossamer and mist, And on all things, till that the cause is wist. known Thus jangle they, and deemen and devise, Till that the king gan from his board arise.

        Phoebus had left the angle meridional, And yet ascending was the beast royal, The gentle Lion, with his Aldrian, <19>

        When that this Tartar king, this Cambuscan, Rose from the board, there as he sat full high Before him went the loude minstrelsy,

        Till he came to his chamber of parements,<20>

        There as they sounded diverse instruments, That it was like a heaven for to hear.

        Now danced lusty Venus’ children dear: For in the Fish* their lady sat full *Pisces And looked on them with a friendly eye. <21>

        This noble king is set upon his throne; This strange knight is fetched to him full sone, soon And on the dance he goes with Canace.

        Here is the revel and the jollity,

        That is not able a dull man to devise: describe He must have knowen love and his service, And been a feastly* man, as fresh as May, *merry, gay That shoulde you devise such array.

        Who coulde telle you the form of dances So uncouth,* and so freshe countenances* unfamliar **gestures Such subtle lookings and dissimulances, For dread of jealous men’s apperceivings?

        No man but Launcelot,<22> and he is dead.

        Therefore I pass o’er all this lustihead pleasantness I say no more, but in this jolliness

        I leave them, till to supper men them dress.

        The steward bids the spices for to hie haste And eke the wine, in all this melody;

        The ushers and the squiers be y-gone,

        The spices and the wine is come anon;

        They eat and drink, and when this hath an end, Unto the temple, as reason was, they wend; The service done, they suppen all by day What needeth you rehearse their array?

        Each man wot well, that at a kinge’s feast Is plenty, to the most*, and to the least, *highest And dainties more than be in my knowing.

        At after supper went this noble king

        To see the horse of brass, with all a rout Of lordes and of ladies him about.

        Such wond’ring was there on this horse of brass, That, since the great siege of Troye was, There as men wonder’d on a horse also, Ne’er was there such a wond’ring as was tho. there But finally the king asked the knight

        The virtue of this courser, and the might, And prayed him to tell his governance. mode of managing him The horse anon began to trip and dance, When that the knight laid hand upon his rein, And saide, “Sir, there is no more to sayn, But when you list to riden anywhere,

        Ye muste trill* a pin, stands in his ear, *turn <23>

        Which I shall telle you betwixt us two; Ye muste name him to what place also,

        Or to what country that you list to ride.

        And when ye come where you list abide, Bid him descend, and trill another pin (For therein lies th’ effect of all the gin*), *contrivance <10>

        And he will down descend and do your will, And in that place he will abide still; Though all the world had the contrary swore, He shall not thence be throwen nor be bore.

        Or, if you list to bid him thennes gon, Trill this pin, and he will vanish anon Out of the sight of every manner wight, And come again, be it by day or night, When that you list to clepe* him again *call In such a guise, as I shall to you sayn Betwixte you and me, and that full soon.

        Ride <24> when you list, there is no more to do’n.’

        Informed when the king was of the knight, And had conceived in his wit aright

        The manner and the form of all this thing, Full glad and blithe, this noble doughty king Repaired to his revel as beforn.

        The bridle is into the tower borne,

        And kept among his jewels lefe* and dear; cherished The horse vanish’d, I n’ot in what mannere, *know not Out of their sight; ye get no more of me: But thus I leave in lust and jollity

        This Cambuscan his lordes feastying, entertaining <25>

        Until well nigh the day began to spring.

        *Pars Secunda. Second Part*

        The norice* of digestion, the sleep, *nurse Gan on them wink, and bade them take keep, heed That muche mirth and labour will have rest.

        And with a gaping* mouth he all them kest,* yawning **kissed And said, that it was time to lie down, For blood was in his dominatioun: <26>

        “Cherish the blood, nature’s friend,” quoth he.

        They thanked him gaping, by two and three; And every wight gan draw him to his rest; As sleep them bade, they took it for the best.

        Their dreames shall not now be told for me; Full are their heades of fumosity,<27>

        That caused dreams *of which there is no charge: of no significance*

        They slepte; till that, it was *prime large, late morning*

        The moste part, but* it was Canace; except She was full measurable, as women be: *moderate For of her father had she ta’en her leave To go to rest, soon after it was eve;

        Her liste not appalled* for to be; to look pale Nor on the morrow unfeastly for to see; to look sad, depressed*

        And slept her firste sleep; and then awoke.

        For such a joy she in her hearte took

        Both of her quainte a ring and her mirrour,.

        That twenty times she changed her colour; And in her sleep, right for th’ impression Of her mirror, she had a vision.

        Wherefore, ere that the sunne gan up glide, She call’d upon her mistress’ her beside, governesses And saide, that her liste for to rise.

        These olde women, that be gladly wise

        As are her mistresses answer’d anon,

        And said; “Madame, whither will ye gon Thus early? for the folk be all in rest.”

        “I will,” quoth she, “arise; for me lest No longer for to sleep, and walk about.”

        Her mistresses call’d women a great rout, And up they rose, well a ten or twelve; Up rose freshe Canace herselve,

        As ruddy and bright as is the yonnge sun That in the Ram is four degrees y-run; No higher was he, when she ready was;

        And forth she walked easily a pace,

        Array’d after the lusty* season swoot,* pleasant **sweet Lightely for to play, and walk on foot, Nought but with five or six of her meinie; And in a trench* forth in the park went she. *sunken path The vapour, which up from the earthe glode, glided Made the sun to seem ruddy and broad:

        But, natheless, it was so fair a sight That it made all their heartes for to light, be lightened, glad What for the season and the morrowning, And for the fowles that she hearde sing.

        For right anon she wiste* what they meant *knew Right by their song, and knew all their intent.

        The knotte,* why that every tale is told, nucleus, chief matter If it be tarried till the list* be cold delayed *inclination Of them that have it hearken’d *after yore, for a long time*

        The savour passeth ever longer more;

        For fulsomness of the prolixity:

        And by that same reason thinketh me.

        I shoulde unto the knotte condescend,

        And maken of her walking soon an end.

        Amid a tree fordry*, as white as chalk, *thoroughly dried up There sat a falcon o’er her head full high, That with a piteous voice so gan to cry; That all the wood resounded of her cry, And beat she had herself so piteously

        With both her winges, till the redde blood Ran endelong* the tree, there as she stood from top to bottom And ever-in-one alway she cried and shright;* incessantly **shrieked And with her beak herselfe she so pight, wounded That there is no tiger, nor cruel beast, That dwelleth either in wood or in forest; But would have wept, if that he weepe could, For sorrow of her; she shriek’d alway so loud.

        For there was never yet no man alive,

        If that he could a falcon well descrive; describe That heard of such another of fairness As well of plumage, as of gentleness;

        Of shape, of all that mighte reckon’d be.

        A falcon peregrine seemed she,

        Of fremde* land; and ever as she stood *foreign <28>

        She swooned now and now for lack of blood; Till wellnigh is she fallen from the tree.

        This faire kinge’s daughter Canace,

        That on her finger bare the quainte ring, Through which she understood well every thing That any fowl may in his leden* sayn, **language <29>

        And could him answer in his leden again; Hath understoode what this falcon said, And wellnigh for the ruth* almost she died;. *pity And to the tree she went, full hastily, And on this falcon looked piteously;

        And held her lap abroad; for well she wist The falcon muste falle from the twist twig, bough When that she swooned next, for lack of blood.

        A longe while to waite her she stood;

        Till at the last she apake in this mannere Unto the hawk, as ye shall after hear: “What is the cause, if it be for to tell, That ye be in this furial* pain of hell?” *raging, furious Quoth Canace unto this hawk above;

        “Is this for sorrow of of death; or loss of love?

        For; as I trow,* these be the causes two; *believe That cause most a gentle hearte woe:

        Of other harm it needeth not to speak.

        For ye yourself upon yourself awreak; inflict Which proveth well, that either ire or dread fear Must be occasion of your cruel deed,

        Since that I see none other wight you chase: For love of God, as *do yourselfe grace; have mercy on Or what may be your help? for, west nor east, yourself*

        I never saw ere now no bird nor beast

        That fared with himself so piteously

        Ye slay me with your sorrow verily;

        I have of you so great compassioun.

        For Godde’s love come from the tree adown And, as I am a kinge’s daughter true,

        If that I verily the causes knew

        Of your disease,* if it lay in my might, distress I would amend it, ere that it were night, So wisly help me the great God of kind. surely **nature And herbes shall I right enoughe find, To heale with your hurtes hastily.”

        Then shriek’d this falcon yet more piteously Than ever she did, and fell to ground anon, And lay aswoon, as dead as lies a stone, Till Canace had in her lap her take,

        Unto that time she gan of swoon awake: And, after that she out of swoon abraid, awoke Right in her hawke’s leden thus she said: “That pity runneth soon in gentle heart (Feeling his simil’tude in paines smart), Is proved every day, as men may see,

        As well *by work as by authority; by experience as by doctrine*

        For gentle hearte kitheth* gentleness. *sheweth I see well, that ye have on my distress Compassion, my faire Canace,

        Of very womanly benignity

        That nature in your princples hath set.

        But for no hope for to fare the bet, better But for t’ obey unto your hearte free, And for to make others aware by me,

        As by the whelp chastis’d* is the lion, *instructed, corrected Right for that cause and that conclusion, While that I have a leisure and a space, Mine harm I will confessen ere I pace.” depart And ever while the one her sorrow told, The other wept, *as she to water wo’ld, as if she would dissolve Till that the falcon bade her to be still, into water*

        And with a sigh right thus she said *her till: to her*

        “Where I was bred (alas that ilke* day!) *same And foster’d in a rock of marble gray

        So tenderly, that nothing ailed me,

        I wiste* not what was adversity, knew Till I could flee full high under the sky. fly Then dwell’d a tercelet <30> me faste by, That seem’d a well of alle gentleness; All were he* full of treason and falseness, although he was

        It was so wrapped *under humble cheer, under an aspect And under hue of truth, in such mannere, of humility*

        Under pleasance, and under busy pain,

        That no wight weened that he coulde feign, So deep in grain he dyed his colours.

        Right as a serpent hides him under flow’rs, Till he may see his time for to bite,

        Right so this god of love’s hypocrite

        Did so his ceremonies and obeisances,

        And kept in semblance all his observances, That sounden unto gentleness of love. are consonant to

        As on a tomb is all the fair above,

        And under is the corpse, which that ye wet, Such was this hypocrite, both cold and hot; And in this wise he served his intent, That, save the fiend, none wiste what he meant: Till he so long had weeped and complain’d, And many a year his service to me feign’d, Till that mine heart, too piteous and too nice, foolish, simple All innocent of his crowned malice,

        *Forfeared of his death,* as thoughte me, greatly afraid lest Upon his oathes and his surety he should die

        Granted him love, on this conditioun,

        That evermore mine honour and renown

        Were saved, bothe *privy and apert; privately and in public*

        This is to say, that, after his desert, I gave him all my heart and all my thought (God wot, and he, that other wayes nought), in no other way

        And took his heart in change of mine for aye.

        But sooth is said, gone since many a day, A true wight and a thiefe *think not one. do not think alike*

        And when he saw the thing so far y-gone, That I had granted him fully my love,

        In such a wise as I have said above,

        And given him my true heart as free

        As he swore that he gave his heart to me, Anon this tiger, full of doubleness,

        Fell on his knees with so great humbleness, With so high reverence, as by his cheer, mien So like a gentle lover in mannere,

        So ravish’d, as it seemed, for the joy, That never Jason, nor Paris of Troy, —

        Jason? certes, nor ever other man,

        Since Lamech <31> was, that alderfirst* began *first of all To love two, as write folk beforn,

        Nor ever since the firste man was born, Coulde no man, by twenty thousand

        Counterfeit the sophimes* of his art; *sophistries, beguilements Where doubleness of feigning should approach, Nor worthy were t’unbuckle his galoche, shoe <32>

        Nor could so thank a wight, as he did me.

        His manner was a heaven for to see

        To any woman, were she ne’er so wise;

        So painted he and kempt, at point devise, combed, studied As well his wordes as his countenance. *with perfect precision*

        And I so lov’d him for his obeisance,

        And for the truth I deemed in his heart, That, if so were that any thing him smart, pained All were it ne’er so lite,* and I it wist, *little Methought I felt death at my hearte twist.

        And shortly, so farforth this thing is went, gone That my will was his wille’s instrument; That is to say, my will obey’d his will In alle thing, as far as reason fill, fell; allowed Keeping the boundes of my worship ever; And never had I thing *so lefe, or lever, so dear, or dearer*

        As him, God wot, nor never shall no mo’.

        “This lasted longer than a year or two, That I supposed of him naught but good.

        But finally, thus at the last it stood, That fortune woulde that he muste twin depart, separate Out of that place which that I was in.

        Whe’er* me was woe, it is no question; *whether I cannot make of it description.

        For one thing dare I telle boldely,

        I know what is the pain of death thereby; Such harm I felt, for he might not byleve. stay <33>

        So on a day of me he took his leave,

        So sorrowful eke, that I ween’d verily, That he had felt as muche harm as I,

        When that I heard him speak, and saw his hue.

        But natheless, I thought he was so true, And eke that he repaire should again

        Within a little while, sooth to sayn,

        And reason would eke that he muste go

        For his honour, as often happ’neth so, That I made virtue of necessity,

        And took it well, since that it muste be.

        As I best might, I hid from him my sorrow, And took him by the hand, Saint John to borrow, witness, pledge And said him thus; ‘Lo, I am youres all; Be such as I have been to you, and shall.’

        What he answer’d, it needs not to rehearse; Who can say bet* than he, who can do worse? *better When he had all well said, then had he done.

        Therefore behoveth him a full long spoon, That shall eat with a fiend; thus heard I say.

        So at the last he muste forth his way, And forth he flew, till he came where him lest.

        When it came him to purpose for to rest, I trow that he had thilke text in mind, That alle thing repairing to his kind

        Gladdeth himself; <34> thus say men, as I guess; *Men love of [proper] kind newfangleness, see note <35>*

        As birdes do, that men in cages feed.

        For though thou night and day take of them heed, And strew their cage fair and soft as silk, And give them sugar, honey, bread, and milk, Yet, *right anon as that his door is up, immediately on his He with his feet will spurne down his cup, door being opened*

        And to the wood he will, and wormes eat; So newefangle be they of their meat,

        And love novelties, of proper kind;

        No gentleness of bloode may them bind.

        So far’d this tercelet, alas the day!

        Though he were gentle born, and fresh, and gay, And goodly for to see, and humble, and free, He saw upon a time a kite flee, fly And suddenly he loved this kite so,

        That all his love is clean from me y-go: And hath his trothe falsed in this wise.

        Thus hath the kite my love in her service, And I am lorn* withoute remedy.” lost, undone And with that word this falcon gan to cry, And swooned eft in Canacee’s barme* again **lap Great was the sorrow, for that hawke’s harm, That Canace and all her women made;

        They wist not how they might the falcon glade. gladden But Canace home bare her in her lap,

        And softely in plasters gan her wrap,

        There as she with her beak had hurt herselve.

        Now cannot Canace but herbes delve

        Out of the ground, and make salves new Of herbes precious and fine of hue,

        To heale with this hawk; from day to night She did her business, and all her might.

        And by her bedde’s head she made a mew, bird cage And cover’d it with velouettes* blue,<36> velvets In sign of truth that is in woman seen; And all without the mew is painted green, In which were painted all these false fowls, As be these tidifes, tercelets, and owls; *titmice And pies, on them for to cry and chide, Right for despite were painted them beside.

        Thus leave I Canace her hawk keeping.

        I will no more as now speak of her ring, Till it come eft* to purpose for to sayn *again How that this falcon got her love again Repentant, as the story telleth us,

        By mediation of Camballus,

        The kinge’s son of which that I you told.

        But henceforth I will my process hold

        To speak of aventures, and of battailes, That yet was never heard so great marvailles.

        First I will telle you of Cambuscan,

        That in his time many a city wan;

        And after will I speak of Algarsife,

        How he won Theodora to his wife,

        For whom full oft in great peril he was, *N’had he* been holpen by the horse of brass. had he not

        And after will I speak of Camballo, <37>

        That fought in listes with the brethren two For Canace, ere that he might her win; And where I left I will again begin.

        … . <38>

        Notes to the Squire’s Tale

        1. The Squire’s Tale has not been found under any other form among the literary remains of the Middle Ages; and it is unknown from what original it was derived, if from any. The Tale is unfinished, not because the conclusion has been lost, but because the author left it so.

        2. The Russians and Tartars waged constant hostilities between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries.

        3. In the best manuscripts the name is “Cambynskan,” and thus, no doubt, it should strictly be read. But it is a most pardonable offence against literal accuracy to use the word which Milton has made classical, in “Il Penseroso,” speaking of “him that left half-told

        The story of Cambuscan bold,

        Of Camball, and of Algarsife,

        And who had Canace to wife,

        That owned the virtuous Ring and Glass, And of the wondrous Horse of Brass,

        On which the Tartar King did ride”

        Surely the admiration of Milton might well seem to the spirit of Chaucer to condone a much greater transgression on his domain than this verbal change — which to both eye and ear is an unquestionable improvement on the uncouth original.

        4. Couth his colours longing for that art: well skilled in using the colours — the word-painting — belonging to his art.

        5. Aries was the mansion of Mars — to whom “his” applies.

        Leo was the mansion of the Sun.

        6. Sewes: Dishes, or soups. The precise force of the word is uncertain; but it may be connected with “seethe,” to boil, and it seems to describe a dish in which the flesh was served up amid a kind of broth or gravy. The “sewer,” taster or assayer of the viands served at great tables, probably derived his name from the verb to “say” or “assay;” though Tyrwhitt would connect the two words, by taking both from the French, “asseoir,” to place — making the arrangement of the table the leading duty of the “sewer,” rather than the testing of the food.

        7. Heronsews: young herons; French, “heronneaux.”

        8. Purpose: story, discourse; French, “propos.”

        9. Gawain was celebrated in mediaeval romance as the most courteous among King Arthur’s knights.

        10. Gin: contrivance; trick; snare. Compare Italian, “inganno,”

        deception; and our own “engine.”

        11. Mr Wright remarks that “the making and arrangement of seals was one of the important operations of mediaeval magic.”

        12. Remued: removed; French, “remuer,” to stir.

        13. Polies: Apulian. The horses of Apulia — in old French “Poille,” in Italian “Puglia” — were held in high value.

        14. The Greeke’s horse Sinon: the wooden horse of the Greek Sinon, introduced into Troy by the stratagem of its maker.

        15. Master tower: chief tower; as, in the Knight’s Tale, the principal street is called the “master street.” See note 86 to the Knight’s Tale.

        16. Alhazen and Vitellon: two writers on optics — the first supposed to have lived about 1100, the other about 1270.

        Tyrwhitt says that their works were printed at Basle in 1572, under the title “Alhazeni et Vitellonis Opticae.”

        17. Telephus, a son of Hercules, reigned over Mysia when the Greeks came to besiege Troy, and he sought to prevent their landing. But, by the art of Dionysus, he was made to stumble over a vine, and Achilles wounded him with his spear. The oracle informed Telephus that the hurt could be healed only by him, or by the weapon, that inflicted it; and the king, seeking the Grecian camp, was healed by Achilles with the rust of the charmed spear.

        18. Ferne: before; a corruption of “forne,” from Anglo-Saxon, “foran.”

        19. Aldrian: or Aldebaran; a star in the neck of the constellation Leo.

        20. Chamber of parements: Presence-chamber, or chamber of state, full of splendid furniture and ornaments. The same expression is used in French and Italian.

        21. In Pisces, Venus was said to be at her exaltation or greatest power. A planet, according to the old astrologers, was in “exaltation” when in the sign of the Zodiac in which it exerted its strongest influence; the opposite sign, in which it was weakest, was called its “dejection.”

        22. Launcelot: Arthur’s famous knight, so accomplished and courtly, that he was held the very pink of chivalry.

        23. Trill: turn; akin to “thirl”, “drill.”

        24. Ride: another reading is “bide,” alight or remain.

        25. Feastying: entertaining; French, “festoyer,” to feast.

        26. The old physicians held that blood dominated in the human body late at night and in the early morning. Galen says that the domination lasts for seven hours.

        27. Fumosity: fumes of wine rising from the stomach to the head.

        28. Fremde: foreign, strange; German, “fremd” in the northern dialects, “frem,” or “fremmed,” is used in the same sense.

        29. Leden: Language, dialect; from Anglo-Saxon, “leden” or “laeden,” a corruption from “Latin.”

        30. Tercelet: the “tassel,” or male of any species of hawk; so called, according to Cotgrave, because he is one third (“tiers”) smaller than the female.

        31. “And Lamech took unto him two wives: the name of the one Adah, and the name of the other Zillah” (Gen. iv. 19).

        32. Galoche: shoe; it seems to have been used in France, of a “sabot,” or wooden shoe. The reader cannot fail to recall the same illustration in John i. 27, where the Baptist says of Christ: “He it is, who coming after me is preferred before me; whose shoe’s latchet I am not worthy to unloose.”

        33. Byleve; stay; another form is “bleve;” from Anglo-Saxon, “belitan,” to remain. Compare German, “bleiben.”

        34. This sentiment, as well as the illustration of the bird which follows, is taken from the third book of Boethius, “De Consolatione Philosophiae,” metrum 2. It has thus been rendered in Chaucer’s translation: “All things seek aye to their proper course, and all things rejoice on their returning again to their nature.”

        35. Men love of proper kind newfangleness: Men, by their own — their very — nature, are fond of novelty, and prone to inconstancy.

        36. Blue was the colour of truth, as green was that of inconstancy. In John Stowe’s additions to Chaucer’s works, printed in 1561, there is “A balade whiche Chaucer made against women inconstaunt,” of which the refrain is, “In stead of blue, thus may ye wear all green.”

        37. Unless we suppose this to be a namesake of the Camballo who was Canace’s brother — which is not at all probable — we must agree with Tyrwhitt that there is a mistake here; which no doubt Chaucer would have rectified, if the tale had not been “left half-told,” One manuscript reads “Caballo;” and though not much authority need be given to a difference that may be due to mere omission of the mark of contraction over the “a,” there is enough in the text to show that another person than the king’s younger son is intended. The Squire promises to tell the adventures that befell each member of Cambuscan’s family; and in thorough consistency with this plan, and with the canons of chivalric story, would be “the marriage of Canace to some knight who was first obliged to fight for her with her two brethren; a method of courtship,” adds Tyrwhitt, “very consonant to the spirit of ancient chivalry.”

        38. (Trancriber’s note) In some manuscripts the following two lines, being the beginning of the third part, are found: –

        Apollo whirleth up his chair so high,

        Till that Mercurius’ house, the sly…

        THE FRANKLIN’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE. <1>

        “IN faith, Squier, thou hast thee well acquit, And gentilly; I praise well thy wit,”

        Quoth the Franklin; “considering thy youthe So feelingly thou speak’st, Sir, I aloue* thee, allow, approve As to my doom,* there is none that is here so far as my judgment Of eloquence that shall be thy peer, goes

        If that thou live; God give thee goode chance, And in virtue send thee continuance,

        For of thy speaking I have great dainty. value, esteem I have a son, and, by the Trinity;

        *It were me lever* than twenty pound worth land, I would rather

        Though it right now were fallen in my hand, He were a man of such discretion

        As that ye be: fy on possession,

        But if a man be virtuous withal. unless I have my sone snibbed and yet shall, *rebuked; “snubbed.”

        For he to virtue *listeth not t’intend, does not wish to But for to play at dice, and to dispend, apply himself*

        And lose all that he hath, is his usage; And he had lever talke with a page,

        Than to commune with any gentle wight, There he might learen gentilless aright.”

        Straw for your gentillesse!” quoth our Host.

        “What? Frankelin, pardie, Sir, well thou wost knowest That each of you must tellen at the least A tale or two, or breake his behest.” promise “That know I well, Sir,” quoth the Frankelin; “I pray you have me not in disdain,

        Though I to this man speak a word or two.”

        “Tell on thy tale, withoute wordes mo’.”

        “Gladly, Sir Host,” quoth he, “I will obey Unto your will; now hearken what I say; I will you not contrary* in no wise, *disobey As far as that my wittes may suffice.

        I pray to God that it may please you,

        Then wot I well that it is good enow.

        “These olde gentle Bretons, in their days, Of divers aventures made lays,<2>

        Rhymeden in their firste Breton tongue; Which layes with their instruments they sung, Or elles reade them for their pleasance; And one of them have I in remembrance, Which I shall say with good will as I can.

        But, Sirs, because I am a borel* man, *rude, unlearned At my beginning first I you beseech

        Have me excused of my rude speech.

        I learned never rhetoric, certain;

        Thing that I speak, it must be bare and plain.

        I slept never on the mount of Parnasso, Nor learned Marcus Tullius Cicero.

        Coloures know I none, withoute dread, doubt But such colours as growen in the mead, Or elles such as men dye with or paint; Colours of rhetoric be to me quaint; strange My spirit feeleth not of such mattere.

        But, if you list, my tale shall ye hear.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Franklin’s Tale 1. In the older editions, the verses here given as the prologue were prefixed to the Merchant’s Tale, and put into his mouth.

        Tyrwhitt was abundantly justified, by the internal evidence afforded by the lines themselves, in transferring them to their present place.

        2. The “Breton Lays” were an important and curious element in the literature of the Middle Ages; they were originally composed in the Armorican language, and the chief collection of them extant was translated into French verse by a poetess calling herself “Marie,” about the middle of the thirteenth century. But though this collection was the most famous, and had doubtless been read by Chaucer, there were other British or Breton lays, and from one of those the Franklin’s Tale is taken.

        Boccaccio has dealt with the same story in the “Decameron”

        and the “Philocopo,” altering the circumstances to suit the removal of its scene to a southern clime.

        THE TALE.

        In Armoric’, that called is Bretagne,

        There was a knight, that lov’d and *did his pain devoted himself, To serve a lady in his beste wise; strove*

        And many a labour, many a great emprise, enterprise He for his lady wrought, ere she were won: For she was one the fairest under sun, And eke thereto come of so high kindred, That *well unnethes durst this knight for dread, see note <1>*

        Tell her his woe, his pain, and his distress But, at the last, she for his worthiness, And namely* for his meek obeisance, *especially Hath such a pity caught of his penance, suffering, distress That privily she fell of his accord

        To take him for her husband and her lord (Of such lordship as men have o’er their wives); And, for to lead the more in bliss their lives, Of his free will he swore her as a knight, That never in all his life he day nor night Should take upon himself no mastery

        Against her will, nor kithe* her jealousy, *show But her obey, and follow her will in all, As any lover to his lady shall;

        Save that the name of sovereignety

        That would he have, for shame of his degree.

        She thanked him, and with full great humbless She saide; “Sir, since of your gentleness Ye proffer me to have so large a reign, *Ne woulde God never betwixt us twain, As in my guilt, were either war or strife: see note <2>*

        Sir, I will be your humble true wife,

        Have here my troth, till that my hearte brest.” burst Thus be they both in quiet and in rest.

        For one thing, Sires, safely dare I say, That friends ever each other must obey, If they will longe hold in company.

        Love will not be constrain’d by mastery.

        When mast’ry comes, the god of love anon Beateth <3> his wings, and, farewell, he is gone.

        Love is a thing as any spirit free.

        Women of kind desire liberty, by nature

        And not to be constrained as a thrall, slave And so do men, if soothly I say shall.

        Look who that is most patient in love, He *is at his advantage all above. enjoys the highest Patience is a high virtue certain, advantages of all*

        For it vanquisheth, as these clerkes sayn, Thinges that rigour never should attain.

        For every word men may not chide or plain.

        Learne to suffer, or, so may I go, prosper Ye shall it learn whether ye will or no.

        For in this world certain no wight there is, That he not doth or saith sometimes amiss.

        Ire, or sickness, or constellation, the influence of Wine, woe, or changing of complexion, the planets*

        Causeth full oft to do amiss or speaken: On every wrong a man may not be wreaken. revenged After* the time must be temperance according to To every wight that can of* governance. is capable of

        And therefore hath this worthy wise knight (To live in ease) sufferance her behight; promised And she to him full wisly* gan to swear *surely That never should there be default in her.

        Here may men see a humble wife accord; Thus hath she ta’en her servant and her lord, Servant in love, and lord in marriage.

        Then was he both in lordship and servage?

        Servage? nay, but in lordship all above, Since he had both his lady and his love: His lady certes, and his wife also,

        The which that law of love accordeth to.

        And when he was in this prosperrity,

        Home with his wife he went to his country, Not far from Penmark,<4> where his dwelling was, And there he liv’d in bliss and in solace. delight Who coulde tell, but* he had wedded be, *unless The joy, the ease, and the prosperity, That is betwixt a husband and his wife?

        A year and more lasted this blissful life, Till that this knight, of whom I spake thus, That of Cairrud <5> was call’d Arviragus, Shope* him to go and dwell a year or twain *prepared, arranged In Engleland, that call’d was eke Britain, To seek in armes worship and honour

        (For all his lust* he set in such labour); *pleasure And dwelled there two years; the book saith thus.

        Now will I stint* of this Arviragus, *cease speaking And speak I will of Dorigen his wife,

        That lov’d her husband as her hearte’s life.

        For his absence weepeth she and siketh, sigheth As do these noble wives when them liketh; She mourneth, waketh, waileth, fasteth, plaineth; Desire of his presence her so distraineth, That all this wide world she set at nought.

        Her friendes, which that knew her heavy thought, Comforte her in all that ever they may; They preache her, they tell her night and day, That causeless she slays herself, alas!

        And every comfort possible in this case They do to her, with all their business, assiduity And all to make her leave her heaviness.

        By process, as ye knowen every one,

        Men may so longe graven in a stone,

        Till some figure therein imprinted be: So long have they comforted her, till she Received hath, by hope and by reason,

        Th’ imprinting of their consolation,

        Through which her greate sorrow gan assuage; She may not always duren in such rage.

        And eke Arviragus, in all this care,

        Hath sent his letters home of his welfare, And that he will come hastily again,

        Or elles had this sorrow her hearty-slain.

        Her friendes saw her sorrow gin to slake, slacken, diminish And prayed her on knees for Godde’s sake To come and roamen in their company,

        Away to drive her darke fantasy;

        And finally she granted that request,

        For well she saw that it was for the best.

        Now stood her castle faste by the sea, And often with her friendes walked she, Her to disport upon the bank on high,

        There as many a ship and barge sigh, saw Sailing their courses, where them list to go.

        But then was that a parcel* of her woe, part For to herself full oft, “Alas!” said she, Is there no ship, of so many as I see, Will bringe home my lord? then were my heart All warish’d of this bitter paine’s smart.” *cured <6>

        Another time would she sit and think,

        And cast her eyen downward from the brink; But when she saw the grisly rockes blake, black For very fear so would her hearte quake, That on her feet she might her not sustene sustain Then would she sit adown upon the green, And piteously *into the sea behold, look out on the sea*

        And say right thus, with careful sikes cold: painful sighs

        “Eternal God! that through thy purveyance Leadest this world by certain governance, In idle, as men say, ye nothing make; idly, in vain

        But, Lord, these grisly fiendly rockes blake, That seem rather a foul confusion

        Of work, than any fair creation

        Of such a perfect wise God and stable, Why have ye wrought this work unreasonable?

        For by this work, north, south, or west, or east, There is not foster’d man, nor bird, nor beast: It doth no good, to my wit, but *annoyeth. works mischief* <7>

        See ye not, Lord, how mankind it destroyeth?

        A hundred thousand bodies of mankind

        Have rockes slain, *all be they not in mind; though they are Which mankind is so fair part of thy work, forgotten*

        Thou madest it like to thine owen mark. image Then seemed it ye had a great cherte love, affection Toward mankind; but how then may it be That ye such meanes make it to destroy?

        Which meanes do no good, but ever annoy.

        I wot well, clerkes will say as them lest, please By arguments, that all is for the best, Although I can the causes not y-know;

        But thilke* God that made the wind to blow, *that As keep my lord, this is my conclusion: To clerks leave I all disputation:

        But would to God that all these rockes blake Were sunken into helle for his sake

        These rockes slay mine hearte for the fear.”

        Thus would she say, with many a piteous tear.

        Her friendes saw that it was no disport To roame by the sea, but discomfort,

        And shope* them for to playe somewhere else. *arranged They leade her by rivers and by wells, And eke in other places delectables;

        They dancen, and they play at chess and tables. backgammon So on a day, right in the morning-tide, Unto a garden that was there beside,

        In which that they had made their ordinance provision, arrangement Of victual, and of other purveyance,

        They go and play them all the longe day: And this was on the sixth morrow of May, Which May had painted with his softe showers This garden full of leaves and of flowers: And craft of manne’s hand so curiously Arrayed had this garden truely,

        That never was there garden of such price, value, praise But if it were the very Paradise. unless

        Th’odour of flowers, and the freshe sight, Would have maked any hearte light

        That e’er was born, but if too great sickness unless

        Or too great sorrow held it in distress; So full it was of beauty and pleasance.

        And after dinner they began to dance

        And sing also, save Dorigen alone

        Who made alway her complaint and her moan, For she saw not him on the dance go

        That was her husband, and her love also; But natheless she must a time abide

        And with good hope let her sorrow slide.

        Upon this dance, amonge other men,

        Danced a squier before Dorigen

        That fresher was, and jollier of array As to my doom, than is the month of May. in my judgment

        He sang and danced, passing any man,

        That is or was since that the world began; Therewith he was, if men should him descrive, One of the beste faring men alive, most accomplished

        Young, strong, and virtuous, and rich, and wise, And well beloved, and holden in great price. esteem, value And, shortly if the sooth I telle shall, *Unweeting of* this Dorigen at all, unknown to

        This lusty squier, servant to Venus,

        Which that y-called was Aurelius,

        Had lov’d her best of any creature

        Two year and more, as was his aventure; fortune But never durst he tell her his grievance; Withoute cup he drank all his penance.

        He was despaired, nothing durst he say, Save in his songes somewhat would he wray betray His woe, as in a general complaining;

        He said, he lov’d, and was belov’d nothing.

        Of suche matter made he many lays,

        Songes, complaintes, roundels, virelays <8>

        How that he durste not his sorrow tell, But languished, as doth a Fury in hell; And die he must, he said, as did Echo

        For Narcissus, that durst not tell her woe.

        In other manner than ye hear me say,

        He durste not to her his woe bewray,

        Save that paraventure sometimes at dances, Where younge folke keep their observances, It may well be he looked on her face

        In such a wise, as man that asketh grace, But nothing wiste she of his intent.

        Nath’less it happen’d, ere they thennes* went, thence (from the Because that he was her neighebour, garden)

        And was a man of worship and honour,

        And she had knowen him *of time yore, for a long time*

        They fell in speech, and forth aye more and more Unto his purpose drew Aurelius;

        And when he saw his time, he saide thus: Madam,” quoth he, “by God that this world made, So that I wist it might your hearte glade, gladden I would, that day that your Arviragus

        Went over sea, that I, Aurelius,

        Had gone where I should never come again; For well I wot my service is in vain.

        My guerdon* is but bursting of mine heart. *reward Madame, rue upon my paine’s smart,

        For with a word ye may me slay or save.

        Here at your feet God would that I were grave.

        I have now no leisure more to say:

        Have mercy, sweet, or you will *do me dey.” cause me to die*

        She gan to look upon Aurelius;

        “Is this your will,” quoth she, “and say ye thus?

        Ne’er erst,” quoth she, “I wiste what ye meant: before But now, Aurelius, I know your intent.

        By thilke* God that gave me soul and life, *that Never shall I be an untrue wife

        In word nor work, as far as I have wit; I will be his to whom that I am knit;

        Take this for final answer as of me.”

        But after that *in play* thus saide she. playfully, in jest

        “Aurelius,” quoth she, “by high God above, Yet will I grante you to be your love

        (Since I you see so piteously complain); Looke, what day that endelong* Bretagne from end to end of Ye remove all the rockes, stone by stone, That they not lette ship nor boat to gon, *prevent I say, when ye have made this coast so clean Of rockes, that there is no stone seen, Then will I love you best of any man;

        Have here my troth, in all that ever I can; For well I wot that it shall ne’er betide.

        Let such folly out of your hearte glide.

        What dainty* should a man have in his life *value, pleasure For to go love another manne’s wife,

        That hath her body when that ever him liketh?”

        Aurelius full often sore siketh; sigheth Is there none other grace in you?” quoth he, “No, by that Lord,” quoth she, “that maked me.

        Woe was Aurelius when that he this heard, And with a sorrowful heart he thus answer’d.

        “Madame, quoth he, “this were an impossible.

        Then must I die of sudden death horrible.”

        And with that word he turned him anon.

        Then came her other friends many a one, And in the alleys roamed up and down,

        And nothing wist of this conclusion,

        But suddenly began to revel new,

        Till that the brighte sun had lost his hue, For th’ horizon had reft the sun his light (This is as much to say as it was night); And home they go in mirth and in solace; Save only wretch’d Aurelius, alas

        He to his house is gone with sorrowful heart.

        He said, he may not from his death astart. escape Him seemed, that he felt his hearte cold.

        Up to the heav’n his handes gan he hold, And on his knees bare he set him down.

        And in his raving said his orisoun. prayer For very woe out of his wit he braid; wandered He wist not what he spake, but thus he said; With piteous heart his plaint hath he begun Unto the gods, and first unto the Sun.

        He said; “Apollo God and governour

        Of every plante, herbe, tree, and flower, That giv’st, after thy declination,

        To each of them his time and his season, As thine herberow* changeth low and high; *dwelling, situation Lord Phoebus: cast thy merciable eye

        On wretched Aurelius, which that am but lorn. undone Lo, lord, my lady hath my death y-sworn, Withoute guilt, but* thy benignity *unless Upon my deadly heart have some pity.

        For well I wot, Lord Phoebus, if you lest, please Ye may me helpe, save my lady, best.

        Now vouchsafe, that I may you devise tell, explain How that I may be holp,* and in what wise. *helped Your blissful sister, Lucina the sheen, <9>

        That of the sea is chief goddess and queen, —

        Though Neptunus have deity in the sea, Yet emperess above him is she; —

        Ye know well, lord, that, right as her desire Is to be quick’d* and lighted of your fire, *quickened For which she followeth you full busily, Right so the sea desireth naturally

        To follow her, as she that is goddess

        Both in the sea and rivers more and less.

        Wherefore, Lord Phoebus, this is my request, Do this miracle, or *do mine hearte brest; cause my heart That flow, next at this opposition, to burst*

        Which in the sign shall be of the Lion, As praye her so great a flood to bring, That five fathom at least it overspring The highest rock in Armoric Bretagne,

        And let this flood endure yeares twain: Then certes to my lady may I say,

        “Holde your hest,” the rockes be away.

        Lord Phoebus, this miracle do for me,

        Pray her she go no faster course than ye; I say this, pray your sister that she go No faster course than ye these yeares two: Then shall she be even at full alway,

        And spring-flood laste bothe night and day.

        And but she vouchesafe in such mannere if she do not

        To grante me my sov’reign lady dear,

        Pray her to sink every rock adown

        Into her owen darke regioun

        Under the ground, where Pluto dwelleth in Or nevermore shall I my lady win.

        Thy temple in Delphos will I barefoot seek.

        Lord Phoebus! see the teares on my cheek And on my pain have some compassioun.”

        And with that word in sorrow he fell down, And longe time he lay forth in a trance.

        His brother, which that knew of his penance, distress Up caught him, and to bed he hath him brought, Despaired in this torment and this thought Let I this woeful creature lie;

        Choose he for me whe’er* he will live or die. *whether Arviragus with health and great honour (As he that was of chivalry the flow’r) Is come home, and other worthy men.

        Oh, blissful art thou now, thou Dorigen!

        Thou hast thy lusty husband in thine arms, The freshe knight, the worthy man of arms, That loveth thee as his own hearte’s life: *Nothing list him to be imaginatif he cared not to fancy*

        If any wight had spoke, while he was out, To her of love; he had of that no doubt; fear, suspicion He not intended* to no such mattere, *occupied himself with But danced, jousted, and made merry cheer.

        And thus in joy and bliss I let them dwell, And of the sick Aurelius will I tell

        In languor and in torment furious

        Two year and more lay wretch’d Aurelius, Ere any foot on earth he mighte gon;

        Nor comfort in this time had he none,

        Save of his brother, which that was a clerk. scholar He knew of all this woe and all this work; For to none other creature certain

        Of this matter he durst no worde sayn; Under his breast he bare it more secree Than e’er did Pamphilus for Galatee.<10>

        His breast was whole withoute for to seen, But in his heart aye was the arrow keen, And well ye know that of a sursanure <11>

        In surgery is perilous the cure,

        But* men might touch the arrow or come thereby. *except His brother wept and wailed privily,

        Till at the last him fell in remembrance, That while he was at Orleans <12> in France, —

        As younge clerkes, that be likerous* — *eager To readen artes that be curious,

        Seeken in every *halk and every hern nook and corner* <13>

        Particular sciences for to learn,—

        He him remember’d, that upon a day

        At Orleans in study a book he say saw Of magic natural, which his fellaw,

        That was that time a bachelor of law

        All* were he there to learn another craft, *though Had privily upon his desk y-laft;

        Which book spake much of operations

        Touching the eight and-twenty mansions That longe to the Moon, and such folly As in our dayes is not worth a fly;

        For holy church’s faith, in our believe, belief, creed Us suff’reth none illusion to grieve.

        And when this book was in his remembrance Anon for joy his heart began to dance, And to himself he saide privily;

        “My brother shall be warish’d* hastily cured For I am sicker that there be sciences, *certain By which men make divers apparences,

        Such as these subtle tregetoures play. *tricksters <14>

        For oft at feaste’s have I well heard say, That tregetours, within a halle large, Have made come in a water and a barge, And in the halle rowen up and down.

        Sometimes hath seemed come a grim lioun, And sometimes flowers spring as in a mead; Sometimes a vine, and grapes white and red; Sometimes a castle all of lime and stone; And, when them liked, voided* it anon: *vanished Thus seemed it to every manne’s sight.

        Now then conclude I thus; if that I might At Orleans some olde fellow find,

        That hath these Moone’s mansions in mind, Or other magic natural above.

        He should well make my brother have his love.

        For with an appearance a clerk* may make, learned man To manne’s sight, that all the rockes blake Of Bretagne were voided every one, *removed And shippes by the brinke come and gon, And in such form endure a day or two;

        Then were my brother warish’d* of his woe, cured Then must she needes holde her behest, keep her promise*

        Or elles he shall shame her at the least.”

        Why should I make a longer tale of this?

        Unto his brother’s bed he comen is,

        And such comfort he gave him, for to gon To Orleans, that he upstart anon,

        And on his way forth-ward then is he fare, gone In hope for to be lissed* of his care. *eased of <15>

        When they were come almost to that city, *But if it were* a two furlong or three, all but

        A young clerk roaming by himself they met, Which that in Latin *thriftily them gret. greeted them And after that he said a wondrous thing; civilly*

        I know,” quoth he, “the cause of your coming;”

        Aud ere they farther any foote went,

        He told them all that was in their intent.

        The Breton clerk him asked of fellaws

        The which he hadde known in olde daws, days And he answer’d him that they deade were, For which he wept full often many a tear.

        Down off his horse Aurelius light anon, And forth with this magician is be gone Home to his house, and made him well at ease; Them lacked no vitail* that might them please. *victuals, food So well-array’d a house as there was one, Aurelius in his life saw never none.

        He shewed him, ere they went to suppere, Forestes, parkes, full of wilde deer.

        There saw he hartes with their hornes high, The greatest that were ever seen with eye.

        He saw of them an hundred slain with hounds, And some with arrows bleed of bitter wounds.

        He saw, when voided* were the wilde deer, *passed away These falconers upon a fair rivere,

        That with their hawkes have the heron slain.

        Then saw he knightes jousting in a plain.

        And after this he did him such pleasance, That he him shew’d his lady on a dance, In which himselfe danced, as him thought.

        And when this master, that this magic wrought, Saw it was time, he clapp’d his handes two, And farewell, all the revel is y-go. gone, removed And yet remov’d they never out of the house, While they saw all the sightes marvellous; But in his study, where his bookes be, They satte still, and no wight but they three.

        To him this master called his squier,

        And said him thus, “May we go to supper?

        Almost an hour it is, I undertake,

        Since I you bade our supper for to make, When that these worthy men wente with me Into my study, where my bookes be.”

        “Sir,” quoth this squier, “when it liketh you.

        It is all ready, though ye will right now.”

        “Go we then sup,” quoth he, “as for the best; These amorous folk some time must have rest.”

        At after supper fell they in treaty

        What summe should this master’s guerdon* be, *reward To remove all the rockes of Bretagne,

        And eke from Gironde <16> to the mouth of Seine.

        He made it strange,* and swore, so God him save, a matter of Less than a thousand pound he would not have, difficulty

        *Nor gladly for that sum he would not gon. see note <17>*

        Aurelius with blissful heart anon

        Answered thus; “Fie on a thousand pound!

        This wide world, which that men say is round, I would it give, if I were lord of it.

        This bargain is full-driv’n, for we be knit; agreed Ye shall be payed truly by my troth.

        But looke, for no negligence or sloth, Ye tarry us here no longer than to-morrow.”

        “Nay,” quoth the clerk, *“have here my faith to borrow.” I pledge my To bed is gone Aurelius when him lest, faith on it*

        And wellnigh all that night he had his rest, What for his labour, and his hope of bliss, His woeful heart *of penance had a liss. had a respite from suffering*

        Upon the morrow, when that it was day, Unto Bretagne they took the righte way, Aurelius and this magician beside,

        And be descended where they would abide: And this was, as the bookes me remember, The colde frosty season of December.

        Phoebus wax’d old, and hued like latoun, brass That in his hote declinatioun

        Shone as the burned gold, with streames* bright; *beams But now in Capricorn adown he light,

        Where as he shone full pale, I dare well sayn.

        The bitter frostes, with the sleet and rain, Destroyed have the green in every yard. *courtyard, garden Janus sits by the fire with double beard, And drinketh of his bugle horn the wine: Before him stands the brawn of tusked swine And “nowel” crieth every lusty man Noel <18>

        Aurelius, in all that ev’r he can,

        Did to his master cheer and reverence, And prayed him to do his diligence

        To bringe him out of his paines smart, Or with a sword that he would slit his heart.

        This subtle clerk such ruth* had on this man, *pity That night and day he sped him, that he can, To wait a time of his conclusion;
        This is to say, to make illusion,
        By such an appearance of jugglery
        (I know no termes of astrology),
        That she and every wight should ween and say,
        That of Bretagne the rockes were away,
        Or else they were sunken under ground.

        So at the last he hath a time found
        To make his japes* and his wretchedness tricks
        Of such a superstitious cursedness. detestable villainy*
        His tables Toletanes <19> forth he brought, Full well corrected, that there lacked nought,
        Neither his collect, nor his expanse years,
        Neither his rootes, nor his other gears,
        As be his centres, and his arguments,
        And his proportional convenients
        For his equations in everything.

        And by his eighte spheres in his working,
        He knew full well how far Alnath <20> was shove
        From the head of that fix’d Aries above,
        That in the ninthe sphere consider’d is.
        Full subtilly he calcul’d all this.
        When he had found his firste mansion,
        He knew the remnant by proportion;
        And knew the rising of his moone well,
        And in whose face, and term, and every deal;
        And knew full well the moone’s mansion
        Accordant to his operation;
        And knew also his other observances,
        For such illusions and such meschances, wicked devices
        As heathen folk used in thilke days.

        For which no longer made he delays;
        But through his magic, for a day or tway, <21>
        It seemed all the rockes were away.
        Aurelius, which yet despaired is
        Whe’er* he shall have his love, or fare amiss, whether
        Awaited night and day on this miracle:
        And when he knew that there was none obstacle,
        That voided were these rockes every one, *removed
        Down at his master’s feet he fell anon,
        And said; “I, woeful wretch’d Aurelius,
        Thank you, my Lord, and lady mine Venus,
        That me have holpen from my cares cold.”
        And to the temple his way forth hath he hold,
        Where as he knew he should his lady see.

        And when he saw his time, anon right he With dreadful* heart and with full humble cheer* fearful **mien Saluteth hath his sovereign lady dear.

        “My rightful Lady,” quoth this woeful man, “Whom I most dread, and love as I best can, And lothest were of all this world displease, Were’t not that I for you have such disease, distress, affliction That I must die here at your foot anon, Nought would I tell how me is woebegone.

        But certes either must I die or plain; bewail Ye slay me guilteless for very pain.

        But of my death though that ye have no ruth,
        Advise you, ere that ye break your truth:
        Repente you, for thilke God above,
        Ere ye me slay because that I you love.

        For, Madame, well ye wot what ye have hight; promised
        Not that I challenge anything of right Of you, my sovereign lady, but of grace: But in a garden yond’, in such a place, Ye wot right well what ye behighte* me, *promised And in mine hand your trothe plighted ye, To love me best; God wot ye saide so,
        Albeit that I unworthy am thereto;
        Madame, I speak it for th’ honour of you,
        More than to save my hearte’s life right now;
        I have done so as ye commanded me,
        And if ye vouchesafe, ye may go see.

        Do as you list, have your behest in mind, For, quick or dead, right there ye shall me find; In you hes all to *do me live or dey; cause me to But well I wot the rockes be away.” live or die*

        He took his leave, and she astonish’d stood; In all her face was not one drop of blood: She never ween’d t’have come in such a trap.

        “Alas!” quoth she, “that ever this should hap!
        For ween’d I ne’er, by possibility,
        That such a monster or marvail might be;
        It is against the process of nature.”
        And home she went a sorrowful creature; For very fear unnethes* may she go. *scarcely
        She weeped, wailed, all a day or two,
        And swooned, that it ruthe was to see:
        But why it was, to no wight tolde she, For out of town was gone Arviragus.

        But to herself she spake, and saide thus, With face pale, and full sorrowful cheer, In her complaint, as ye shall after hear.

        “Alas!” quoth she, “on thee, Fortune, I plain, complain That unware hast me wrapped in thy chain, From which to scape, wot I no succour, Save only death, or elles dishonour;
        One of these two behoveth me to choose.

        But natheless, yet had I lever* lose *sooner, rather
        My life, than of my body have shame,
        Or know myselfe false, or lose my name; And with my death *I may be quit y-wis. I may certainly purchase Hath there not many a noble wife, ere this, my exemption*
        And many a maiden, slain herself, alas!
        Rather than with her body do trespass?
        Yes, certes; lo, these stories bear witness. <22>

        When thirty tyrants full of cursedness wickedness Had slain Phidon in Athens at the feast, They commanded his daughters to arrest, And bringe them before them, in despite, All naked, to fulfil their foul delight; And in their father’s blood they made them dance Upon the pavement, — God give them mischance.

        For which these woeful maidens, full of dread, Rather than they would lose their maidenhead, They privily *be start* into a well, *suddenly leaped And drowned themselves, as the bookes tell.

        They of Messene let inquire and seek
        Of Lacedaemon fifty maidens eke,
        On which they woulde do their lechery: But there was none of all that company That was not slain, and with a glad intent Chose rather for to die, than to assent To be oppressed* of her maidenhead. *forcibly bereft Why should I then to dien be in dread?

        Lo, eke the tyrant Aristoclides,
        That lov’d a maiden hight Stimphalides, When that her father slain was on a night, Unto Diana’s temple went she right,
        And hent* the image in her handes two, *caught, clasped From which image she woulde never go;

        No wight her handes might off it arace, pluck away by force Till she was slain right in the selfe* place. *same Now since that maidens hadde such despite To be defouled with man’s foul delight, Well ought a wife rather herself to sle, slay Than be defouled, as it thinketh me.

        What shall I say of Hasdrubale’s wife, That at Carthage bereft herself of life?

        For, when she saw the Romans win the town, She took her children all, and skipt adown Into the fire, and rather chose to die, Than any Roman did her villainy.
        Hath not Lucretia slain herself, alas!

        At Rome, when that she oppressed* was *ravished Of Tarquin? for her thought it was a shame To live, when she hadde lost her name.

        The seven maidens of Milesie also

        Have slain themselves for very dread and woe, Rather than folk of Gaul them should oppress.

        More than a thousand stories, as I guess, Could I now tell as touching this mattere.

        When Abradate was slain, his wife so dear <23>
        Herselfe slew, and let her blood to glide In Abradate’s woundes, deep and wide,
        And said, ‘My body at the leaste way
        There shall no wight defoul, if that I may.’
        Why should I more examples hereof sayn?
        Since that so many have themselves slain, Well rather than they would defouled be, I will conclude that it is bet* for me *better To slay myself, than be defouled thus.

        I will be true unto Arviragus,
        Or elles slay myself in some mannere,
        As did Demotione’s daughter dear,
        Because she woulde not defouled be.
        O Sedasus, it is full great pity
        To reade how thy daughters died, alas!

        That slew themselves *for suche manner cas. in circumstances of As great a pity was it, or well more, the same kind*
        The Theban maiden, that for Nicanor
        Herselfe slew, right for such manner woe.
        Another Theban maiden did right so;
        For one of Macedon had her oppress’d,
        She with her death her maidenhead redress’d. vindicated What shall I say of Niceratus’ wife,
        That for such case bereft herself her life?
        How true was eke to Alcibiades
        His love, that for to dien rather chese, chose
        Than for to suffer his body unburied be?
        Lo, what a wife was Alceste?” quoth she.
        “What saith Homer of good Penelope?
        All Greece knoweth of her chastity.

        Pardie, of Laedamia is written thus,
        That when at Troy was slain Protesilaus, <24>
        No longer would she live after his day.
        The same of noble Porcia tell I may;
        Withoute Brutus coulde she not live,
        To whom she did all whole her hearte give. <25>
        The perfect wifehood of Artemisie <26>
        Honoured is throughout all Barbarie.

        O Teuta <27> queen, thy wifely chastity To alle wives may a mirror be.” <28>
        Thus plained Dorigen a day or tway,
        Purposing ever that she woulde dey; die
        But natheless upon the thirde night
        Home came Arviragus, the worthy knight,
        And asked her why that she wept so sore.
        And she gan weepen ever longer more.
        “Alas,” quoth she, “that ever I was born!
        Thus have I said,” quoth she; “thus have I sworn. “
        And told him all, as ye have heard before: It needeth not rehearse it you no more.

        This husband with glad cheer,* in friendly wise, *demeanour Answer’d and said, as I shall you devise. relate “Is there aught elles, Dorigen, but this?”

        “Nay, nay,” quoth she, “God help me so, *as wis assuredly*

        This is too much, an* it were Godde’s will.” *if “Yea, wife,” quoth he, “let sleepe what is still, It may be well par’venture yet to-day.

        Ye shall your trothe holde, by my fay.

        For, God so wisly* have mercy on me, certainly I had well lever sticked for to be, I had rather be slain*

        For very love which I to you have,
        But if ye should your trothe keep and save.
        Truth is the highest thing that man may keep.”
        But with that word he burst anon to weep, And said; “I you forbid, on pain of death, That never, while you lasteth life or breath, To no wight tell ye this misaventure;
        As I may best, I will my woe endure,
        Nor make no countenance of heaviness,
        That folk of you may deeme harm, or guess.”

        And forth he call’d a squier and a maid.
        “Go forth anon with Dorigen,” he said, “And bringe her to such a place anon.”

        They take their leave, and on their way they gon: But they not wiste why she thither went; He would to no wight telle his intent.

        This squier, which that hight Aurelius, On Dorigen that was so amorous,
        Of aventure happen’d her to meet
        Amid the town, right in the quickest* street, nearest
        As she was bound to go the way forthright *prepared, going <29>
        Toward the garden, there as she had hight. promised
        And he was to the garden-ward also;
        For well he spied when she woulde go
        Out of her house, to any manner place;
        But thus they met, of aventure or grace,
        And he saluted her with glad intent,
        And asked of her whitherward she went.

        And she answered, half as she were mad,
        “Unto the garden, as my husband bade,
        My trothe for to hold, alas! alas!”
        Aurelius gan to wonder on this case,
        And in his heart had great compassion
        Of her, and of her lamentation,
        And of Arviragus, the worthy knight,
        That bade her hold all that she hadde hight; So loth him was his wife should break her truth troth, pledged word And in his heart he caught of it great ruth, pity Considering the best on every side,
        *That from his lust yet were him lever abide, see note <30>*

        Than do so high a churlish wretchedness wickedness Against franchise,* and alle gentleness; *generosity For which in fewe words he saide thus; “Madame, say to your lord Arviragus,
        That since I see the greate gentleness Of him, and eke I see well your distress, That him were lever* have shame (and that were ruth)* rather **pity Than ye to me should breake thus your truth, I had well lever aye* to suffer woe, forever Than to depart the love betwixt you two. sunder, split up I you release, Madame, into your hond, Quit ev’ry surement and ev’ry bond, *surety That ye have made to me as herebeforn, Since thilke time that ye were born.

        Have here my truth, I shall you ne’er repreve reproach *Of no behest;* and here I take my leave, of no (breach of) As of the truest and the beste wife promise
        That ever yet I knew in all my life.
        But every wife beware of her behest;
        On Dorigen remember at the least.
        Thus can a squier do a gentle deed,
        As well as can a knight, withoute drede.” doubt
        She thanked him upon her knees bare,
        And home unto her husband is she fare, gone
        And told him all, as ye have hearde said;
        And, truste me, he was so *well apaid, satisfied*
        That it were impossible me to write.
        Why should I longer of this case indite?
        Arviragus and Dorigen his wife
        In sov’reign blisse ledde forth their life;
        Ne’er after was there anger them between; He cherish’d her as though she were a queen, And she was to him true for evermore;
        Of these two folk ye get of me no more.

        Aurelius, that his cost had *all forlorn, utterly lost*
        Cursed the time that ever he was born.
        “Alas!” quoth he, “alas that I behight promised Of pured* gold a thousand pound of weight *refined To this philosopher! how shall I do?

        I see no more, but that I am fordo. ruined, undone Mine heritage must I needes sell,
        And be a beggar; here I will not dwell, And shamen all my kindred in this place, But* I of him may gette better grace. *unless
        But natheless I will of him assay
        At certain dayes year by year to pay,
        And thank him of his greate courtesy.
        My trothe will I keep, I will not he.”
        With hearte sore he went unto his coffer, And broughte gold unto this philosopher, The value of five hundred pound, I guess, And him beseeched, of his gentleness,
        To grant him *dayes of* the remenant; time to pay up
        And said; “Master, I dare well make avaunt, I failed never of my truth as yet.

        For sickerly my debte shall be quit
        Towardes you how so that e’er I fare
        To go abegging in my kirtle bare:
        But would ye vouchesafe, upon surety,
        Two year, or three, for to respite me, Then were I well, for elles must I sell Mine heritage; there is no more to tell.”

        This philosopher soberly* answer’d, *gravely And saide thus, when he these wordes heard; “Have I not holden covenant to thee?”
        “Yes, certes, well and truely,” quoth he.
        “Hast thou not had thy lady as thee liked?”
        “No, no,” quoth he, and sorrowfully siked. sighed “What was the cause? tell me if thou can.”

        Aurelius his tale anon began,
        And told him all as ye have heard before, It needeth not to you rehearse it more.

        He said, “Arviragus of gentleness
        Had lever* die in sorrow and distress, *rather Than that his wife were of her trothe false.”

        The sorrow of Dorigen he told him als’, also How loth her was to be a wicked wife,
        And that she lever had lost that day her life; And that her troth she swore through innocence; She ne’er erst* had heard speak of apparence* before **see note <31>
        That made me have of her so great pity, And right as freely as he sent her to me, As freely sent I her to him again:
        This is all and some, there is no more to sayn.”

        The philosopher answer’d; “Leve* brother, *dear Evereach of you did gently to the other; Thou art a squier, and he is a knight, But God forbidde, for his blissful might, But if a clerk could do a gentle deed

        As well as any of you, it is no drede doubt Sir, I release thee thy thousand pound, As thou right now were crept out of the ground, Nor ever ere now haddest knowen me.

        For, Sir, I will not take a penny of thee For all my craft, nor naught for my travail; labour, pains Thou hast y-payed well for my vitaille; It is enough; and farewell, have good day.”

        And took his horse, and forth he went his way.

        Lordings, this question would I aske now, Which was the moste free,* as thinketh you? *generous <32>

        Now telle me, ere that ye farther wend.

        I can* no more, my tale is at an end. *know, can tell Notes to The Franklin’s Tale

        1. Well unnethes durst this knight for dread: This knight hardly dared, for fear (that she would not entertain his suit.) 2. “Ne woulde God never betwixt us twain, As in my guilt, were either war or strife”

        Would to God there may never be war or strife between us, through my fault.

        3. Perhaps the true reading is “beteth” — prepares, makes ready, his wings for flight.

        4. Penmark: On the west coast of Brittany, between Brest and L’Orient. The name is composed of two British words, “pen,”

        mountain, and “mark,” region; it therefore means the mountainous country

        5. Cairrud: “The red city;” it is not known where it was situated.

        6. Warished: cured; French, “guerir,” to heal, or recover from sickness.

        7. Annoyeth: works mischief; from Latin, “nocco,” I hurt.

        8. Virelays: ballads; the “virelai” was an ancient French poem of two rhymes.

        9. Lucina the sheen: Diana the bright. See note 54 to the Knight’s Tale.

        10. In a Latin poem, very popular in Chaucer’s time, Pamphilus relates his amour with Galatea, setting out with the idea adopted by our poet in the lines that follow.

        11. Sursanure: A wound healed on the surface, but festering beneath.

        12. Orleans: Where there was a celebrated and very famous university, afterwards eclipsed by that of Paris. It was founded by Philip le Bel in 1312.

        13. Every halk and every hern: Every nook and corner, Anglo-Saxon, “healc,” a nook; “hyrn,” a corner.

        14. Tregetoures: tricksters, jugglers. The word is probably derived — in “treget,” deceit or imposture — from the French “trebuchet,” a military machine; since it is evident that much and elaborate machinery must have been employed to produce the effects afterwards described. Another derivation is from the Low Latin, “tricator,” a deceiver.

        15. Lissed of: eased of; released from; another form of “less” or “lessen.”

        16. Gironde: The river, formed by the union of the Dordogne and Garonne, on which Bourdeaux stands.

        17. Nor gladly for that sum he would not gon: And even for that sum he would not willingly go to work.

        18. “Noel,” the French for Christmas — derived from “natalis,”

        and signifying that on that day Christ was born — came to be used as a festive cry by the people on solemn occasions.

        19. Tables Toletanes: Toledan tables; the astronomical tables composed by order Of Alphonso II, King of Castile, about 1250

        and so called because they were adapted to the city of Toledo.

        20. “Alnath,” Says Mr Wright, was “the first star in the horns of Aries, whence the first mansion of the moon is named.”

        21. Another and better reading is “a week or two.”

        22. These stories are all taken from the book of St Jerome “Contra Jovinianum,” from which the Wife of Bath drew so many of her ancient instances. See note 1 to the prologue to the Wife of Bath’s Tale.

        23. Panthea. Abradatas, King of Susa, was an ally of the Assyrians against Cyrus; and his wife was taken at the conquest of the Assyrian camp. Struck by the honourable treatment she received at the captors hands, Abradatas joined Cyrus, and fell in battle against his former alhes. His wife, inconsolable at his loss, slew herself immediately.

        24. Protesilaus was the husband of Laedamia. She begged the gods, after his death, that but three hours’ converse with him might be allowed her; the request was granted; and when her dead husband, at the expiry of the time, returned to the world of shades, she bore him company.

        25. The daughter of Cato of Utica, Porcia married Marcus Brutus, the friend and the assassin of Julius Caesar; when her husband died by his own hand after the battle of Philippi, she committed suicide, it is said, by swallowing live coals — all other means having been removed by her friends.

        26. Artemisia, Queen of Caria, who built to her husband Mausolus, the splendid monument which was accounted among the wonders of the world; and who mingled her husband’s ashes with her daily drink. “Barbarie” is used in the Greek sense, to designate the non-Hellenic peoples of Asia.

        27. Teuta: Queen of Illyria, who, after her husband’s death, made war on and was conquered by the Romans, B.C 228.

        28. At this point, in some manuscripts, occur thefollowing two lines: —

        “The same thing I say of Bilia,

        Of Rhodegone and of Valeria.”

        29. Bound: prepared; going. To “boun” or “bown” is a good old word, whence comes our word “bound,” in the sense of “on the way.”

        30. That from his lust yet were him lever abide: He would rather do without his pleasure.

        31. Such apparence: such an ocular deception, or apparition —

        more properly, disappearance — as the removal of the rocks.

        32. The same question is stated a the end of Boccaccio’s version of the story in the “Philocopo,” where the queen determines in favour of Aviragus. The question is evidently one of those which it was the fashion to propose for debate in the mediaeval “courts of love.”

        THE DOCTOR’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE. <1>

        [“YEA, let that passe,” quoth our Host, “as now.
        Sir Doctor of Physik, I praye you,
        Tell us a tale of some honest mattere.”
        “It shall be done, if that ye will it hear,”
        Said this Doctor; and his tale gan anon.
        “Now, good men,” quoth he, “hearken everyone.”]

        Notes to the Prologue to the Doctor’s Tale 1. The authenticity of the prologue is questionable. It is found in one manuscript only; other manuscripts give other prologues, more plainly not Chaucer’s than this; and some manuscripts have merely a colophon to the effect that “Here endeth the Franklin’s Tale and beginneth the Physician’s Tale without a prologue.” The Tale itself is the well-known story of Virginia, with several departures from the text of Livy. Chaucer probably followed the “Romance of the Rose” and Gower’s “Confessio Amantis,” in both of which the story is found.

        THE TALE.

        There was, as telleth Titus Livius, <1>
        A knight, that called was Virginius,
        Full filled of honour and worthiness,
        And strong of friendes, and of great richess.
        This knight one daughter hadde by his wife;
        No children had he more in all his life.
        Fair was this maid in excellent beauty
        Aboven ev’ry wight that man may see:
        For nature had with sov’reign diligence Y-formed her in so great excellence,
        As though she woulde say, “Lo, I, Nature, Thus can I form and paint a creature,
        When that me list; who can me counterfeit?

        Pygmalion? not though he aye forge and beat, Or grave or painte: for I dare well sayn, Apelles, Zeuxis, shoulde work in vain, Either to grave, or paint, or forge, or beat, If they presumed me to counterfeit.

        For he that is the former principal,
        Hath made me his vicar-general
        To form and painten earthly creatures
        Right as me list, and all thing in my cure* is, *care Under the moone, that may wane and wax.

        And for my work right nothing will I ax ask My lord and I be full of one accord.

        I made her to the worship* of my lord; So do I all mine other creatures,
        What colour that they have, or what figures.”

        Thus seemeth me that Nature woulde say.
        This maiden was of age twelve year and tway, two In which that Nature hadde such delight.

        For right as she can paint a lily white, And red a rose, right with such painture She painted had this noble creature,
        Ere she was born, upon her limbes free, Where as by right such colours shoulde be: And Phoebus dyed had her tresses great, Like to the streames* of his burned heat. *beams, rays And if that excellent was her beauty,
        A thousand-fold more virtuous was she.

        In her there lacked no condition,
        That is to praise, as by discretion.
        As well in ghost* as body chaste was she: *mind, spirit For which she flower’d in virginity,
        With all humility and abstinence,
        With alle temperance and patience,
        With measure* eke of bearing and array. *moderation Discreet she was in answering alway,
        Though she were wise as Pallas, dare I sayn; Her faconde* eke full womanly and plain, *speech <2>

        No counterfeited termes hadde she
        To seeme wise; but after her degree
        She spake, and all her worde’s more and less Sounding in virtue and in gentleness.

        Shamefast she was in maiden’s shamefastness, Constant in heart, and ever *in business diligent, eager*

        To drive her out of idle sluggardy:
        Bacchus had of her mouth right no mast’ry.

        For wine and slothe <3> do Venus increase, As men in fire will casten oil and grease.

        And of her owen virtue, unconstrain’d, She had herself full often sick y-feign’d, For that she woulde flee the company,
        Where likely was to treaten of folly,
        As is at feasts, at revels, and at dances, That be occasions of dalliances.

        Such thinges make children for to be
        Too soone ripe and bold, as men may see, Which is full perilous, and hath been yore; of old For all too soone may she learne lore
        Of boldeness, when that she is a wife.

        And ye mistresses,* in your olde life *governesses, duennas That lordes’ daughters have in governance, Take not of my wordes displeasance
        Thinke that ye be set in governings
        Of lordes’ daughters only for two things;
        Either for ye have kept your honesty,
        Or else for ye have fallen in frailty
        And knowe well enough the olde dance,
        And have forsaken fully such meschance wickedness <4>
        For evermore; therefore, for Christe’s sake, To teach them virtue look that ye not slake. be slack, fail A thief of venison, that hath forlaft forsaken, left His lik’rousness,* and all his olde craft, *gluttony Can keep a forest best of any man;
        Now keep them well, for if ye will ye can.

        Look well, that ye unto no vice assent, Lest ye be damned for your wick’* intent, *wicked, evil For whoso doth, a traitor is certain;
        And take keep* of that I shall you sayn; *heed Of alle treason, sov’reign pestilence
        Is when a wight betrayeth innocence.

        Ye fathers, and ye mothers eke also,
        Though ye have children, be it one or mo’, Yours is the charge of all their surveyance, supervision While that they be under your governance.

        Beware, that by example of your living, Or by your negligence in chastising,
        That they not perish for I dare well say, If that they do, ye shall it dear abeye. pay for, suffer for Under a shepherd soft and negligent
        The wolf hath many a sheep and lamb to-rent.

        Suffice this example now as here,
        For I must turn again to my mattere.

        This maid, of which I tell my tale express, She kept herself, her needed no mistress; For in her living maidens mighte read, As in a book, ev’ry good word and deed That longeth to a maiden virtuous;
        She was so prudent and so bounteous.

        For which the fame out sprang on every side Both of her beauty and her bounte* wide: *goodness That through the land they praised her each one That loved virtue, save envy alone,
        That sorry is of other manne’s weal,
        And glad is of his sorrow and unheal* — *misfortune The Doctor maketh this descriptioun. — <5>

        This maiden on a day went in the town
        Toward a temple, with her mother dear,
        As is of younge maidens the mannere.

        Now was there then a justice in that town,
        That governor was of that regioun:
        And so befell, this judge his eyen cast Upon this maid, avising* her full fast, *observing As she came forth by where this judge stood; Anon his hearte changed and his mood,
        So was he caught with beauty of this maid And to himself full privily he said,
        “This maiden shall be mine *for any man.” despite what any Anon the fiend into his hearte ran, man may do*
        And taught him suddenly, that he by sleight This maiden to his purpose winne might.

        For certes, by no force, nor by no meed, bribe, reward Him thought he was not able for to speed; For she was strong of friendes, and eke she Confirmed was in such sov’reign bounte, That well he wist he might her never win, As for to make her with her body sin.

        For which, with great deliberatioun,
        He sent after a clerk <6> was in the town,
        The which he knew for subtle and for bold.

        This judge unto this clerk his tale told In secret wise, and made him to assure He shoulde tell it to no creature,
        And if he did, he shoulde lose his head.

        And when assented was this cursed rede, counsel, plot Glad was the judge, and made him greate cheer, And gave him giftes precious and dear.

        When shapen* was all their conspiracy *arranged From point to point, how that his lechery Performed shoulde be full subtilly,
        As ye shall hear it after openly,
        Home went this clerk, that highte Claudius.

        This false judge, that highte Appius, —
        (So was his name, for it is no fable,
        But knowen for a storial* thing notable; historical, authentic The sentence of it sooth** is out of doubt); — account *true This false judge went now fast about
        To hasten his delight all that he may.

        And so befell, soon after on a day,
        This false judge, as telleth us the story, As he was wont, sat in his consistory, And gave his doomes* upon sundry case’; judgments This false clerk came forth a full great pace, in haste And saide; Lord, if that it be your will, As do me right upon this piteous bill, petition In which I plain upon Virginius.

        And if that he will say it is not thus, I will it prove, and finde good witness, That sooth is what my bille will express.”

        The judge answer’d, “Of this, in his absence, I may not give definitive sentence.

        Let do* him call, and I will gladly hear; *cause Thou shalt have alle right, and no wrong here.”

        Virginius came to weet* the judge’s will, *know, learn And right anon was read this cursed bill; The sentence of it was as ye shall hear “To you, my lord, Sir Appius so clear, Sheweth your poore servant Claudius,
        How that a knight called Virginius,
        Against the law, against all equity,
        Holdeth, express against the will of me, My servant, which that is my thrall* by right, *slave Which from my house was stolen on a night, While that she was full young; I will it preve prove By witness, lord, so that it you *not grieve; be not displeasing*
        She is his daughter not, what so he say.

        Wherefore to you, my lord the judge, I pray, Yield me my thrall, if that it be your will.”

        Lo, this was all the sentence of the bill.

        Virginius gan upon the clerk behold;
        But hastily, ere he his tale told,
        And would have proved it, as should a knight, And eke by witnessing of many a wight, That all was false that said his adversary, This cursed judge would no longer tarry, Nor hear a word more of Virginius,
        But gave his judgement, and saide thus: “I deem* anon this clerk his servant have; *pronounce, determine Thou shalt no longer in thy house her save.

        Go, bring her forth, and put her in our ward The clerk shall have his thrall: thus I award.”

        And when this worthy knight, Virginius, Through sentence of this justice Appius, Muste by force his deare daughter give Unto the judge, in lechery to live,
        He went him home, and sat him in his hall, And let anon his deare daughter call;
        And with a face dead as ashes cold

        Upon her humble face he gan behold,
        With father’s pity sticking* through his heart, piercing All would he from his purpose not convert.** although *turn aside “Daughter,” quoth he, “Virginia by name, There be two wayes, either death or shame, That thou must suffer, — alas that I was bore! born For never thou deservedest wherefore

        To dien with a sword or with a knife,
        O deare daughter, ender of my life,
        Whom I have foster’d up with such pleasance That thou were ne’er out of my remembrance; O daughter, which that art my laste woe, And in this life my laste joy also,
        O gem of chastity, in patience

        Take thou thy death, for this is my sentence: For love and not for hate thou must be dead; My piteous hand must smiten off thine head.

        Alas, that ever Appius thee say! saw Thus hath he falsely judged thee to-day.”

        And told her all the case, as ye before Have heard; it needeth not to tell it more.

        “O mercy, deare father,” quoth the maid.

        And with that word she both her armes laid About his neck, as she was wont to do, (The teares burst out of her eyen two), And said, “O goode father, shall I die?

        Is there no grace? is there no remedy?”

        “No, certes, deare daughter mine,” quoth he.

        “Then give me leisure, father mine, quoth she, “My death for to complain* a little space *bewail For, pardie, Jephthah gave his daughter grace For to complain, ere he her slew, alas! <7>

        And, God it wot, nothing was her trespass, offence But for she ran her father first to see, To welcome him with great solemnity.”

        And with that word she fell a-swoon anon; And after, when her swooning was y-gone, She rose up, and unto her father said: “Blessed be God, that I shall die a maid.

        Give me my death, ere that I have shame; Do with your child your will, in Godde’s name.”

        And with that word she prayed him full oft That with his sword he woulde smite her soft; And with that word, a-swoon again she fell.

        Her father, with full sorrowful heart and fell, stern, cruel Her head off smote, and by the top it hent, took And to the judge he went it to present, As he sat yet in doom* in consistory. *judgment And when the judge it saw, as saith the story, He bade to take him, and to hang him fast.

        But right anon a thousand people *in thrast rushed in*

        To save the knight, for ruth and for pity For knowen was the false iniquity.

        The people anon had suspect* in this thing, *suspicion By manner of the clerke’s challenging, That it was by th’assent of Appius;

        They wiste well that he was lecherous.

        For which unto this Appius they gon,

        And cast him in a prison right anon,

        Where as he slew himself: and Claudius, That servant was unto this Appius,

        Was doomed for to hang upon a tree;

        But that Virginius, of his pity,

        So prayed for him, that he was exil’d; And elles certes had he been beguil’d; see note <8>

        The remenant were hanged, more and less, That were consenting to this cursedness. villainy Here men may see how sin hath his merite: deserts Beware, for no man knows how God will smite In no degree, nor in which manner wise The worm of conscience may agrise* frighten, horrify Of wicked life, though it so privy be, That no man knows thereof, save God and he; For be he lewed* man or elles lear’d,* ignorant **learned He knows not how soon he shall be afear’d; Therefore I rede* you this counsel take, *advise Forsake sin, ere sinne you forsake.

        Notes to the Doctor’s Tale

        1. Livy, Book iii. cap. 44, et seqq.

        2. Faconde: utterance, speech; from Latin, “facundia,”

        eloquence.

        3. Slothe: other readings are “thought” and “youth.”

        4. Meschance: wickedness; French, “mechancete.”

        5. This line seems to be a kind of aside thrown in by Chaucer himself.

        6. The various readings of this word are “churl,” or “cherl,” in the best manuscripts; “client” in the common editions, and “clerk” supported by two important manuscripts. “Client”

        would perhaps be the best reading, if it were not awkward for the metre; but between “churl” and ”clerk” there can be little doubt that Mr Wright chose wisely when he preferred the second.

        7. Judges xi. 37, 38. “And she said unto her father, Let … me alone two months, that I may go up and down upon the mountains, and bewail my virginity, I and my fellows. And he said, go.”

        8. Beguiled: “cast into gaol,” according to Urry’s explanation; though we should probably understand that, if Claudius had not been sent out of the country, his death would have been secretly contrived through private detestation.

        THE PARDONER’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        OUR Hoste gan to swear as he were wood; “Harow!” quoth he, “by nailes and by blood, <1>

        This was a cursed thief, a false justice.

        As shameful death as hearte can devise Come to these judges and their advoca’s. advocates, counsellors Algate* this sely** maid is slain, alas! nevertheless *innocent Alas! too deare bought she her beauty.

        Wherefore I say, that all day man may see That giftes of fortune and of nature

        Be cause of death to many a creature.

        Her beauty was her death, I dare well sayn; Alas! so piteously as she was slain.

        [Of bothe giftes, that I speak of now

        Men have full often more harm than prow,*] *profit But truely, mine owen master dear,

        This was a piteous tale for to hear;

        But natheless, pass over; ‘tis *no force. no matter*

        I pray to God to save thy gentle corse, body And eke thine urinals, and thy jordans, Thine Hippocras, and eke thy Galliens, <2>

        And every boist* full of thy lectuary, *box <3>

        God bless them, and our lady Sainte Mary.

        So may I the’,* thou art a proper man, *thrive And like a prelate, by Saint Ronian;

        Said I not well? Can I not speak *in term? in set form*

        But well I wot thou dost* mine heart to erme,* makest **grieve<4>

        That I have almost caught a cardiacle: heartache <5>

        By corpus Domini <6>, but* I have triacle,* unless **a remedy Or else a draught of moist and corny <7> ale, Or but* I hear anon a merry tale, unless Mine heart is brost for pity of this maid. burst, broken Thou bel ami,* thou Pardoner,” he said, good friend

        “Tell us some mirth of japes* right anon.” *jokes “It shall be done,” quoth he, “by Saint Ronion.

        But first,” quoth he, “here at this alestake alehouse sign <8>

        I will both drink, and biten on a cake.”

        But right anon the gentles gan to cry, “Nay, let him tell us of no ribaldry.

        Tell us some moral thing, that we may lear learn Some wit,* and thenne will we gladly hear.” wisdom, sense “I grant y-wis,” quoth he; “but I must think *surely Upon some honest thing while that I drink.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Pardoner’s Tale 1. The nails and blood of Christ, by which it was then a fashion to swear.

        2. Mediaeval medical writers; see note 36 to the Prologue to the Tales.

        3. Boist: box; French “boite,” old form “boiste.”

        4. Erme: grieve; from Anglo-Saxon, “earme,” wretched.

        5. Cardiacle: heartache; from Greek, “kardialgia.”

        6. Corpus Domini: God’s body.

        7. Corny ale: New and strong, nappy. As to “moist,” see note 39 to the Prologue to the Tales.

        8. (Transcriber’s Note)In this scene the pilgrims are refreshing themselves at tables in front of an inn. The pardoner is drunk, which explains his boastful and revealing confession of his deceits.

        THE TALE <1>

        Lordings (quoth he), in churche when I preach, I paine me to have an hautein* speech, take pains *loud <2>

        And ring it out, as round as doth a bell, For I know all by rote that I tell.

        My theme is always one, and ever was;

        Radix malorum est cupiditas.<3>

        First I pronounce whence that I come,

        And then my bulles shew I all and some; Our liege lorde’s seal on my patent,

        That shew I first, *my body to warrent, for the protection That no man be so hardy, priest nor clerk, of my person*

        Me to disturb of Christe’s holy werk.

        And after that then tell I forth my tales.

        Bulles of popes, and of cardinales,

        Of patriarchs, and of bishops I shew,

        And in Latin I speak a wordes few,

        To savour with my predication,

        And for to stir men to devotion

        Then show I forth my longe crystal stones, Y-crammed fall of cloutes* and of bones; rags, fragments Relics they be, as weene they* each one. as my listeners think

        Then have I in latoun* a shoulder-bone *brass Which that was of a holy Jewe’s sheep.

        “Good men,” say I, “take of my wordes keep; heed If that this bone be wash’d in any well, If cow, or calf, or sheep, or oxe swell, That any worm hath eat, or worm y-stung, Take water of that well, and wash his tongue, And it is whole anon; and farthermore

        Of pockes, and of scab, and every sore Shall every sheep be whole, that of this well Drinketh a draught; take keep* of that I tell. *heed “If that the goodman, that the beastes oweth, owneth Will every week, ere that the cock him croweth, Fasting, y-drinken of this well a draught, As thilke holy Jew our elders taught,

        His beastes and his store shall multiply.

        And, Sirs, also it healeth jealousy;

        For though a man be fall’n in jealous rage, Let make with this water his pottage,

        And never shall he more his wife mistrist, mistrust *Though he the sooth of her defaulte wist; though he truly All had she taken priestes two or three. <4> knew her sin*

        Here is a mittain* eke, that ye may see; *glove, mitten He that his hand will put in this mittain, He shall have multiplying of his grain, When he hath sowen, be it wheat or oats, So that he offer pence, or elles groats.

        And, men and women, one thing warn I you; If any wight be in this churche now

        That hath done sin horrible, so that he Dare not for shame of it y-shriven* be; *confessed Or any woman, be she young or old,

        That hath y-made her husband cokewold, cuckold Such folk shall have no power nor no grace To offer to my relics in this place.

        And whoso findeth him out of such blame, He will come up and offer in God’s name; And I assoil* him by the authority *absolve Which that by bull y-granted was to me.”

        By this gaud* have I wonne year by year *jest, trick A hundred marks, since I was pardonere.

        I stande like a clerk in my pulpit,

        And when the lewed* people down is set, *ignorant I preache so as ye have heard before,

        And telle them a hundred japes* more. *jests, deceits Then pain I me to stretche forth my neck, And east and west upon the people I beck, As doth a dove, sitting on a bern; barn My handes and my tongue go so yern, briskly That it is joy to see my business.

        Of avarice and of such cursedness wickedness Is all my preaching, for to make them free To give their pence, and namely* unto me. *especially For mine intent is not but for to win, And nothing for correction of sin.

        I recke never, when that they be buried, Though that their soules go a blackburied.<5>

        For certes *many a predication preaching is often inspired Cometh ofttime of evil intention; by evil motives*

        Some for pleasance of folk, and flattery, To be advanced by hypocrisy;

        And some for vainglory, and some for hate.

        For, when I dare not otherwise debate, Then will I sting him with my tongue smart sharply In preaching, so that he shall not astart escape To be defamed falsely, if that he

        Hath trespass’d* to my brethren or to me. *offended For, though I telle not his proper name, Men shall well knowe that it is the same By signes, and by other circumstances.

        Thus *quite I* folk that do us displeasances: I am revenged on

        Thus spit I out my venom, under hue

        Of holiness, to seem holy and true.

        But, shortly mine intent I will devise, I preach of nothing but of covetise.

        Therefore my theme is yet, and ever was, —

        Radix malorum est cupiditas. <3>

        Thus can I preach against the same vice Which that I use, and that is avarice.

        But though myself be guilty in that sin, Yet can I maken other folk to twin depart From avarice, and sore them repent.

        But that is not my principal intent;

        I preache nothing but for covetise.

        Of this mattere it ought enough suffice.

        Then tell I them examples many a one,

        Of olde stories longe time gone;

        For lewed* people love tales old; *unlearned Such thinges can they well report and hold.

        What? trowe ye, that whiles I may preach And winne gold and silver for* I teach, *because That I will live in povert’ wilfully?

        Nay, nay, I thought it never truely.

        For I will preach and beg in sundry lands; I will not do no labour with mine hands, Nor make baskets for to live thereby,

        Because I will not beggen idlely.

        I will none of the apostles counterfeit; imitate (in poverty) I will have money, wool, and cheese, and wheat, All* were it given of the poorest page, even if Or of the pooreste widow in a village: All should her children sterve for famine. *die Nay, I will drink the liquor of the vine, And have a jolly wench in every town.

        But hearken, lordings, in conclusioun; Your liking is, that I shall tell a tale Now I have drunk a draught of corny ale, By God, I hope I shall you tell a thing That shall by reason be to your liking; For though myself be a full vicious man, A moral tale yet I you telle can,

        Which I am wont to preache, for to win.

        Now hold your peace, my tale I will begin.

        In Flanders whilom was a company

        Of younge folkes, that haunted folly,

        As riot, hazard, stewes,* and taverns; *brothels Where as with lutes, harpes, and giterns, guitars They dance and play at dice both day and night, And eat also, and drink over their might; Through which they do the devil sacrifice Within the devil’s temple, in cursed wise, By superfluity abominable.

        Their oathes be so great and so damnable, That it is grisly* for to hear them swear. *dreadful <6>

        Our blissful Lorde’s body they to-tear; tore to pieces <7>

        Them thought the Jewes rent him not enough, And each of them at other’s sinne lough. laughed And right anon in come tombesteres <8>

        Fetis* and small, and younge fruitesteres.* dainty **fruit-girls Singers with harpes, baudes,* waferers,* revellers **cake-sellers Which be the very devil’s officers,

        To kindle and blow the fire of lechery, That is annexed unto gluttony.

        The Holy Writ take I to my witness,

        That luxury is in wine and drunkenness. <9>

        Lo, how that drunken Lot unkindely unnaturally Lay by his daughters two unwittingly,

        So drunk he was he knew not what he wrought.

        Herodes, who so well the stories sought, <10>

        When he of wine replete was at his feast, Right at his owen table gave his hest command To slay the Baptist John full guilteless.

        Seneca saith a good word, doubteless:

        He saith he can no difference find

        Betwixt a man that is out of his mind, And a man whiche that is drunkelew: a drunkard <11>

        But that woodness,* y-fallen in a shrew, madness **one evil-tempered Persevereth longer than drunkenness.

        O gluttony, full of all cursedness;

        O cause first of our confusion,

        Original of our damnation,

        Till Christ had bought us with his blood again!

        Looke, how deare, shortly for to sayn, Abought* was first this cursed villainy: *atoned for Corrupt was all this world for gluttony.

        Adam our father, and his wife also,

        From Paradise, to labour and to woe,

        Were driven for that vice, it is no dread. doubt For while that Adam fasted, as I read, He was in Paradise; and when that he

        Ate of the fruit defended* of the tree, *forbidden <12>

        Anon he was cast out to woe and pain.

        O gluttony! well ought us on thee plain.

        Oh! wist a man how many maladies

        Follow of excess and of gluttonies,

        He woulde be the more measurable moderate Of his diete, sitting at his table.

        Alas! the shorte throat, the tender mouth, Maketh that east and west, and north and south, In earth, in air, in water, men do swink labour To get a glutton dainty meat and drink.

        Of this mattere, O Paul! well canst thou treat Meat unto womb,* and womb eke unto meat, *belly Shall God destroye both, as Paulus saith. <13>

        Alas! a foul thing is it, by my faith, To say this word, and fouler is the deed, When man so drinketh of the *white and red, i.e. wine*

        That of his throat he maketh his privy Through thilke cursed superfluity

        The apostle saith, <14> weeping full piteously, There walk many, of which you told have I, —

        I say it now weeping with piteous voice, —

        That they be enemies of Christe’s crois; cross Of which the end is death; womb* is their God. *belly O womb, O belly, stinking is thy cod, bag <15>

        Full fill’d of dung and of corruptioun; At either end of thee foul is the soun.

        How great labour and cost is thee to find! supply These cookes how they stamp, and strain, and grind, And turne substance into accident,

        To fulfill all thy likerous talent!

        Out of the harde bones knocke they

        The marrow, for they caste naught away That may go through the gullet soft and swoot sweet Of spicery and leaves, of bark and root, Shall be his sauce y-maked by delight, To make him have a newer appetite.

        But, certes, he that haunteth such delices Is dead while that he liveth in those vices.

        A lecherous thing is wine, and drunkenness Is full of striving and of wretchedness.

        O drunken man! disfgur’d is thy face,<16>

        Sour is thy breath, foul art thou to embrace: And through thy drunken nose sowneth the soun’, As though thous saidest aye, Samsoun! Samsoun!

        And yet, God wot, Samson drank never wine.

        Thou fallest as it were a sticked swine; Thy tongue is lost, and all thine honest cure; care For drunkenness is very sepulture tomb Of manne’s wit and his discretion.

        In whom that drink hath domination,

        He can no counsel keep, it is no dread. doubt Now keep you from the white and from the red, And namely* from the white wine of Lepe,<17> *especially That is to sell in Fish Street <18> and in Cheap.

        This wine of Spaine creepeth subtilly —

        In other wines growing faste by,

        Of which there riseth such fumosity,

        That when a man hath drunken draughtes three, And weeneth that he be at home in Cheap, He is in Spain, right at the town of Lepe, Not at the Rochelle, nor at Bourdeaux town; And thenne will he say, Samsoun! Samsoun!

        But hearken, lordings, one word, I you pray, That all the sovreign actes, dare I say, Of victories in the Old Testament,

        Through very God that is omnipotent,

        Were done in abstinence and in prayere: Look in the Bible, and there ye may it lear. learn Look, Attila, the greate conqueror,

        Died in his sleep, <19> with shame and dishonour, Bleeding aye at his nose in drunkenness: A captain should aye live in soberness And o’er all this, advise* you right well *consider, bethink What was commanded unto Lemuel; <20>

        Not Samuel, but Lemuel, say I.

        Reade the Bible, and find it expressly Of wine giving to them that have justice.

        No more of this, for it may well suffice.

        And, now that I have spoke of gluttony, Now will I you *defende hazardry. forbid gambling*

        Hazard is very mother of leasings, lies And of deceit, and cursed forswearings: Blasphem’ of Christ, manslaughter, and waste also Of chattel* and of time; and furthermo’ property It is repreve, and contrar’ of honour, *reproach For to be held a common hazardour.

        And ever the higher he is of estate,

        The more he is holden desolate. undone, worthless If that a prince use hazardry,

        In alle governance and policy

        He is, as by common opinion,

        Y-hold the less in reputation.

        Chilon, that was a wise ambassador,

        Was sent to Corinth with full great honor From Lacedemon, <21> to make alliance; And when he came, it happen’d him, by chance, That all the greatest that were of that land, Y-playing atte hazard he them fand. found For which, as soon as that it mighte be, He stole him home again to his country And saide there, “I will not lose my name, Nor will I take on me so great diffame, reproach You to ally unto no hazardors. gamblers Sende some other wise ambassadors,

        For, by my troth, me were lever* die, *rather Than I should you to hazardors ally.

        For ye, that be so glorious in honours, Shall not ally you to no hazardours,

        As by my will, nor as by my treaty.”

        This wise philosopher thus said he.

        Look eke how to the King Demetrius

        The King of Parthes, as the book saith us, Sent him a pair of dice of gold in scorn, For he had used hazard therebeforn:

        For which he held his glory and renown At no value or reputatioun.

        Lordes may finden other manner play

        Honest enough to drive the day away.

        Now will I speak of oathes false and great A word or two, as olde bookes treat.

        Great swearing is a thing abominable,

        And false swearing is more reprovable.

        The highe God forbade swearing at all; Witness on Matthew: <22> but in special Of swearing saith the holy Jeremie, <23>

        Thou thalt swear sooth thine oathes, and not lie: And swear in doom* and eke in righteousness; *judgement But idle swearing is a cursedness. wickedness Behold and see, there in the firste table Of highe Godde’s hestes* honourable, commandments How that the second best of him is this, Take not my name in idle or amiss. in vain Lo, rather he forbiddeth such swearing, sooner Than homicide, or many a cursed thing; I say that as by order thus it standeth; This knoweth he that his hests understandeth, *commandments How that the second hest of God is that.

        And farthermore, I will thee tell all plat, flatly, plainly That vengeance shall not parte from his house, That of his oathes is outrageous.

        “By Godde’s precious heart, and by his nails, <24>

        And by the blood of Christ, that is in Hailes, <25>

        Seven is my chance, and thine is cinque and trey: By Godde’s armes, if thou falsely play, This dagger shall throughout thine hearte go.”

        This fruit comes of the *bicched bones two, two cursed bones (dice)*

        Forswearing, ire, falseness, and homicide.

        Now, for the love of Christ that for us died, Leave your oathes, bothe great and smale.

        But, Sirs, now will I ell you forth my tale.

        These riotoures three, of which I tell, Long erst than prime rang of any bell, *before Were set them in a tavern for to drink; And as they sat, they heard a belle clink Before a corpse, was carried to the grave.

        That one of them gan calle to his knave, servant “Go bet,” <26> quoth he, “and aske readily What corpse is this, that passeth here forth by; And look that thou report his name well.”

        “Sir,” quoth the boy, “it needeth never a deal; whit It was me told ere ye came here two hours; He was, pardie, an old fellow of yours, And suddenly he was y-slain tonight;

        Fordrunk* as he sat on his bench upright, *completely drunk There came a privy thief, men clepe Death, That in this country all the people slay’th, And with his spear he smote his heart in two, And went his way withoute wordes mo’.

        He hath a thousand slain this pestilence; And, master, ere you come in his presence, Me thinketh that it were full necessary For to beware of such an adversary;

        Be ready for to meet him evermore.

        Thus taughte me my dame; I say no more.”

        “By Sainte Mary,” said the tavernere,

        “The child saith sooth, for he hath slain this year, Hence ov’r a mile, within a great village, Both man and woman, child, and hind, and page; I trow his habitation be there;

        To be advised* great wisdom it were, watchful, on one’s guard Ere that he did a man a dishonour.” *lest “Yea, Godde’s armes,” quoth this riotour, “Is it such peril with him for to meet?

        I shall him seek, by stile and eke by street.

        I make a vow, by Godde’s digne* bones.” *worthy Hearken, fellows, we three be alle ones: at one Let each of us hold up his hand to other, And each of us become the other’s brother, And we will slay this false traitor Death; He shall be slain, he that so many slay’th, By Godde’s dignity, ere it be night.”

        Together have these three their trothe plight To live and die each one of them for other As though he were his owen sworen brother.

        And up they start, all drunken, in this rage, And forth they go towardes that village Of which the taverner had spoke beforn, And many a grisly* oathe have they sworn, *dreadful And Christe’s blessed body they to-rent; tore to pieces <7>

        “Death shall be dead, if that we may him hent.” catch When they had gone not fully half a mile, Right as they would have trodden o’er a stile, An old man and a poore with them met.

        This olde man full meekely them gret, greeted And saide thus; “Now, lordes, God you see!” look on graciously The proudest of these riotoures three

        Answer’d again; “What? churl, with sorry grace, Why art thou all forwrapped* save thy face? *closely wrapt up Why livest thou so long in so great age?”

        This olde man gan look on his visage,

        And saide thus; “For that I cannot find A man, though that I walked unto Ind,

        Neither in city, nor in no village go, That woulde change his youthe for mine age; And therefore must I have mine age still As longe time as it is Godde’s will.

        And Death, alas! he will not have my life.

        Thus walk I like a resteless caitife, miserable wretch And on the ground, which is my mother’s gate, I knocke with my staff, early and late, And say to her, ‘Leve* mother, let me in. *dear Lo, how I wane, flesh, and blood, and skin; Alas! when shall my bones be at rest?

        Mother, with you I woulde change my chest, That in my chamber longe time hath be, Yea, for an hairy clout to *wrap in me.’ wrap myself in*

        But yet to me she will not do that grace, For which fall pale and welked* is my face. *withered But, Sirs, to you it is no courtesy

        To speak unto an old man villainy,

        But* he trespass in word or else in deed. *except In Holy Writ ye may yourselves read;

        ‘Against* an old man, hoar upon his head, *to meet Ye should arise:’ therefore I you rede, advise Ne do unto an old man no harm now,

        No more than ye would a man did you

        In age, if that ye may so long abide.

        And God be with you, whether ye go or ride I must go thither as I have to go.”

        “Nay, olde churl, by God thou shalt not so,”

        Saide this other hazardor anon;

        “Thou partest not so lightly, by Saint John.

        Thou spakest right now of that traitor Death, That in this country all our friendes slay’th; Have here my troth, as thou art his espy; spy Tell where he is, or thou shalt it abie, suffer for By God and by the holy sacrament;

        For soothly thou art one of his assent To slay us younge folk, thou false thief.”

        “Now, Sirs,” quoth he, “if it be you so lief desire To finde Death, turn up this crooked way, For in that grove I left him, by my fay, Under a tree, and there he will abide; Nor for your boast he will him nothing hide.

        See ye that oak? right there ye shall him find.

        God save you, that bought again mankind, And you amend!” Thus said this olde man; And evereach of these riotoures ran,

        Till they came to the tree, and there they found Of florins fine, of gold y-coined round, Well nigh a seven bushels, as them thought.

        No longer as then after Death they sought; But each of them so glad was of the sight, For that the florins were so fair and bright, That down they sat them by the precious hoard.

        The youngest of them spake the firste word: “Brethren,” quoth he, “*take keep* what I shall say; heed

        My wit is great, though that I bourde* and play *joke, frolic This treasure hath Fortune unto us given In mirth and jollity our life to liven; And lightly as it comes, so will we spend.

        Hey! Godde’s precious dignity! who wend weened, thought Today that we should have so fair a grace?

        But might this gold he carried from this place Home to my house, or elles unto yours

        (For well I wot that all this gold is ours), Then were we in high felicity.

        But truely by day it may not be;

        Men woulde say that we were thieves strong, And for our owen treasure do us hong. have us hanged This treasure muste carried be by night, As wisely and as slily as it might.

        Wherefore I rede,* that cut** among us all advise *lots We draw, and let see where the cut will fall: And he that hath the cut, with hearte blithe Shall run unto the town, and that full swithe, quickly And bring us bread and wine full privily: And two of us shall keepe subtilly

        This treasure well: and if he will not tarry, When it is night, we will this treasure carry, By one assent, where as us thinketh best.”

        Then one of them the cut brought in his fist, And bade them draw, and look where it would fall; And it fell on the youngest of them all; And forth toward the town he went anon.

        And all so soon as that he was y-gone, The one of them spake thus unto the other; “Thou knowest well that thou art my sworn brother, *Thy profit* will I tell thee right anon. what is for thine Thou knowest well that our fellow is gone, advantage

        And here is gold, and that full great plenty, That shall departed* he among us three. divided But natheless, if I could shape it so *contrive That it departed were among us two,

        Had I not done a friende’s turn to thee?”

        Th’ other answer’d, “I n’ot* how that may be; *know not He knows well that the gold is with us tway.

        What shall we do? what shall we to him say?”

        “Shall it be counsel?”* said the firste shrew;* secret **wretch “And I shall tell to thee in wordes few What we shall do, and bring it well about.”

        “I grante,” quoth the other, “out of doubt, That by my truth I will thee not bewray.” betray “Now,” quoth the first, “thou know’st well we be tway, And two of us shall stronger be than one.

        Look; when that he is set,* thou right anon sat down Arise, as though thou wouldest with him play; And I shall rive him through the sides tway, *stab While that thou strugglest with him as in game; And with thy dagger look thou do the same.

        And then shall all this gold departed* be, divided My deare friend, betwixte thee and me: Then may we both our lustes all fulfil, *pleasures And play at dice right at our owen will.”

        And thus accorded* be these shrewes** tway agreed *wretches To slay the third, as ye have heard me say.

        The youngest, which that wente to the town, Full oft in heart he rolled up and down The beauty of these florins new and bright.

        “O Lord!” quoth he, “if so were that I might Have all this treasure to myself alone, There is no man that lives under the throne Of God, that shoulde have so merry as I.”

        And at the last the fiend our enemy

        Put in his thought, that he should poison buy, With which he mighte slay his fellows twy. two For why, the fiend found him *in such living, leading such a That he had leave to sorrow him to bring. (bad) life*

        For this was utterly his full intent

        To slay them both, and never to repent.

        And forth he went, no longer would he tarry, Into the town to an apothecary,

        And prayed him that he him woulde sell Some poison, that he might *his rattes quell, kill his rats*

        And eke there was a polecat in his haw, farmyard, hedge <27>

        That, as he said, his eapons had y-slaw: slain And fain he would him wreak,* if that he might, *revenge Of vermin that destroyed him by night.

        Th’apothecary answer’d, “Thou shalt have A thing, as wisly* God my soule save, surely In all this world there is no creature That eat or drank hath of this confecture, Not but the mountance of a corn of wheat, amount That he shall not his life anon forlete; immediately lay down*

        Yea, sterve* he shall, and that in lesse while die Than thou wilt go apace* nought but a mile: quickly

        This poison is so strong and violent.”

        This cursed man hath in his hand y-hent taken This poison in a box, and swift he ran Into the nexte street, unto a man,

        And borrow’d of him large bottles three; And in the two the poison poured he;

        The third he kepte clean for his own drink, For all the night he shope him* for to swink* purposed **labour In carrying off the gold out of that place.

        And when this riotour, with sorry grace, Had fill’d with wine his greate bottles three, To his fellows again repaired he.

        What needeth it thereof to sermon* more? talk, discourse For, right as they had cast his death before, *plotted Right so they have him slain, and that anon.

        And when that this was done, thus spake the one; “Now let us sit and drink, and make us merry, And afterward we will his body bury.”

        And with that word it happen’d him *par cas by chance To take the bottle where the poison was, And drank, and gave his fellow drink also, For which anon they sterved* both the two. *died But certes I suppose that Avicen

        Wrote never in no canon, nor no fen, <28>

        More wondrous signes of empoisoning,

        Than had these wretches two ere their ending.

        Thus ended be these homicides two,

        And eke the false empoisoner also.

        O cursed sin, full of all cursedness!

        O trait’rous homicide! O wickedness!

        O glutt’ny, luxury, and hazardry!

        Thou blasphemer of Christ with villany, outrage, impiety And oathes great, of usage and of pride!

        Alas! mankinde, how may it betide,

        That to thy Creator, which that thee wrought, And with his precious hearte-blood thee bought, Thou art so false and so unkind,* alas! unnatural Now, good men, God forgive you your trespass, And ware you from the sin of avarice. *keep Mine holy pardon may you all warice, heal So that ye offer *nobles or sterlings, gold or silver coins*

        Or elles silver brooches, spoons, or rings.

        Bowe your head under this holy bull.

        Come up, ye wives, and offer of your will; Your names I enter in my roll anon;

        Into the bliss of heaven shall ye gon; I you assoil* by mine high powere, *absolve <29>

        You that will offer, as clean and eke as clear As ye were born. Lo, Sires, thus I preach; And Jesus Christ, that is our soules’ leech, healer So grante you his pardon to receive;

        For that is best, I will not deceive.

        But, Sirs, one word forgot I in my tale; I have relics and pardon in my mail,

        As fair as any man in Engleland,

        Which were me given by the Pope’s hand.

        If any of you will of devotion

        Offer, and have mine absolution,

        Come forth anon, and kneele here adown And meekely receive my pardoun.

        Or elles take pardon, as ye wend, go All new and fresh at every towne’s end, So that ye offer, always new and new,

        Nobles or pence which that be good and true.

        ‘Tis an honour to evereach* that is here, each one That ye have a suffisant pardonere suitable T’assoile you in country as ye ride, *absolve For aventures which that may betide.

        Paraventure there may fall one or two

        Down of his horse, and break his neck in two.

        Look, what a surety is it to you all,

        That I am in your fellowship y-fall,

        That may assoil* you bothe *more and lass, absolve When that the soul shall from the body pass. great and small

        I rede* that our Hoste shall begin, *advise For he is most enveloped in sin.

        Come forth, Sir Host, and offer first anon, And thou shalt kiss; the relics every one, Yea, for a groat; unbuckle anon thy purse.

        “Nay, nay,” quoth he, “then have I Christe’s curse!

        Let be,” quoth he, “it shall not be, *so the’ch. so may I thrive*

        Thou wouldest make me kiss thine olde breech, And swear it were a relic of a saint,

        Though it were with thy *fundament depaint’. stained by your bottom*

        But, by the cross which that Saint Helen fand, found <30>

        I would I had thy coilons* in mine hand, *testicles Instead of relics, or of sanctuary.

        Let cut them off, I will thee help them carry; They shall be shrined in a hogge’s turd.”

        The Pardoner answered not one word;

        So wroth he was, no worde would he say.

        “Now,” quoth our Host, “I will no longer play With thee, nor with none other angry man.”

        But right anon the worthy Knight began (When that he saw that all the people lough*), *laughed “No more of this, for it is right enough.

        Sir Pardoner, be merry and glad of cheer; And ye, Sir Host, that be to me so dear, I pray you that ye kiss the Pardoner;

        And, Pardoner, I pray thee draw thee ner, nearer And as we didde, let us laugh and play.”

        Anon they kiss’d, and rode forth their way.

        Notes to the Pardoner’s Tale

        1. The outline of this Tale is to be found in the “Cento Novelle Antiche,” but the original is now lost. As in the case of the Wife of Bath’s Tale, there is a long prologue, but in this case it has been treated as part of the Tale.

        2. Hautein: loud, lofty; from French, “hautain.”

        3. Radix malorum est cupiditas: “the love of money is the root of all evil” (1 Tim.vi. 10)

        4.All had she taken priestes two or three: even if she had committed adultery with two or three priests.

        5. Blackburied: The meaning of this is not very clear, but it is probably a periphrastic and picturesque way of indicating damnation.

        6. Grisly: dreadful; fitted to “agrise” or horrify the listener.

        7. Mr Wright says: “The common oaths in the Middle Ages were by the different parts of God’s body; and the popular preachers represented that profane swearers tore Christ’s body by their imprecations.” The idea was doubtless borrowed from the passage in Hebrews (vi. 6), where apostates are said to “crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh, and put Him to an open shame.”

        8. Tombesteres: female dancers or tumblers; from Anglo-Saxon, “tumban,” to dance.

        9. “Be not drunk with wine, wherein is excess.” Eph. v.18.

        10. The reference is probably to the diligent inquiries Herod made at the time of Christ’s birth. See Matt. ii. 4-8

        11. A drunkard. “Perhaps,” says Tyrwhitt, “Chaucer refers to Epist. LXXXIII., ‘Extende in plures dies illum ebrii habitum; nunquid de furore dubitabis? nunc quoque non est minor sed brevior.’” (“Prolong the drunkard’s condition to several days; will you doubt his madness? Even as it is, the madness is no less; merely shorter.”)

        12. Defended: forbidden; French, “defendu.” St Jerome, in his book against Jovinian, says that so long as Adam fasted, he was in Paradise; he ate, and he was thrust out.

        13. “Meats for the belly, and the belly for meats; but God shall destroy both it and them.” 1 Cor. vi. 13.

        14. “For many walk, of whom I have told you often, and now tell you even weeping, that they are the enemies of the cross of Christ: Whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose glory is in their shame, who mind earthly things.” Phil.

        iii. 18, 19.

        15. Cod: bag; Anglo-Saxon, “codde;” hence peas-cod, pin-cod (pin-cushion), &c.

        16. Compare with the lines which follow, the picture of the drunken messenger in the Man of Law’s Tale.

        17. Lepe: A town near Cadiz, whence a stronger wine than the Gascon vintages afforded was imported to England. French wine was often adulterated with the cheaper and stronger Spanish.

        18. Another reading is “Fleet Street.”

        19. Attila was suffocated in the night by a haemorrhage, brought on by a debauch, when he was preparing a new invasion of Italy, in 453.

        20. “It is not for kings, O Lemuel, it is not for kings to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink; lest they drink, and forget the law, and pervert the judgment of any of the afflicted.” Prov.

        xxxi. 4, 5.

        21. Most manuscripts, evidently in error, have “Stilbon” and “Calidone” for Chilon and Lacedaemon. Chilon was one of the seven sages of Greece, and flourished about B.C. 590.

        According to Diogenes Laertius, he died, under the pressure of age and joy, in the arms of his son, who had just been crowned victor at the Olympic games.

        22. “Swear not at all;” Christ’s words in Matt. v. 34.

        23. “And thou shalt swear, the lord liveth in truth, in judgement, and in righteousness.” Jeremiah iv. 2

        24. The nails that fastened Christ on the cross, which were regarded with superstitious reverence.

        25. Hailes: An abbey in Gloucestershire, where, under the designation of “the blood of Hailes,” a portion of Christ’s blood was preserved.

        26. Go bet: a hunting phrase; apparently its force is, “go beat up the game.”

        27. Haw; farmyard, hedge Compare the French, “haie.”

        28. Avicen, or Avicenna, was among the distinguished physicians of the Arabian school in the eleventh century, and very popular in the Middle Ages. His great work was called “Canon Medicinae,” and was divided into “fens,” “fennes,” or sections.

        29. Assoil: absolve. compare the Scotch law-term “assoilzie,”

        to acquit.

        30. Saint Helen, according to Sir John Mandeville, found the cross of Christ deep below ground, under a rock, where the Jews had hidden it; and she tested the genuineness of the sacred tree, by raising to life a dead man laid upon it.

        THE SHIPMAN’S TALE.<1>

        THE PROLOGUE

        Our Host upon his stirrups stood anon, And saide; “Good men, hearken every one, This was a thrifty* tale for the nones. discreet, profitable Sir Parish Priest,” quoth he, “for Godde’s bones, Tell us a tale, as was thy forword yore: promise formerly*

        I see well that ye learned men in lore Can* muche good, by Godde’s dignity.” *know The Parson him answer’d, “Ben’dicite!

        What ails the man, so sinfully to swear?”

        Our Host answer’d, “O Jankin, be ye there?

        Now, good men,” quoth our Host, “hearken to me.

        I smell a Lollard <2> in the wind,” quoth he.

        “Abide, for Godde’s digne* passion, *worthy For we shall have a predication:

        This Lollard here will preachen us somewhat.”

        “Nay, by my father’s soul, that shall he not, Saide the Shipman; “Here shall he not preach, He shall no gospel glose* here nor teach. *comment upon We all believe in the great God,” quoth he.

        “He woulde sowe some difficulty,

        Or springe cockle <3> in our cleane corn.

        And therefore, Host, I warne thee beforn, My jolly body shall a tale tell,

        And I shall clinke you so merry a bell, That I shall waken all this company;

        But it shall not be of philosophy,

        Nor of physic, nor termes quaint of law; There is but little Latin in my maw.” belly Notes to the Prologue to the Shipman’s Tale 1. The Prologue here given was transferred by Tyrwhitt from the place, preceding the Squire’s Tale, which it had formerly occupied; the Shipman’s Tale having no Prologue in the best manuscripts.

        2. Lollard: A contemptuous name for the followers of Wyckliffe; presumably derived from the Latin, “lolium,” tares, as if they were the tares among the Lord’s wheat; so, a few lines below, the Shipman intimates his fear lest the Parson should “spring cockle in our clean corn.”

        3. Cockle: A weed, the “Agrostemma githago” of Linnaeus; perhaps named from the Anglo-Saxon, “ceocan,” because it chokes the corn.

        (Transcriber’s note: It is also possible Chaucer had in mind Matthew 13:25, where in some translations, an enemy sowed “cockle” amongst the wheat. (Other translations have “tares”

        and “darnel”.))

        THE TALE. <1>

        A Merchant whilom dwell’d at Saint Denise, That riche was, for which men held him wise.

        A wife he had of excellent beauty,

        And *companiable and revellous* was she, fond of society and Which is a thing that causeth more dispence merry making

        Than worth is all the cheer and reverence That men them do at feastes and at dances.

        Such salutations and countenances

        Passen, as doth the shadow on the wall; Put woe is him that paye must for all.

        The sely* husband algate** he must pay, innocent *always He must us <2> clothe and he must us array All for his owen worship richely:

        In which array we dance jollily.

        And if that he may not, paraventure,

        Or elles list not such dispence endure, But thinketh it is wasted and y-lost,

        Then must another paye for our cost,

        Or lend us gold, and that is perilous.

        This noble merchant held a noble house; For which he had all day so great repair, resort of visitors For his largesse, and for his wife was fair, That wonder is; but hearken to my tale.

        Amonges all these guestes great and smale, There was a monk, a fair man and a bold, I trow a thirty winter he was old,

        That ever-in-one* was drawing to that place. *constantly This younge monk, that was so fair of face, Acquainted was so with this goode man, Since that their firste knowledge began, That in his house as familiar was he

        As it is possible any friend to be.

        And, for as muchel as this goode man,

        And eke this monk of which that I began, Were both the two y-born in one village, The monk *him claimed, as for cousinage, claimed kindred And he again him said not once nay, with him*

        But was as glad thereof as fowl of day; “For to his heart it was a great pleasance.

        Thus be they knit with etern’ alliance, And each of them gan other to assure

        Of brotherhood while that their life may dure.

        Free was Dan <3> John, and namely* of dispence,** especially *spending As in that house, and full of diligence To do pleasance, and also *great costage; liberal outlay*

        He not forgot to give the leaste page

        In all that house; but, after their degree, He gave the lord, and sithen* his meinie,* afterwards **servants When that he came, some manner honest thing; For which they were as glad of his coming As fowl is fain when that the sun upriseth.

        No more of this as now, for it sufficeth.

        But so befell, this merchant on a day

        Shope* him to make ready his array *resolved, arranged Toward the town of Bruges <4> for to fare, To buye there a portion of ware; merchandise For which he hath to Paris sent anon

        A messenger, and prayed hath Dan John

        That he should come to Saint Denis, and play enjoy himself With him, and with his wife, a day or tway, Ere he to Bruges went, in alle wise.

        This noble monk, of which I you devise, tell Had of his abbot, as him list, licence, (Because he was a man of high prudence, And eke an officer out for to ride,

        To see their granges and their barnes wide); <5>

        And unto Saint Denis he came anon.

        Who was so welcome as my lord Dan John, Our deare cousin, full of courtesy?

        With him he brought a jub* of malvesie, *jug And eke another full of fine vernage, <6>

        And volatile,* as aye was his usage: *wild-fowl And thus I let them eat, and drink, and play, This merchant and this monk, a day or tway.

        The thirde day the merchant up ariseth, And on his needeis sadly him adviseth; And up into his countour-house* went he, *counting-house <7>

        To reckon with himself as well may be, Of thilke* year, how that it with him stood, *that And how that he dispended bad his good, And if that he increased were or non.

        His bookes and his bagges many a one

        He laid before him on his counting-board.

        Full riche was his treasure and his hoard; For which full fast his countour door he shet; And eke he would that no man should him let hinder Of his accountes, for the meane time:

        And thus he sat, till it was passed prime.

        Dan John was risen in the morn also,

        And in the garden walked to and fro,

        And had his thinges said full courteously.

        The good wife came walking full privily Into the garden, where he walked soft, And him saluted, as she had done oft;

        A maiden child came in her company,

        Which as her list she might govern and gie, guide For yet under the yarde* was the maid. *rod <8>

        “O deare cousin mine, Dan John,” she said, “What aileth you so rath* for to arise?” *early “Niece,” quoth he, “it ought enough suffice Five houres for to sleep upon a night;’

        But* it were for an old appalled** wight, unless *pallid, wasted As be these wedded men, that lie and dare, stare As in a forme sits a weary hare,

        Alle forstraught* with houndes great and smale; *distracted, confounded But, deare niece, why be ye so pale?

        I trowe certes that our goode man

        Hath you so laboured, since this night began, That you were need to reste hastily.”

        And with that word he laugh’d full merrily, And of his owen thought he wax’d all red.

        This faire wife gan for to shake her head, And saide thus; “Yea, God wot all” quoth she.

        “Nay, cousin mine, it stands not so with me; For by that God, that gave me soul and life, In all the realm of France is there no wife That lesse lust hath to that sorry play; For I may sing alas and wellaway!

        That I was born; but to no wight,” quoth she, “Dare I not tell how that it stands with me.

        Wherefore I think out of this land to wend, Or elles of myself to make an end,

        So full am I of dread and eke of care.”

        This monk began upon this wife to stare, And said, “Alas! my niece, God forbid

        That ye for any sorrow, or any dread,

        Fordo* yourself: but telle me your grief, *destroy Paraventure I may, in your mischief, distress Counsel or help; and therefore telle me All your annoy, for it shall be secre.

        For on my portos* here I make an oath, breviary That never in my life, for lief nor loth, willing or unwilling*

        Ne shall I of no counsel you bewray.”

        “The same again to you,” quoth she, “I say.

        By God and by this portos I you swear, Though men me woulden all in pieces tear, Ne shall I never, for* to go to hell, though I should Bewray one word of thing that ye me tell, *betray For no cousinage, nor alliance,

        But verily for love and affiance.” confidence, promise Thus be they sworn, and thereupon they kiss’d, And each of them told other what them list.

        “Cousin,” quoth she, “if that I hadde space, As I have none, and namely* in this place, specially Then would I tell a legend of my life, What I have suffer’d since I was a wife With mine husband, all be he your cousin. *although “Nay,” quoth this monk, “by God and Saint Martin, He is no more cousin unto me,

        Than is the leaf that hangeth on the tree; I call him so, by Saint Denis of France, To have the more cause of acquaintance Of you, which I have loved specially

        Aboven alle women sickerly, surely This swear I you *on my professioun; by my vows of religion Tell me your grief, lest that he come adown, And hasten you, and go away anon.”

        “My deare love,” quoth she, “O my Dan John, Full lief* were me this counsel for to hide, *pleasant But out it must, I may no more abide.

        My husband is to me the worste man

        That ever was since that the world began; But since I am a wife, it sits* not me *becomes To telle no wight of our privity,

        Neither in bed, nor in none other place; God shield* I shoulde tell it for his grace; *forbid A wife shall not say of her husband

        But all honour, as I can understand;

        Save unto you thus much I telle shall; As help me God, he is nought worth at all In no degree, the value of a fly.

        But yet me grieveth most his niggardy. stinginess And well ye wot, that women naturally

        Desire thinges six, as well as I.

        They woulde that their husbands shoulde be Hardy,* and wise, and rich, and thereto free, brave And buxom to his wife, and fresh in bed. yielding, obedient But, by that ilke Lord that for us bled, *same For his honour myself for to array,

        On Sunday next I muste needes pay

        A hundred francs, or elles am I lorn. ruined, undone Yet *were me lever* that I were unborn, I would rather

        Than me were done slander or villainy.

        And if mine husband eke might it espy, I were but lost; and therefore I you pray, Lend me this sum, or elles must I dey. die Dan John, I say, lend me these hundred francs; Pardie, I will not faile you, *my thanks, if I can help it*

        If that you list to do that I you pray; For at a certain day I will you pay,

        And do to you what pleasance and service That I may do, right as you list devise.

        And but* I do, God take on me vengeance, *unless As foul as e’er had Ganilion <9> of France.”

        This gentle monk answer’d in this mannere; “Now truely, mine owen lady dear,

        I have,” quoth he, “on you so greate ruth, pity That I you swear, and plighte you my truth, That when your husband is to Flanders fare, gone I will deliver you out of this care,

        For I will bringe you a hundred francs.”

        And with that word he caught her by the flanks, And her embraced hard, and kissed her oft.

        “Go now your way,” quoth he, “all still and soft, And let us dine as soon as that ye may, For by my cylinder* ‘tis prime of day; *portable sundial Go now, and be as true as I shall be .”

        “Now elles God forbidde, Sir,” quoth she; And forth she went, as jolly as a pie, And bade the cookes that they should them hie, make haste So that men mighte dine, and that anon.

        Up to her husband is this wife gone,

        And knocked at his contour boldely.

        *“Qui est la?” quoth he. “Peter! it am I,” who is there?*

        Quoth she; “What, Sir, how longe all will ye fast?

        How longe time will ye reckon and cast Your summes, and your bookes, and your things?

        The devil have part of all such reckonings!

        Ye have enough, pardie, of Godde’s sond. sending, gifts Come down to-day, and let your bagges stond. stand Ne be ye not ashamed, that Dan John

        Shall fasting all this day elenge* gon? *see note <10>

        What? let us hear a mass, and go we dine.”

        “Wife,” quoth this man, “little canst thou divine The curious businesse that we have;

        For of us chapmen,* all so God me save, *merchants And by that lord that cleped is Saint Ive, Scarcely amonges twenty, ten shall thrive Continually, lasting unto our age.

        We may well make cheer and good visage, And drive forth the world as it may be, And keepen our estate in privity,

        Till we be dead, or elles that we play A pilgrimage, or go out of the way.

        And therefore have I great necessity

        Upon this quaint* world to advise** me. strange *consider For evermore must we stand in dread

        Of hap and fortune in our chapmanhead. trading To Flanders will I go to-morrow at day, And come again as soon as e’er I may:

        For which, my deare wife, I thee beseek *beseech As be to every wight buxom* and meek, *civil, courteous And for to keep our good be curious,

        And honestly governe well our house.

        Thou hast enough, in every manner wise, That to a thrifty household may suffice.

        Thee lacketh none array, nor no vitail; Of silver in thy purse thou shalt not fail.”

        And with that word his contour door he shet, shut And down he went; no longer would he let; delay, hinder And hastily a mass was there said,

        And speedily the tables were laid,

        And to the dinner faste they them sped, And richely this monk the chapman fed.

        And after dinner Dan John soberly

        This chapman took apart, and privily

        He said him thus: “Cousin, it standeth so, That, well I see, to Bruges ye will go; God and Saint Austin speede you and guide.

        I pray you, cousin, wisely that ye ride: Governe you also of your diet

        Attemperly,* and namely** in this heat. moderately Betwixt us two needeth no strange fare; ado, ceremony*

        Farewell, cousin, God shielde you from care.

        If any thing there be, by day or night, If it lie in my power and my might,

        That ye me will command in any wise,

        It shall be done, right as ye will devise.

        But one thing ere ye go, if it may be; I woulde pray you for to lend to me

        A hundred frankes, for a week or twy,

        For certain beastes that I muste buy,

        To store with a place that is ours

        (God help me so, I would that it were yours); I shall not faile surely of my day,

        Not for a thousand francs, a mile way.

        But let this thing be secret, I you pray; For yet tonight these beastes must I buy.

        And fare now well, mine owen cousin dear; Grand mercy of your cost and of your cheer.” great thanks

        This noble merchant gentilly* anon *like a gentleman Answer’d and said, “O cousin mine, Dan John, Now sickerly this is a small request:

        My gold is youres, when that it you lest, And not only my gold, but my chaffare; merchandise Take what you list, *God shielde that ye spare. God forbid that you But one thing is, ye know it well enow should take too little*

        Of chapmen, that their money is their plough.

        We may creance* while we have a name, *obtain credit But goldless for to be it is no game.

        Pay it again when it lies in your ease; After my might full fain would I you please.”

        These hundred frankes set he forth anon, And privily he took them to Dan John;

        No wight in all this world wist of this loan, Saving the merchant and Dan John alone.

        They drink, and speak, and roam a while, and play, Till that Dan John rode unto his abbay.

        The morrow came, and forth this merchant rideth To Flanders-ward, his prentice well him guideth, Till he came unto Bruges merrily.

        Now went this merchant fast and busily About his need, and buyed and creanced; got credit He neither played at the dice, nor danced; But as a merchant, shortly for to tell, He led his life; and there I let him dwell.

        The Sunday next* the merchant was y-gone, *after To Saint Denis y-comen is Dan John,

        With crown and beard all fresh and newly shave, In all the house was not so little a knave, servant-boy Nor no wight elles that was not full fain For that my lord Dan John was come again.

        And shortly to the point right for to gon, The faire wife accorded with Dan John, That for these hundred francs he should all night Have her in his armes bolt upright;

        And this accord performed was in deed.

        In mirth all night a busy life they lead, Till it was day, that Dan John went his way, And bade the meinie* “Farewell; have good day.” *servants For none of them, nor no wight in the town, Had of Dan John right no suspicioun;

        And forth he rode home to his abbay,

        Or where him list; no more of him I say.

        The merchant, when that ended was the fair, To Saint Denis he gan for to repair,

        And with his wife he made feast and cheer, And tolde her that chaffare* was so dear, *merchandise That needes must he make a chevisance; loan <11>

        For he was bound in a recognisance

        To paye twenty thousand shields* anon. *crowns, ecus For which this merchant is to Paris gone, To borrow of certain friendes that he had A certain francs, and some with him he lad. took And when that he was come into the town, For great cherte* and great affectioun *love Unto Dan John he wente first to play;

        Not for to borrow of him no money,

        Bat for to weet* and see of his welfare, *know And for to telle him of his chaffare,

        As friendes do, when they be met in fere. company Dan John him made feast and merry cheer; And he him told again full specially,

        How he had well y-bought and graciously (Thanked be God) all whole his merchandise; Save that he must, in alle manner wise, Maken a chevisance, as for his best;

        And then he shoulde be in joy and rest.

        Dan John answered, “Certes, I am fain glad That ye in health be come borne again: And if that I were rich, as have I bliss, Of twenty thousand shields should ye not miss, For ye so kindely the other day

        Lente me gold, and as I can and may

        I thanke you, by God and by Saint Jame.

        But natheless I took unto our Dame,

        Your wife at home, the same gold again, Upon your bench; she wot it well, certain, By certain tokens that I can her tell

        Now, by your leave, I may no longer dwell; Our abbot will out of this town anon,

        And in his company I muste gon.

        Greet well our Dame, mine owen niece sweet, And farewell, deare cousin, till we meet.

        This merchant, which that was full ware and wise, *Creanced hath,* and paid eke in Paris had obtained credit

        To certain Lombards ready in their hond The sum of gold, and got of them his bond, And home he went, merry as a popinjay. parrot For well he knew he stood in such array That needes must he win in that voyage A thousand francs, above all his costage. expenses His wife full ready met him at the gate, As she was wont of old usage algate always And all that night in mirthe they beset; spent For he was rich, and clearly out of debt.

        When it was day, the merchant gan embrace His wife all new, and kiss’d her in her face, And up he went, and maked it full tough.

        “No more,” quoth she, “by God ye have enough;”

        And wantonly again with him she play’d, Till at the last this merchant to her said.

        “By God,” quoth he, “I am a little wroth With you, my wife, although it be me loth; And wot ye why? by God, as that I guess, That ye have made a *manner strangeness a kind of estrangement*

        Betwixte me and my cousin, Dan John.

        Ye should have warned me, ere I had gone, That he you had a hundred frankes paid By ready token; he *had him evil apaid was displeased*

        For that I to him spake of chevisance, borrowing (He seemed so as by his countenance);

        But natheless, by God of heaven king,

        I thoughte not to ask of him no thing.

        I pray thee, wife, do thou no more so.

        Tell me alway, ere that I from thee go, If any debtor hath in mine absence

        Y-payed thee, lest through thy negligence I might him ask a thing that he hath paid.”

        This wife was not afeared nor afraid,

        But boldely she said, and that anon;

        “Mary! I defy that false monk Dan John, I keep* not of his tokens never a deal:** care *whit He took me certain gold, I wot it well. —

        What? evil thedom* on his monke’s snout! — *thriving For, God it wot, I ween’d withoute doubt That he had given it me, because of you, To do therewith mine honour and my prow, profit For cousinage, and eke for belle cheer That he hath had full often here.

        But since I see I stand in such disjoint, awkward position I will answer you shortly to the point.

        Ye have more slacke debtors than am I; For I will pay you well and readily,

        From day to day, and if so be I fail,

        I am your wife, score it upon my tail, And I shall pay as soon as ever I may.

        For, by my troth, I have on mine array, And not in waste, bestow’d it every deal.

        And, for I have bestowed it so well,

        For your honour, for Godde’s sake I say, As be not wroth, but let us laugh and play.

        Ye shall my jolly body have *to wed;* in pledge

        By God, I will not pay you but in bed; Forgive it me, mine owen spouse dear;

        Turn hitherward, and make better cheer.”

        The merchant saw none other remedy;

        And for to chide, it were but a folly, Since that the thing might not amended be.

        “Now, wife,” he said, “and I forgive it thee; But by thy life be no more so large; liberal, lavish Keep better my good, this give I thee in charge.”

        Thus endeth now my tale; and God us send Taling enough, until our lives’ end!

        Notes to the Shipman’s Tale

        1. In this Tale Chaucer seems to have followed an old French story, which also formed the groundwork of the first story in the eighth day of the “Decameron.”

        2. “He must us clothe”: So in all the manuscripts and from this and the following lines, it must be inferred that Chaucer had intended to put the Tale in the mouth of a female speaker.

        3. Dan: a title bestowed on priests and scholars; from “Dominus,” like the Spanish “Don”.

        4. Bruges was in Chaucer’s time the great emporium of European commerce.

        5. The monk had been appointed by his abbot to inspect and manage the rural property of the monastery.

        6. Malvesie or Malmesy wine derived its name from Malvasia, a region of the Morea near Cape Malea, where it was made, as it also was on Chios and some other Greek islands. Vernage was “vernaccia”, a sweet Italian wine.

        7. Contour-house: counting-house; French, “comptoir.”

        8. Under the yarde: under the rod; in pupillage; a phrase properly used of children, but employed by the Clerk in the prologue to his tale. See note 1 to the Prologue to the Clerk’s Tale.

        9. Genelon, Ganelon, or Ganilion; one of Charlemagne’s officers, whose treachery was the cause of the disastrous defeat of the Christians by the Saracens at Roncevalles; he was torn to pieces by four horses.

        10. Elenge: From French, “eloigner,” to remove; it may mean either the lonely, cheerless condition of the priest, or the strange behaviour of the merchant in leaving him to himself.

        11. Make a chevisance: raise money by means of a borrowing agreement; from French, “achever,” to finish; the general meaning of the word is a bargain, an agreement.

        THE PRIORESS’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        “WELL said, by *corpus Domini,” quoth our Host; the Lord’s body*

        “Now longe may’st thou saile by the coast, Thou gentle Master, gentle Marinere.

        God give the monk *a thousand last quad year! ever so much evil* <1>

        Aha! fellows, beware of such a jape. trick The monk *put in the manne’s hood an ape, fooled him*

        And in his wife’s eke, by Saint Austin.

        Drawe no monkes more into your inn.

        But now pass over, and let us seek about, Who shall now telle first of all this rout Another tale;” and with that word he said, As courteously as it had been a maid;

        “My Lady Prioresse, by your leave,

        So that I wist I shoulde you not grieve, offend I woulde deeme* that ye telle should *judge, decide A tale next, if so were that ye would.

        Now will ye vouchesafe, my lady dear?”

        “Gladly,” quoth she; and said as ye shall hear.

        Notes to the Prologue to the Prioress’s Tale.

        1. A thousand last quad year: ever so much evil. “Last” means a load, “quad,” bad; and literally we may read “a thousand weight of bad years.” The Italians use “mal anno” in the same sense.

        THE TALE. <1>

        O Lord our Lord! thy name how marvellous Is in this large world y-spread! <2> (quoth she) For not only thy laude* precious *praise Performed is by men of high degree,

        But by the mouth of children thy bounte goodness Performed is, for on the breast sucking Sometimes showe they thy herying.* <3> *glory Wherefore in laud, as I best can or may Of thee, and of the white lily flow’r

        Which that thee bare, and is a maid alway, To tell a story I will do my labour;

        Not that I may increase her honour,

        For she herselven is honour and root

        Of bounte, next her son, and soules’ boot. help O mother maid, O maid and mother free! bounteous O bush unburnt, burning in Moses’ sight, That ravished’st down from the deity,

        Through thy humbless, the ghost that in thee light; <4>

        Of whose virtue, when he thine hearte light, lightened, gladdened Conceived was the Father’s sapience;

        Help me to tell it to thy reverence.

        Lady! thy bounty, thy magnificence,

        Thy virtue, and thy great humility,

        There may no tongue express in no science: For sometimes, Lady! ere men pray to thee, Thou go’st before, of thy benignity,

        And gettest us the light, through thy prayere, To guiden us unto thy son so dear.

        My conning* is so weak, O blissful queen, *skill, ability For to declare thy great worthiness,

        That I not may the weight of it sustene; But as a child of twelvemonth old, or less, That can unnethes* any word express, *scarcely Right so fare I; and therefore, I you pray, Guide my song that I shall of you say.

        There was in Asia, in a great city,

        Amonges Christian folk, a Jewery,<5>

        Sustained by a lord of that country,

        For foul usure, and lucre of villainy, Hateful to Christ, and to his company; And through the street men mighte ride and wend, go, walk For it was free, and open at each end.

        A little school of Christian folk there stood Down at the farther end, in which there were Children an heap y-come of Christian blood, That learned in that schoole year by year Such manner doctrine as men used there; This is to say, to singen and to read, As smalle children do in their childhead.

        Among these children was a widow’s son, A little clergion,* seven year of age, young clerk or scholar That day by day to scholay was his won,* study **wont And eke also, whereso he saw th’ image Of Christe’s mother, had he in usage,

        As him was taught, to kneel adown, and say Ave Maria as he went by the way.

        Thus had this widow her little son y-taught Our blissful Lady, Christe’s mother dear, To worship aye, and he forgot it not;

        For sely* child will always soone lear.* innocent **learn But aye when I remember on this mattere, Saint Nicholas <6> stands ever in my presence; For he so young to Christ did reverence.

        This little child his little book learning, As he sat in the school at his primere, He Alma redemptoris <7> hearde sing,

        As children learned their antiphonere; <8>

        And as he durst, he drew him nere and nere, nearer And hearken’d aye the wordes and the note, Till he the firste verse knew all by rote.

        Nought wist he what this Latin was tosay, meant For he so young and tender was of age; But on a day his fellow gan he pray

        To expound him this song in his language, Or tell him why this song was in usage: This pray’d he him to construe and declare, Full oftentime upon his knees bare.

        His fellow, which that elder was than he, Answer’d him thus: “This song, I have heard say, Was maked of our blissful Lady free,

        Her to salute, and eke her to pray

        To be our help and succour when we dey. die I can no more expound in this mattere: I learne song, I know but small grammere.”

        “And is this song y-made in reverence

        Of Christe’s mother?” said this innocent; Now certes I will do my diligence

        To conne* it all, ere Christemas be went; *learn; con Though that I for my primer shall be shent, disgraced And shall be beaten thries in an hour, I will it conne, our Lady to honour.”

        His fellow taught him homeward* privily on the way home From day to day, till he coud it by rote, *knew And then he sang it well and boldely

        From word to word according with the note; Twice in a day it passed through his throat; To schoole-ward, and homeward when he went; On Christ’s mother was set all his intent.

        As I have said, throughout the Jewery, This little child, as he came to and fro, Full merrily then would he sing and cry, O Alma redemptoris, evermo’;

        The sweetness hath his hearte pierced so Of Christe’s mother, that to her to pray He cannot stint* of singing by the way. *cease Our firste foe, the serpent Satanas,

        That hath in Jewes’ heart his waspe’s nest, Upswell’d and said, “O Hebrew people, alas!

        Is this to you a thing that is honest, creditable, becoming That such a boy shall walken as him lest In your despite, and sing of such sentence, Which is against your lawe’s reverence?”

        From thenceforth the Jewes have conspired This innocent out of the world to chase; A homicide thereto have they hired,

        That in an alley had a privy place,

        And, as the child gan forth by for to pace, This cursed Jew him hent,* and held him fast *seized And cut his throat, and in a pit him cast.

        I say that in a wardrobe* he him threw, *privy Where as the Jewes purged their entrail.

        O cursed folk! O Herodes all new!

        What may your evil intente you avail?

        Murder will out, certain it will not fail, And namely* where th’ honour of God shall spread; *especially The blood out crieth on your cursed deed.

        O martyr souded* to virginity, *confirmed <9>

        Now may’st thou sing, and follow ever-in-one continually The white Lamb celestial (quoth she),

        Of which the great Evangelist Saint John In Patmos wrote, which saith that they that gon Before this Lamb, and sing a song all new, That never fleshly woman they ne knew.<10>

        This poore widow waited all that night After her little child, but he came not; For which, as soon as it was daye’s light, With face pale, in dread and busy thought, She hath at school and elleswhere him sought, Till finally she gan so far espy,

        That he was last seen in the Jewery.

        With mother’s pity in her breast enclosed, She went, as she were half out of her mind, To every place, where she hath supposed By likelihood her little child to find: And ever on Christ’s mother meek and kind She cried, and at the laste thus she wrought, Among the cursed Jewes she him sought.

        She freined,* and she prayed piteously asked <11>

        To every Jew that dwelled in that place, To tell her, if her childe went thereby; They saide, “Nay;” but Jesus of his grace Gave in her thought, within a little space, That in that place after her son she cried, Where he was cast into a pit beside.

        O greate God, that preformest thy laud By mouth of innocents, lo here thy might!

        This gem of chastity, this emeraud, emerald And eke of martyrdom the ruby bright,

        Where he with throat y-carven* lay upright, *cut He Alma Redemptoris gan to sing

        So loud, that all the place began to ring.

        The Christian folk, that through the streete went, In came, for to wonder on this thing:

        And hastily they for the provost sent.

        He came anon withoute tarrying,

        And heried* Christ, that is of heaven king, praised And eke his mother, honour of mankind; And after that the Jewes let he bind. caused With torment, and with shameful death each one The provost did these Jewes for to sterve* caused **die That of this murder wist, and that anon; He woulde no such cursedness observe overlook Evil shall have that evil will deserve; Therefore with horses wild he did them draw, And after that he hung them by the law.

        The child, with piteous lamentation,

        Was taken up, singing his song alway:

        And with honour and great procession,

        They crry him unto the next abbay.

        His mother swooning by the biere lay;

        Unnethes* might the people that were there *scarcely This newe Rachel bringe from his bier.

        Upon his biere lay this innocent

        Before the altar while the masses last’; lasted And, after that, th’ abbot with his convent Have sped them for to bury him full fast; And when they holy water on him cast,

        Yet spake this child, when sprinkled was the water, And sang, O Alma redemptoris mater!

        This abbot, which that was a holy man, As monkes be, or elles ought to be,

        This younger child to conjure he began, And said; “O deare child! I halse* thee, *implore <12>

        In virtue of the holy Trinity;

        Tell me what is thy cause for to sing, Since that thy throat is cut, to my seeming.”

        “My throat is cut unto my necke-bone,”

        Saide this child, “and, as *by way of kind, in course of nature*

        I should have died, yea long time agone; But Jesus Christ, as ye in bookes find, Will that his glory last and be in mind; And, for the worship* of his mother dear, *glory Yet may I sing O Alma loud and clear.

        “This well* of mercy, Christe’s mother sweet, *fountain I loved alway, after my conning: knowledge And when that I my life should forlete, leave To me she came, and bade me for to sing This anthem verily in my dying,

        As ye have heard; and, when that I had sung, Me thought she laid a grain upon my tongue.

        “Wherefore I sing, and sing I must certain, In honour of that blissful maiden free, Till from my tongue off taken is the grain.

        And after that thus saide she to me;

        ‘My little child, then will I fetche thee, When that the grain is from thy tongue take: Be not aghast,* I will thee not forsake.’” *afraid This holy monk, this abbot him mean I, His tongue out caught, and took away the grain; And he gave up the ghost full softely.

        And when this abbot had this wonder seen, His salte teares trickled down as rain: And groff* he fell all flat upon the ground, *prostrate, grovelling And still he lay, as he had been y-bound.

        The convent* lay eke on the pavement all the monks Weeping, and herying Christ’s mother dear. *praising And after that they rose, and forth they went, And took away this martyr from his bier, And in a tomb of marble stones clear

        Enclosed they his little body sweet;

        Where he is now, God lene* us for to meet. *grant O younge Hugh of Lincoln!<13> slain also With cursed Jewes, — as it is notable, For it is but a little while ago, —

        Pray eke for us, we sinful folk unstable, That, of his mercy, God so merciable merciful On us his greate mercy multiply,

        For reverence of his mother Mary.

        Notes to the Prioress’s Tale

        1. Tales of the murder of children by Jews were frequent in the Middle Ages, being probably designed to keep up the bitter feeling of the Christians against the Jews. Not a few children were canonised on this account; and the scene of the misdeeds was laid anywhere and everywhere, so that Chaucer could be at no loss for material.

        2. This is from Psalm viii. 1, “Domine, dominus noster,quam admirabile est nomen tuum in universa terra.”

        3. “Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings hast Thou ordained strength.” — Psalms viii. 2.

        4. The ghost that in thee light: the spirit that on thee alighted; the Holy Ghost through whose power Christ was conceived.

        5. Jewery: A quarter which the Jews were permitted to inhabit; the Old Jewry in London got its name in this way.

        6. St. Nicholas, even in his swaddling clothes — so says the “Breviarium Romanum” —gave promise of extraordinary virtue and holiness; for, though he sucked freely on other days, on Wednesdays and Fridays he applied to the breast only once, and that not until the evening.

        7. “O Alma Redemptoris Mater,” (“O soul mother of the Redeemer”) — the beginning of a hymn to the Virgin.

        8. Antiphonere: A book of anthems, or psalms, chanted in the choir by alternate verses.

        9. Souded; confirmed; from French, “soulde;” Latin, “solidatus.”

        10. “And they sung as it were a new song before the throne, and before the four beasts, and the elders: and no man could learn that song but the hundred and forty and four thousand, which were redeemed from the earth.

        These are they which were not defiled with women; for they are virgins. These are they which follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth. These were redeemed from among men, being the firstfruits unto God and to the Lamb.”

        — Revelations xiv. 3, 4.

        11. Freined: asked, inquired; from Anglo-Saxon, “frinan,”

        “fraegnian.” Compare German, “fragen.”

        12. Halse: embrace or salute; implore: from Anglo-Saxon “hals,” the neck.

        14 A boy said to have been slain by the Jews at Lincoln in 1255, according to Matthew Paris. Many popular ballads were made about the event, which the diligence of the Church doubtless kept fresh in mind at Chaucer’s day.

        CHAUCER’S TALE OF SIR THOPAS.

        THE PROLOGUE.<1>

        WHEN said was this miracle, every man

        As sober* was, that wonder was to see, serious Till that our Host to japen he began, *talk lightly And then at erst he looked upon me, for the first time

        And saide thus; “What man art thou?” quoth he; “Thou lookest as thou wouldest find an hare, For ever on the ground I see thee stare.

        “Approache near, and look up merrily.

        Now ware you, Sirs, and let this man have place.

        He in the waist is shapen as well as I; <2>

        This were a puppet in an arm t’embrace For any woman small and fair of face.

        He seemeth elvish* by his countenance, *surly, morose For unto no wight doth he dalliance.

        “Say now somewhat, since other folk have said; Tell us a tale of mirth, and that anon.”

        “Hoste,” quoth I, “be not evil apaid, dissatisfied For other tale certes can* I none, know Eut of a rhyme I learned yore agone.” *long “Yea, that is good,” quoth he; “now shall we hear Some dainty thing, me thinketh by thy cheer.” expression, mien Notes to the Prologue to Chaucer’s Tale of Sir Thopas 1. This prologue is interesting, for the picture which it gives of Chaucer himself; riding apart from and indifferent to the rest of the pilgrims, with eyes fixed on the ground, and an “elvish”, morose, or rather self-absorbed air; portly, if not actually stout, in body; and evidently a man out of the common, as the closing words of the Host imply.

        2. Referring to the poet’s corpulency.

        THE TALE <1>

        The First Fit part Listen, lordings, in good intent,

        And I will tell you verrament truly Of mirth and of solas, delight, solace All of a knight was fair and gent, gentle In battle and in tournament,

        His name was Sir Thopas.

        Y-born he was in far country,

        In Flanders, all beyond the sea,

        At Popering <2> in the place;

        His father was a man full free,

        And lord he was of that country,

        As it was Godde’s grace. <3>

        Sir Thopas was a doughty swain,

        White was his face as paindemain, <4>

        His lippes red as rose.

        His rode* is like scarlet in grain, *complexion And I you tell in good certain

        He had a seemly nose.

        His hair, his beard, was like saffroun, That to his girdle reach’d adown,

        His shoes of cordewane:<5>

        Of Bruges were his hosen brown;

        His robe was of ciclatoun,<6>

        That coste many a jane.<7>

        He coulde hunt at the wild deer,

        And ride on hawking *for rivere by the river*

        With gray goshawk on hand: <8>

        Thereto he was a good archere,

        Of wrestling was there none his peer,

        Where any ram <9> should stand.

        Full many a maiden bright in bow’r

        They mourned for him par amour,

        When them were better sleep;

        But he was chaste, and no lechour,

        And sweet as is the bramble flow’r

        That beareth the red heep. hip And so it fell upon a day,

        For sooth as I you telle may,

        Sir Thopas would out ride;

        He worth* upon his steede gray, *mounted And in his hand a launcegay, spear <10>

        A long sword by his side.

        He pricked through a fair forest,

        Wherein is many a wilde beast,

        Yea, bothe buck and hare;

        And as he pricked north and east,

        I tell it you, him had almest *almost Betid* a sorry care. *befallen There sprange herbes great and small,

        The liquorice and the setewall, valerian And many a clove-gilofre, <12>

        And nutemeg to put in ale,

        Whether it be moist* or stale, *new Or for to lay in coffer.

        The birdes sang, it is no nay,

        The sperhawk* and the popinjay,* sparrowhawk **parrot <13>

        That joy it was to hear;

        The throstle-cock made eke his lay,

        The woode-dove upon the spray

        She sang full loud and clear.

        Sir Thopas fell in love-longing

        All when he heard the throstle sing,

        And *prick’d as he were wood; rode as if he His faire steed in his pricking were mad*

        So sweated, that men might him wring,

        His sides were all blood.

        Sir Thopas eke so weary was

        For pricking on the softe grass,

        So fierce was his corage, inclination, spirit That down he laid him in that place,

        To make his steed some solace,

        And gave him good forage.

        “Ah, Saint Mary, ben’dicite,

        What aileth thilke* love at me *this To binde me so sore?

        Me dreamed all this night, pardie,

        An elf-queen shall my leman* be, *mistress And sleep under my gore. shirt An elf-queen will I love, y-wis, assuredly For in this world no woman is

        Worthy to be my make mate In town;

        All other women I forsake,

        And to an elf-queen I me take

        By dale and eke by down.” <14>

        Into his saddle he clomb anon,

        And pricked over stile and stone

        An elf-queen for to spy,

        Till he so long had ridden and gone,

        That he found in a privy wonne haunt The country of Faery,

        So wild;

        For in that country was there none

        That to him durste ride or gon,

        Neither wife nor child.

        Till that there came a great giaunt,

        His name was Sir Oliphaunt,<15>

        A perilous man of deed;

        He saide, “Child,* by Termagaunt, <16> *young man But if thou prick out of mine haunt, *unless Anon I slay thy steed

        With mace.

        Here is the Queen of Faery,

        With harp, and pipe, and symphony,

        Dwelling in this place.”

        The Child said, “All so may I the, thrive To-morrow will I meete thee,

        When I have mine armor;

        And yet I hope, *par ma fay, by my faith*

        That thou shalt with this launcegay

        Abyen* it full sore; *suffer for Thy maw belly Shall I pierce, if I may,

        Ere it be fully prime of day,

        For here thou shalt be slaw.” slain Sir Thopas drew aback full fast;

        This giant at him stones cast

        Out of a fell staff sling:

        But fair escaped Child Thopas,

        And all it was through Godde’s grace,

        And through his fair bearing. <17>

        Yet listen, lordings, to my tale,

        Merrier than the nightingale,

        For now I will you rown, whisper How Sir Thopas, with sides smale, small <18>

        Pricking over hill and dale,

        Is come again to town.

        His merry men commanded he

        To make him both game and glee;

        For needes must he fight

        With a giant with heades three,

        For paramour and jollity

        Of one that shone full bright.

        “*Do come,*” he saide, “my minstrales summon

        And gestours* for to telle tales. *story-tellers Anon in mine arming,

        Of romances that be royales, <19>

        Of popes and of cardinales,

        And eke of love-longing.”

        They fetch’d him first the sweete wine, And mead eke in a maseline, drinking-bowl And royal spicery; of maple wood <20>

        Of ginger-bread that was full fine,

        And liquorice and eke cumin,

        With sugar that is trie. refined He didde,* next his white lere,* put on **skin Of cloth of lake* fine and clear, *fine linen A breech and eke a shirt;

        And next his shirt an haketon, cassock And over that an habergeon, coat of mail For piercing of his heart;

        And over that a fine hauberk, plate-armour Was all y-wrought of Jewes’* werk, *magicians’

        Full strong it was of plate;

        And over that his coat-armour, knight’s surcoat As white as is the lily flow’r, <21>

        In which he would debate. fight His shield was all of gold so red

        And therein was a boare’s head,

        A charboucle* beside; *carbuncle <22>

        And there he swore on ale and bread,

        How that the giant should be dead,

        Betide whatso betide.

        His jambeaux* were of cuirbouly, <23> *boots His sworde’s sheath of ivory,

        His helm of latoun* bright, *brass His saddle was of rewel <24> bone,

        His bridle as the sunne shone,

        Or as the moonelight.

        His speare was of fine cypress,

        That bodeth war, and nothing peace;

        The head full sharp y-ground.

        His steede was all dapple gray,

        It went an amble in the way

        Full softely and round

        In land.

        Lo, Lordes mine, here is a fytt;

        If ye will any more of it,

        To tell it will I fand. try The Second Fit

        Now hold your mouth for charity,

        Bothe knight and lady free,

        And hearken to my spell; tale <25>

        Of battle and of chivalry,

        Of ladies’ love and druerie, gallantry Anon I will you tell.

        Men speak of romances of price worth, esteem Of Horn Child, and of Ipotis,

        Of Bevis, and Sir Guy, <26>

        Of Sir Libeux, <27> and Pleindamour,

        But Sir Thopas, he bears the flow’r

        Of royal chivalry.

        His goode steed he all bestrode,

        And forth upon his way he glode, shone As sparkle out of brand; torch Upon his crest he bare a tow’r,

        And therein stick’d a lily flow’r; <28>

        God shield his corse* from shand!* body **harm And, for he was a knight auntrous, adventurous He woulde sleepen in none house,

        But liggen* in his hood, *lie His brighte helm was his wanger, pillow <29>

        And by him baited* his destrer* fed **horse <30>

        Of herbes fine and good.

        Himself drank water of the well,

        As did the knight Sir Percivel, <31>

        So worthy under weed;

        Till on a day – …

        Notes to Chaucer’s Tale of Sir Thopas

        1. “The Rhyme of Sir Thopas,” as it is generally called, is introduced by Chaucer as a satire on the dull, pompous, and prolix metrical romances then in vogue. It is full of phrases taken from the popular rhymesters in the vein which he holds up to ridicule; if, indeed — though of that there is no evidence — it be not actually part of an old romance which Chaucer selected and reproduced to point his assault on the prevailing taste in literature.

        Transcriber’s note: The Tale is full of incongruities of every kind, which Purves does not refer to; I point some of them out in the notes which follow – marked TN.

        2. Poppering, or Poppeling, a parish in the marches of Calais of which the famous antiquary Leland was once Rector. TN: The inhabitants of Popering had a reputation for stupidity.

        3. TN: The lord of Popering was the abbot of the local monastery – who could, of course, have no legitimate children.

        4. Paindemain: Either “pain de matin,” morning bread, or “pain de Maine,” because it was made best in that province; a kind of fine white bread.

        5. Cordewane: Cordovan; fine Spanish leather, so called from the name of the city where it was prepared 6. Ciclatoun: A rich Oriental stuff of silk and gold, of which was made the circular robe of state called a “ciclaton,” from the Latin, “cyclas.” The word is French.

        7. Jane: a Genoese coin, of small value; in our old statutes called “gallihalpens,” or galley halfpence.

        8. TN: In Mediaeval falconry the goshawk was not regarded as a fit bird for a knight. It was the yeoman’s bird.

        9. A ram was the usual prize of wrestling contests. TN: Wrestling and archery were sports of the common people, not knightly accomplishments.

        10. Launcegay: spear; “azagay” is the name of a Moorish weapon, and the identity of termination is singular.

        12. Clove-gilofre: clove-gilliflower; “Caryophyllus hortensis.”

        13. TN: The sparrowhawk and parrot can only squawk unpleasantly.

        14. TN: The sudden and pointless changes in the stanza form are of course part of Chaucer’s parody.

        15. Sir Oliphaunt: literally, “Sir Elephant;” Sir John Mandeville calls those animals “Olyfauntes.”

        16. Termagaunt: A pagan or Saracen deity, otherwise named Tervagan, and often mentioned in Middle Age literature. His name has passed into our language, to denote a ranter or blusterer, as be was represented to be.

        17. TN: His “fair bearing” would not have been much defence against a sling-stone.

        18. TN: “Sides small”: a conventional description for a woman, not a man.

        19. Romances that be royal: so called because they related to Charlemagne and his family.

        20. TN: A knight would be expected to have a gold or silver drinking vessel.

        21. TN: The coat-armour or coat of arms should have had his heraldic emblems on it, not been pure white 22. Charboucle: Carbuncle; French, “escarboucle;” a heraldic device resembling a jewel.

        23. Cuirbouly: “Cuir boulli,” French, boiled or prepared leather; also used to cover shields, &c.

        24. Rewel bone: No satisfactory explanation has been furnished of this word, used to describe some material from which rich saddles were made. TN: The OED defines it as narwhal ivory.

        25. Spell: Tale, discourse, from Anglo-Saxon, “spellian,” to declare, tell a story.

        26. Sir Bevis of Hampton, and Sir Guy of Warwick, two knights of great renown.

        27. Libeux: One of Arthur’s knights, called “Ly beau desconus,” “the fair unknown.”

        28. TN: The crest was a small emblem worn on top of a knight’s helmet. A tower with a lily stuck in it would have been unwieldy and absurd.

        29. Wanger: pillow; from Anglo-Saxon, “wangere,” because the “wanges;” or cheeks, rested on it.

        30. Destrer: “destrier,” French, a war-horse; in Latin, “dextrarius,” as if led by the right hand.

        31. Sir Percival de Galois, whose adventures were written in more than 60,000 verses by Chretien de Troyes, one of the oldest and best French romancers, in 1191.

        CHAUCER’S TALE OF MELIBOEUS.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        “No more of this, for Godde’s dignity!”

        Quoth oure Hoste; “for thou makest me

        So weary of thy very lewedness, stupidity, ignorance <1>

        That, all so wisly* God my soule bless, surely Mine eares ache for thy drafty speech. *worthless <2>

        Now such a rhyme the devil I beteche: commend to This may well be rhyme doggerel,” quoth he.

        “Why so?” quoth I; “why wilt thou lette* me *prevent More of my tale than any other man,

        Since that it is the best rhyme that I can?” know “By God!” quoth he, “for, plainly at one word, Thy drafty rhyming is not worth a tord: Thou dost naught elles but dispendest* time. *wastest Sir, at one word, thou shalt no longer rhyme.

        Let see whether thou canst tellen aught *in gest, by way of Or tell in prose somewhat, at the least, narrative*

        In which there be some mirth or some doctrine.”

        “Gladly,” quoth I, “by Godde’s sweete pine, suffering I will you tell a little thing in prose, That oughte like* you, as I suppose, *please Or else certes ye be too dangerous. fastidious It is a moral tale virtuous,

        *All be it* told sometimes in sundry wise although it be

        By sundry folk, as I shall you devise.

        As thus, ye wot that ev’ry Evangelist, That telleth us the pain* of Jesus Christ, *passion He saith not all thing as his fellow doth; But natheless their sentence is all soth, true And all accorden as in their sentence, meaning All be there in their telling difference; For some of them say more, and some say less, When they his piteous passion express; I mean of Mark and Matthew, Luke and John; But doubteless their sentence is all one.

        Therefore, lordinges all, I you beseech, If that ye think I vary in my speech,

        As thus, though that I telle somedeal more Of proverbes, than ye have heard before Comprehended in this little treatise here, *T’enforce with* the effect of my mattere, with which to And though I not the same wordes say enforce

        As ye have heard, yet to you all I pray Blame me not; for as in my sentence

        Shall ye nowhere finde no difference

        From the sentence of thilke* treatise lite,* this **little After the which this merry tale I write.

        And therefore hearken to what I shall say, And let me tellen all my tale, I pray.”

        Notes to the Prologue to Chaucer’s Tale of Meliboeus.

        1. Chaucer crowns the satire on the romanticists by making the very landlord of the Tabard cry out in indignant disgust against the stuff which he had heard recited — the good Host ascribing to sheer ignorance the string of pompous platitudes and prosaic details which Chaucer had uttered.

        2. Drafty: worthless, vile; no better than draff or dregs; from the Anglo-Saxon, “drifan” to drive away, expel.

        THE TALE.<1>

        A young man called Meliboeus, mighty and rich, begat upon his wife, that called was Prudence, a daughter which that called was Sophia. Upon a day befell, that he for his disport went into the fields him to play. His wife and eke his daughter hath he left within his house, of which the doors were fast shut. Three of his old foes have it espied, and set ladders to the walls of his house, and by the windows be entered, and beaten his wife, and wounded his daughter with five mortal wounds, in five sundry places; that is to say, in her feet, in her hands, in her ears, in her nose, and in her mouth; and left her for dead, and went away.

        When Meliboeus returned was into his house, and saw all this mischief, he, like a man mad, rending his clothes, gan weep and cry. Prudence his wife, as farforth as she durst, besought him of his weeping for to stint: but not forthy [notwithstanding] he gan to weep and cry ever longer the more.

        This noble wife Prudence remembered her upon the sentence of Ovid, in his book that called is the “Remedy of Love,” <2>

        where he saith: He is a fool that disturbeth the mother to weep in the death of her child, till she have wept her fill, as for a certain time; and then shall a man do his diligence with amiable words her to recomfort and pray her of her weeping for to stint [cease]. For which reason this noble wife Prudence suffered her husband for to weep and cry, as for a certain space; and when she saw her time, she said to him in this wise: “Alas! my lord,”

        quoth she, “why make ye yourself for to be like a fool? For sooth it appertaineth not to a wise man to make such a sorrow.

        Your daughter, with the grace of God, shall warish [be cured]

        and escape. And all [although] were it so that she right now were dead, ye ought not for her death yourself to destroy.

        Seneca saith, ‘The wise man shall not take too great discomfort for the death of his children, but certes he should suffer it in patience, as well as he abideth the death of his own proper person.’”

        Meliboeus answered anon and said: “What man,” quoth he, “should of his weeping stint, that hath so great a cause to weep?

        Jesus Christ, our Lord, himself wept for the death of Lazarus his friend.” Prudence answered, “Certes, well I wot, attempered [moderate] weeping is nothing defended [forbidden]

        to him that sorrowful is, among folk in sorrow but it is rather granted him to weep. The Apostle Paul unto the Romans writeth, ‘Man shall rejoice with them that make joy, and weep with such folk as weep.’ But though temperate weeping be granted, outrageous weeping certes is defended. Measure of weeping should be conserved, after the lore [doctrine] that teacheth us Seneca. ‘When that thy friend is dead,’ quoth he, ‘let not thine eyes too moist be of tears, nor too much dry: although the tears come to thine eyes, let them not fall. And when thou hast forgone [lost] thy friend, do diligence to get again another friend: and this is more wisdom than to weep for thy friend which that thou hast lorn [lost] for therein is no boot [advantage]. And therefore if ye govern you by sapience, put away sorrow out of your heart. Remember you that Jesus Sirach saith, ‘A man that is joyous and glad in heart, it him conserveth flourishing in his age: but soothly a sorrowful heart maketh his bones dry.’ He said eke thus, ‘that sorrow in heart slayth full many a man.’ Solomon saith ‘that right as moths in the sheep’s fleece annoy [do injury] to the clothes, and the small worms to the tree, right so annoyeth sorrow to the heart of man.’ Wherefore us ought as well in the death of our children, as in the loss of our goods temporal, have patience. Remember you upon the patient Job, when he had lost his children and his temporal substance, and in his body endured and received full many a grievous tribulation, yet said he thus: ‘Our Lord hath given it to me, our Lord hath bereft it me; right as our Lord would, right so be it done; blessed be the name of our Lord.”’

        To these foresaid things answered Meliboeus unto his wife Prudence: “All thy words,” quoth he, “be true, and thereto [also] profitable, but truly mine heart is troubled with this sorrow so grievously, that I know not what to do.” “Let call,”

        quoth Prudence, “thy true friends all, and thy lineage, which be wise, and tell to them your case, and hearken what they say in counselling, and govern you after their sentence [opinion].

        Solomon saith, ‘Work all things by counsel, and thou shall never repent.’” Then, by counsel of his wife Prudence, this Meliboeus let call [sent for] a great congregation of folk, as surgeons, physicians, old folk and young, and some of his old enemies reconciled (as by their semblance) to his love and to his grace; and therewithal there come some of his neighbours, that did him reverence more for dread than for love, as happeneth oft. There come also full many subtle flatterers, and wise advocates learned in the law. And when these folk together assembled were, this Meliboeus in sorrowful wise showed them his case, and by the manner of his speech it seemed that in heart he bare a cruel ire, ready to do vengeance upon his foes, and suddenly desired that the war should begin, but nevertheless yet asked he their counsel in this matter. A surgeon, by licence and assent of such as were wise, up rose, and to Meliboeus said as ye may hear. “Sir,” quoth he, “as to us surgeons appertaineth, that we do to every wight the best that we can, where as we be withholden, [employed] and to our patient that we do no damage; wherefore it happeneth many a time and oft, that when two men have wounded each other, one same surgeon healeth them both; wherefore unto our art it is not pertinent to nurse war, nor parties to support [take sides]. But certes, as to the warishing [healing] of your daughter, albeit so that perilously she be wounded, we shall do so attentive business from day to night, that, with the grace of God, she shall be whole and sound, as soon as is possible.” Almost right in the same wise the physicians answered, save that they said a few words more: that right as maladies be cured by their contraries, right so shall man warish war (by peace). His neighbours full of envy, his feigned friends that seemed reconciled, and his flatterers, made semblance of weeping, and impaired and agregged [aggravated]

        much of this matter, in praising greatly Meliboeus of might, of power, of riches, and of friends, despising the power of his adversaries: and said utterly, that he anon should wreak him on his foes, and begin war.

        Up rose then an advocate that was wise, by leave and by counsel of other that were wise, and said, “Lordings, the need [business] for which we be assembled in this place, is a full heavy thing, and an high matter, because of the wrong and of the wickedness that hath been done, and eke by reason of the great damages that in time coming be possible to fall for the same cause, and eke by reason of the great riches and power of the parties both; for which reasons, it were a full great peril to err in this matter. Wherefore, Meliboeus, this is our sentence [opinion]; we counsel you, above all things, that right anon thou do thy diligence in keeping of thy body, in such a wise that thou want no espy nor watch thy body to save. And after that, we counsel that in thine house thou set sufficient garrison, so that they may as well thy body as thy house defend. But, certes, to move war or suddenly to do vengeance, we may not deem [judge] in so little time that it were profitable. Wherefore we ask leisure and space to have deliberation in this case to deem; for the common proverb saith thus; ‘He that soon deemeth soon shall repent.’ And eke men say, that that judge is wise, that soon understandeth a matter, and judgeth by leisure. For albeit so that all tarrying be annoying, algates [nevertheless] it is no reproof [subject for reproach] in giving of judgement, nor in vengeance taking, when it is sufficient and, reasonable. And that shewed our Lord Jesus Christ by example; for when that the woman that was taken in adultery was brought in his presence to know what should be done with her person, albeit that he wist well himself what he would answer, yet would he not answer suddenly, but he would have deliberation, and in the ground he wrote twice. And by these causes we ask deliberation and we shall then by the grace of God counsel the thing that shall be profitable.”

        Up started then the young folk anon at once, and the most part of that company have scorned these old wise men and begun to make noise and said, “Right as while that iron is hot men should smite, right so men should wreak their wrongs while that they be fresh and new:” and with loud voice they cried. “War! War!”

        Up rose then one of these old wise, and with his hand made countenance [a sign, gesture] that men should hold them still, and give him audience. “Lordings,” quoth he, “there is full many a man that crieth, ‘War! war!’ that wot full little what war amounteth. War at his beginning hath so great an entering and so large, that every wight may enter when him liketh, and lightly [easily] find war: but certes what end shall fall thereof it is not light to know. For soothly when war is once begun, there is full many a child unborn of his mother, that shall sterve [die] young by cause of that war, or else live in sorrow and die in wretchedness; and therefore, ere that any war be begun, men must have great counsel and great deliberation.” And when this old man weened [thought, intended] to enforce his tale by reasons, wellnigh all at once began they to rise for to break his tale, and bid him full oft his words abridge. For soothly he that preacheth to them that list not hear his words, his sermon them annoyeth. For Jesus Sirach saith, that music in weeping is a noyous [troublesome] thing. This is to say, as much availeth to speak before folk to whom his speech annoyeth, as to sing before him that weepeth. And when this wise man saw that him wanted audience, all shamefast he sat him down again. For Solomon saith, ‘Where as thou mayest have no audience, enforce thee not to speak.’ “I see well,” quoth this wise man, “that the common proverb is sooth, that good counsel wanteth, when it is most need.” Yet [besides, further] had this Meliboeus in his council many folk, that privily in his ear counselled him certain thing, and counselled him the contrary in general audience. When Meliboeus had heard that the greatest part of his council were accorded [in agreement] that he should make war, anon he consented to their counselling, and fully affirmed their sentence [opinion, judgement].

        (Dame Prudence, seeing her husband’s resolution thus taken, in full humble wise, when she saw her time, begins to counsel him against war, by a warning against haste in requital of either good or evil. Meliboeus tells her that he will not work by her counsel, because he should be held a fool if he rejected for her advice the opinion of so many wise men; because all women are bad; because it would seem that he had given her the mastery over him; and because she could not keep his secret, if he resolved to follow her advice. To these reasons Prudence answers that it is no folly to change counsel when things, or men’s judgements of them, change — especially to alter a resolution taken on the impulse of a great multitude of folk, where every man crieth and clattereth what him liketh; that if all women had been wicked, Jesus Christ would never have descended to be born of a woman, nor have showed himself first to a woman after his resurrection and that when Solomon said he had found no good woman, he meant that God alone was supremely good; <3> that her husband would not seem to give her the mastery by following her counsel, for he had his own free choice in following or rejecting it; and that he knew well and had often tested her great silence, patience, and secrecy. And whereas he had quoted a saying, that in wicked counsel women vanquish men, she reminds him that she would counsel him against doing a wickedness on which he had set his mind, and cites instances to show that many women have been and yet are full good, and their counsel wholesome and profitable. Lastly, she quotes the words of God himself, when he was about to make woman as an help meet for man; and promises that, if her husband will trust her counsel, she will restore to him his daughter whole and sound, and make him have honour in this case. Meliboeus answers that because of his wife’s sweet words, and also because he has proved and assayed her great wisdom and her great truth, he will govern him by her counsel in all things. Thus encouraged, Prudence enters on a long discourse, full of learned citations, regarding the manner in which counsellors should be chosen and consulted, and the times and reasons for changing a counsel. First, God must be besought for guidance. Then a man must well examine his own thoughts, of such things as he holds to be best for his own profit; driving out of his heart anger, covetousness, and hastiness, which perturb and pervert the judgement. Then he must keep his counsel secret, unless confiding it to another shall be more profitable; but, in so confiding it, he shall say nothing to bias the mind of the counsellor toward flattery or subserviency. After that he should consider his friends and his enemies, choosing of the former such as be most faithful and wise, and eldest and most approved in counselling; and even of these only a few. Then he must eschew the counselling of fools, of flatterers, of his old enemies that be reconciled, of servants who bear him great reverence and fear, of folk that be drunken and can hide no counsel, of such as counsel one thing privily and the contrary openly; and of young folk, for their counselling is not ripe. Then, in examining his counsel, he must truly tell his tale; he must consider whether the thing he proposes to do be reasonable, within his power, and acceptable to the more part and the better part of his counsellors; he must look at the things that may follow from that counselling, choosing the best and waiving all besides; he must consider the root whence the matter of his counsel is engendered, what fruits it may bear, and from what causes they be sprung. And having thus examined his counsel and approved it by many wise folk and old, he shall consider if he may perform it and make of it a good end; if he be in doubt, he shall choose rather to suffer than to begin; but otherwise he shall prosecute his resolution steadfastly till the enterprise be at an end. As to changing his counsel, a man may do so without reproach, if the cause cease, or when a new case betides, or if he find that by error or otherwise harm or damage may result, or if his counsel be dishonest or come of dishonest cause, or if it be impossible or may not properly be kept; and he must take it for a general rule, that every counsel which is affirmed so strongly, that it may not be changed for any condition that may betide, that counsel is wicked.

        Meliboeus, admitting that his wife had spoken well and suitably as to counsellors and counsel in general, prays her to tell him in especial what she thinks of the counsellors whom they have chosen in their present need. Prudence replies that his counsel in this case could not properly be called a counselling, but a movement of folly; and points out that he has erred in sundry wise against the rules which he had just laid down. Granting that he has erred, Meliboeus says that he is all ready to change his counsel right as she will devise; for, as the proverb runs, to do sin is human, but to persevere long in sin is work of the Devil. Prudence then minutely recites, analyses, and criticises the counsel given to her husband in the assembly of his friends.

        She commends the advice of the physicians and surgeons, and urges that they should be well rewarded for their noble speech and their services in healing Sophia; and she asks Meliboeus how he understands their proposition that one contrary must be cured by another contrary. Meliboeus answers, that he should do vengeance on his enemies, who had done him wrong.

        Prudence, however, insists that vengeance is not the contrary of vengeance, nor wrong of wrong, but the like; and that wickedness should be healed by goodness, discord by accord, war by peace. She proceeds to deal with the counsel of the lawyers and wise folk that advised Meliboeus to take prudent measures for the security of his body and of his house. First, she would have her husband pray for the protection and aid of Christ; then commit the keeping of his person to his true friends; then suspect and avoid all strange folk, and liars, and such people as she had already warned him against; then beware of presuming on his strength, or the weakness of his adversary, and neglecting to guard his person — for every wise man dreadeth his enemy; then he should evermore be on the watch against ambush and all espial, even in what seems a place of safety; though he should not be so cowardly, as to fear where is no cause for dread; yet he should dread to be poisoned, and therefore shun scorners, and fly their words as venom. As to the fortification of his house, she points out that towers and great edifices are costly and laborious, yet useless unless defended by true friends that be old and wise; and the greatest and strongest garrison that a rich man may have, as well to keep his person as his goods, is, that he be beloved by his subjects and by his neighbours. Warmly approving the counsel that in all this business Meliboeus should proceed with great diligence and deliberation, Prudence goes on to examine the advice given by his neighbours that do him reverence without love, his old enemies reconciled, his flatterers that counselled him certain things privily and openly counselled him the contrary, and the young folk that counselled him to avenge himself and make war at once. She reminds him that he stands alone against three powerful enemies, whose kindred are numerous and close, while his are fewer and remote in relationship; that only the judge who has jurisdiction in a case may take sudden vengeance on any man; that her husband’s power does not accord with his desire; and that, if he did take vengeance, it would only breed fresh wrongs and contests. As to the causes of the wrong done to him, she holds that God, the causer of all things, has permitted him to suffer because he has drunk so much honey <4> of sweet temporal riches, and delights, and honours of this world, that he is drunken, and has forgotten Jesus Christ his Saviour; the three enemies of mankind, the flesh, the fiend, and the world, have entered his heart by the windows of his body, and wounded his soul in five places — that is to say, the deadly sins that have entered into his heart by the five senses; and in the same manner Christ has suffered his three enemies to enter his house by the windows, and wound his daughter in the five places before specified. Meliboeus demurs, that if his wife’s objections prevailed, vengeance would never be taken, and thence great mischiefs would arise; but Prudence replies that the taking of vengeance lies with the judges, to whom the private individual must have recourse. Meliboeus declares that such vengeance does not please him, and that, as Fortune has nourished and helped him from his childhood, he will now assay her, trusting, with God’s help, that she will aid him to avenge his shame. Prudence warns him against trusting to Fortune, all the less because she has hitherto favoured him, for just on that account she is the more likely to fail him; and she calls on him to leave his vengeance with the Sovereign Judge, that avengeth all villainies and wrongs. Meliboeus argues that if he refrains from taking vengeance he will invite his enemies to do him further wrong, and he will be put and held over low; but Prudence contends that such a result can be brought about only by the neglect of the judges, not by the patience of the individual. Supposing that he had leave to avenge himself, she repeats that he is not strong enough, and quotes the common saw, that it is madness for a man to strive with a stronger than himself, peril to strive with one of equal strength, and folly to strive with a weaker. But, considering his own defaults and demerits, — remembering the patience of Christ and the undeserved tribulations of the saints, the brevity of this life with all its trouble and sorrow, the discredit thrown on the wisdom and training of a man who cannot bear wrong with patience —

        he should refrain wholly from taking vengeance. Meliboeus submits that he is not at all a perfect man, and his heart will never be at peace until he is avenged; and that as his enemies disregarded the peril when they attacked him, so he might, without reproach, incur some peril in attacking them in return, even though he did a great excess in avenging one wrong by another. Prudence strongly deprecates all outrage or excess; but Meliboeus insists that he cannot see that it might greatly harm him though he took a vengeance, for he is richer and mightier than his enemies, and all things obey money. Prudence thereupon launches into a long dissertation on the advantages of riches, the evils of poverty, the means by which wealth should be gathered, and the manner in which it should be used; and concludes by counselling her husband not to move war and battle through trust in his riches, for they suffice not to maintain war, the battle is not always to the strong or the numerous, and the perils of conflict are many. Meliboeus then curtly asks her for her counsel how he shall do in this need; and she answers that certainly she counsels him to agree with his adversaries and have peace with them. Meliboeus on this cries out that plainly she loves not his honour or his worship, in counselling him to go and humble himself before his enemies, crying mercy to them that, having done him so grievous wrong, ask him not to be reconciled. Then Prudence, making semblance of wrath, retorts that she loves his honour and profit as she loves her own, and ever has done; she cites the Scriptures in support of her counsel to seek peace; and says she will leave him to his own courses, for she knows well he is so stubborn, that he will do nothing for her. Meliboeus then relents; admits that he is angry and cannot judge aright; and puts himself wholly in her hands, promising to do just as she desires, and admitting that he is the more held to love and praise her, if she reproves him of his folly) Then Dame Prudence discovered all her counsel and her will unto him, and said: “I counsel you,” quoth she, “above all things, that ye make peace between God and you, and be reconciled unto Him and to his grace; for, as I have said to you herebefore, God hath suffered you to have this tribulation and disease [distress, trouble] for your sins; and if ye do as I say you, God will send your adversaries unto you, and make them fall at your feet, ready to do your will and your commandment.

        For Solomon saith, ‘When the condition of man is pleasant and liking to God, he changeth the hearts of the man’s adversaries, and constraineth them to beseech him of peace of grace.’ And I pray you let me speak with your adversaries in privy place, for they shall not know it is by your will or your assent; and then, when I know their will and their intent, I may counsel you the more surely.” ‘“Dame,” quoth Meliboeus, ‘“do your will and your liking, for I put me wholly in your disposition and ordinance.”

        Then Dame Prudence, when she saw the goodwill of her husband, deliberated and took advice in herself, thinking how she might bring this need [affair, emergency] unto a good end.

        And when she saw her time, she sent for these adversaries to come into her into a privy place, and showed wisely into them the great goods that come of peace, and the great harms and perils that be in war; and said to them, in goodly manner, how that they ought have great repentance of the injuries and wrongs that they had done to Meliboeus her Lord, and unto her and her daughter. And when they heard the goodly words of Dame Prudence, then they were surprised and ravished, and had so great joy of her, that wonder was to tell. “Ah lady!” quoth they, “ye have showed unto us the blessing of sweetness, after the saying of David the prophet; for the reconciling which we be not worthy to have in no manner, but we ought require it with great contrition and humility, ye of your great goodness have presented unto us. Now see we well, that the science and conning [knowledge] of Solomon is full true; for he saith, that sweet words multiply and increase friends, and make shrews [the ill-natured or angry] to be debonair [gentle, courteous] and meek. Certes we put our deed, and all our matter and cause, all wholly in your goodwill, and be ready to obey unto the speech and commandment of my lord Meliboeus. And therefore, dear and benign lady, we pray you and beseech you as meekly as we can and may, that it like unto your great goodness to fulfil in deed your goodly words. For we consider and acknowledge that we have offended and grieved my lord Meliboeus out of measure, so far forth that we be not of power to make him amends; and therefore we oblige and bind us and our friends to do all his will and his commandment. But peradventure he hath such heaviness and such wrath to usward, [towards us] because of our offence, that he will enjoin us such a pain [penalty] as we may not bear nor sustain; and therefore, noble lady, we beseech to your womanly pity to take such advisement [consideration]

        in this need, that we, nor our friends, be not disinherited and destroyed through our folly.”

        “Certes,” quoth Prudence, “it is an hard thing, and right perilous, that a man put him all utterly in the arbitration and judgement and in the might and power of his enemy. For Solomon saith, ‘Believe me, and give credence to that that I shall say: to thy son, to thy wife, to thy friend, nor to thy brother, give thou never might nor mastery over thy body, while thou livest.’ Now, since he defendeth [forbiddeth] that a man should not give to his brother, nor to his friend, the might of his body, by a stronger reason he defendeth and forbiddeth a man to give himself to his enemy. And nevertheless, I counsel you that ye mistrust not my lord: for I wot well and know verily, that he is debonair and meek, large, courteous and nothing desirous nor envious of good nor riches: for there is nothing in this world that he desireth save only worship and honour.

        Furthermore I know well, and am right sure, that he shall nothing do in this need without counsel of me; and I shall so work in this case, that by the grace of our Lord God ye shall be reconciled unto us.”

        Then said they with one voice, ““Worshipful lady, we put us and our goods all fully in your will and disposition, and be ready to come, what day that it like unto your nobleness to limit us or assign us, for to make our obligation and bond, as strong as it liketh unto your goodness, that we may fulfil the will of you and of my lord Meliboeus.”

        When Dame Prudence had heard the answer of these men, she bade them go again privily, and she returned to her lord Meliboeus, and told him how she found his adversaries full repentant, acknowledging full lowly their sins and trespasses, and how they were ready to suffer all pain, requiring and praying him of mercy and pity. Then said Meliboeus, “He is well worthy to have pardon and forgiveness of his sin, that excuseth not his sin, but acknowledgeth, and repenteth him, asking indulgence. For Seneca saith, ‘There is the remission and forgiveness, where the confession is; for confession is neighbour to innocence.’ And therefore I assent and confirm me to have peace, but it is good that we do naught without the assent and will of our friends.” Then was Prudence right glad and joyful, and said, “Certes, Sir, ye be well and goodly advised; for right as by the counsel, assent, and help of your friends ye have been stirred to avenge you and make war, right so without their counsel shall ye not accord you, nor have peace with your adversaries. For the law saith, ‘There is nothing so good by way of kind, [nature] as a thing to be unbound by him that it was bound.’”

        And then Dame Prudence, without delay or tarrying, sent anon her messengers for their kin and for their old friends, which were true and wise; and told them by order, in the presence of Meliboeus, all this matter, as it is above expressed and declared; and prayed them that they would give their advice and counsel what were best to do in this need. And when Meliboeus’ friends had taken their advice and deliberation of the foresaid matter, and had examined it by great business and great diligence, they gave full counsel for to have peace and rest, and that Meliboeus should with good heart receive his adversaries to forgiveness and mercy. And when Dame Prudence had heard the assent of her lord Meliboeus, and the counsel of his friends, accord with her will and her intention, she was wondrous glad in her heart, and said: “There is an old proverb that saith, ‘The goodness that thou mayest do this day, do it, and abide not nor delay it not till to-morrow:’ and therefore I counsel you that ye send your messengers, such as be discreet and wise, unto your adversaries, telling them on your behalf, that if they will treat of peace and of accord, that they shape [prepare] them, without delay or tarrying, to come unto us.” Which thing performed was indeed.

        And when these trespassers and repenting folk of their follies, that is to say, the adversaries of Meliboeus, had heard what these messengers said unto them, they were right glad and joyful, and answered full meekly and benignly, yielding graces and thanks to their lord Meliboeus, and to all his company; and shaped them without delay to go with the messengers, and obey to the commandment of their lord Meliboeus. And right anon they took their way to the court of Meliboeus, and took with them some of their true friends, to make faith for them, and for to be their borrows [sureties].

        And when they were come to the presence of Meliboeus, he said to them these words; “It stands thus,” quoth Meliboeus, “and sooth it is, that ye causeless, and without skill and reason, have done great injuries and wrongs to me, and to my wife Prudence, and to my daughter also; for ye have entered into my house by violence, and have done such outrage, that all men know well that ye have deserved the death: and therefore will I know and weet of you, whether ye will put the punishing and chastising, and the vengeance of this outrage, in the will of me and of my wife, or ye will not?” Then the wisest of them three answered for them all, and said; “Sir,” quoth he, “we know well, that we be I unworthy to come to the court of so great a lord and so worthy as ye be, for we have so greatly mistaken us, and have offended and aguilt [incurred guilt] in such wise against your high lordship, that truly we have deserved the death. But yet for the great goodness and debonairte [courtesy, gentleness]

        that all the world witnesseth of your person, we submit us to the excellence and benignity of your gracious lordship, and be ready to obey to all your commandments, beseeching you, that of your merciable [merciful] pity ye will consider our great repentance and low submission, and grant us forgiveness of our outrageous trespass and offence; for well we know, that your liberal grace and mercy stretch them farther into goodness, than do our outrageous guilt and trespass into wickedness; albeit that cursedly [wickedly] and damnably we have aguilt [incurred guilt] against your high lordship.” Then Meliboeus took them up from the ground full benignly, and received their obligations and their bonds, by their oaths upon their pledges and borrows, [sureties] and assigned them a certain day to return unto his court for to receive and accept sentence and judgement, that Meliboeus would command to be done on them, by the causes aforesaid; which things ordained, every man returned home to his house.

        And when that Dame Prudence saw her time she freined [inquired] and asked her lord Meliboeus, what vengeance he thought to take of his adversaries. To which Meliboeus answered, and said; “Certes,” quoth he, “I think and purpose me fully to disinherit them of all that ever they have, and for to put them in exile for evermore.” “Certes,” quoth Dame Prudence, “this were a cruel sentence, and much against reason. For ye be rich enough, and have no need of other men’s goods; and ye might lightly [easily] in this wise get you a covetous name, which is a vicious thing, and ought to be eschewed of every good man: for, after the saying of the Apostle, covetousness is root of all harms. And therefore it were better for you to lose much good of your own, than for to take of their good in this manner. For better it is to lose good with worship [honour], than to win good with villainy and shame. And every man ought to do his diligence and his business to get him a good name.

        And yet [further] shall he not only busy him in keeping his good name, but he shall also enforce him alway to do some thing by which he may renew his good name; for it is written, that the old good los [reputation <5>] of a man is soon gone and passed, when it is not renewed. And as touching that ye say, that ye will exile your adversaries, that thinketh ye much against reason, and out of measure, [moderation] considered the power that they have given you upon themselves. And it is written, that he is worthy to lose his privilege, that misuseth the might and the power that is given him. And I set case [if I assume] ye might enjoin them that pain by right and by law (which I trow ye may not do), I say, ye might not put it to execution peradventure, and then it were like to return to the war, as it was before. And therefore if ye will that men do you obeisance, ye must deem [decide] more courteously, that is to say, ye must give more easy sentences and judgements. For it is written, ‘He that most courteously commandeth, to him men most obey.’

        And therefore I pray you, that in this necessity and in this need ye cast you [endeavour, devise a way] to overcome your heart.

        For Seneca saith, that he that overcometh his heart, overcometh twice. And Tullius saith, ‘There is nothing so commendable in a great lord, as when he is debonair and meek, and appeaseth him lightly [easily].’ And I pray you, that ye will now forbear to do vengeance, in such a manner, that your good name may be kept and conserved, and that men may have cause and matter to praise you of pity and of mercy; and that ye have no cause to repent you of thing that ye do. For Seneca saith, ‘He overcometh in an evil manner, that repenteth him of his victory.’

        Wherefore I pray you let mercy be in your heart, to the effect and intent that God Almighty have mercy upon you in his last judgement; for Saint James saith in his Epistle, ‘Judgement without mercy shall be done to him, that hath no mercy of another wight.’”

        When Meliboeus had heard the great skills [arguments, reasons]

        and reasons of Dame Prudence, and her wise information and teaching, his heart gan incline to the will of his wife, considering her true intent, he conformed him anon and assented fully to work after her counsel, and thanked God, of whom proceedeth all goodness and all virtue, that him sent a wife of so great discretion. And when the day came that his adversaries should appear in his presence, he spake to them full goodly, and said in this wise; “Albeit so, that of your pride and high presumption and folly, an of your negligence and unconning, [ignorance] ye have misborne [misbehaved] you, and trespassed [done injury]

        unto me, yet forasmuch as I see and behold your great humility, and that ye be sorry and repentant of your guilts, it constraineth me to do you grace and mercy. Wherefore I receive you into my grace, and forgive you utterly all the offences, injuries, and wrongs, that ye have done against me and mine, to this effect and to this end, that God of his endless mercy will at the time of our dying forgive us our guilts, that we have trespassed to him in this wretched world; for doubtless, if we be sorry and repentant of the sins and guilts which we have trespassed in the sight of our Lord God, he is so free and so merciable [merciful], that he will forgive us our guilts, and bring us to the bliss that never hath end.” Amen.

        Notes to Chaucer’s Tale of Meliboeus.

        1. The Tale of Meliboeus is literally translated from a French story, or rather “treatise,” in prose, entitled “Le Livre de Melibee et de Dame Prudence,” of which two manuscripts, both dating from the fifteenth century, are preserved in the British Museum. Tyrwhitt, justly enough, says of it that it is indeed, as Chaucer called it in the prologue, “‘a moral tale virtuous,’ and was probably much esteemed in its time; but, in this age of levity, I doubt some readers will be apt to regret that he did not rather give us the remainder of Sir Thopas.” It has been remarked that in the earlier portion of the Tale, as it left the hand of the poet, a number of blank verses were intermixed; though this peculiarity of style, noticeable in any case only in the first 150 or 200 lines, has necessarily all but disappeared by the changes of spelling made in the modern editions. The Editor’s purpose being to present to the public not “The Canterbury Tales” merely, but “The Poems of Chaucer,” so far as may be consistent with the limits of this volume, he has condensed the long reasonings and learned quotations of Dame Prudence into a mere outline, connecting those portions of the Tale wherein lies so much of story as it actually possesses, and the general reader will probably not regret the sacrifice, made in the view of retaining so far as possible the completeness of the Tales, while lessening the intrusion of prose into a volume or poems. The good wife of Meliboeus literally overflows with quotations from David, Solomon, Jesus the Son of Sirach, the Apostles, Ovid, Cicero, Seneca, Cassiodorus, Cato, Petrus Alphonsus — the converted Spanish Jew, of the twelfth century, who wrote the “Disciplina Clericalis” — and other authorities; and in some passages, especially where husband and wife debate the merits or demerits of women, and where Prudence dilates on the evils of poverty, Chaucer only reproduces much that had been said already in the Tales that preceded — such as the Merchant’s and the Man of Law’s.

        2. The lines which follow are a close translation of the original Latin, which reads:

        “Quis matrem, nisi mentis inops, in funere nati Flere vetet? non hoc illa monenda loco.

        Cum dederit lacrymas, animumque expleverit aegrum, Ille dolor verbis emoderandus erit.”

        Ovid, “Remedia Amoris,” 127-131.

        3. See the conversation between Pluto and Proserpine, in the Merchant’s Tale.

        4. “Thy name,” she says, “is Meliboeus; that is to say, a man that drinketh honey.”

        5. Los: reputation; from the past participle of the Anglo-Saxon, “hlisan” to celebrate. Compare Latin, “laus.”

        THE MONK’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE

        WHEN ended was my tale of Melibee,

        And of Prudence and her benignity,

        Our Hoste said, “As I am faithful man, And by the precious corpus Madrian,<1>

        I had lever* than a barrel of ale, rather That goode lefe my wife had heard this tale; *dear For she is no thing of such patience

        As was this Meliboeus’ wife Prudence.

        By Godde’s bones! when I beat my knaves She bringeth me the greate clubbed staves, And crieth, ‘Slay the dogges every one, And break of them both back and ev’ry bone.’

        And if that any neighebour of mine

        Will not in church unto my wife incline, Or be so hardy to her to trespace, offend When she comes home she rampeth* in my face, springs And crieth, ‘False coward, wreak thy wife *avenge By corpus Domini, I will have thy knife, And thou shalt have my distaff, and go spin.’

        From day till night right thus she will begin.

        ‘Alas!’ she saith, ‘that ever I was shape destined To wed a milksop, or a coward ape,

        That will be overlad* with every wight! *imposed on Thou darest not stand by thy wife’s right.’

        “This is my life, but if that I will fight; *unless And out at door anon I must me dight, betake myself Or elles I am lost, but if that I

        Be, like a wilde lion, fool-hardy.

        I wot well she will do* me slay some day make Some neighebour and thenne go my way; take to flight*

        For I am perilous with knife in hand,

        Albeit that I dare not her withstand;

        For she is big in armes, by my faith!

        That shall he find, that her misdoth or saith. <2>

        But let us pass away from this mattere.

        My lord the Monk,” quoth he, “be merry of cheer, For ye shall tell a tale truely.

        Lo, Rochester stands here faste by.

        Ride forth, mine owen lord, break not our game.

        But by my troth I cannot tell your name; Whether shall I call you my lord Dan John, Or Dan Thomas, or elles Dan Albon?

        Of what house be ye, by your father’s kin?

        I vow to God, thou hast a full fair skin; It is a gentle pasture where thou go’st; Thou art not like a penant* or a ghost. *penitent Upon my faith thou art some officer,

        Some worthy sexton, or some cellarer.

        For by my father’s soul, *as to my dome, in my judgement*

        Thou art a master when thou art at home; No poore cloisterer, nor no novice,

        But a governor, both wily and wise,

        And therewithal, of brawnes* and of bones, *sinews A right well-faring person for the nonce.

        I pray to God give him confusion

        That first thee brought into religion.

        Thou would’st have been a treadefowl* aright; *cock Hadst thou as greate leave, as thou hast might, To perform all thy lust in engendrure, generation, begettting Thou hadst begotten many a creature.

        Alas! why wearest thou so wide a cope? <3>

        God give me sorrow, but, an* I were pope, *if Not only thou, but every mighty man,

        Though he were shorn full high upon his pan,* <4> *crown Should have a wife; for all this world is lorn; undone, ruined Religion hath ta’en up all the corn

        Of treading, and we borel* men be shrimps: *lay Of feeble trees there come wretched imps. shoots <5>

        This maketh that our heires be so slender And feeble, that they may not well engender.

        This maketh that our wives will assay

        Religious folk, for they may better pay Of Venus’ payementes than may we:

        God wot, no lusheburghes <6> paye ye.

        But be not wroth, my lord, though that I play; Full oft in game a sooth have I heard say.”

        This worthy Monk took all in patience, And said, “I will do all my diligence, As far as *souneth unto honesty, agrees with good manners*

        To telle you a tale, or two or three.

        And if you list to hearken hitherward, I will you say the life of Saint Edward; Or elles first tragedies I will tell,

        Of which I have an hundred in my cell.

        Tragedy is to say a certain story, means

        As olde bookes maken us memory,

        Of him that stood in great prosperity, And is y-fallen out of high degree

        In misery, and endeth wretchedly.

        And they be versified commonly

        Of six feet, which men call hexametron; In prose eke* be indited many a one, *also And eke in metre, in many a sundry wise.

        Lo, this declaring ought enough suffice.

        Now hearken, if ye like for to hear.

        But first I you beseech in this mattere, Though I by order telle not these things, Be it of popes, emperors, or kings,

        *After their ages,* as men written find, in chronological order

        But tell them some before and some behind, As it now cometh to my remembrance,

        Have me excused of mine ignorance.”

        Notes to the Prologue to The Monk’s Tale 1. The Corpus Madrian: the body of St. Maternus, of Treves.

        2. That her misdoth or saith: that does or says any thing to offend her.

        3. Cope: An ecclesiastcal vestment covering all the body like a cloak.

        4. Though he were shorn full high upon his pan: though he were tonsured, as the clergy are.

        5. Imps: shoots, branches; from Anglo-Saxon, “impian,”

        German, “impfen,” to implant, ingraft. The word is now used in a very restricted sense, to signify the progeny, children, of the devil.

        6. Lusheburghes: base or counterfeit coins; so called because struck at Luxemburg. A great importation of them took place during the reigns of the earlier Edwards, and they caused much annoyance and complaint, till in 1351 it was declared treason to bring them into the country.

        THE TALE. <1>

        I will bewail, in manner of tragedy,

        The harm of them that stood in high degree, And felle so, that there was no remedy To bring them out of their adversity.

        For, certain, when that Fortune list to flee, There may no man the course of her wheel hold: Let no man trust in blind prosperity;

        Beware by these examples true and old.

        At LUCIFER, though he an angel were,

        And not a man, at him I will begin.

        For though Fortune may no angel dere, hurt From high degree yet fell he for his sin Down into hell, where as he yet is in.

        O Lucifer! brightest of angels all,

        Now art thou Satanas, that may’st not twin depart Out of the misery in which thou art fall.

        Lo ADAM, in the field of Damascene <2>

        With Godde’s owen finger wrought was he, And not begotten of man’s sperm unclean; And welt* all Paradise saving one tree: *commanded Had never worldly man so high degree

        As Adam, till he for misgovernance misbehaviour Was driven out of his prosperity

        To labour, and to hell, and to mischance.

        Lo SAMPSON, which that was annunciate

        By the angel, long ere his nativity; <3>

        And was to God Almighty consecrate,

        And stood in nobless while that he might see; Was never such another as was he,

        To speak of strength, and thereto hardiness; courage But to his wives told he his secre,

        Through which he slew himself for wretchedness.

        Sampson, this noble and mighty champion, Withoute weapon, save his handes tway, He slew and all to-rente* the lion, *tore to pieces Toward his wedding walking by the way.

        His false wife could him so please, and pray, Till she his counsel knew; and she, untrue, Unto his foes his counsel gan bewray,

        And him forsook, and took another new.

        Three hundred foxes Sampson took for ire, And all their tailes he together band, And set the foxes’ tailes all on fire, For he in every tail had knit a brand, And they burnt all the combs of that lend, And all their oliveres* and vines eke. *olive trees <4>

        A thousand men he slew eke with his hand, And had no weapon but an ass’s cheek.

        When they were slain, so thirsted him, that he Was *wellnigh lorn,* for which he gan to pray near to perishing

        That God would on his pain have some pity, And send him drink, or elles must he die; And of this ass’s check, that was so dry, Out of a wang-tooth* sprang anon a well, *cheek-tooth Of which, he drank enough, shortly to say.

        Thus help’d him God, as Judicum <5> can tell.

        By very force, at Gaza, on a night,

        Maugre* the Philistines of that city, *in spite of The gates of the town he hath up plight, plucked, wrenched And on his back y-carried them hath he High on an hill, where as men might them see.

        O noble mighty Sampson, lefe* and dear, *loved Hadst thou not told to women thy secre, In all this world there had not been thy peer.

        This Sampson never cider drank nor wine, Nor on his head came razor none nor shear, By precept of the messenger divine;

        For all his strengthes in his haires were; And fully twenty winters, year by year, He had of Israel the governance;

        But soone shall he weepe many a tear,

        For women shall him bringe to mischance.

        Unto his leman* Dalila he told, mistress That in his haires all his strengthe lay; And falsely to his foemen she him sold, And sleeping in her barme upon a day *lap She made to clip or shear his hair away, And made his foemen all his craft espien.

        And when they founde him in this array, They bound him fast, and put out both his eyen.

        But, ere his hair was clipped or y-shave, There was no bond with which men might him bind; But now is he in prison in a cave,

        Where as they made him at the querne* grind. *mill <6>

        O noble Sampson, strongest of mankind!

        O whilom judge in glory and richess!

        Now may’st thou weepe with thine eyen blind, Since thou from weal art fall’n to wretchedness.

        Th’end of this caitiff* was as I shall say; *wretched man His foemen made a feast upon a day,

        And made him as their fool before them play; And this was in a temple of great array.

        But at the last he made a foul affray, For he two pillars shook, and made them fall, And down fell temple and all, and there it lay, And slew himself and eke his foemen all; This is to say, the princes every one; And eke three thousand bodies were there slain With falling of the great temple of stone.

        Of Sampson now will I no more sayn;

        Beware by this example old and plain,

        That no man tell his counsel to his wife Of such thing as he would *have secret fain, wish to be secret*

        If that it touch his limbes or his life.

        Of HERCULES the sov’reign conquerour

        Singe his workes’ land and high renown; For in his time of strength he bare the flow’r.

        He slew and reft the skin of the lion

        He of the Centaurs laid the boast adown; He Harpies <7> slew, the cruel birdes fell; He golden apples reft from the dragon

        He drew out Cerberus the hound of hell.

        He slew the cruel tyrant Busirus. <8>

        And made his horse to fret* him flesh and bone; *devour He slew the fiery serpent venomous;

        Of Achelous’ two hornes brake he one.

        And he slew Cacus in a cave of stone;

        He slew the giant Antaeus the strong;

        He slew the grisly boar, and that anon; And bare the heav’n upon his necke long. <9>

        Was never wight, since that the world began, That slew so many monsters as did he;

        Throughout the wide world his name ran, What for his strength, and for his high bounte; And every realme went he for to see;

        He was so strong that no man might him let; withstand At both the worlde’s ends, as saith Trophee, <10>

        Instead of boundes he a pillar set.

        A leman had this noble champion,

        That highte Dejanira, fresh as May;

        And, as these clerkes make mention,

        She hath him sent a shirte fresh and gay; Alas! this shirt, alas and wellaway!

        Envenomed was subtilly withal,

        That ere that he had worn it half a day, It made his flesh all from his bones fall.

        But natheless some clerkes her excuse

        By one, that highte Nessus, that it maked; Be as he may, I will not her accuse;

        But on his back this shirt he wore all naked, Till that his flesh was for the venom blaked. blackened And when he saw none other remedy,

        In hote coals he hath himselfe raked,

        For with no venom deigned he to die.

        Thus sterf* this worthy mighty Hercules. died Lo, who may trust on Fortune any throw? for a moment*

        For him that followeth all this world of pres, near <11>

        Ere he be ware, is often laid full low; Full wise is he that can himselfe know.

        Beware, for when that Fortune list to glose Then waiteth she her man to overthrow, By such a way as he would least suppose.

        The mighty throne, the precious treasor, The glorious sceptre, and royal majesty, That had the king NABUCHODONOSOR

        With tongue unnethes* may described be. *scarcely He twice won Jerusalem the city,

        The vessels of the temple he with him lad; took away At Babylone was his sov’reign see, seat In which his glory and delight he had.

        The fairest children of the blood royal Of Israel he *did do geld* anon, caused to be castrated

        And maked each of them to be his thrall. slave Amonges others Daniel was one,

        That was the wisest child of every one; For he the dreames of the king expounded, Where in Chaldaea clerkes was there none That wiste to what fine* his dreames sounded. *end This proude king let make a statue of gold Sixty cubites long, and seven in bread’, To which image hathe young and old

        Commanded he to lout,* and have in dread, *bow down to Or in a furnace, full of flames red,

        He should be burnt that woulde not obey: But never would assente to that deed

        Daniel, nor his younge fellows tway.

        This king of kinges proud was and elate; lofty He ween’d* that God, that sits in majesty, *thought Mighte him not bereave of his estate;

        But suddenly he lost his dignity,

        And like a beast he seemed for to be,

        And ate hay as an ox, and lay thereout In rain, with wilde beastes walked he, Till certain time was y-come about.

        And like an eagle’s feathers wax’d his hairs, His nailes like a birde’s clawes were, Till God released him at certain years, And gave him wit; and then with many a tear He thanked God, and ever his life in fear Was he to do amiss, or more trespace:

        And till that time he laid was on his bier, He knew that God was full of might and grace.

        His sone, which that highte BALTHASAR, That *held the regne* after his father’s day, possessed the kingdom

        He by his father coulde not beware,

        For proud he was of heart and of array; And eke an idolaster was he aye.

        His high estate assured* him in pride; *confirmed But Fortune cast him down, and there he lay, And suddenly his regne gan divide.

        A feast he made unto his lordes all

        Upon a time, and made them blithe be,

        And then his officeres gan he call;

        “Go, bringe forth the vessels,” saide he, “Which that my father in his prosperity Out of the temple of Jerusalem reft,

        And to our highe goddes thanks we

        Of honour, that our elders* with us left.” *forefathers His wife, his lordes, and his concubines Aye dranke, while their appetites did last, Out of these noble vessels sundry wines.

        And on a wall this king his eyen cast, And saw an hand, armless, that wrote full fast; For fear of which he quaked, and sighed sore.

        This hand, that Balthasar so sore aghast, dismayed Wrote Mane, tekel, phares, and no more.

        In all that land magician was there none That could expounde what this letter meant.

        But Daniel expounded it anon,

        And said, “O King, God to thy father lent Glory and honour, regne, treasure, rent; revenue And he was proud, and nothing God he drad; dreaded And therefore God great wreche* upon him sent, *vengeance And him bereft the regne that he had.

        “He was cast out of manne’s company;

        With asses was his habitation

        And ate hay, as a beast, in wet and dry, Till that he knew by grace and by reason That God of heaven hath domination

        O’er every regne, and every creature;

        And then had God of him compassion,

        And him restor’d his regne and his figure.

        “Eke thou, that art his son, art proud also, And knowest all these thinges verily;

        And art rebel to God, and art his foe.

        Thou drankest of his vessels boldely;

        Thy wife eke, and thy wenches, sinfully Drank of the same vessels sundry wines, And heried* false goddes cursedly; praised Therefore to thee y-shapen full great pine is. great punishment is prepared for thee*

        “This hand was sent from God, that on the wall Wrote Mane, tekel, phares, truste me;

        Thy reign is done; thou weighest naught at all; Divided is thy regne, and it shall be

        To Medes and to Persians giv’n,” quoth he.

        And thilke same night this king was slaw slain And Darius occupied his degree,

        Though he thereto had neither right nor law.

        Lordings, example hereby may ye take,

        How that in lordship is no sickerness; security For when that Fortune will a man forsake, She bears away his regne and his richess, And eke his friendes bothe more and less, For what man that hath friendes through fortune, Mishap will make them enemies, I guess; This proverb is full sooth, and full commune.

        ZENOBIA, of Palmyrie the queen, <12>

        As write Persians of her nobless,

        So worthy was in armes, and so keen,

        That no wight passed her in hardiness, Nor in lineage, nor other gentleness. noble qualities Of the king’s blood of Perse* is she descended; *Persia I say not that she hadde most fairness, But of her shape she might not he amended.

        From her childhood I finde that she fled Office of woman, and to woods she went, And many a wilde harte’s blood she shed With arrows broad that she against them sent; She was so swift, that she anon them hent. caught And when that she was older, she would kill Lions, leopards, and beares all to-rent, torn to pieces And in her armes wield them at her will.

        She durst the wilde beastes’ dennes seek, And runnen in the mountains all the night, And sleep under a bush; and she could eke Wrestle by very force and very might

        With any young man, were he ne’er so wight; active, nimble There mighte nothing in her armes stond.

        She kept her maidenhood from every wight, To no man deigned she for to be bond.

        But at the last her friendes have her married To Odenate, <13> a prince of that country; All were it so, that she them longe tarried.

        And ye shall understande how that he

        Hadde such fantasies as hadde she;

        But natheless, when they were knit in fere, together They liv’d in joy, and in felicity,

        For each of them had other lefe* and dear. *loved Save one thing, that she never would assent, By no way, that he shoulde by her lie

        But ones, for it was her plain intent

        To have a child, the world to multiply; And all so soon as that she might espy That she was not with childe by that deed, Then would she suffer him do his fantasy Eftsoon,* and not but ones, *out of dread. again without doubt

        And if she were with child at thilke* cast, *that No more should he playe thilke game

        Till fully forty dayes were past;

        Then would she once suffer him do the same.

        All* were this Odenatus wild or tame, *whether He got no more of her; for thus she said, It was to wives lechery and shame

        In other case* if that men with them play’d. on other terms Two sones, by this Odenate had she,

        The which she kept in virtue and lettrure. learning But now unto our tale turne we;

        I say, so worshipful a creature,

        And wise therewith, and large* with measure,* bountiful **moderation So penible* in the war, and courteous eke, *laborious Nor more labour might in war endure,

        Was none, though all this worlde men should seek.

        Her rich array it mighte not be told,

        As well in vessel as in her clothing:

        She was all clad in pierrie* and in gold, jewellery And eke she lefte not,* for no hunting, did not neglect

        To have of sundry tongues full knowing, When that she leisure had, and for t’intend apply To learne bookes was all her liking,

        How she in virtue might her life dispend.

        And, shortly of this story for to treat, So doughty was her husband and eke she, That they conquered many regnes great

        In th’Orient, with many a fair city

        Appertinent unto the majesty

        Of Rome, and with strong hande held them fast, Nor ever might their foemen do* them flee, *make Aye while that Odenatus’ dayes last’.

        Her battles, whoso list them for to read, Against Sapor the king, <14> and other mo’, And how that all this process fell in deed, Why she conquer’d, and what title thereto, And after of her mischief* and her woe, *misfortune How that she was besieged and y-take,

        Let him unto my master Petrarch go,

        That writes enough of this, I undertake.

        When Odenate was dead, she mightily

        The regne held, and with her proper hand Against her foes she fought so cruelly, That there n’as* king nor prince in all that land, *was not That was not glad, if be that grace fand That she would not upon his land warray; make war With her they maden alliance by bond,

        To be in peace, and let her ride and play.

        The emperor of Rome, Claudius,

        Nor, him before, the Roman Gallien,

        Durste never be so courageous,

        Nor no Armenian, nor Egyptien,

        Nor Syrian, nor no Arabien,

        Within the fielde durste with her fight, Lest that she would them with her handes slen, slay Or with her meinie* putte them to flight. *troops In kinges’ habit went her sones two,

        As heires of their father’s regnes all; And Heremanno and Timolao

        Their names were, as Persians them call But aye Fortune hath in her honey gall; This mighty queene may no while endure; Fortune out of her regne made her fall To wretchedness and to misadventure.

        Aurelian, when that the governance

        Of Rome came into his handes tway, <15>

        He shope* upon this queen to do vengeance; *prepared And with his legions he took his way

        Toward Zenobie, and, shortly for to say, He made her flee, and at the last her hent, took And fetter’d her, and eke her children tway, And won the land, and home to Rome he went.

        Amonges other thinges that he wan,

        Her car, that was with gold wrought and pierrie, jewels This greate Roman, this Aurelian

        Hath with him led, for that men should it see.

        Before in his triumphe walked she

        With gilte chains upon her neck hanging; Crowned she was, as after* her degree, *according to And full of pierrie her clothing.

        Alas, Fortune! she that whilom was

        Dreadful to kinges and to emperours,

        Now galeth* all the people on her, alas! yelleth And she that helmed was in starke stowres, wore a helmet in And won by force townes strong and tow’rs, obstinate battles*

        Shall on her head now wear a vitremite; <16>

        And she that bare the sceptre full of flow’rs Shall bear a distaff, *her cost for to quite. to make her living*

        Although that NERO were so vicious

        As any fiend that lies full low adown, Yet he, as telleth us Suetonius,<17>

        This wide world had in subjectioun,

        Both East and West, South and Septentrioun.

        Of rubies, sapphires, and of pearles white Were all his clothes embroider’d up and down, For he in gemmes greatly gan delight.

        More delicate, more pompous of array,

        More proud, was never emperor than he; That ilke cloth that he had worn one day, same robe

        After that time he would it never see; Nettes of gold thread had he great plenty, To fish in Tiber, when him list to play; His lustes* were as law, in his degree, *pleasures For Fortune as his friend would him obey.

        He Rome burnt for his delicacy; pleasure The senators he slew upon a day,

        To heare how that men would weep and cry; And slew his brother, and by his sister lay.

        His mother made he in piteous array;

        For he her wombe slitte, to behold

        Where he conceived was; so wellaway!

        That he so little of his mother told. valued No tear out of his eyen for that sight Came; but he said, a fair woman was she.

        Great wonder is, how that he could or might Be doomesman* of her deade beauty: *judge The wine to bringe him commanded he,

        And drank anon; none other woe he made, When might is joined unto cruelty,

        Alas! too deepe will the venom wade.

        In youth a master had this emperour,

        To teache him lettrure* and courtesy; *literature, learning For of morality he was the flow’r,

        As in his time, but if bookes lie. *unless And while this master had of him mast’ry, He made him so conning and so souple, subtle That longe time it was ere tyranny,

        Or any vice, durst in him uncouple. be let loose This Seneca, of which that I devise, tell Because Nero had of him suche dread,

        For he from vices would him aye chastise Discreetly, as by word, and not by deed; “Sir,” he would say, “an emperor must need Be virtuous, and hate tyranny.”

        For which he made him in a bath to bleed On both his armes, till he muste die.

        This Nero had eke of a custumance habit In youth against his master for to rise; stand in his presence Which afterward he thought a great grievance; Therefore he made him dien in this wise.

        But natheless this Seneca the wise

        Chose in a bath to die in this mannere, Rather than have another tormentise; torture And thus hath Nero slain his master dear.

        Now fell it so, that Fortune list no longer The highe pride of Nero to cherice; cherish For though he were strong, yet was she stronger.

        She thoughte thus; “By God, I am too nice foolish To set a man, that is full fill’d of vice, In high degree, and emperor him call!

        By God, out of his seat I will him trice! thrust <18>

        When he least weeneth,* soonest shall he fall.” *expecteth The people rose upon him on a night,

        For his default; and when he it espied, Out of his doors anon he hath him dight betaken himself Alone, and where he ween’d t’have been allied, regarded with He knocked fast, and aye the more he cried friendship The faster shutte they their doores all; Then wist he well he had himself misgied, misled And went his way, no longer durst he call.

        The people cried and rumbled up and down, That with his eares heard he how they said; “Where is this false tyrant, this Neroun?”

        For fear almost out of his wit he braid, went And to his goddes piteously he pray’d

        For succour, but it mighte not betide

        For dread of this he thoughte that died, And ran into a garden him to hide.

        And in this garden found he churles tway, That satte by a fire great and red;

        And to these churles two he gan to pray To slay him, and to girdon* off his head, *strike That to his body, when that he were dead, Were no despite done for his defame. infamy Himself he slew, *he coud no better rede; he knew no better Of which Fortune laugh’d and hadde game. counsel*

        Was never capitain under a king,

        That regnes more put in subjectioun,

        Nor stronger was in field of alle thing As in his time, nor greater of renown, Nor more pompous in high presumptioun, Than HOLOFERNES, whom Fortune aye kiss’d So lik’rously, and led him up and down, Till that his head was off *ere that he wist. before he knew it*

        Not only that this world had of him awe, For losing of richess and liberty;

        But he made every man *reny his law. renounce his religion <19>

        Nabuchodonosor was God, said he;

        None other Godde should honoured be.

        Against his hest* there dare no wight trespace, *command Save in Bethulia, a strong city,

        Where Eliachim priest was of that place.

        But take keep* of the death of Holofern; *notice Amid his host he drunken lay at night

        Within his tente, large as is a bern; barn And yet, for all his pomp and all his might, Judith, a woman, as he lay upright

        Sleeping, his head off smote, and from his tent Full privily she stole from every wight, And with his head unto her town she went.

        What needeth it of king ANTIOCHUS <20>

        To tell his high and royal majesty,

        His great pride, and his workes venomous?

        For such another was there none as he; Reade what that he was in Maccabee.

        And read the proude wordes that he said, And why he fell from his prosperity,

        And in an hill how wretchedly he died.

        Fortune him had enhanced so in pride,

        That verily he ween’d he might attain

        Unto the starres upon every side,

        And in a balance weighen each mountain, And all the floodes of the sea restrain.

        And Godde’s people had he most in hate Them would he slay in torment and in pain, Weening that God might not his pride abate.

        And for that Nicanor and Timothee

        With Jewes were vanquish’d mightily, <21>

        Unto the Jewes such an hate had he,

        That he bade *graith his car* full hastily, prepare his chariot

        And swore and saide full dispiteously, Unto Jerusalem he would eftsoon, immediately To wreak his ire on it full cruelly

        But of his purpose was he let* full soon. *prevented God for his menace him so sore smote,

        With invisible wound incurable,

        That in his guttes carf* it so and bote,* cut **gnawed Till that his paines were importable; unendurable And certainly the wreche* was reasonable, vengeance For many a manne’s guttes did he pain; But from his purpose, curs’d and damnable, impious For all his smart he would him not restrain; But bade anon apparaile his host. *prepare And suddenly, ere he was of it ware,

        God daunted all his pride, and all his boast For he so sore fell out of his chare, chariot That it his limbes and his skin to-tare, So that he neither mighte go nor ride

        But in a chaire men about him bare,

        Alle forbruised bothe back and side.

        The wreche* of God him smote so cruelly, *vengeance That through his body wicked wormes crept, And therewithal he stank so horribly

        That none of all his meinie* that him kept, *servants Whether so that he woke or elles slept, Ne mighte not of him the stink endure.

        In this mischief he wailed and eke wept, And knew God Lord of every creature.

        To all his host, and to himself also,

        Full wlatsem* was the stink of his carrain;* loathsome **body No manne might him beare to and fro.

        And in this stink, and this horrible pain, He starf* full wretchedly in a mountain. dies Thus hath this robber, and this homicide, That many a manne made to weep and plain, Such guerdon as belongeth unto pride. *reward The story of ALEXANDER is so commune,

        That ev’ry wight that hath discretion

        Hath heard somewhat or all of his fortune.

        This wide world, as in conclusion,

        He won by strength; or, for his high renown, They were glad for peace to him to send.

        The pride and boast of man he laid adown, Whereso he came, unto the worlde’s end.

        Comparison yet never might be maked

        Between him and another conqueror;

        For all this world for dread of him had quaked He was of knighthood and of freedom flow’r: Fortune him made the heir of her honour.

        Save wine and women, nothing might assuage His high intent in arms and labour,

        So was he full of leonine courage.

        What praise were it to him, though I you told Of Darius, and a hundred thousand mo’, Of kinges, princes, dukes, and earles bold, Which he conquer’d, and brought them into woe?

        I say, as far as man may ride or go,

        The world was his, why should I more devise? tell For, though I wrote or told you evermo’, Of his knighthood it mighte not suffice.

        Twelve years he reigned, as saith Maccabee Philippe’s son of Macedon he was,

        That first was king in Greece the country.

        O worthy gentle* Alexander, alas *noble That ever should thee falle such a case!

        Empoison’d of thine owen folk thou were; Thy six <22> fortune hath turn’d into an ace, And yet for thee she wepte never a tear.

        Who shall me give teares to complain

        The death of gentiless, and of franchise, generosity That all this worlde had in his demaine, dominion And yet he thought it mighte not suffice, So full was his corage* of high emprise? *spirit Alas! who shall me helpe to indite

        False Fortune, and poison to despise?

        The whiche two of all this woe I wite. blame By wisdom, manhood, and by great labour, From humbleness to royal majesty

        Up rose he, JULIUS the Conquerour,

        That won all th’ Occident,* by land and sea, *West By strength of hand or elles by treaty, And unto Rome made them tributary;

        And since* of Rome the emperor was he, *afterwards Till that Fortune wax’d his adversary.

        O mighty Caesar, that in Thessaly

        Against POMPEIUS, father thine in law, <23>

        That of th’ Orient had all the chivalry, As far as that the day begins to daw,

        That through thy knighthood hast them take and slaw,* slain*

        Save fewe folk that with Pompeius fled; Through which thou put all th’ Orient in awe; <24>

        Thanke Fortune that so well thee sped.

        But now a little while I will bewail

        This Pompeius, this noble governor

        Of Rome, which that fled at this battaile I say, one of his men, a false traitor, His head off smote, to winne him favor Of Julius, and him the head he brought; Alas! Pompey, of th’ Orient conqueror, That Fortune unto such a fine* thee brought! *end To Rome again repaired Julius,

        With his triumphe laureate full high;

        But on a time Brutus and Cassius,

        That ever had of his estate envy,

        Full privily have made conspiracy

        Against this Julius in subtle wise

        And cast* the place in which he shoulde die, arranged With bodekins, as I shall you devise.* daggers **tell This Julius to the Capitole went

        Upon a day, as he was wont to gon;

        And in the Capitol anon him hent seized This false Brutus, and his other fone, foes And sticked him with bodekins anon

        With many a wound, and thus they let him lie.

        But never groan’d he at no stroke but one, Or else at two, but if the story lie. *unless So manly was this Julius of heart,

        And so well loved *estately honesty dignified propriety

        That, though his deadly woundes sore smart, pained him His mantle o’er his hippes caste he,

        That ne man shoulde see his privity

        And as he lay a-dying in a trance,

        And wiste verily that dead was he,

        Of honesty yet had he remembrance.

        Lucan, to thee this story I recommend, And to Sueton’, and Valerie also,

        That of this story write *word and end the whole* <25>

        How that to these great conquerores two Fortune was first a friend, and since* a foe. *afterwards No manne trust upon her favour long,

        But *have her in await for evermo’; ever be watchful against her*

        Witness on all these conquerores strong.

        The riche CROESUS, <26> whilom king of Lyde, —

        Of which Croesus Cyrus him sore drad,* — dreaded Yet was he caught amiddes all his pride, And to be burnt men to the fire him lad; But such a rain down from the welkin shad, poured from the sky*

        That slew the fire, and made him to escape: But to beware no grace yet he had,

        Till fortune on the gallows made him gape.

        When he escaped was, he could not stint refrain For to begin a newe war again;

        He weened well, for that Fortune him sent Such hap, that he escaped through the rain, That of his foes he mighte not be slain.

        And eke a sweven* on a night he mette,* dream **dreamed Of which he was so proud, and eke so fain, glad That he in vengeance all his hearte set.

        Upon a tree he was set, as he thought, Where Jupiter him wash’d, both back and side, And Phoebus eke a fair towel him brought To dry him with; and therefore wax’d his pride.

        And to his daughter that stood him beside, Which he knew in high science to abound, He bade her tell him what it signified; And she his dream began right thus expound.

        “The tree,” quoth she, “the gallows is to mean, And Jupiter betokens snow and rain,

        And Phoebus, with his towel clear and clean, These be the sunne’s streames* sooth to sayn; *rays Thou shalt y-hangeth be, father, certain; Rain shall thee wash, and sunne shall thee dry.”

        Thus warned him full plat and eke full plain His daughter, which that called was Phanie.

        And hanged was Croesus the proude king; His royal throne might him not avail.

        Tragedy is none other manner thing,

        Nor can in singing crien nor bewail,

        But for that Fortune all day will assail With unware stroke the regnes* that be proud:<27> *kingdoms For when men truste her, then will she fail, And cover her bright face with a cloud.

        O noble, O worthy PEDRO, <28> glory OF SPAIN, Whem Fortune held so high in majesty,

        Well oughte men thy piteous death complain.

        Out of thy land thy brother made thee flee, And after, at a siege, by subtlety,

        Thou wert betray’d, and led unto his tent, Where as he with his owen hand slew thee, Succeeding in thy regne* and in thy rent.* kingdom *revenues The field of snow, with th’ eagle of black therein, Caught with the lion, red-colour’d as the glede, burning coal He brew’d this cursedness,* and all this sin; *wickedness, villainy The wicked nest was worker of this deed; Not Charles’ Oliver, <29> that took aye heed Of truth and honour, but of Armorike

        Ganilien Oliver, corrupt for meed, reward, bribe Broughte this worthy king in such a brike. breach, ruin O worthy PETRO, King of CYPRE <30> also, That Alexandre won by high mast’ry,

        Full many a heathnen wroughtest thou full woe, Of which thine owen lieges had envy;

        And, for no thing but for thy chivalry, They in thy bed have slain thee by the morrow; Thus can Fortune her wheel govern and gie, guide And out of joy bringe men into sorrow.

        Of Milan greate BARNABO VISCOUNT,<30>

        God of delight, and scourge of Lombardy, Why should I not thine clomben* wert so high? *climbed Thy brother’s son, that was thy double ally, For he thy nephew was and son-in-law,

        Within his prison made thee to die,

        But why, nor how, *n’ot I* that thou were slaw. I know not slain*

        Of th’ Earl HUGOLIN OF PISE the languour agony There may no tongue telle for pity.

        But little out of Pisa stands a tow’r, In whiche tow’r in prison put was he,

        Aud with him be his little children three; The eldest scarcely five years was of age; Alas! Fortune, it was great cruelty

        Such birdes for to put in such a cage.

        Damned was he to die in that prison;

        For Roger, which that bishop was of Pise, Had on him made a false suggestion,

        Through which the people gan upon him rise, And put him in prison, in such a wise

        As ye have heard; and meat and drink he had So small, that well unneth* it might suffice, *scarcely And therewithal it was full poor and bad.

        And on a day befell, that in that hour When that his meate wont was to be brought, The jailor shut the doores of the tow’r; He heard it right well, but he spake nought.

        And in his heart anon there fell a thought, That they for hunger woulde *do him dien; cause him to die*

        “Alas!” quoth he, “alas that I was wrought!” made, born Therewith the teares fell from his eyen.

        His youngest son, that three years was of age, Unto him said, “Father, why do ye weep?

        When will the jailor bringen our pottage?

        Is there no morsel bread that ye do keep?

        I am so hungry, that I may not sleep.

        Now woulde God that I might sleepen ever!

        Then should not hunger in my wombe* creep; *stomach There is no thing, save bread, that one were lever.” dearer Thus day by day this child begun to cry, Till in his father’s barme* adown he lay, *lap And saide, “Farewell, father, I must die;”

        And kiss’d his father, and died the same day.

        And when the woeful father did it sey, see For woe his armes two he gan to bite,

        And said, “Alas! Fortune, and wellaway!

        To thy false wheel my woe all may I wite.” blame His children ween’d that it for hunger was That he his armes gnaw’d, and not for woe, And saide, “Father, do not so, alas!

        But rather eat the flesh upon us two.

        Our flesh thou gave us, our flesh take us fro’, And eat enough;” right thus they to him said.

        And after that, within a day or two,

        They laid them in his lap adown, and died.

        Himself, despaired, eke for hunger starf. died Thus ended is this Earl of Pise;

        From high estate Fortune away him carf. cut off Of this tragedy it ought enough suffice Whoso will hear it *in a longer wise, at greater length*

        Reade the greate poet of ltale,

        That Dante hight, for he can it devise <32>

        From point to point, not one word will he fail.

        Notes to the Monk’s Tale

        1. The Monk’s Tale is founded in its main features on Bocccacio’s work, “De Casibus Virorum Illustrium;” (“Stories of Illustrious Men”) but Chaucer has taken the separate stories of which it is composed from different authors, and dealt with them after his own fashion.

        2. Boccaccio opens his book with Adam, whose story is told at much greater length than here. Lydgate, in his translation from Boccaccio, speaks of Adam and Eve as made “of slime of the erth in Damascene the felde.”

        3. Judges xiii. 3. Boccaccio also tells the story of Samson; but Chaucer seems, by his quotation a few lines below, to have taken his version direct from the sacred book.

        4. Oliveres: olive trees; French, “oliviers.”

        5. “Liber Judicum,” the Book of Judges; chap. xv.

        6. Querne: mill; from Anglo-Saxon, “cyrran,” to turn, “cweorn,” a mill,

        7.Harpies: the Stymphalian Birds, which fed on human flesh.

        8. Busiris, king of Egypt, was wont to sacrifice all foreigners coming to his dominions. Hercules was seized, bound, and led to the altar by his orders, but the hero broke his bonds and slew the tyrant.

        9. The feats of Hercules here recorded are not all these known as the “twelve labours;” for instance, the cleansing of the Augean stables, and the capture of Hippolyte’s girdle are not in this list — other and less famous deeds of the hero taking their place. For this, however, we must accuse not Chaucer, but Boethius, whom he has almost literally translated, though with some change of order.

        10. Trophee: One of the manuscripts has a marginal reference to “Tropheus vates Chaldaeorum” (“Tropheus the prophet of the Chaldees”); but it is not known what author Chaucer meant — unless the reference is to a passage in the “Filostrato” of Boccaccio, on which Chaucer founded his “Troilus and Cressida,” and which Lydgate mentions, under the name of “Trophe,” as having been translated by Chaucer.

        11. Pres: near; French, “pres;” the meaning seems to be, this nearer, lower world.

        12 Chaucer has taken the story of Zenobia from Boccaccio’s work “De Claris Mulieribus.” (“Of Illustrious Women”) 13. Odenatus, who, for his services to the Romans, received from Gallienus the title of “Augustus;” he was assassinated in A.D. 266 — not, it was believed, without the connivance of Zenobia, who succeeded him on the throne.

        14. Sapor was king of Persia, who made the Emperor Valerian prisoner, conquered Syria, and was pressing triumphantly westward when he was met and defeated by Odenatus and Zenobia.

        15. Aurelain became Emperor in A.D. 270.

        16. Vitremite: The signification of this word, which is spelled in several ways, is not known. Skinner’s explanation, “another attire,” founded on the spelling “autremite,” is obviously insufficient.

        17. Great part of this “tragedy” of Nero is really borrowed, however, from the “Romance of the Rose.”

        18. Trice: thrust; from Anglo-Saxon, “thriccan.”

        19. So, in the Man of Law’s Tale, the Sultaness promises her son that she will “reny her lay.”

        20. As the “tragedy” of Holofernes is founded on the book of Judith, so is that of Antiochus on the Second Book of the Maccabees, chap. ix.

        21. By the insurgents under the leadership of Judas Maccabeus; 2 Macc. chap. viii.

        22. Six: the highest cast on a dicing-cube; here representing the highest favour of fortune.

        23. Pompey had married his daughter Julia to Caesar; but she died six years before Pompey’s final overthrow.

        24. At the battle of Pharsalia, B.C. 48.

        25. Word and end: apparently a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon phrase, “ord and end,” meaning the whole, the beginning and the end.

        26. At the opening of the story of Croesus, Chaucer has copied from his own translation of Boethius; but the story is mainly taken from the “Romance of the Rose”

        27. “This reflection,” says Tyrwhttt, “seems to have been suggested by one which follows soon after the mention of Croesus in the passage just cited from Boethius. ‘What other thing bewail the cryings of tragedies but only the deeds of fortune, that with an awkward stroke, overturneth the realms of great nobley?’” — in some manuscripts the four “tragedies” that follow are placed between those of Zenobia and Nero; but although the general reflection with which the “tragedy” of Croesus closes might most appropriately wind up the whole series, the general chronological arrangement which is observed in the other cases recommends the order followed in the text.

        Besides, since, like several other Tales, the Monk’s tragedies were cut short by the impatience of the auditors, it is more natural that the Tale should close abruptly, than by such a rhetorical finish as these lines afford.

        28. Pedro the Cruel, King of Aragon, against whom his brother Henry rebelled. He was by false pretences inveigled into his brother’s tent, and treacherously slain. Mr Wright has remarked that “the cause of Pedro, though he was no better than a cruel and reckless tyrant, was popular in England from the very circumstance that Prince Edward (the Black Prince) had embarked in it.”

        29. Not the Oliver of Charlemagne — but a traitorous Oliver of Armorica, corrupted by a bribe. Ganilion was the betrayer of the Christian army at Roncevalles (see note 9 to the Shipman’s Tale); and his name appears to have been for a long time used in France to denote a traitor. Duguesclin, who betrayed Pedro into his brother’s tent, seems to be intended by the term “Ganilion Oliver,” but if so, Chaucer has mistaken his name, which was Bertrand — perhaps confounding him, as Tyrwhttt suggests, with Oliver du Clisson, another illustrious Breton of those times, who was also Constable of France, after Duguesclin. The arms of the latter are supposed to be described a little above 30. Pierre de Lusignan, King of Cyprus, who captured Alexandria in 1363 (see note 6 to the Prologue to the Tales).

        He was assassinated in 1369.

        31. Bernabo Visconti, Duke of Milan, was deposed and imprisoned by his nephew, and died a captive in 1385. His death is the latest historical fact mentioned in the Tales; and thus it throws the date of their composition to about the sixtieth year of Chaucer’s age.

        32. The story of Ugolino is told in the 33rd Canto of the “Inferno.”

        THE NUN’S PRIEST’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        “Ho!” quoth the Knight, “good sir, no more of this; That ye have said is right enough, y-wis, of a surety And muche more; for little heaviness

        Is right enough to muche folk, I guess.

        I say for me, it is a great disease, source of distress, annoyance Where as men have been in great wealth and ease, To hearen of their sudden fall, alas!

        And the contrary is joy and great solas, delight, comfort As when a man hath been in poor estate, And climbeth up, and waxeth fortunate, And there abideth in prosperity;

        Such thing is gladsome, as it thinketh me, And of such thing were goodly for to tell.”

        “Yea,” quoth our Hoste, “by Saint Paule’s bell.

        Ye say right sooth; this monk hath clapped* loud; *talked He spake how Fortune cover’d with a cloud I wot not what, and als’ of a tragedy

        Right now ye heard: and pardie no remedy It is for to bewaile, nor complain

        That that is done, and also it is pain, As ye have said, to hear of heaviness.

        Sir Monk, no more of this, so God you bless; Your tale annoyeth all this company;

        Such talking is not worth a butterfly, For therein is there no sport nor game; Therefore, Sir Monke, Dan Piers by your name, I pray you heart’ly, tell us somewhat else, For sickerly, n’ere* clinking of your bells, *were it not for the That on your bridle hang on every side, By heaven’s king, that for us alle died, I should ere this have fallen down for sleep, Although the slough had been never so deep; Then had your tale been all told in vain.

        For certainly, as these clerkes sayn,

        Where as a man may have no audience,

        Nought helpeth it to telle his sentence.

        And well I wot the substance is in me, If anything shall well reported be.

        Sir, say somewhat of hunting, <1> I you pray.”

        “Nay,” quoth the Monk, “I have *no lust to play; no fondness for Now let another tell, as I have told.” jesting*

        Then spake our Host with rude speech and bold, And said unto the Nunne’s Priest anon, “Come near, thou Priest, come hither, thou Sir John, <2>

        Tell us such thing as may our heartes glade. gladden Be blithe, although thou ride upon a jade.

        What though thine horse be bothe foul and lean?

        If he will serve thee, reck thou not a bean; Look that thine heart be merry evermo’.”

        “Yes, Host,” quoth he, “so may I ride or go, But* I be merry, y-wis I will be blamed.” *unless And right anon his tale he hath attamed commenced <3>

        And thus he said unto us every one,

        This sweete priest, this goodly man, Sir John.

        Notes to the Prologue to the Nun’s Priest’s Tale 1. The request is justified by the description of Monk in the Prologue as “an out-rider, that loved venery.”

        2. On this Tyrwhitt remarks; “I know not how it has happened, that in the principal modern languages, John, or its equivalent, is a name of contempt or at least of slight. So the Italians use ‘Gianni,’ from whence ‘Zani;’ the Spaniards ‘Juan,’ as ‘Bobo Juan,’ a foolish John; the French ‘Jean,’ with various additions; and in English, when we call a man ‘a John,’ we do not mean it as a title of honour.” The title of “Sir” was usually given by courtesy to priests.

        3. Attamed: commenced, broached. Compare French, “entamer”, to cut the first piece off a joint; thence to begin.

        THE TALE. <1>

        A poor widow, *somedeal y-stept* in age, somewhat advanced

        Was whilom dwelling in a poor cottage, Beside a grove, standing in a dale.

        This widow, of which I telle you my tale, Since thilke day that she was last a wife, In patience led a full simple life,

        For little was *her chattel and her rent. her goods and her income*

        By husbandry* of such as God her sent, thrifty management She found herself, and eke her daughters two. *maintained Three large sowes had she, and no mo’; Three kine, and eke a sheep that highte Mall.

        Full sooty was her bow’r,* and eke her hall, *chamber In which she ate full many a slender meal.

        Of poignant sauce knew she never a deal. whit No dainty morsel passed through her throat; Her diet was *accordant to her cote. in keeping with her cottage*

        Repletion her made never sick;

        Attemper* diet was all her physic, moderate And exercise, and hearte’s suffisance. contentment of heart*

        The goute *let her nothing for to dance, did not prevent her Nor apoplexy shente* not her head. from dancing hurt No wine drank she, neither white nor red: Her board was served most with white and black, Milk and brown bread, in which she found no lack, Seind* bacon, and sometimes an egg or tway; singed For she was as it were a manner dey. kind of day labourer* <2>

        A yard she had, enclosed all about

        With stickes, and a drye ditch without, In which she had a cock, hight Chanticleer; In all the land of crowing *n’as his peer. was not his equal*

        His voice was merrier than the merry orgon, organ <3>

        On masse days that in the churches gon.

        Well sickerer* was his crowing in his lodge, more punctual

        Than is a clock, or an abbay horloge. clock <4>

        By nature he knew each ascension

        Of th’ equinoctial in thilke town;

        For when degrees fiftene were ascended, Then crew he, that it might not be amended.

        His comb was redder than the fine coral, Embattell’d <5> as it were a castle wall.

        His bill was black, and as the jet it shone; Like azure were his legges and his tone; toes His nailes whiter than the lily flow’r, And like the burnish’d gold was his colour, This gentle cock had in his governance Sev’n hennes, for to do all his pleasance, Which were his sisters and his paramours, And wondrous like to him as of colours.

        Of which the fairest-hued in the throat Was called Damoselle Partelote,

        Courteous she was, discreet, and debonair, And companiable,* and bare herself so fair, *sociable Since the day that she sev’n night was old, That truely she had the heart in hold

        Of Chanticleer, locked in every lith; limb He lov’d her so, that well was him therewith, But such a joy it was to hear them sing, When that the brighte sunne gan to spring, In sweet accord, *“My lefe is fare in land.” <6> my love is For, at that time, as I have understand, gone abroad*

        Beastes and birdes coulde speak and sing.

        And so befell, that in a dawening,

        As Chanticleer among his wives all

        Sat on his perche, that was in the hall, And next him sat this faire Partelote, This Chanticleer gan groanen in his throat, As man that in his dream is dretched* sore, oppressed And when that Partelote thus heard him roar, She was aghast, and saide, “Hearte dear, *afraid What aileth you to groan in this mannere?

        Ye be a very sleeper, fy for shame!”

        And he answer’d and saide thus; “Madame, I pray you that ye take it not agrief; amiss, in umbrage By God, *me mette* I was in such mischief,* I dreamed *trouble Right now, that yet mine heart is sore affright’.

        Now God,” quoth he, “my sweven* read aright *dream, vision.

        And keep my body out of foul prisoun.

        *Me mette,* how that I roamed up and down I dreamed

        Within our yard, where as I saw a beast Was like an hound, and would have *made arrest siezed*

        Upon my body, and would have had me dead.

        His colour was betwixt yellow and red; And tipped was his tail, and both his ears, With black, unlike the remnant of his hairs.

        His snout was small, with glowing eyen tway; Yet of his look almost for fear I dey; died This caused me my groaning, doubteless.”

        “Away,” <7> quoth she, “fy on you, hearteless! coward Alas!” quoth she, “for, by that God above!

        Now have ye lost my heart and all my love; I cannot love a coward, by my faith.

        For certes, what so any woman saith,

        We all desiren, if it mighte be,

        To have husbandes hardy, wise, and free, And secret,* and no niggard nor no fool, discreet Nor him that is aghast of every tool,* afraid **rag, trifle Nor no avantour,* by that God above! *braggart How durste ye for shame say to your love That anything might make you afear’d?

        Have ye no manne’s heart, and have a beard?

        Alas! and can ye be aghast of swevenes? dreams Nothing but vanity, God wot, in sweven is, Swevens *engender of repletions, are caused by over-eating*

        And oft of fume,* and of complexions, *drunkenness When humours be too abundant in a wight.

        Certes this dream, which ye have mette tonight, Cometh of the great supefluity

        Of youre rede cholera,* pardie, bile Which causeth folk to dreaden in their dreams Of arrows, and of fire with redde beams, Of redde beastes, that they will them bite, Of conteke, and of whelpes great and lite;* contention **little Right as the humour of melancholy

        Causeth full many a man in sleep to cry, For fear of bulles, or of beares blake, Or elles that black devils will them take, Of other humours could I tell also,

        That worke many a man in sleep much woe; That I will pass as lightly as I can.

        Lo, Cato, which that was so wise a man, Said he not thus, ‘Ne do no force of dreams,’<8>  attach no weight to

        Now, Sir,” quoth she, “when we fly from these beams, For Godde’s love, as take some laxatife; On peril of my soul, and of my life,

        I counsel you the best, I will not lie, That both of choler, and melancholy,

        Ye purge you; and, for ye shall not tarry, Though in this town is no apothecary,

        I shall myself two herbes teache you,

        That shall be for your health, and for your prow; profit And in our yard the herbes shall I find, The which have of their property by kind nature To purge you beneath, and eke above.

        Sire, forget not this for Godde’s love; Ye be full choleric of complexion;

        Ware that the sun, in his ascension,

        You finde not replete of humours hot;

        And if it do, I dare well lay a groat, That ye shall have a fever tertiane,

        Or else an ague, that may be your bane, A day or two ye shall have digestives

        Of wormes, ere ye take your laxatives, Of laurel, centaury, <9> and fumeterere, <10>

        Or else of elder-berry, that groweth there, Of catapuce, <11> or of the gaitre-berries, <12>

        Or herb ivy growing in our yard, that merry is: Pick them right as they grow, and eat them in, Be merry, husband, for your father’s kin; Dreade no dream; I can say you no more.”

        “Madame,” quoth he, “grand mercy of your lore, But natheless, as touching *Dan Catoun, Cato That hath of wisdom such a great renown, Though that he bade no dreames for to dread, By God, men may in olde bookes read

        Of many a man more of authority

        Than ever Cato was, so may I the, thrive That all the reverse say of his sentence, opinion And have well founden by experience

        That dreames be significations

        As well of joy, as tribulations

        That folk enduren in this life present.

        There needeth make of this no argument; The very preve* sheweth it indeed. *trial, experience One of the greatest authors that men read <13>

        Saith thus, that whilom two fellowes went On pilgrimage in a full good intent;

        And happen’d so, they came into a town Where there was such a congregatioun

        Of people, and eke so *strait of herbergage, without lodging*

        That they found not as much as one cottage In which they bothe might y-lodged be: Wherefore they musten of necessity,

        As for that night, departe company;

        And each of them went to his hostelry, inn And took his lodging as it woulde fall.

        The one of them was lodged in a stall, Far in a yard, with oxen of the plough; That other man was lodged well enow,

        As was his aventure, or his fortune,

        That us governeth all, as in commune.

        And so befell, that, long ere it were day, This man mette* in his bed, there: as he lay, *dreamed How that his fellow gan upon him call, And said, ‘Alas! for in an ox’s stall

        This night shall I be murder’d, where I lie Now help me, deare brother, or I die;

        In alle haste come to me,’ he said.

        This man out of his sleep for fear abraid; started But when that he was wak’d out of his sleep, He turned him, and *took of this no keep; paid this no attention*

        He thought his dream was but a vanity.

        Thus twies* in his sleeping dreamed he, *twice And at the thirde time yet his fellaw again Came, as he thought, and said, ‘I am now slaw; slain Behold my bloody woundes, deep and wide.

        Arise up early, in the morning, tide,

        And at the west gate of the town,’ quoth he, ‘A carte full of dung there shalt: thou see, In which my body is hid privily.

        Do thilke cart arroste* boldely. *stop My gold caused my murder, sooth to sayn.’

        And told him every point how he was slain, With a full piteous face, and pale of hue.

        “And, truste well, his dream he found full true; For on the morrow, as soon as it was day, To his fellowes inn he took his way;

        And when that he came to this ox’s stall, After his fellow he began to call.

        The hostelere answered him anon,

        And saide, ‘Sir, your fellow is y-gone, As soon as day he went out of the town.’

        This man gan fallen in suspicioun,

        Rememb’ring on his dreames that he mette, dreamed And forth he went, no longer would he let, delay Unto the west gate of the town, and fand found A dung cart, as it went for to dung land, That was arrayed in the same wise

        As ye have heard the deade man devise; describe And with an hardy heart he gan to cry, ‘Vengeance and justice of this felony: My fellow murder’d in this same night

        And in this cart he lies, gaping upright.

        I cry out on the ministers,’ quoth he.

        ‘That shoulde keep and rule this city; Harow! alas! here lies my fellow slain.’

        What should I more unto this tale sayn?

        The people out start, and cast the cart to ground And in the middle of the dung they found The deade man, that murder’d was all new.

        O blissful God! that art so good and true, Lo, how that thou bewray’st murder alway.

        Murder will out, that see we day by day.

        Murder is so wlatsom* and abominable loathsome To God, that is so just and reasonable, That he will not suffer it heled be; *concealed <14>

        Though it abide a year, or two, or three, Murder will out, this is my conclusioun, And right anon, the ministers of the town Have hent* the carter, and so sore him pined,* seized **tortured And eke the hostelere so sore engined, racked That they beknew* their wickedness anon, *confessed And were hanged by the necke bone.

        “Here may ye see that dreames be to dread.

        And certes in the same book I read,

        Right in the nexte chapter after this

        (I gabbe* not, so have I joy and bliss), *talk idly Two men that would, have passed over sea, For certain cause, into a far country, If that the wind not hadde been contrary, That made them in a city for to tarry, That stood full merry upon an haven side; But on a day, against the even-tide,

        The wind gan change, and blew right *as them lest. as they wished*

        Jolly and glad they wente to their rest, And caste* them full early for to sail. resolved But to the one man fell a great marvail That one of them, in sleeping as he lay, He mette a wondrous dream, against the day: *dreamed He thought a man stood by his bedde’s side, And him commanded that he should abide; And said him thus; ‘If thou to-morrow wend, Thou shalt be drown’d; my tale is at an end.’

        He woke, and told his follow what he mette, And prayed him his voyage for to let; delay As for that day, he pray’d him to abide.

        His fellow, that lay by his bedde’s side, Gan for to laugh, and scorned him full fast.

        ‘No dream,’ quoth he,‘may so my heart aghast, frighten That I will lette* for to do my things. delay I sette not a straw by thy dreamings,

        For swevens* be but vanities and japes.* dreams **jokes,deceits Men dream all day of owles and of apes, And eke of many a maze* therewithal; *wild imagining Men dream of thing that never was, nor shall.

        But since I see, that thou wilt here abide, And thus forslothe* wilfully thy tide,* idle away **time God wot, it rueth me; and have good day.’ I am sorry for it

        And thus he took his leave, and went his way.

        But, ere that he had half his course sail’d, I know not why, nor what mischance it ail’d, But casually* the ship’s bottom rent, *by accident And ship and man under the water went, In sight of other shippes there beside That with him sailed at the same tide.

        “And therefore, faire Partelote so dear, By such examples olde may’st thou lear, learn That no man shoulde be too reckeless

        Of dreames, for I say thee doubteless, That many a dream full sore is for to dread.

        Lo, in the life of Saint Kenelm <15> I read, That was Kenulphus’ son, the noble king Of Mercenrike, <16> how Kenelm mette a thing.

        A little ere he was murder’d on a day, His murder in his vision he say. saw His norice* him expounded every deal* nurse **part His sweven, and bade him to keep* him well guard For treason; but he was but seven years old, And therefore little tale hath he told he attached little Of any dream, so holy was his heart. significance to*

        By God, I hadde lever than my shirt

        That ye had read his legend, as have I.

        Dame Partelote, I say you truely,

        Macrobius, that wrote the vision

        In Afric’ of the worthy Scipion, <17>

        Affirmeth dreames, and saith that they be ‘Warnings of thinges that men after see.

        And furthermore, I pray you looke well In the Old Testament, of Daniel,

        If he held dreames any vanity.

        Read eke of Joseph, and there shall ye see Whether dreams be sometimes (I say not all) Warnings of thinges that shall after fall.

        Look of Egypt the king, Dan Pharaoh,

        His baker and his buteler also,

        Whether they felte none effect* in dreams. *significance Whoso will seek the acts of sundry remes realms May read of dreames many a wondrous thing.

        Lo Croesus, which that was of Lydia king, Mette he not that he sat upon a tree,

        Which signified he shoulde hanged be? <18>

        Lo here, Andromache, Hectore’s wife, <19>

        That day that Hector shoulde lose his life, She dreamed on the same night beforn,

        How that the life of Hector should be lorn, lost If thilke day he went into battaile;

        She warned him, but it might not avail; He wente forth to fighte natheless,

        And was y-slain anon of Achilles.

        But thilke tale is all too long to tell; And eke it is nigh day, I may not dwell.

        Shortly I say, as for conclusion,

        That I shall have of this avision

        Adversity; and I say furthermore,

        That I ne *tell of laxatives no store, hold laxatives For they be venomous, I wot it well; of no value*

        I them defy,* I love them never a del.* distrust **whit “But let us speak of mirth, and stint* all this; *cease Madame Partelote, so have I bliss,

        Of one thing God hath sent me large* grace; liberal For when I see the beauty of your face, Ye be so scarlet-hued about your eyen, I maketh all my dreade for to dien,

        For, all so sicker* as In principio,<20> *certain Mulier est hominis confusio.<21>

        Madam, the sentence* of of this Latin is, *meaning Woman is manne’s joy and manne’s bliss.

        For when I feel at night your softe side, —

        Albeit that I may not on you ride,

        For that our perch is made so narrow, Alas!

        I am so full of joy and of solas, delight That I defy both sweven and eke dream.”

        And with that word he flew down from the beam, For it was day, and eke his hennes all; And with a chuck he gan them for to call, For he had found a corn, lay in the yard.

        Royal he was, he was no more afear’d;

        He feather’d Partelote twenty time,

        And as oft trode her, ere that it was prime.

        He looked as it were a grim lion,

        And on his toes he roamed up and down; He deigned not to set his feet to ground; He chucked, when he had a corn y-found, And to him ranne then his wives all.

        Thus royal, as a prince is in his hall, Leave I this Chanticleer in his pasture; And after will I tell his aventure.

        When that the month in which the world began, That highte March, when God first maked man, Was complete, and y-passed were also,

        Since March ended, thirty days and two, Befell that Chanticleer in all his pride, His seven wives walking him beside,

        Cast up his eyen to the brighte sun,

        That in the sign of Taurus had y-run

        Twenty degrees and one, and somewhat more; He knew by kind,* and by none other lore,* nature **learning That it was prime, and crew with blissful steven. voice “The sun,” he said, “is clomben up in heaven Twenty degrees and one, and more y-wis. assuredly Madame Partelote, my worlde’s bliss,

        Hearken these blissful birdes how they sing, And see the freshe flowers how they spring; Full is mine heart of revel and solace.”

        But suddenly him fell a sorrowful case; casualty For ever the latter end of joy is woe: God wot that worldly joy is soon y-go: And, if a rhetor* coulde fair indite, orator He in a chronicle might it safely write, As for a sov’reign notability a thing supremely notable*
        Now every wise man, let him hearken me; This story is all as true, I undertake, As is the book of Launcelot du Lake,
        That women hold in full great reverence.

        Now will I turn again to my sentence.
        A col-fox, <22> full of sly iniquity,
        That in the grove had wonned* yeares three, *dwelt
        By high imagination forecast,
        The same night thorough the hedges brast burst Into the yard, where Chanticleer the fair Was wont, and eke his wives, to repair; And in a bed of wortes* still he lay, *cabbages Till it was passed undern <23> of the day, Waiting his time on Chanticleer to fall: As gladly do these homicides all,
        That in awaite lie to murder men.

        O false murd’rer! Rouking* in thy den! *crouching, lurking O new Iscariot, new Ganilion! <24>

        O false dissimuler, O Greek Sinon,<25>
        That broughtest Troy all utterly to sorrow!
        O Chanticleer! accursed be the morrow
        That thou into thy yard flew from the beams; rafters
        Thou wert full well y-warned by thy dreams
        That thilke day was perilous to thee.

        But what that God forewot* must needes be, *foreknows
        After th’ opinion of certain clerkes.
        Witness on him that any perfect clerk is,
        That in school is great altercation
        In this matter, and great disputation,
        And hath been of an hundred thousand men.

        But I ne cannot *boult it to the bren, examine it thoroughly <26>*
        As can the holy doctor Augustine,
        Or Boece, or the bishop Bradwardine,<27>
        Whether that Godde’s worthy foreweeting foreknowledge *
        Straineth me needly* for to do a thing forces me
        (Needly call I simple necessity),
        Or elles if free choice be granted me
        To do that same thing, or do it not,
        Though God forewot* it ere that it was wrought; knew in advance
        Or if his weeting straineth never a deal, his knowing constrains
        But by necessity conditionel. not at all*

        I will not have to do of such mattere;
        My tale is of a cock, as ye may hear,
        That took his counsel of his wife, with sorrow,
        To walken in the yard upon the morrow
        That he had mette the dream, as I you told.

        Womane’s counsels be full often cold; mischievous, unwise Womane’s counsel brought us first to woe, And made Adam from Paradise to go,
        There as he was full merry and well at case.

        But, for I n’ot* to whom I might displease *know not If I counsel of women woulde blame,
        Pass over, for I said it in my game. jest Read authors, where they treat of such mattere And what they say of women ye may hear.

        These be the cocke’s wordes, and not mine; I can no harm of no woman divine. conjecture, imagine Fair in the sand, to bathe* her merrily, *bask Lies Partelote, and all her sisters by, Against the sun, and Chanticleer so free Sang merrier than the mermaid in the sea; For Physiologus saith sickerly, certainly How that they singe well and merrily. <28>

        And so befell that, as he cast his eye Among the wortes,* on a butterfly, *cabbages He was ware of this fox that lay full low.

        Nothing *ne list him thenne* for to crow, he had no inclination

        But cried anon “Cock! cock!” and up he start, As man that was affrayed in his heart.

        For naturally a beast desireth flee
        From his contrary,* if be may it see, enemy
        Though he ne’er erst* had soon it with his eye never before
        This Chanticleer, when he gan him espy, He would have fled, but that the fox anon Said, “Gentle Sir, alas! why will ye gon?

        Be ye afraid of me that am your friend?
        Now, certes, I were worse than any fiend, If I to you would harm or villainy.
        I am not come your counsel to espy.
        But truely the cause of my coming
        Was only for to hearken how ye sing;
        For truely ye have as merry a steven, voice
        As any angel hath that is in heaven;
        Therewith ye have of music more feeling,
        Than had Boece, or any that can sing.

        My lord your father (God his soule bless) And eke your mother of her gentleness, Have in mnine house been, to my great ease: satisfaction And certes, Sir, full fain would I you please.

        But, for men speak of singing, I will say, So may I brooke* well mine eyen tway, *enjoy, possess, or use Save you, I hearde never man so sing

        As did your father in the morrowning.
        Certes it was of heart all that he sung.

        And, for to make his voice the more strong, He would *so pain him,* that with both his eyen make such an exertion
        He muste wink, so loud he woulde cryen, And standen on his tiptoes therewithal, And stretche forth his necke long and small.

        And eke he was of such discretion,

        That there was no man, in no region,

        That him in song or wisdom mighte pass.

        I have well read in Dan Burnel the Ass, <29>

        Among his verse, how that there was a cock That, for* a prieste’s son gave him a knock *because Upon his leg, while he was young and nice, foolish He made him for to lose his benefice.
        But certain there is no comparison
        Betwixt the wisdom and discretion
        Of youre father, and his subtilty.
        Now singe, Sir, for sainte charity,
        Let see, can ye your father counterfeit?”

        This Chanticleer his wings began to beat, As man that could not his treason espy, So was he ravish’d with his flattery.

        Alas! ye lordes, many a false flattour flatterer <30>
        Is in your court, and many a losengeour, deceiver <31>
        That please you well more, by my faith,
        Than he that soothfastness* unto you saith. *truth Read in Ecclesiast’ of flattery;
        Beware, ye lordes, of their treachery.

        This Chanticleer stood high upon his toes, Stretching his neck, and held his eyen close, And gan to crowe loude for the nonce
        And Dan Russel <32> the fox start up at once, And *by the gorge hente* Chanticleer, seized by the throat
        And on his back toward the wood him bare.
        For yet was there no man that him pursu’d.
        O destiny, that may’st not be eschew’d! escaped Alas, that Chanticleer flew from the beams!

        Alas, his wife raughte* nought of dreams! *regarded And on a Friday fell all this mischance.

        O Venus, that art goddess of pleasance, Since that thy servant was this Chanticleer And in thy service did all his powere, More for delight, than the world to multiply, Why wilt thou suffer him on thy day to die?

        O Gaufrid, deare master sovereign, <33>
        That, when thy worthy king Richard was slain With shot, complainedest his death so sore, Why n’had I now thy sentence and thy lore, The Friday for to chiden, as did ye?

        (For on a Friday, soothly, slain was he), Then would I shew you how that I could plain lament For Chanticleere’s dread, and for his pain.

        Certes such cry nor lamentation
        Was ne’er of ladies made, when Ilion
        Was won, and Pyrrhus with his straighte sword, When he had hent* king Priam by the beard, seized And slain him (as saith us Eneidos),<34> *The Aeneid As maden all the hennes in the close, yard When they had seen of Chanticleer the sight.

        But sov’reignly* Dame Partelote shright,* above all others Full louder than did Hasdrubale’s wife, **shrieked When that her husband hadde lost his life, And that the Romans had y-burnt Carthage; She was so full of torment and of rage, That wilfully into the fire she start, And burnt herselfe with a steadfast heart.

        O woeful hennes! right so cried ye,
        As, when that Nero burned the city
        Of Rome, cried the senatores’ wives,
        For that their husbands losten all their lives;
        Withoute guilt this Nero hath them slain.

        Now will I turn unto my tale again;
        The sely* widow, and her daughters two, *simple, honest Hearde these hennes cry and make woe,
        And at the doors out started they anon, And saw the fox toward the wood is gone, And bare upon his back the cock away:
        They cried, “Out! harow! and wellaway!

        Aha! the fox!” and after him they ran, And eke with staves many another man
        Ran Coll our dog, and Talbot, and Garland; And Malkin, with her distaff in her hand Ran cow and calf, and eke the very hogges So fear’d they were for barking of the dogges, And shouting of the men and women eke.

        They ranne so, them thought their hearts would break.
        They yelled as the fiendes do in hell; The duckes cried as men would them quell; kill, destroy The geese for feare flewen o’er the trees, Out of the hive came the swarm of bees, So hideous was the noise, ben’dicite!

        Certes he, Jacke Straw,<35> and his meinie, followers Ne made never shoutes half so shrill
        When that they woulden any Fleming kill, As thilke day was made upon the fox.

        Of brass they broughte beames* and of box, *trumpets <36>
        Of horn and bone, in which they blew and pooped, *tooted And therewithal they shrieked and they hooped; It seemed as the heaven shoulde fall
        Now, goode men, I pray you hearken all; Lo, how Fortune turneth suddenly
        The hope and pride eke of her enemy.

        This cock, that lay upon the fox’s back, In all his dread unto the fox he spake, And saide, “Sir, if that I were as ye, Yet would I say (as wisly* God help me), *surely ‘Turn ye again, ye proude churles all; A very pestilence upon you fall.

        Now am I come unto the woode’s side,
        Maugre your head, the cock shall here abide; I will him eat, in faith, and that anon.’”

        The fox answer’d, “In faith it shall be done:
        ”And, as he spake the word, all suddenly The cock brake from his mouth deliverly, nimbly And high upon a tree he flew anon.
        And when the fox saw that the cock was gone, “Alas!” quoth he, “O Chanticleer, alas!
        I have,” quoth he, “y-done to you trespass, offence Inasmuch as I maked you afear’d,
        When I you hent,* and brought out of your yard; *took But, Sir, I did it in no wick’ intent; Come down, and I shall tell you what I meant.
        I shall say sooth to you, God help me so.”
        “Nay then,” quoth he, “I shrew* us both the two, *curse And first I shrew myself, both blood and bones, If thou beguile me oftener than once.

        Thou shalt no more through thy flattery Do* me to sing and winke with mine eye; *cause For he that winketh when he shoulde see, All wilfully, God let him never the.” thrive “Nay,” quoth the fox; “but God give him mischance That is so indiscreet of governance,
        That jangleth* when that he should hold his peace.” *chatters Lo, what it is for to be reckeless
        And negligent, and trust on flattery.

        But ye that holde this tale a folly,
        As of a fox, or of a cock or hen,
        Take the morality thereof, good men.
        For Saint Paul saith, That all that written is, *To our doctrine it written is y-wis.* <37> is surely written for Take the fruit, and let the chaff be still. our instruction
        Now goode God, if that it be thy will, As saith my Lord, <38> so make us all good men; And bring us all to thy high bliss. Amen.

        Notes to the Nun’s Priest’s Tale
        1. The Tale of the Nun’s Priest is founded on the fifth chapter of an old French metrical “Romance of Renard;” the same story forming one of the fables of Marie, the translator of the Breton Lays. (See note 2 to the Prologue to the Franklin’s Tale.) Although Dryden was in error when he ascribed the Tale to Chaucer’s own invention, still the materials on which he had to operate were out of cornparison more trivial than the result.

        2. Tyrwhitt quotes two statutes of Edward III, in which “deys”

        are included among the servants employed in agricultural pursuits; the name seems to have originally meant a servant who gave his labour by the day, but afterwards to have been appropriated exclusively to one who superintended or worked in a dairy.

        3. Orgon: here licentiously used for the plural, “organs” or “orgons,” corresponding to the plural verb “gon” in the next line.

        4. Horloge: French, “clock.”

        5. Embattell’d: indented on the upper edge like the battlements of a castle.

        6. My lefe is fare in land: This seems to have been the refrain of some old song, and its precise meaning is uncertain. It corresponds in cadence with the morning salutation of the cock; and may be taken as a greeting to the sun, which is beloved of Chanticleer, and has just come upon the earth — or in the sense of a more local boast, as vaunting the fairness of his favourite hen above all others in the country round.

        Transcriber’s note: Later commentators explain “fare in land” as “gone abroad” and have identified the song: My lefe is fare in lond

        Alas! Why is she so?

        And I am so sore bound

        I may not come her to.

        She hath my heart in hold

        Where ever she ride or go

        With true love a thousand-fold.

        (Printed in The Athenaeum, 1896, Vol II, p. 566).

        7. “Avoi!” is the word here rendered “away!” It was frequently used in the French fabliaux, and the Italians employ the word “via!” in the same sense.

        8. “Ne do no force of dreams:” “Somnia ne cares;” — Cato “De Moribus,” 1 ii, dist. 32

        9. Centaury: the herb so called because by its virtue the centaur Chiron was healed when the poisoned arrow of Hercules had accidentally wounded his foot.

        10. Fumetere: the herb “fumitory.”

        11. Catapuce: spurge; a plant of purgative qualities. To its name in the text correspond the Italian “catapuzza,” and French “catapuce” — words the origin of which is connected with the effects of the plant.

        12. Gaitre-berries: dog-wood berries.

        13. One of the greatest authors that men read: Cicero, who in his book “De Divinatione” tells this and the following story, though in contrary order and with many differences.

        14. Haled or hylled; from Anglo-Saxon “helan” hid, concealed 15. Kenelm succeeded his father as king of the Saxon realm of Mercia in 811, at the age of seven years; but he was slain by his ambitious aunt Quendrada. The place of his burial was miraculously discovered, and he was subsequently elevated to the rank of a saint and martyr. His life is in the English “Golden Legend.”

        16. Mercenrike: the kingdom of Mercia; Anglo-Saxon, Myrcnarice. Compare the second member of the compound in the German, “Frankreich,” France; “Oesterreich,” Austria.

        17. Cicero (“De Republica,” lib. vi.) wrote the Dream of Scipio, in which the Younger relates the appearance of the Elder Africanus, and the counsels and exhortations which the shade addressed to the sleeper. Macrobius wrote an elaborate “Commentary on the Dream of Scipio,” — a philosophical treatise much studied and relished during the Middle Ages.

        18. See the Monk’s Tale for this story.

        19. Andromache’s dream will not be found in Homer; It is related in the book of the fictitious Dares Phrygius, the most popular authority during the Middle Ages for the history of the Trojan War.

        20. In principio: In the beginning; the first words of Genesis and of the Gospel of John.

        21. Mulier est hominis confusio: This line is taken from the same fabulous conference between the Emperor Adrian and the philosopher Secundus, whence Chaucer derived some of the arguments in praise of poverty employed in the Wife of Bath’s Tale proper. See note 14 to the Wife of Bath’s tale. The passage transferred to the text is the commencement of a description of woman. “Quid est mulier? hominis confusio,” &c.

        (“What is Woman? A union with man”, &c.) 22. Col-fox: a blackish fox, so called because of its likeness to coal, according to Skinner; though more probably the prefix has a reproachful meaning, and is in some way connected with the word “cold” as, some forty lines below, it is applied to the prejudicial counsel of women, and as frequently it is used to describe “sighs” and other tokens of grief, and “cares” or “anxieties.”

        23. Undern: In this case, the meaning of “evening” or “afternoon” can hardly be applied to the word, which must be taken to signify some early hour of the forenoon. See also note 4 to the Wife of Bath’s tale and note 5 to the Clerk’s Tale.

        24. Ganilion: a traitor. See note 9 to the Shipman’s Tale and note 28 to the Monk’s Tale.

        25. Greek Sinon: The inventor of the Trojan Horse. See note 14 to the Squire’s Tale

        26. Boult it from the bren: Examine the matter thoroughly; a metaphor taken from the sifting of meal, to divide the fine flour from the bran.

        27. Thomas Bradwardine, Archbishop of Canterbury in the thirteenth century, who wrote a book, “De Causa Dei,” in controversy with Pelagius; and also numerous other treatises, among them some on predestination.

        28. In a popular mediaveal Latin treatise by one Theobaldus, entitled “Physiologus de Naturis XII. Animalium” (“A description of the nature of twelve animals”), sirens or mermaids are described as skilled in song, and drawing unwary mariners to destruction by the sweetness of their voices.

        29. “Nigellus Wireker,” says Urry’s Glossary, “a monk and precentor of Canterbury, wrote a Latin poem intituled ‘Speculum Speculorum,’ (‘The mirror of mirrors’) dedicated to William Longchamp, Bishop of Ely, and Lord Chancellor; wherein, under the fable of an Ass (which he calls ‘Burnellus’) that desired a longer tail, is represented the folly of such as are not content with their own condition. There is introduced a tale of a cock, who having his leg broke by a priest’s son (called Gundulfus) watched an opportunity to be revenged; which at last presented itself on this occasion: A day was appointed for Gundulfus’s being admitted into holy orders at a place remote from his father’s habitation; he therefore orders the servants to call him at first cock-crowing, which the cock overhearing did not crow at all that morning. So Gundulfus overslept himself, and was thereby disappointed of his ordination, the office being quite finished before he came to the place.” Wireker’s satire was among the most celebrated and popular Latin poems of the Middle Ages. The Ass was probably as Tyrwhitt suggests, called “Burnel” or “Brunel,” from his brown colour; as, a little below, a reddish fox is called “Russel.”

        30. Flattour: flatterer; French, “flatteur.”

        31. Losengeour: deceiver, cozener; the word had analogues in the French “losengier,” and the Spanish “lisongero.” It is probably connected with “leasing,” falsehood; which has been derived from Anglo-Saxon “hlisan,” to celebrate — as if it meant the spreading of a false renown

        32. Dan Russel: Master Russet; a name given to the fox, from his reddish colour.

        33. Geoffrey de Vinsauf was the author of a well-known mediaeval treatise on composition in various poetical styles of which he gave examples. Chaucer’s irony is therefore directed against some grandiose and affected lines on the death of Richard I., intended to illustrate the pathetic style, in which Friday is addressed as “O Veneris lachrymosa dies” (“O tearful day of Venus”).

        34. “Priamum altaria ad ipsa trementem Traxit, et in multo lapsantem sanguine nati Implicuitque comam laeva, dextraque coruscum Extulit, ac lateri capulo tenus abdidit ensem. Haec finis Priami fatorum.”

        (“He dragged Priam trembling to his own altar, slipping on the blood of his child; He took his hair in his left hand, and with the right drew the flashing sword, and hid it to the hilt [in his body]. Thus an end was made of Priam”)

        — Virgil, Aeneid. ii. 550.

        35. Jack Straw: The leader of a Kentish rising, in the reign of Richard II, in 1381, by which the Flemish merchants in London were great sufferers.

        36. Beams: trumpets; Anglo-Saxon, “bema.”

        37. “All scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness: that the man of God may be perfect, throughly furnished unto all good works.” — 2 Tim. iii.

        16.

        THE EPILOGUE <1>

        “Sir Nunne’s Priest,” our hoste said anon, “Y-blessed be thy breech, and every stone; This was a merry tale of Chanticleer.

        But by my truth, if thou wert seculere, a layman Thou wouldest be a treadefowl* aright; *cock For if thou have courage as thou hast might, Thee were need of hennes, as I ween,
        Yea more than seven times seventeen.

        See, whate brawnes* hath this gentle priest, *muscles, sinews So great a neck, and such a large breast He looketh as a sperhawk with his eyen Him needeth not his colour for to dyen With Brazil, nor with grain of Portugale.

        But, Sir, faire fall you for your tale’.”

        And, after that, he with full merry cheer Said to another, as ye shall hear.

        Notes to the Epilogue to the Nun’s Priest’s Tale 1. The sixteen lines appended to the Tale of the Nun’s Priest seem, as Tyrwhitt observes, to commence the prologue to the succeeding Tale — but the difficulty is to determine which that Tale should be. In earlier editions, the lines formed the opening of the prologue to the Manciple’s Tale; but most of the manuscripts acknowledge themselves defective in this part, and give the Nun’s Tale after that of the Nun’s Priest. In the Harleian manuscript, followed by Mr Wright, the second Nun’s Tale, and the Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale, are placed after the Franklin’s tale; and the sixteen lines above are not found — the Manciple’s prologue coming immediately after the “Amen” of the Nun’s Priest. In two manuscripts, the last line of the sixteen runs thus: “Said unto the Nun as ye shall hear;” and six lines more evidently forged, are given to introduce the Nun’s Tale. All this confusion and doubt only strengthen the certainty, and deepen the regret, that “The Canterbury Tales” were left at Chaucer’s, death not merely very imperfect as a whole, but destitute of many finishing touches that would have made them complete so far as the conception had actually been carried into performance.

        THE SECOND NUN’S TALE <1>

        The minister and norice* unto vices, *nurse Which that men call in English idleness, The porter at the gate is of delices; delights T’eschew, and by her contrar’ her oppress, —

        That is to say, by lawful business,* — occupation, activity Well oughte we to do our all intent apply ourselves*

        Lest that the fiend through idleness us hent. seize For he, that with his thousand cordes sly Continually us waiteth to beclap, entangle, bind When he may man in idleness espy,

        He can so lightly catch him in his trap, Till that a man be hent* right by the lappe,* seize **hem He is not ware the fiend hath him in hand; Well ought we work, and idleness withstand.

        And though men dreaded never for to die, Yet see men well by reason, doubteless, That idleness is root of sluggardy,

        Of which there cometh never good increase; And see that sloth them holdeth in a leas, leash <2>

        Only to sleep, and for to eat and drink, And to devouren all that others swink. labour And, for to put us from such idleness, That cause is of so great confusion,

        I have here done my faithful business, After the Legend, in translation

        Right of thy glorious life and passion, —

        Thou with thy garland wrought of rose and lily, Thee mean I, maid and martyr, Saint Cecilie.

        And thou, thou art the flow’r of virgins all, Of whom that Bernard list so well to write, <3>
        To thee at my beginning first I call;
        Thou comfort of us wretches, do me indite Thy maiden’s death, that won through her merite Th’ eternal life, and o’er the fiend victory, As man may after readen in her story.

        Thou maid and mother, daughter of thy Son, Thou well of mercy, sinful soules’ cure, In whom that God of bounte chose to won; dwell Thou humble and high o’er every creature, Thou nobilest, *so far forth our nature, as far as our nature admits*
        That no disdain the Maker had of kind, nature His Son in blood and flesh to clothe and wind. wrap Within the cloister of thy blissful sides Took manne’s shape th’ eternal love and peace, That of *the trine compass* Lord and guide is the trinity
        Whom earth, and sea, and heav’n, *out of release, unceasingly *Aye hery;* and thou, Virgin wemmeless, forever praise immaculate Bare of thy body, and dweltest maiden pure, The Creator of every creature.

        Assembled is in thee magnificence <4>

        With mercy, goodness, and with such pity, That thou, that art the sun of excellence, Not only helpest them that pray to thee, But oftentime, of thy benignity,

        Full freely, ere that men thine help beseech, Thou go’st before, and art their lives’ leech. healer, saviour.

        Now help, thou meek and blissful faire maid, Me, flemed* wretch, in this desert of gall; *banished, outcast Think on the woman Cananee that said

        That whelpes eat some of the crumbes all That from their Lorde’s table be y-fall;<5>

        And though that I, unworthy son of Eve,<6>

        Be sinful, yet accepte my believe. faith And, for that faith is dead withoute werkes, For to worke give me wit and space,

        That I be *quit from thennes that most derk is; freed from the most O thou, that art so fair and full of grace, dark place (Hell)*

        Be thou mine advocate in that high place, Where as withouten end is sung Osanne, Thou Christe’s mother, daughter dear of Anne.

        And of thy light my soul in prison light, That troubled is by the contagion

        Of my body, and also by the weight
        Of earthly lust and false affection;
        O hav’n of refuge, O salvation
        Of them that be in sorrow and distress, Now help, for to my work I will me dress.

        Yet pray I you, that reade what I write, <6>

        Forgive me that I do no diligence

        This ilke* story subtilly t’ indite. *same For both have I the wordes and sentence Of him that at the sainte’s reverence

        The story wrote, and follow her legend; And pray you that you will my work amend.

        First will I you the name of Saint Cecilie Expound, as men may in her story see.

        It is to say in English, Heaven’s lily,<7>

        For pure chasteness of virginity;

        Or, for she whiteness had of honesty, purity And green of conscience, and of good fame The sweete savour, Lilie was her name.

        Or Cecilie is to say, the way of blind;<7>
        For she example was by good teaching;
        Or else Cecilie, as I written find,
        Is joined by a manner conjoining
        Of heaven and Lia, <7> and herein figuring The heaven is set for thought of holiness, And Lia for her lasting business.

        Cecilie may eke be said in this mannere, Wanting of blindness, for her greate light Of sapience, and for her thewes* clear. *qualities Or elles, lo, this maiden’s name bright Of heaven and Leos <7> comes, for which by right Men might her well the heaven of people call, Example of good and wise workes all;

        For Leos people in English is to say;
        And right as men may in the heaven see The sun and moon, and starres every way, Right so men ghostly,* in this maiden free, *spiritually Sawen of faith the magnanimity,

        And eke the clearness whole of sapience, And sundry workes bright of excellence.

        And right so as these philosophers write, That heav’n is swift and round, and eke burning, Right so was faire Cecilie the white

        Full swift and busy in every good working, And round and whole in good persevering, <8>

        And burning ever in charity full bright; Now have I you declared *what she hight. why she had her name*

        This maiden bright Cecile, as her life saith, Was come of Romans, and of noble kind, And from her cradle foster’d in the faith Of Christ, and bare his Gospel in her mind: She never ceased, as I written find,

        Of her prayere, and God to love and dread, Beseeching him to keep her maidenhead.

        And when this maiden should unto a man Y-wedded be, that was full young of age, Which that y-called was Valerian,

        And come was the day of marriage,

        She, full devout and humble in her corage, heart Under her robe of gold, that sat full fair, Had next her flesh y-clad her in an hair. garment of haircloth And while the organs made melody,

        To God alone thus in her heart sang she; “O Lord, my soul and eke my body gie guide Unwemmed,* lest that I confounded be.” *unblemished And, for his love that died upon the tree, Every second or third day she fast’,

        Aye bidding* in her orisons full fast. *praying The night came, and to bedde must she gon With her husband, as it is the mannere; And privily she said to him anon;

        “O sweet and well-beloved spouse dear, There is a counsel,* an’** ye will it hear, secret *if Which that right fain I would unto you say, So that ye swear ye will it not bewray.” betray Valerian gan fast unto her swear

        That for no case nor thing that mighte be, He never should to none bewrayen her;

        And then at erst* thus to him saide she; *for the first time “I have an angel which that loveth me, That with great love, whether I wake or sleep, Is ready aye my body for to keep;

        “And if that he may feelen, *out of dread, without doubt*

        That ye me touch or love in villainy,

        He right anon will slay you with the deed, And in your youthe thus ye shoulde die.

        And if that ye in cleane love me gie,” guide He will you love as me, for your cleanness, And shew to you his joy and his brightness.”

        Valerian, corrected as God wo’ld,

        Answer’d again, “If I shall truste thee, Let me that angel see, and him behold; And if that it a very angel be,

        Then will I do as thou hast prayed me; And if thou love another man, forsooth Right with this sword then will I slay you both.”

        Cecile answer’d anon right in this wise; “If that you list, the angel shall ye see, So that ye trow* Of Christ, and you baptise; *know Go forth to Via Appia,” quoth she,

        That from this towne stands but miles three, And to the poore folkes that there dwell Say them right thus, as that I shall you tell, “Tell them, that I, Cecile, you to them sent To shewe you the good Urban the old,

        For secret needes,* and for good intent; *business And when that ye Saint Urban have behold, Tell him the wordes which I to you told And when that he hath purged you from sin, Then shall ye see that angel ere ye twin depart Valerian is to the place gone;

        And, right as he was taught by her learning He found this holy old Urban anon

        Among the saintes’ burials louting; lying concealed <9>

        And he anon, withoute tarrying,

        Did his message, and when that he it told, Urban for joy his handes gan uphold.

        The teares from his eyen let he fall;

        “Almighty Lord, O Jesus Christ,”

        Quoth he, “Sower of chaste counsel, herd* of us all; shepherd The fruit of thilke seed of chastity *that That thou hast sown in Cecile, take to thee Lo, like a busy bee, withoute guile,

        Thee serveth aye thine owen thrall* Cicile, servant “For thilke spouse, that she took but now, lately*

        Full like a fierce lion, she sendeth here, As meek as e’er was any lamb to owe.”

        And with that word anon there gan appear An old man, clad in white clothes clear, That had a book with letters of gold in hand, And gan before Valerian to stand.

        Valerian, as dead, fell down for dread, When he him saw; and he up hent* him tho,* took **there And on his book right thus he gan to read; “One Lord, one faith, one God withoute mo’, One Christendom, one Father of all also, Aboven all, and over all everywhere.”

        These wordes all with gold y-written were.

        When this was read, then said this olde man, “Believ’st thou this or no? say yea or nay.”

        “I believe all this,” quoth Valerian,

        “For soother* thing than this, I dare well say, *truer Under the Heaven no wight thinke may.”

        Then vanish’d the old man, he wist not where And Pope Urban him christened right there.

        Valerian went home, and found Cecilie

        Within his chamber with an angel stand; This angel had of roses and of lily

        Corones* two, the which he bare in hand, *crowns And first to Cecile, as I understand,

        He gave the one, and after gan he take The other to Valerian her make. mate, husband “With body clean, and with unwemmed* thought, *unspotted, blameless Keep aye well these corones two,” quoth he; “From Paradise to you I have them brought, Nor ever more shall they rotten be,

        Nor lose their sweet savour, truste me, Nor ever wight shall see them with his eye, But he be chaste, and hate villainy.

        “And thou, Valerian, for thou so soon

        Assented hast to good counsel, also

        Say what thee list,* and thou shalt have thy boon.”* wish **desire “I have a brother,” quoth Valerian tho, then “That in this world I love no man so;

        I pray you that my brother may have grace To know the truth, as I do in this place.”

        The angel said, “God liketh thy request, And bothe, with the palm of martyrdom, Ye shalle come unto this blissful rest.”

        And, with that word, Tiburce his brother came.

        And when that he the savour undernome perceived Which that the roses and the lilies cast, Within his heart he gan to wonder fast; And said; “I wonder, this time of the year, Whence that sweete savour cometh so

        Of rose and lilies, that I smelle here; For though I had them in mine handes two, The savour might in me no deeper go;

        The sweete smell, that in my heart I find, Hath changed me all in another kind.”

        Valerian said, “Two crownes here have we, Snow-white and rosered, that shine clear, Which that thine eyen have no might to see; And, as thou smellest them through my prayere, So shalt thou see them, leve* brother dear, *beloved If it so be thou wilt withoute sloth

        Believe aright, and know the very troth. “

        Tiburce answered, “Say’st thou this to me In soothness, or in dreame hear I this?”

        “In dreames,” quoth Valorian, “have we be Unto this time, brother mine, y-wis

        But now at erst in truth our dwelling is.” for the first time

        How know’st thou this,” quoth Tiburce; “in what wise?”

        Quoth Valerian, “That shall I thee devise describe “The angel of God hath me the truth y-taught, Which thou shalt see, if that thou wilt reny renounce The idols, and be clean, and elles nought.”

        [And of the miracle of these crownes tway Saint Ambrose in his preface list to say; Solemnely this noble doctor dear

        Commendeth it, and saith in this mannere “The palm of martyrdom for to receive, Saint Cecilie, full filled of God’s gift, The world and eke her chamber gan to weive; forsake Witness Tiburce’s and Cecilie’s shrift, confession To which God of his bounty woulde shift Corones two, of flowers well smelling, And made his angel them the crownes bring.

        “The maid hath brought these men to bliss above; The world hath wist what it is worth, certain, Devotion of chastity to love.”] <10>

        Then showed him Cecilie all open and plain, That idols all are but a thing in vain, For they be dumb, and thereto* they be deave;* therefore **deaf And charged him his idols for to leave.

        “Whoso that troweth* not this, a beast he is,” *believeth Quoth this Tiburce, “if that I shall not lie.”

        And she gan kiss his breast when she heard this, And was full glad he could the truth espy: “This day I take thee for mine ally.” chosen friend Saide this blissful faire maiden dear; And after that she said as ye may hear.

        “Lo, right so as the love of Christ,” quoth she, “Made me thy brother’s wife, right in that wise Anon for mine ally here take I thee,

        Since that thou wilt thine idoles despise.

        Go with thy brother now and thee baptise, And make thee clean, so that thou may’st behold The angel’s face, of which thy brother told.”

        Tiburce answer’d, and saide, “Brother dear, First tell me whither I shall, and to what man?”

        “To whom?” quoth he, “come forth with goode cheer, I will thee lead unto the Pope Urban.”

        “To Urban? brother mine Valerian,”

        Quoth then Tiburce; “wilt thou me thither lead?

        Me thinketh that it were a wondrous deed.

        “Meanest thou not that Urban,” quoth he tho, then “That is so often damned to be dead,

        And wons* in halkes** always to and fro, dwells *corners And dare not ones putte forth his head?

        Men should him brennen* in a fire so red, *burn If he were found, or if men might him spy: And us also, to bear him company.

        “And while we seeke that Divinity

        That is y-hid in heaven privily,

        Algate* burnt in this world should we be.” *nevertheless To whom Cecilie answer’d boldely;

        “Men mighte dreade well and skilfully reasonably This life to lose, mine owen deare brother, If this were living only, and none other.

        “But there is better life in other place, That never shall be loste, dread thee nought; Which Godde’s Son us tolde through his grace That Father’s Son which alle thinges wrought; And all that wrought is with a skilful* thought, reasonable The Ghost, that from the Father gan proceed, Holy Spirit Hath souled them, withouten any drede.* endowed them with a soul **doubt By word and by miracle, high God’s Son, When he was in this world, declared here.

        That there is other life where men may won.” dwell To whom answer’d Tiburce, “O sister dear, Saidest thou not right now in this mannere, There was but one God, Lord in soothfastness, truth And now of three how may’st thou bear witness?”

        “That shall I tell,” quoth she, “ere that I go.

        Right as a man hath sapiences* three, mental faculties Memory, engine, and intellect also, *wit <11>

        So in one being of divinity

        Three persones there maye right well be.”

        Then gan she him full busily to preach Of Christe’s coming, and his paines teach, And many pointes of his passion;

        How Godde’s Son in this world was withhold employed To do mankinde plein* remission, *full That was y-bound in sin and cares cold. wretched <12>

        All this thing she unto Tiburce told,

        And after that Tiburce, in good intent, With Valerian to Pope Urban he went.

        That thanked God, and with glad heart and light He christen’d him, and made him in that place Perfect in his learning, and Godde’s knight.

        And after this Tiburce got such grace, That every day he saw in time and space Th’ angel of God, and every manner boon request, favour That be God asked, it was sped* full anon. granted, successful It were full hard by order for to sayn How many wonders Jesus for them wrought, But at the last, to telle short and plain, The sergeants of the town of Rome them sought, And them before Almach the Prefect brought, Which them apposed, and knew all their intent, *questioned And to th’image of Jupiter them sent.

        And said, “Whoso will not do sacrifice, Swap* off his head, this is my sentence here.” strike Anon these martyrs, that I you devise, of whom I tell you*

        One Maximus, that was an officere

        Of the prefect’s, and his corniculere <13>

        Them hent,* and when he forth the saintes lad,* seized **led Himself he wept for pity that he had.

        When Maximus had heard the saintes lore, doctrine, teaching He got him of the tormentores* leave, torturers And led them to his house withoute more; And with their preaching, ere that it were eve, They gonnen from the tormentors to reave,* began **wrest, root out And from Maxim’, and from his folk each one, The false faith, to trow* in God alone. believe Cecilia came, when it was waxen night, With priestes, that them christen’d all in fere; in a company*

        And afterward, when day was waxen light, Cecile them said with a full steadfast cheer, mien “Now, Christe’s owen knightes lefe* and dear, *beloved Cast all away the workes of darkness,

        And arme you in armour of brightness.

        Ye have forsooth y-done a great battaile, Your course is done, your faith have ye conserved; <14>

        O to the crown of life that may not fail; The rightful Judge, which that ye have served Shall give it you, as ye have it deserved.”

        And when this thing was said, as I devise,* relate Men led them forth to do the sacrifice.

        But when they were unto the place brought To telle shortly the conclusion,

        They would incense nor sacrifice right nought But on their knees they sette them adown, With humble heart and sad* devotion, *steadfast And loste both their heades in the place; Their soules wente to the King of grace.

        This Maximus, that saw this thing betide, With piteous teares told it anon right, That he their soules saw to heaven glide With angels, full of clearness and of light Andt with his word converted many a wight.

        For which Almachius *did him to-beat see note <15>*

        With whip of lead, till he his life gan lete. quit Cecile him took, and buried him anon

        By Tiburce and Valerian softely,

        Within their burying-place, under the stone.

        And after this Almachius hastily

        Bade his ministers fetchen openly

        Cecile, so that she might in his presence Do sacrifice, and Jupiter incense. burn incense to But they, converted at her wise lore, teaching Wepte full sore, and gave full credence Unto her word, and cried more and more; “Christ, Godde’s Son, withoute difference, Is very God, this is all our sentence, opinion That hath so good a servant him to serve Thus with one voice we trowe,* though we sterve.* believe **die Almachius, that heard of this doing,

        Bade fetch Cecilie, that he might her see; And alderfirst,* lo, this was his asking; *first of all “What manner woman arte thou?” quoth he, “I am a gentle woman born,” quoth she.

        “I aske thee,” quoth he,“though it thee grieve, Of thy religion and of thy believe.”

        “Ye have begun your question foolishly,”

        Quoth she, “that wouldest two answers conclude In one demand? ye aske lewedly.” ignorantly Almach answer’d to that similitude,

        “Of whence comes thine answering so rude?”

        “Of whence?” quoth she, when that she was freined, asked “Of conscience, and of good faith unfeigned.”

        Almachius saide; “Takest thou no heed

        Of my power?” and she him answer’d this; “Your might,” quoth she, “full little is to dread; For every mortal manne’s power is

        But like a bladder full of wind, y-wis; certainly For with a needle’s point, when it is blow’, May all the boast of it be laid full low.”

        “Full wrongfully begunnest thou,” quoth he, “And yet in wrong is thy perseverance.

        Know’st thou not how our mighty princes free Have thus commanded and made ordinance, That every Christian wight shall have penance, punishment But if that he his Christendom withsay, deny And go all quit, if he will it renay?” renounce “Your princes erren, as your nobley* doth,” nobility Quoth then Cecile, “and with a wood sentence mad judgment*

        Ye make us guilty, and it is not sooth: true For ye that knowe well our innocence,

        Forasmuch as we do aye reverence

        To Christ, and for we bear a Christian name, Ye put on us a crime and eke a blame.

        “But we that knowe thilke name so

        For virtuous, we may it not withsay.”

        Almach answered, “Choose one of these two, Do sacrifice, or Christendom renay,

        That thou may’st now escape by that way.”

        At which the holy blissful faire maid

        Gan for to laugh, and to the judge said; “O judge, *confused in thy nicety, confounded in thy folly*

        Wouldest thou that I reny innocence?

        To make me a wicked wight,” quoth she, “Lo, he dissimuleth* here in audience; dissembles He stareth and woodeth in his advertence.”* grows furious **thought To whom Almachius said, “Unsely* wretch, *unhappy Knowest thou not how far my might may stretch?

        “Have not our mighty princes to me given Yea bothe power and eke authority

        To make folk to dien or to liven?

        Why speakest thou so proudly then to me?”

        “I speake not but steadfastly,” quoth she, Not proudly, for I say, as for my side, We hate deadly* thilke vice of pride. mortally “And, if thou dreade not a sooth to hear, *truth Then will I shew all openly by right,

        That thou hast made a full great leasing* here. falsehood Thou say’st thy princes have thee given might Both for to slay and for to quick a wight, — *give life to Thou that may’st not but only life bereave; Thou hast none other power nor no leave.

        “But thou may’st say, thy princes have thee maked Minister of death; for if thou speak of mo’, Thou liest; for thy power is full naked.”

        “Do away thy boldness,” said Almachius tho, then “And sacrifice to our gods, ere thou go.

        I recke not what wrong that thou me proffer, For I can suffer it as a philosopher.

        “But those wronges may I not endure,

        That thou speak’st of our goddes here,” quoth he.

        Cecile answer’d, “O nice* creature, *foolish Thou saidest no word, since thou spake to me, That I knew not therewith thy nicety, folly And that thou wert in *every manner wise every sort of way*

        A lewed* officer, a vain justice. ignorant “There lacketh nothing to thine outward eyen That thou art blind; for thing that we see all That it is stone, that men may well espyen, That ilke stone a god thou wilt it call. very, selfsame I rede thee let thine hand upon it fall, advise And taste it well, and stone thou shalt it find; *examine, test Since that thou see’st not with thine eyen blind.

        “It is a shame that the people shall

        So scorne thee, and laugh at thy folly; For commonly men *wot it well over all, know it everywhere*

        That mighty God is in his heaven high; And these images, well may’st thou espy, To thee nor to themselves may not profite, For in effect they be not worth a mite.”

        These wordes and such others saide she, And he wax’d wroth, and bade men should her lead Home to her house; “And in her house,” quoth he, “Burn her right in a bath, with flames red.”

        And as he bade, right so was done the deed; For in a bath they gan her faste shetten, shut, confine And night and day great fire they under betten. kindled, applied The longe night, and eke a day also,

        For all the fire, and eke the bathe’s heat, She sat all cold, and felt of it no woe, It made her not one droppe for to sweat; But in that bath her life she must lete. leave For he, Almachius, with full wick’ intent, To slay her in the bath his sonde* sent. *message, order Three strokes in the neck he smote her tho, there The tormentor,* but for no manner chance *executioner He might not smite her faire neck in two: And, for there was that time an ordinance That no man should do man such penance, severity, torture The fourthe stroke to smite, soft or sore, This tormentor he durste do no more;

        But half dead, with her necke carven* there *gashed He let her lie, and on his way is went.

        The Christian folk, which that about her were, With sheetes have the blood full fair y-hent; *taken up Three dayes lived she in this torment, And never ceased them the faith to teach, That she had foster’d them, she gan to preach.

        And them she gave her mebles* and her thing, goods And to the Pope Urban betook them tho;* commended **then And said, “I aske this of heaven’s king, To have respite three dayes and no mo’, To recommend to you, ere that I go,

        These soules, lo; and that *I might do wirch cause to be made*

        Here of mine house perpetually a church.”

        Saint Urban, with his deacons, privily The body fetch’d, and buried it by night Among his other saintes honestly;

        Her house the church of Saint Cecilie hight; is called Saint Urban hallow’d it, as he well might; In which unto this day, in noble wise, Men do to Christ and to his saint service.

        Notes to the Nun’s Priest’s Tale

        1. This Tale was originally composed by Chaucer as a separate work, and as such it is mentioned in the “Legend of Good Women” under the title of “The Life of Saint Cecile”. Tyrwhitt quotes the line in which the author calls himself an “unworthy son of Eve,” and that in which he says, “Yet pray I you, that reade what I write”, as internal evidence that the insertion of the poem in the Canterbury Tales was the result of an afterthought; while the whole tenor of the introduction confirms the belief that Chaucer composed it as a writer or translator — not, dramatically, as a speaker. The story is almost literally translated from the Life of St Cecilia in the “Legenda Aurea.”

        2. Leas: leash, snare; the same as “las,” oftener used by Chaucer.

        3. The nativity and assumption of the Virgin Mary formed the themes of some of St Bernard’s most eloquent sermons.

        4. Compare with this stanza the fourth stanza of the Prioress’s Tale, the substance of which is the same.

        5. “But he answered and said, it is not meet to take the children’s bread, and cast it to dogs. And she said, Truth, Lord: yet the dogs eat of the crumbs which fall from their master’s table.” — Matthew xv. 26, 27.

        6. See note 1.

        7. These are Latin puns: Heaven’s lily – “Coeli lilium”; The way of blind – “Caeci via”; Heaven and Lia – from “Coeli”, heaven, and “Ligo,” to bind; Heaven and Leos – from Coeli and “Laos,”

        (Ionian Greek) or “Leos” (Attic Greek), the people. Such punning derivations of proper names were very much in favour in the Middle Ages. The explanations of St Cecilia’s name are literally taken from the prologue to the Latin legend.

        8. This passage suggests Horace’s description of the wise man, who, among other things, is “in se ipse totus, teres, atque rotundus.” (“complete in himself, polished and rounded”) —

        Satires, 2, vii. 80.

        9. Louting: lingering, or lying concealed; the Latin original has “Inter sepulchra martyrum latiantem” (“hiding among the tombs of martyrs”)

        10. The fourteen lines within brackets are supposed to have been originally an interpolation in the Latin legend, from which they are literally translated. They awkwardly interrupt the flow of the narration.

        11. Engine: wit; the devising or constructive faculty; Latin, “ingenium.”

        12. Cold: wretched, distressful; see note 22 to the Nun’s Priest’s Tale.

        13. Corniculere: The secretary or registrar who was charged with publishing the acts, decrees and orders of the prefect.

        14. “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith: Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness” — 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8.

        15. Did him to-beat: Caused him to be cruelly or fatally beaten; the force of the “to” is intensive.

        THE CANON’S YEOMAN’S TALE. <1>

        THE PROLOGUE.

        WHEN ended was the life of Saint Cecile, Ere we had ridden fully five mile, <2>

        At Boughton-under-Blee us gan o’ertake A man, that clothed was in clothes black, And underneath he wore a white surplice.

        His hackenay,* which was all pomely-gris,* nag **dapple-gray So sweated, that it wonder was to see; It seem’d as he had pricked* miles three. spurred The horse eke that his yeoman rode upon So sweated, that unnethes might he gon.* hardly **go About the peytrel <3> stood the foam full high; He was of foam, as *flecked as a pie. spotted like a magpie*

        A maile twyfold <4> on his crupper lay; It seemed that he carried little array; All light for summer rode this worthy man.

        And in my heart to wonder I began

        What that he was, till that I understood How that his cloak was sewed to his hood; For which, when I had long advised* me, *considered I deemed him some Canon for to be.

        His hat hung at his back down by a lace, cord For he had ridden more than trot or pace; He hadde pricked like as he were wood. mad A clote-leaf* he had laid under his hood, * burdock-leaf For sweat, and for to keep his head from heat.

        But it was joye for to see him sweat;

        His forehead dropped as a stillatory still Were full of plantain or of paritory. wallflower And when that he was come, he gan to cry, “God save,” quoth he, “this jolly company.

        Fast have I pricked,” quoth he, “for your sake, Because that I would you overtake,

        To riden in this merry company.”

        His Yeoman was eke full of courtesy,

        And saide, “Sirs, now in the morning tide Out of your hostelry I saw you ride,

        And warned here my lord and sovereign, Which that to ride with you is full fain, For his disport; he loveth dalliance.”

        “Friend, for thy warning God give thee good chance,” fortune Said oure Host; “certain it woulde seem Thy lord were wise, and so I may well deem; He is full jocund also, dare I lay;

        Can he aught tell a merry tale or tway, With which he gladden may this company?”

        “Who, Sir? my lord? Yea, Sir, withoute lie, He can* of mirth and eke of jollity knows Not but* enough; also, Sir, truste me, not less than

        An* ye him knew all so well as do I, *if Ye would wonder how well and craftily

        He coulde work, and that in sundry wise.

        He hath take on him many a great emprise, task, undertaking Which were full hard for any that is here To bring about, but* they of him it lear.* unless **learn As homely as he rides amonges you,

        If ye him knew, it would be for your prow: advantage Ye woulde not forego his acquaintance

        For muche good, I dare lay in balance

        All that I have in my possession.

        He is a man of high discretion.

        I warn you well, he is a passing* man.” surpassing, extraordinary Well,” quoth our Host, “I pray thee tell me than, Is he a clerk, or no? Tell what he is.” *scholar, priest “Nay, he is greater than a clerk, y-wis,” certainly Saide this Yeoman; “and, in wordes few, Host, of his craft somewhat I will you shew, I say, my lord can* such a subtlety knows (But all his craft ye may not weet of me, *learn And somewhat help I yet to his working), That all the ground on which we be riding Till that we come to Canterbury town,

        He could all cleane turnen up so down, And pave it all of silver and of gold.”

        And when this Yeoman had this tale told Unto our Host, he said; “Ben’dicite!

        This thing is wonder marvellous to me, Since that thy lord is of so high prudence, Because of which men should him reverence, That of his worship* recketh he so lite;* honour **little His overest slop it is not worth a mite upper garment

        As in effect to him, so may I go;

        It is all baudy* and to-tore also. *slovenly Why is thy lord so sluttish, I thee pray, And is of power better clothes to bey, buy If that his deed accordeth with thy speech?

        Telle me that, and that I thee beseech.”

        “Why?” quoth this Yeoman, “whereto ask ye me?

        God help me so, for he shall never the thrive (But I will not avowe* that I say, *admit And therefore keep it secret, I you pray); He is too wise, in faith, as I believe.

        Thing that is overdone, it will not preve stand the test Aright, as clerkes say; it is a vice;

        Wherefore in that I hold him *lewd and nice.” ignorant and foolish*

        For when a man hath over great a wit,

        Full oft him happens to misusen it;

        So doth my lord, and that me grieveth sore.

        God it amend; I can say now no more.”

        “Thereof no force, good Yeoman, “quoth our Host; no matter

        “Since of the conning* of thy lord, thou know’st, *knowledge Tell how he doth, I pray thee heartily, Since that be is so crafty and so sly. wise Where dwelle ye, if it to telle be?”

        “In the suburbes of a town,” quoth he, “Lurking in hernes* and in lanes blind, *corners Where as these robbers and these thieves by kind nature Holde their privy fearful residence,

        As they that dare not show their presence, So fare we, if I shall say the soothe.” truth “Yet,” quoth our Hoste, “let me talke to thee; Why art thou so discolour’d of thy face?”

        “Peter!” quoth he, “God give it harde grace, I am so us’d the hote fire to blow,

        That it hath changed my colour, I trow; I am not wont in no mirror to pry,

        But swinke* sore, and learn to multiply. <5> labour We blunder ever, and poren** in the fire, toil *peer And, for all that, we fail of our desire For ever we lack our conclusion

        To muche folk we do illusion,

        And borrow gold, be it a pound or two, Or ten or twelve, or many summes mo’,

        And make them weenen,* at the leaste way, *fancy That of a pounde we can make tway.

        Yet is it false; and aye we have good hope It for to do, and after it we grope: search, strive But that science is so far us beforn,

        That we may not, although we had it sworn, It overtake, it slides away so fast;

        It will us make beggars at the last.”

        While this Yeoman was thus in his talking, This Canon drew him near, and heard all thing Which this Yeoman spake, for suspicion Of menne’s speech ever had this Canon: For Cato saith, that he that guilty is, <6>

        Deemeth all things be spoken of him y-wis; surely Because of that he gan so nigh to draw To his Yeoman, that he heard all his saw; And thus he said unto his Yeoman tho then “Hold thou thy peace,and speak no wordes mo’: For if thou do, thou shalt *it dear abie. pay dearly for it*

        Thou slanderest me here in this company And eke discoverest that thou shouldest hide.”

        “Yea,” quoth our Host, “tell on, whatso betide; Of all his threatening reck not a mite.”

        “In faith,” quoth he, “no more do I but lite.” little And when this Canon saw it would not be But his Yeoman would tell his privity, secrets He fled away for very sorrow and shame.

        “Ah!” quoth the Yeoman, “here shall rise a game; some diversion All that I can anon I will you tell,

        Since he is gone; the foule fiend him quell! destroy For ne’er hereafter will I with him meet, For penny nor for pound, I you behete. promise He that me broughte first unto that game, Ere that he die, sorrow have he and shame.

        For it is earnest* to me, by my faith; *a serious matter That feel I well, what so any man saith; And yet for all my smart, and all my grief, For all my sorrow, labour, and mischief, trouble I coulde never leave it in no wise.

        Now would to God my witte might suffice To tellen all that longeth to that art!

        But natheless yet will I telle part;

        Since that my lord is gone, I will not spare; Such thing as that I know, I will declare.”

        Notes to the Prologue to the Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale 1. “The introduction,” says Tyrwhitt, “of the Canon’s Yeoman to tell a Tale at a time when so many of the original characters remain to be called upon, appears a little extraordinary. It should seem that some sudden resentment had determined Chaucer to interrupt the regular course of his work, in order to insert a satire against the alchemists. That their pretended science was much cultivated about this time, and produced its usual evils, may fairly be inferred from the Act, which was passed soon after, 5 H. IV. c. iv., to make it felony ‘to multiply gold or silver, or to use the art of multiplication.’” Tyrwhitt finds in the prologue some colour for the hypothesis that this Tale was intended by Chaucer to begin the return journey from Canterbury; but against this must be set the fact that the Yeoman himself expressly speaks of the distance to Canterbury yet to be ridden.

        2. Fully five mile: From some place which the loss of the Second Nun’s Prologue does not enable us to identify.

        3. Peytrel: the breastplate of a horse’s harness; French, “poitrail.”

        4. A maile twyfold: a double valise; a wallet hanging across the crupper on either side of the horse.

        5. Multiply: transmute metals, in the attempt to multiply gold and silver by alchemy.

        6. “Conscius ipse sibi de se putat omnia dici” (“The conspirator believes that everything spoken refers to himself”) — “De Moribus,” I. i. dist. 17.

        THE TALE. <1>

        With this Canon I dwelt have seven year, And of his science am I ne’er the near nearer All that I had I have lost thereby,

        And, God wot, so have many more than I.

        Where I was wont to be right fresh and gay Of clothing, and of other good array

        Now may I wear an hose upon mine head; And where my colour was both fresh and red, Now is it wan, and of a leaden hue

        (Whoso it useth, sore shall he it rue); And of my swink* yet bleared is mine eye; *labour Lo what advantage is to multiply!

        That sliding* science hath me made so bare, slippery, deceptive That I have no good, where that ever I fare; *property And yet I am indebted so thereby

        Of gold, that I have borrow’d truely,

        That, while I live, I shall it quite* never; *repay Let every man beware by me for ever.

        What manner man that casteth* him thereto, betaketh If he continue, I hold his thrift y-do; prosperity at an end*

        So help me God, thereby shall he not win, But empty his purse, and make his wittes thin.

        And when he, through his madness and folly, Hath lost his owen good through jupartie, hazard <2>

        Then he exciteth other men thereto,

        To lose their good as he himself hath do’.

        For unto shrewes* joy it is and ease *wicked folk To have their fellows in pain and disease. trouble Thus was I ones learned of a clerk;

        Of that no charge;* I will speak of our work. *matter When we be there as we shall exercise

        Our elvish* craft, we seeme wonder wise, fantastic, wicked Our termes be so clergial and quaint. learned and strange I blow the fire till that mine hearte faint.

        Why should I tellen each proportion

        Of thinges, whiche that we work upon,

        As on five or six ounces, may well be, Of silver, or some other quantity?

        And busy me to telle you the names,

        As orpiment, burnt bones, iron squames, scales <3>

        That into powder grounden be full small?

        And in an earthen pot how put is all,

        And, salt y-put in, and also peppere,

        Before these powders that I speak of here, And well y-cover’d with a lamp of glass?

        And of much other thing which that there was?

        And of the pots and glasses engluting, sealing up That of the air might passen out no thing?

        And of the easy* fire, and smart** also, slow *quick Which that was made? and of the care and woe That we had in our matters subliming,

        And in amalgaming, and calcining

        Of quicksilver, called mercury crude?

        For all our sleightes we can not conclude.

        Our orpiment, and sublim’d mercury,

        Our ground litharge* eke on the porphyry, *white lead Of each of these of ounces a certain, certain proportion Not helpeth us, our labour is in vain.

        Nor neither our spirits’ ascensioun,

        Nor our matters that lie all fix’d adown, May in our working nothing us avail;

        For lost is all our labour and travail, And all the cost, a twenty devil way,

        Is lost also, which we upon it lay.

        There is also full many another thing

        That is unto our craft appertaining,

        Though I by order them not rehearse can, Because that I am a lewed* man; *unlearned Yet will I tell them as they come to mind, Although I cannot set them in their kind, As sal-armoniac, verdigris, borace;

        And sundry vessels made of earth and glass; <4>

        Our urinales, and our descensories,

        Phials, and croslets, and sublimatories, Cucurbites, and alembikes eke,

        And other suche, *dear enough a leek, worth less than a leek*

        It needeth not for to rehearse them all.

        Waters rubifying, and bulles’ gall,

        Arsenic, sal-armoniac, and brimstone,

        And herbes could I tell eke many a one, As egremoine,* valerian, and lunary,* agrimony **moon-wort And other such, if that me list to tarry; Our lampes burning bothe night and day, To bring about our craft if that we may; Our furnace eke of calcination,

        And of waters albification,

        Unslaked lime, chalk, and *glair of an ey, egg-white Powders diverse, ashes, dung, piss, and clay, Seared pokettes,<5> saltpetre, and vitriol; And divers fires made of wood and coal; Sal-tartar, alkali, salt preparate,

        And combust matters, and coagulate;

        Clay made with horse and manne’s hair, and oil Of tartar, alum, glass, barm, wort, argoil, potter’s clay<6>

        Rosalgar,* and other matters imbibing; *flowers of antimony And eke of our matters encorporing, incorporating And of our silver citrination, <7>

        Our cementing, and fermentation,

        Our ingots,* tests, and many thinges mo’. *moulds <8>

        I will you tell, as was me taught also, The foure spirits, and the bodies seven, By order, as oft I heard my lord them neven. name The first spirit Quicksilver called is; The second Orpiment; the third, y-wis, Sal-Armoniac, and the fourth Brimstone.

        The bodies sev’n eke, lo them here anon.

        Sol gold is, and Luna silver we threpe name <9>

        Mars iron, Mercury quicksilver we clepe; call Saturnus lead, and Jupiter is tin,

        And Venus copper, by my father’s kin.

        This cursed craft whoso will exercise, He shall no good have that him may suffice; For all the good he spendeth thereabout, He lose shall, thereof have I no doubt.

        Whoso that list to utter* his folly, display Let him come forth and learn to multiply: And every man that hath aught in his coffer, Let him appear, and wax a philosopher; Ascaunce that craft is so light to lear.* as if **learn Nay, nay, God wot, all be he monk or frere, Priest or canon, or any other wight;

        Though he sit at his book both day and night; In learning of this elvish nice lore, fantastic, foolish All is in vain; and pardie muche more, Is to learn a lew’d man this subtlety; *ignorant Fie! speak not thereof, for it will not be.

        And *conne he letterure,* or conne he none, if he knows learning

        As in effect, he shall it find all one; For bothe two, by my salvation,

        Concluden in multiplication transmutation by alchemy Alike well, when they have all y-do;

        This is to say, they faile bothe two.

        Yet forgot I to make rehearsale

        Of waters corrosive, and of limaile, metal filings And of bodies’ mollification,

        And also of their induration,

        Oiles, ablutions, metal fusible,

        To tellen all, would passen any Bible

        That owhere* is; wherefore, as for the best, *anywhere Of all these names now will I me rest; For, as I trow, I have you told enough To raise a fiend, all look he ne’er so rough.

        Ah! nay, let be; the philosopher’s stone, Elixir call’d, we seeke fast each one; For had we him, then were we sicker* enow; *secure But unto God of heaven I make avow, confession For all our craft, when we have all y-do, And all our sleight, he will not come us to.

        He hath y-made us spende muche good,

        For sorrow of which almost we waxed wood, mad But that good hope creeped in our heart, Supposing ever, though we sore smart,

        To be relieved by him afterward.

        Such supposing and hope is sharp and hard.

        I warn you well it is to seeken ever.

        That future temps* hath made men dissever,* time **part from In trust thereof, from all that ever they had, Yet of that art they cannot waxe sad, repentant For unto them it is a bitter sweet;

        So seemeth it; for had they but a sheet Which that they mighte wrap them in at night, And a bratt* to walk in by dayelight, *cloak<10>

        They would them sell, and spend it on this craft; They cannot stint,* until no thing be laft. *cease And evermore, wherever that they gon,

        Men may them knowe by smell of brimstone; For all the world they stinken as a goat; Their savour is so rammish and so hot, That though a man a mile from them be, The savour will infect him, truste me.

        Lo, thus by smelling and threadbare array, If that men list, this folk they knowe may.

        And if a man will ask them privily,

        Why they be clothed so unthriftily, shabbily They right anon will rownen* in his ear, *whisper And sayen, if that they espied were,

        Men would them slay, because of their science: Lo, thus these folk betrayen innocence!

        Pass over this; I go my tale unto.

        Ere that the pot be on the fire y-do placed Of metals, with a certain quantity

        My lord them tempers,* and no man but he *adjusts the proportions (Now he is gone, I dare say boldely);

        For as men say, he can do craftily,

        Algate* I wot well he hath such a name, *although And yet full oft he runneth into blame; And know ye how? full oft it happ’neth so, The pot to-breaks, and farewell! all is go’. gone These metals be of so great violence,

        Our walles may not make them resistence, But if they were wrought of lime and stone; unless

        They pierce so, that through the wall they gon; And some of them sink down into the ground (Thus have we lost by times many a pound), And some are scatter’d all the floor about; Some leap into the roof withoute doubt.

        Though that the fiend not in our sight him show, I trowe that he be with us, that shrew; impious wretch In helle, where that he is lord and sire, Is there no more woe, rancour, nor ire.

        When that our pot is broke, as I have said, Every man chides, and holds him *evil apaid. dissatisfied*

        Some said it was long on the fire-making; because of <11>

        Some saide nay, it was on the blowing

        (Then was I fear’d, for that was mine office); “Straw!” quoth the third, “ye be lewed and *nice, ignorant *foolish It was not temper’d* as it ought to be.” mixed in due proportions “Nay,” quoth the fourthe, “stint and hearken me; stop Because our fire was not y-made of beech, That is the cause, and other none, so the’ch. so may I thrive*

        I cannot tell whereon it was along,

        But well I wot great strife is us among.”

        “What?” quoth my lord, “there is no more to do’n, Of these perils I will beware eftsoon. another time I am right sicker* that the pot was crazed.* sure **cracked Be as be may, be ye no thing amazed. confounded As usage is, let sweep the floor as swithe; quickly Pluck up your heartes and be glad and blithe.”

        The mullok* on a heap y-sweeped was, *rubbish And on the floor y-cast a canevas,

        And all this mullok in a sieve y-throw, And sifted, and y-picked many a throw. time “Pardie,” quoth one, “somewhat of our metal Yet is there here, though that we have not all.

        And though this thing *mishapped hath as now, has gone amiss Another time it may be well enow. at present*

        We muste *put our good in adventure; risk our property*

        A merchant, pardie, may not aye endure, Truste me well, in his prosperity:

        Sometimes his good is drenched* in the sea, *drowned, sunk And sometimes comes it safe unto the land.”

        “Peace,” quoth my lord; “the next time I will fand endeavour To bring our craft *all in another plight, to a different conclusion*

        And but I do, Sirs, let me have the wite; blame There was default in somewhat, well I wot.”

        Another said, the fire was over hot.

        But be it hot or cold, I dare say this, That we concluden evermore amiss;

        We fail alway of that which we would have; And in our madness evermore we rave.

        And when we be together every one,

        Every man seemeth a Solomon.

        But all thing, which that shineth as the gold, It is not gold, as I have heard it told; Nor every apple that is fair at eye,

        It is not good, what so men clap* or cry. *assert Right so, lo, fareth it amonges us.

        He that the wisest seemeth, by Jesus,

        Is most fool, when it cometh to the prefe; proof, test And he that seemeth truest, is a thief.

        That shall ye know, ere that I from you wend; By that I of my tale have made an end.

        There was a canon of religioun

        Amonges us, would infect* all a town, deceive Though it as great were as was Nineveh, Rome, Alisandre, Troy, or other three. Alexandria His sleightes and his infinite falseness cunning tricks There coulde no man writen, as I guess, Though that he mighte live a thousand year; In all this world of falseness n’is his peer. *there is not For in his termes he will him so wind, And speak his wordes in so sly a kind, When he commune shall with any wight,

        That he will make him doat* anon aright, become foolishly But it a fiende be, as himself is. fond of him

        Full many a man hath he beguil’d ere this, And will, if that he may live any while; And yet men go and ride many a mile

        Him for to seek, and have his acquaintance, Not knowing of his false governance. deceitful conduct And if you list to give me audience,

        I will it telle here in your presence.

        But, worshipful canons religious,

        Ne deeme not that I slander your house, Although that my tale of a canon be.

        Of every order some shrew is, pardie;

        And God forbid that all a company

        Should rue a singular* manne’s folly. *individual To slander you is no thing mine intent; But to correct that is amiss I meant.

        This tale was not only told for you,

        But eke for other more; ye wot well how That amonges Christe’s apostles twelve There was no traitor but Judas himselve; Then why should all the remenant have blame, That guiltless were? By you I say the same.

        Save only this, if ye will hearken me, If any Judas in your convent be,

        Remove him betimes, I you rede, counsel If shame or loss may causen any dread.

        And be no thing displeased, I you pray; But in this case hearken what I say.

        In London was a priest, an annualere, <12>

        That therein dwelled hadde many a year, Which was so pleasant and so serviceable Unto the wife, where as he was at table, That she would suffer him no thing to pay For board nor clothing, went he ne’er so gay; And spending silver had he right enow; Thereof no force;* will proceed as now, *no matter And telle forth my tale of the canon,

        That brought this prieste to confusion.

        This false canon came upon a day

        Unto the prieste’s chamber, where he lay, Beseeching him to lend him a certain

        Of gold, and he would quit it him again.

        “Lend me a mark,” quoth he, “but dayes three, And at my day I will it quite thee.

        And if it so be that thou find me false, Another day hang me up by the halse.” neck This priest him took a mark, and that as swithe, quickly And this canon him thanked often sithe, times And took his leave, and wente forth his way; And at the thirde day brought his money; And to the priest he took his gold again, Whereof this priest was wondrous glad and fain. pleased “Certes,” quoth he, *“nothing annoyeth me I am not unwiling*

        To lend a man a noble, or two, or three, Or what thing were in my possession,

        When he so true is of condition,

        That in no wise he breake will his day; To such a man I never can say nay.”

        “What,” quoth this canon, “should I be untrue?

        Nay, that were *thing y-fallen all of new! a new thing to happen*

        Truth is a thing that I will ever keep, Unto the day in which that I shall creep Into my grave; and elles God forbid;

        Believe this as sicker* as your creed. sure God thank I, and in good time be it said, That there was never man yet evil apaid displeased, dissatisfied*

        For gold nor silver that he to me lent, Nor ever falsehood in mine heart I meant.

        And Sir,” quoth he, “now of my privity, Since ye so goodly have been unto me,

        And kithed* to me so great gentleness, *shown Somewhat, to quite with your kindeness, I will you shew, and if you list to lear, learn I will you teache plainly the mannere

        How I can worken in philosophy.

        Take good heed, ye shall well see *at eye with your own eye*

        That I will do a mas’try ere I go.”

        “Yea,” quoth the priest; “yea, Sir, and will ye so?

        Mary! thereof I pray you heartily.”

        “At your commandement, Sir, truely,”

        Quoth the canon, “and elles God forbid.”

        Lo, how this thiefe could his service bede! offer Full sooth it is that such proffer’d service Stinketh, as witnesse *these olde wise; those wise folk of old*
        And that full soon I will it verify
        In this canon, root of all treachery,
        That evermore delight had and gladness (Such fiendly thoughtes in his heart impress) press into his heart
        How Christe’s people he may to mischief bring.

        God keep us from his false dissimuling!

        What wiste this priest with whom that he dealt?
        Nor of his harm coming he nothing felt.
        O sely* priest, O sely innocent! *simple With covetise anon thou shalt be blent; blinded; beguiled O graceless, full blind is thy conceit!

        For nothing art thou ware of the deceit Which that this fox y-shapen* hath to thee; contrived His wily wrenches thou not mayest flee. *snares Wherefore, to go to the conclusioun

        That referreth to thy confusion,

        Unhappy man, anon I will me hie hasten To telle thine unwit* and thy folly, stupidity And eke the falseness of that other wretch, As farforth as that my conning will stretch. *knowledge This canon was my lord, ye woulde ween; imagine Sir Host, in faith, and by the heaven’s queen, It was another canon, and not he,

        That can* an hundred fold more subtlety. *knows He hath betrayed folkes many a time;

        Of his falseness it doleth* me to rhyme. *paineth And ever, when I speak of his falsehead, For shame of him my cheekes waxe red;

        Algates* they beginne for to glow, *at least For redness have I none, right well I know, In my visage; for fumes diverse

        Of metals, which ye have me heard rehearse, Consumed have and wasted my redness.

        Now take heed of this canon’s cursedness. villainy “Sir,” quoth he to the priest, “let your man gon For quicksilver, that we it had anon;

        And let him bringen ounces two or three; And when he comes, as faste shall ye see A wondrous thing, which ye saw ne’er ere this.”

        “Sir,” quoth the priest, “it shall be done, y-wis.” certainly He bade his servant fetche him this thing, And he all ready was at his bidding,

        And went him forth, and came anon again With this quicksilver, shortly for to sayn; And took these ounces three to the canoun; And he them laide well and fair adown, And bade the servant coales for to bring, That he anon might go to his working.

        The coales right anon weren y-fet, fetched And this canon y-took a crosselet crucible Out of his bosom, and shew’d to the priest.

        “This instrument,” quoth he, “which that thou seest, Take in thine hand, and put thyself therein Of this quicksilver an ounce, and here begin, In the name of Christ, to wax a philosopher.

        There be full few, which that I woulde proffer To shewe them thus much of my science; For here shall ye see by experience

        That this quicksilver I will mortify,<13>

        Right in your sight anon withoute lie, And make it as good silver, and as fine, As there is any in your purse, or mine, Or elleswhere; and make it malleable,
        And elles holde me false and unable

        Amonge folk for ever to appear.

        I have a powder here that cost me dear, Shall make all good, for it is cause of all My conning,* which that I you shewe shall. knowledge Voide your man, and let him be thereout; *send away And shut the doore, while we be about

        Our privity, that no man us espy,

        While that we work in this phiosophy.”

        All, as he bade, fulfilled was in deed.

        This ilke servant right anon out yede, went And his master y-shut the door anon,

        And to their labour speedily they gon.

        This priest, at this cursed canon’s biddIng, Upon the fire anon he set this thing,

        And blew the fire, and busied him full fast.

        And this canon into the croslet cast

        A powder, I know not whereof it was

        Y-made, either of chalk, either of glass, Or somewhat elles, was not worth a fly, To blinden* with this priest; and bade him hie* deceive **make haste The coales for to couchen* all above lay in order The croslet; “for, in token I thee love,”

        Quoth this canon, “thine owen handes two Shall work all thing that here shall be do’.”

        “Grand mercy,” quoth the priest, and was full glad, great thanks

        And couch’d the coales as the canon bade.

        And while he busy was, this fiendly wretch, This false canon (the foule fiend him fetch), Out of his bosom took a beechen coal,

        In which full subtifly was made a hole, And therein put was of silver limaile filings An ounce, and stopped was withoute fail The hole with wax, to keep the limaile in.

        And understande, that this false gin contrivance Was not made there, but it was made before; And other thinges I shall tell you more, Hereafterward, which that he with him brought; Ere he came there, him to beguile he thought, And so he did, ere that they *went atwin; separated*

        Till he had turned him, could he not blin. cease <14>

        It doleth* me, when that I of him speak; *paineth On his falsehood fain would I me awreak, revenge myself If I wist how, but he is here and there; He is so variant,* he abides nowhere. *changeable But take heed, Sirs, now for Godde’s love.

        He took his coal, of which I spake above, And in his hand he bare it privily,

        And while the prieste couched busily

        The coales, as I tolde you ere this,
        This canon saide, “Friend, ye do amiss; This is not couched as it ought to be, But soon I shall amenden it,” quoth he.

        “Now let me meddle therewith but a while, For of you have I pity, by Saint Gile.

        Ye be right hot, I see well how ye sweat; Have here a cloth, and wipe away the wet.”

        And while that the prieste wip’d his face, This canon took his coal, — *with sorry grace,* — evil fortune And layed it above on the midward attend him!

        Of the croslet, and blew well afterward, Till that the coals beganne fast to brenn. burn “Now give us drinke,” quoth this canon then, “And swithe* all shall be well, I undertake. *quickly Sitte we down, and let us merry make.”

        And whenne that this canon’s beechen coal Was burnt, all the limaile out of the hole Into the crosselet anon fell down;

        And so it muste needes, by reasoun,

        Since it above so *even couched* was; exactly laid

        But thereof wist the priest no thing, alas!

        He deemed all the coals alike good,

        For of the sleight he nothing understood.

        And when this alchemister saw his time, “Rise up, Sir Priest,” quoth he, “and stand by me; And, for I wot well ingot* have ye none; *mould Go, walke forth, and bring me a chalk stone; For I will make it of the same shape

        That is an ingot, if I may have hap.

        Bring eke with you a bowl, or else a pan, Full of water, and ye shall well see than then How that our business shall *hap and preve succeed*

        And yet, for ye shall have no misbelieve mistrust Nor wrong conceit of me, in your absence, I wille not be out of your presence,

        But go with you, and come with you again.”

        The chamber-doore, shortly for to sayn, They opened and shut, and went their way, And forth with them they carried the key; And came again without any delay.

        Why should I tarry all the longe day?

        He took the chalk, and shap’d it in the wise Of an ingot, as I shall you devise; describe I say, he took out of his owen sleeve

        A teine* of silver (evil may he cheve!**) little piece *prosper Which that ne was but a just ounce of weight.

        And take heed now of his cursed sleight; He shap’d his ingot, in length and in brede breadth Of this teine, withouten any drede, doubt So slily, that the priest it not espied; And in his sleeve again he gan it hide; And from the fire he took up his mattere, And in th’ ingot put it with merry cheer; And in the water-vessel he it cast,

        When that him list, and bade the priest as fast Look what there is; “Put in thine hand and grope; There shalt thou finde silver, as I hope.”

        What, devil of helle! should it elles be?

        Shaving of silver, silver is, pardie.

        He put his hand in, and took up a teine Of silver fine; and glad in every vein Was this priest, when he saw that it was so.

        “Godde’s blessing, and his mother’s also,
        And alle hallows,* have ye, Sir Canon!” *saints Saide this priest, “and I their malison curse But, an’* ye vouchesafe to teache me *if This noble craft and this subtility,
        I will be yours in all that ever I may.”

        Quoth the canon, “Yet will I make assay The second time, that ye may take heed, And be expert of this, and, in your need, Another day assay in mine absence

        This discipline, and this crafty science.

        Let take another ounce,” quoth he tho, then “Of quicksilver, withoute wordes mo’,

        And do therewith as ye have done ere this With that other, which that now silver is. “

        The priest him busied, all that e’er he can, To do as this canon, this cursed man,

        Commanded him, and fast he blew the fire For to come to th’ effect of his desire.

        And this canon right in the meanewhile All ready was this priest eft* to beguile, again and, for a countenance, in his hande bare stratagem An hollow sticke (take keep and beware); *heed Of silver limaile put was, as before

        Was in his coal, and stopped with wax well For to keep in his limaile every deal. particle And while this priest was in his business, This canon with his sticke gan him dress apply To him anon, and his powder cast in,

        As he did erst (the devil out of his skin Him turn, I pray to God, for his falsehead, For he was ever false in thought and deed), And with his stick, above the crosselet, That was ordained* with that false get,* provided **contrivance He stirr’d the coales, till relente gan The wax against the fire, as every man, But he a fool be, knows well it must need.

        And all that in the sticke was out yede, went And in the croslet hastily* it fell. quickly Now, goode Sirs, what will ye bet than well? *better When that this priest was thus beguil’d again, Supposing naught but truthe, sooth to sayn, He was so glad, that I can not express In no mannere his mirth and his gladness; And to the canon he proffer’d eftsoon forthwith; again Body and good. “Yea,” quoth the canon soon, “Though poor I be, crafty* thou shalt me find; *skilful I warn thee well, yet is there more behind.

        Is any copper here within?” said he.

        “Yea, Sir,” the prieste said, “I trow there be.”

        “Elles go buy us some, and that as swithe. swiftly Now, goode Sir, go forth thy way and hie* thee.” *hasten He went his way, and with the copper came, And this canon it in his handes name, took <15>

        And of that copper weighed out an ounce.

        Too simple is my tongue to pronounce,
        As minister of my wit, the doubleness
        Of this canon, root of all cursedness.

        He friendly seem’d to them that knew him not; But he was fiendly, both in work and thought.

        It wearieth me to tell of his falseness;
        And natheless yet will I it express,
        To that intent men may beware thereby,
        And for none other cause truely.

        He put this copper in the crosselet,
        And on the fire as swithe* he hath it set, *swiftly And cast in powder, and made the priest to blow, And in his working for to stoope low,

        As he did erst,* and all was but a jape;* before **trick Right as him list the priest *he made his ape. befooled him*

        And afterward in the ingot he it cast, And in the pan he put it at the last

        Of water, and in he put his own hand;
        And in his sleeve, as ye beforehand

        Hearde me tell, he had a silver teine; small piece He silly took it out, this cursed heine wretch (Unweeting* this priest of his false craft), *unsuspecting And in the panne’s bottom he it laft left And in the water rumbleth to and fro,

        And wondrous privily took up also

        The copper teine (not knowing thilke priest), And hid it, and him hente* by the breast, *took And to him spake, and thus said in his game; “Stoop now adown; by God, ye be to blame; Helpe me now, as I did you whilere; before Put in your hand, and looke what is there.”

        This priest took up this silver teine anon; And thenne said the canon, “Let us gon, With these three teines which that we have wrought, To some goldsmith, and *weet if they be aught: find out if they are For, by my faith, I would not for my hood worth anything*

        But if they were silver fine and good, unless And that as swithe well proved shall it be.” *quickly Unto the goldsmith with these teines three They went anon, and put them in assay proof To fire and hammer; might no man say nay, But that they weren as they ought to be.

        This sotted* priest, who gladder was than he? *stupid, besotted Was never bird gladder against the day; Nor nightingale in the season of May

        Was never none, that better list to sing; Nor lady lustier in carolling,

        Or for to speak of love and womanhead; Nor knight in arms to do a hardy deed, To standen in grace of his lady dear,

        Than had this priest this crafte for to lear; And to the canon thus he spake and said; “For love of God, that for us alle died, And as I may deserve it unto you,

        What shall this receipt coste? tell me now.”

        “By our Lady,” quoth this canon, “it is dear.

        I warn you well, that, save I and a frere, In Engleland there can no man it make.”

        *“No force,” quoth he; “now, Sir, for Godde’s sake, no matter What shall I pay? telle me, I you pray.”

        “Y-wis,” quoth he, “it is full dear, I say. certainly Sir, at one word, if that you list it have, Ye shall pay forty pound, so God me save; And n’ere* the friendship that ye did ere this *were it not for To me, ye shoulde paye more, y-wis.”

        This priest the sum of forty pound anon Of nobles fet,* and took them every one *fetched To this canon, for this ilke receipt.

        All his working was but fraud and deceit.

        “Sir Priest,” he said, “I keep* to have no los** care *praise <16>

        Of my craft, for I would it were kept close; And as ye love me, keep it secre:

        For if men knewen all my subtlety,

        By God, they woulde have so great envy To me, because of my philosophy,

        I should be dead, there were no other way.”

        “God it forbid,” quoth the priest, “what ye say.

        Yet had I lever* spenden all the good rather Which that I have (and elles were I wood), *mad Than that ye shoulde fall in such mischief.”

        “For your good will, Sir, have ye right good prefe,” results of your Quoth the canon; “and farewell, grand mercy.” *experiments*

        He went his way, and never the priest him sey saw After that day; and when that this priest should Maken assay, at such time as he would, Of this receipt, farewell! it would not be.

        Lo, thus bejaped* and beguil’d was he; *tricked Thus made he his introduction

        To bringe folk to their destruction.

        Consider, Sirs, how that in each estate Betwixte men and gold there is debate, So farforth that *unnethes is there none. scarcely is there any*

        This multiplying blint* so many a one, *blinds, deceive That in good faith I trowe that it be

        The cause greatest of such scarcity.

        These philosophers speak so mistily

        In this craft, that men cannot come thereby, For any wit that men have how-a-days.

        They may well chatter, as do these jays, And in their termes set their *lust and pain, pleasure and exertion*

        But to their purpose shall they ne’er attain.

        A man may lightly* learn, if he have aught, *easily To multiply, and bring his good to naught.

        Lo, such a lucre* is in this lusty** game; profit *pleasant A manne’s mirth it will turn all to grame, sorrow <17>

        And empty also great and heavy purses, And make folke for to purchase curses

        Of them that have thereto their good y-lent.

        Oh, fy for shame! they that have been brent, burnt Alas! can they not flee the fire’s heat?

        Ye that it use, I rede* that ye it lete,* advise **leave Lest ye lose all; for better than never is late; Never to thrive, were too long a date.

        Though ye prowl aye, ye shall it never find; Ye be as bold as is Bayard the blind,

        That blunders forth, and *peril casteth none; perceives no danger*

        He is as bold to run against a stone,

        As for to go beside it in the way:

        So fare ye that multiply, I say.

        If that your eyen cannot see aright,

        Look that your minde lacke not his sight.

        For though you look never so broad, and stare, Ye shall not win a mite on that chaffare, traffic, commerce But wasten all that ye may *rape and renn. get by hook or crook*

        Withdraw the fire, lest it too faste brenn; burn Meddle no more with that art, I mean;

        For if ye do, your thrift* is gone full clean. prosperity And right as swithe I will you telle here *quickly What philosophers say in this mattere.

        Lo, thus saith Arnold of the newe town, <18>

        As his Rosary maketh mentioun,

        He saith right thus, withouten any lie; “There may no man mercury mortify,<13>

        But* it be with his brother’s knowledging.” *except Lo, how that he, which firste said this thing, Of philosophers father was, Hermes;<19>

        He saith, how that the dragon doubteless He dieth not, but if that he be slain

        With his brother. And this is for to sayn, By the dragon, Mercury, and none other, He understood, and Brimstone by his brother, That out of Sol and Luna were y-draw. drawn, derived “And therefore,” said he, “take heed to my saw. *saying Let no man busy him this art to seech, study, explore But if that he th’intention and speech *unless Of philosophers understande can;

        And if he do, he is a lewed* man. ignorant, foolish For this science and this conning,” quoth he, *knowledge “Is of the secret of secrets <20> pardie.”

        Also there was a disciple of Plato,

        That on a time said his master to,

        As his book, Senior, <21> will bear witness, And this was his demand in soothfastness: “Tell me the name of thilke* privy** stone.” that *secret And Plato answer’d unto him anon;

        “Take the stone that Titanos men name.”

        “Which is that?” quoth he. “Magnesia is the same,”

        Saide Plato. “Yea, Sir, and is it thus?

        This is ignotum per ignotius. <22>

        What is Magnesia, good Sir, I pray?”

        “It is a water that is made, I say,

        Of th’ elementes foure,” quoth Plato.

        “Tell me the roote, good Sir,” quoth he tho, then “Of that water, if that it be your will.”

        “Nay, nay,” quoth Plato, “certain that I n’ill. will not The philosophers sworn were every one, That they should not discover it to none, Nor in no book it write in no mannere; For unto God it is so lefe* and dear, *precious That he will not that it discover’d be, But where it liketh to his deity

        Man for to inspire, and eke for to defend’ protect Whom that he liketh; lo, this is the end.”

        Then thus conclude I, since that God of heaven Will not that these philosophers neven name How that a man shall come unto this stone, I rede* as for the best to let it gon. *counsel For whoso maketh God his adversary,

        As for to work any thing in contrary

        Of his will, certes never shall he thrive, Though that he multiply term of his live. <23>

        And there a point;* for ended is my tale. end God send ev’ry good man boot of his bale. remedy for his sorrow*

        Note to the Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale

        1. The Tale of the Canon’s Yeoman, like those of the Wife of Bath and the Pardoner, is made up of two parts; a long general introduction, and the story proper. In the case of the Wife of Bath, the interruptions of other pilgrims, and the autobiographical nature of the discourse, recommend the separation of the prologue from the Tale proper; but in the other cases the introductory or merely connecting matter ceases wholly where the opening of “The Tale” has been marked in the text.

        2. Jupartie: Jeopardy, hazard. In Froissart’s French, “a jeu partie” is used to signify a game or contest in which the chances were exactly equal for both sides.

        3. Squames: Scales; Latin, “squamae.”

        4. Descensories: vessels for distillation “per descensum;” they were placed under the fire, and the spirit to be extracted was thrown downwards.

        Croslets: crucibles; French, “creuset.”.

        Cucurbites: retorts; distilling-vessels; so called from their likeness in shape to a gourd — Latin, “cucurbita.”

        Alembikes:stills, limbecs.

        5. Seared pokettes: the meaning of this phrase is obscure; but if we take the reading “cered poketts,” from the Harleian manuscript, we are led to the supposition that it signifies receptacles — bags or pokes — prepared with wax for some process. Latin, “cera,” wax.

        6. Argoil: potter’s clay, used for luting or closing vessels in the laboratories of the alchemists; Latin, “argilla;” French, “argile.”

        7. Citrination: turning to a citrine colour, or yellow, by chemical action; that was the colour which proved the philosopher’s stone.

        8. Ingots: not, as in its modern meaning, the masses of metal shaped by pouring into moulds; but the moulds themslves into which the fused metal was poured. Compare Dutch, “ingieten,” part. “inghehoten,” to infuse; German, “eingiessen,” part. “eingegossen,” to pour in.

        9. Threpe: name; from Anglo-Saxon, “threapian.”

        10. Bratt: coarse cloak; Anglo-Saxon, “bratt.” The word is still used in Lincolnshire, and some parts of the north, to signify a coarse kind of apron.

        11. Long on: in consequence of; the modern vulgar phrase “all along of,” or “all along on,” best conveys the force of the words in the text.

        12. Annualere: a priest employed in singing “annuals” or anniversary masses for the dead, without any cure of souls; the office was such as, in the Prologue to the Tales, Chaucer praises the Parson for not seeking: Nor “ran unto London, unto Saint Poul’s, to seeke him a chantery for souls.”

        13. Mortify: a chemical phrase, signifying the dissolution of quicksilver in acid.

        14. Blin: cease; from Anglo-Saxon, “blinnan,” to desist.

        15. Name: took; from Anglo-Saxon, “niman,” to take.

        Compare German, “nehmen,” “nahm.”

        16. Los: praise, reputataion. See note 5 to Chaucer’s tale of Meliboeus.

        17. Grame: sorrow; Anglo-Saxon, “gram;” German, “Gram.”

        18. Arnaldus Villanovanus, or Arnold de Villeneuve, was a distinguished French chemist and physician of the fourteenth century; his “Rosarium Philosophorum” was a favourite text-book with the alchemists of the generations that succeeded.

        19. Hermes Trismegistus, counsellor of Osiris, King of Egypt, was credited with the invention of writing and hieroglyphics, the drawing up of the laws of the Egyptians, and the origination of many sciences and arts. The Alexandrian school ascribed to him the mystic learning which it amplified; and the scholars of the Middle Ages regarded with enthusiasm and reverence the works attributed to him —

        notably a treatise on the philosopher’s stone.

        20. Secret of secrets: “Secreta Secretorum;” a treatise, very popular in the Middle Ages, supposed to contain the sum of Aristotle’s instructions to Alexander. Lydgate translated about half of the work, when his labour was interrupted by his death about 1460; and from the same treatise had been taken most of the seventh book of Gower’s “Confessio Amantis.”

        21. Tyrwhitt says that this book was printed in the “Theatrum Chemicum,” under the title, “Senioris Zadith fi. Hamuelis tabula chymica” (“The chemical tables of Senior Zadith, son of Hamuel”); and the story here told of Plato and his disciple was there related of Solomon, but with some variations.

        22. Ignotum per ignotius: To explain the unknown by the more unknown.

        23. Though he multiply term of his live: Though he pursue the alchemist’s art all his days.

        THE MANCIPLE’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        WEET* ye not where there stands a little town, *know
        Which that y-called is Bob-up-and-down, <1>
        Under the Blee, in Canterbury way?
        There gan our Hoste for to jape and play,
        And saide, “Sirs, what? Dun is in the mire.<2>
        Is there no man, for prayer nor for hire,
        That will awaken our fellow behind?
        A thief him might full* rob and bind *easily
        See how he nappeth, see, for cocke’s bones,
        As he would falle from his horse at ones.
        Is that a Cook of London, with mischance? <3>
        Do* him come forth, he knoweth his penance; *make
        For he shall tell a tale, by my fay, faith
        Although it be not worth a bottle hay.
        Awake, thou Cook,” quoth he; “God give thee sorrow
        What aileth thee to sleepe *by the morrow? in the day time*
        Hast thou had fleas all night, or art drunk?
        Or had thou with some quean* all night y-swunk,* whore **laboured So that thou mayest not hold up thine head?”

        The Cook, that was full pale and nothing red,
        Said to Host, “So God my soule bless,
        As there is fall’n on me such heaviness,
        I know not why, that me were lever* sleep, *rather
        Than the best gallon wine that is in Cheap.”

        “Well,” quoth the Manciple, “if it may do ease To thee, Sir Cook, and to no wight displease Which that here rideth in this company, And that our Host will of his courtesy, I will as now excuse thee of thy tale; For in good faith thy visage is full pale: Thine eyen daze,* soothly as me thinketh, *are dim And well I wot, thy breath full soure stinketh, That sheweth well thou art not well disposed; Of me certain thou shalt not be y-glosed. flattered See how he yawneth, lo, this drunken wight, As though he would us swallow anon right.

        Hold close thy mouth, man, by thy father’s kin;
        The devil of helle set his foot therein!
        Thy cursed breath infecte will us all:
        Fy! stinking swine, fy! foul may thee befall.

        Ah! take heed, Sirs, of this lusty man.
        Now, sweete Sir, will ye joust at the fan?<4>
        Thereto, me thinketh, ye be well y-shape.
        I trow that ye have drunken wine of ape,<5>
        And that is when men playe with a straw.”

        And with this speech the Cook waxed all wraw, wrathful
        And on the Manciple he gan nod fast
        For lack of speech; and down his horse him cast,
        Where as he lay, till that men him up took.
        This was a fair chevachie* of a cook: *cavalry expedition
        Alas! that he had held him by his ladle!
        And ere that he again were in the saddle There was great shoving bothe to and fro To lift him up, and muche care and woe, So unwieldy was this silly paled ghost.

        And to the Manciple then spake our Host:
        “Because that drink hath domination
        Upon this man, by my salvation
        I trow he lewedly* will tell his tale. stupidly
        For were it wine, or old or moisty ale, *new
        That he hath drunk, he speaketh in his nose,
        And sneezeth fast, and eke he hath the pose <6>
        He also hath to do more than enough
        To keep him on his capel* out of the slough; *horse
        And if he fall from off his capel eftsoon, again
        Then shall we alle have enough to do’n
        In lifting up his heavy drunken corse.
        Tell on thy tale, of him *make I no force. I take no account*
        But yet, Manciple, in faith thou art too nice foolish
        Thus openly to reprove him of his vice;
        Another day he will paraventure
        Reclaime thee, and bring thee to the lure; <7>
        I mean, he speake will of smalle things,
        As for to *pinchen at* thy reckonings, pick flaws in
        That were not honest, if it came to prefe.” test, proof
        Quoth the Manciple, “That were a great mischief;
        So might he lightly bring me in the snare.
        Yet had I lever* paye for the mare *rather
        Which he rides on, than he should with me strive.
        I will not wrathe him, so may I thrive) That that I spake, I said it in my bourde. jest And weet ye what? I have here in my gourd
        A draught of wine, yea, of a ripe grape,
        And right anon ye shall see a good jape. trick
        This Cook shall drink thereof, if that I may;
        On pain of my life he will not say nay.”

        And certainly, to tellen as it was,
        Of this vessel the cook drank fast (alas!
        What needed it? he drank enough beforn),
        And when he hadde *pouped in his horn, belched*
        To the Manciple he took the gourd again.

        And of that drink the Cook was wondrous fain,
        And thanked him in such wise as he could.
        Then gan our Host to laughe wondrous loud,
        And said, “I see well it is necessary
        Where that we go good drink with us to carry;
        For that will turne rancour and disease trouble, annoyance
        T’accord and love, and many a wrong appease.

        O Bacchus, Bacchus, blessed be thy name,
        That so canst turnen earnest into game!
        Worship and thank be to thy deity.
        Of that mattere ye get no more of me.
        Tell on thy tale, Manciple, I thee pray.”
        “Well, Sir,” quoth he, “now hearken what I say.”

        1. Bob-up-and-down: Mr Wright supposes this to be the village of Harbledown, near Canterbury, which is situated on a hill, and near which there are many ups and downs in the road. Like Boughton, where the Canon and his Yeoman overtook the pilgrims, it stood on the skirts of the Kentish forest of Blean or Blee.

        2. Dun is in the mire: a proverbial saying. “Dun” is a name for an ass, derived from his colour.

        3. The mention of the Cook here, with no hint that he had already told a story, confirms the indication given by the imperfect condition of his Tale, that Chaucer intended to suppress the Tale altogether, and make him tell a story in some other place.

        4. The quintain; called “fan” or “vane,” because it turned round like a weathercock.

        5. Referring to the classification of wine, according to its effects on a man, given in the old “Calendrier des Bergiers,” The man of choleric temperament has “wine of lion;” the sanguine, “wine of ape;” the phlegmatic, “wine of sheep;” the melancholic, “wine of sow.” There is a Rabbinical tradition that, when Noah was planting vines, Satan slaughtered beside them the four animals named; hence the effect of wine in making those who drink it display in turn the characteristics of all the four.

        6. The pose: a defluxion or rheum which stops the nose and obstructs the voice.

        7. Bring thee to his lure: A phrase in hawking — to recall a hawk to the fist; the meaning here is, that the Cook may one day bring the Manciple to account, or pay him off, for the rebuke of his drunkenness.

        THE TALE. <1>

        When Phoebus dwelled here in earth adown,
        As olde bookes make mentioun,
        He was the moste lusty* bacheler pleasant
        Of all this world, and eke the best archer. *also He slew Python the serpent, as he lay
        Sleeping against the sun upon a day;
        And many another noble worthy deed
        He with his bow wrought, as men maye read.

        Playen he could on every minstrelsy,
        And singe, that it was a melody
        To hearen of his cleare voice the soun’.
        Certes the king of Thebes, Amphioun,
        That with his singing walled the city,
        Could never singe half so well as he.

        Thereto he was the seemlieste man
        That is, or was since that the world began;
        What needeth it his features to descrive?
        For in this world is none so fair alive.
        He was therewith full fill’d of gentleness,
        Of honour, and of perfect worthiness.
        This Phoebus, that was flower of bach’lery, As well in freedom* as in chivalry, *generosity For his disport, in sign eke of victory Of Python, so as telleth us the story, Was wont to bearen in his hand a bow.

        Now had this Phoebus in his house a crow, Which in a cage he foster’d many a day, And taught it speaken, as men teach a jay.

        White was this crow, as is a snow-white swan, And counterfeit the speech of every man He coulde, when he shoulde tell a tale.

        Therewith in all this world no nightingale Ne coulde by an hundred thousand deal part Singe so wondrous merrily and well.

        Now had this Phoebus in his house a wife;
        Which that he loved more than his life.
        And night and day did ever his diligence
        Her for to please, and do her reverence:
        Save only, if that I the sooth shall sayn,
        Jealous he was, and would have kept her fain.

        For him were loth y-japed* for to be; *tricked, deceived
        And so is every wight in such degree;
        But all for nought, for it availeth nought.

        A good wife, that is clean of work and thought, Should not be kept in none await* certain: *observation And truely the labour is in vain

        To keep a shrewe,* for it will not be. *ill-disposed woman This hold I for a very nicety, sheer folly To spille* labour for to keepe wives; *lose Thus writen olde clerkes in their lives.

        But now to purpose, as I first began.

        This worthy Phoebus did all that he can To please her, weening, through such pleasance, And for his manhood and his governance, That no man should have put him from her grace; But, God it wot, there may no man embrace As to distrain* a thing, which that nature *succeed in constraining Hath naturally set in a creature.

        Take any bird, and put it in a cage,
        And do all thine intent, and thy corage, what thy heart prompts To foster it tenderly with meat and drink Of alle dainties that thou canst bethink, And keep it all so cleanly as thou may; Although the cage of gold be never so gay, Yet had this bird, by twenty thousand fold, Lever* in a forest, both wild and cold, *rather Go eate wormes, and such wretchedness.

        For ever this bird will do his business T’escape out of his cage when that he may: His liberty the bird desireth aye. <2>

        Let take a cat, and foster her with milk And tender flesh, and make her couch of silk, And let her see a mouse go by the wall, Anon she weiveth* milk, and flesh, and all, *forsaketh And every dainty that is in that house, Such appetite hath she to eat the mouse.

        Lo, here hath kind* her domination, nature And appetite flemeth discretion. *drives out A she-wolf hath also a villain’s kind

        The lewedeste wolf that she may find,

        Or least of reputation, will she take

        In time when *her lust* to have a make. she desires *mate All these examples speak I by* these men *with reference to That be untrue, and nothing by women.

        For men have ever a lik’rous appetite

        On lower things to perform their delight Than on their wives, be they never so fair, Never so true, nor so debonair. gentle, mild Flesh is so newefangled, *with mischance, ill luck to it*

        That we can in no thinge have pleasance
        That souneth unto virtue any while. *accords with This Phoebus, which that thought upon no guile, Deceived was for all his jollity;

        For under him another hadde she,
        A man of little reputation,
        Nought worth to Phoebus in comparison.
        The more harm is; it happens often so,
        Of which there cometh muche harm and woe.
        And so befell, when Phoebus was absent, His wife anon hath for her leman* sent. *unlawful lover Her leman! certes that is a knavish speech.

        Forgive it me, and that I you beseech.
        The wise Plato saith, as ye may read,
        The word must needs accorde with the deed;
        If men shall telle properly a thing,
        The word must cousin be to the working.

        I am a boistous* man, right thus I say. *rough-spoken, downright There is no difference truely
        Betwixt a wife that is of high degree
        (If of her body dishonest she be),
        And any poore wench, other than this
        (If it so be they worke both amiss),
        But, for* the gentle is in estate above, *because
        She shall be call’d his lady and his love;
        And, for that other is a poor woman,
        She shall be call’d his wench and his leman:
        And God it wot, mine owen deare brother,
        Men lay the one as low as lies the other.

        Right so betwixt a *titleless tyrant usurper*
        And an outlaw, or else a thief errant, wandering The same I say, there is no difference (To Alexander told was this sentence), But, for the tyrant is of greater might By force of meinie for to slay downright, *followers And burn both house and home, and make all plain, level Lo, therefore is he call’d a capitain; And, for the outlaw hath but small meinie, And may not do so great an harm as he, Nor bring a country to so great mischief, Men calle him an outlaw or a thief.

        But, for I am a man not textuel, *learned in texts I will not tell of texts never a deal; whit I will go to my tale, as I began.

        When Phoebus’ wife had sent for her leman,
        Anon they wroughten all their *lust volage. light or rash pleasure*

        This white crow, that hung aye in the cage, Beheld their work, and said never a word; And when that home was come Phoebus the lord, This crowe sung, “Cuckoo, cuckoo, cuckoo!”

        “What? bird,” quoth Phoebus, “what song sing’st thou now?

        Wert thou not wont so merrily to sing,
        That to my heart it was a rejoicing
        To hear thy voice? alas! what song is this?”

        “By God,” quoth he, “I singe not amiss.
        Phoebus,” quoth he, “for all thy worthiness,
        For all thy beauty, and all thy gentleness, For all thy song, and all thy minstrelsy, *For all thy waiting, bleared is thine eye despite all thy watching, With one of little reputation, thou art befooled*
        Not worth to thee, as in comparison,
        The mountance* of a gnat, so may I thrive; *value
        For on thy bed thy wife I saw him swive.”

        What will ye more? the crow anon him told, By sade* tokens, and by wordes bold, *grave, trustworthy How that his wife had done her lechery, To his great shame and his great villainy; And told him oft, he saw it with his eyen.

        This Phoebus gan awayward for to wrien; turn aside Him thought his woeful hearte burst in two.

        His bow he bent, and set therein a flo, arrow And in his ire he hath his wife slain; This is th’ effect, there is no more to sayn.

        For sorrow of which he brake his minstrelsy, Both harp and lute, gitern* and psaltery; *guitar And eke he brake his arrows and his bow; And after that thus spake he to the crow.

        “Traitor,” quoth he, “with tongue of scorpion, Thou hast me brought to my confusion;

        Alas that I was wrought!* why n’ere** I dead? made *was not O deare wife, O gem of lustihead, pleasantness That wert to me so sad,* and eke so true, *steadfast Now liest thou dead, with face pale of hue, Full guilteless, that durst I swear y-wis! certainly O rakel* hand, to do so foul amiss *rash, hasty O troubled wit, O ire reckeless,
        That unadvised smit’st the guilteless!

        O wantrust,* full of false suspicion! *distrust <3>

        Where was thy wit and thy discretion?

        O! every man beware of rakelness, rashness
        Nor trow* no thing withoute strong witness. believe
        Smite not too soon, ere that ye weete why, know
        And be advised* well and sickerly* consider surely
        Ere ye *do any execution take any action
        Upon your ire for suspicion. upon your anger*
        Alas! a thousand folk hath rakel ire
        Foully fordone, and brought them in the mire.
        Alas! for sorrow I will myself slee slay
        And to the crow, “O false thief,” said he, “I will thee quite anon thy false tale.

        Thou sung whilom* like any nightingale, *once on a time Now shalt thou, false thief, thy song foregon, lose And eke thy white feathers every one,

        Nor ever in all thy life shalt thou speak;
        Thus shall men on a traitor be awreak. *revenged
        Thou and thine offspring ever shall be blake, black
        Nor ever sweete noise shall ye make,
        But ever cry against* tempest and rain, *before, in warning of In token that through thee my wife is slain.”

        And to the crow he start,* and that anon, sprang And pull’d his white feathers every one, And made him black, and reft him all his song, And eke his speech, and out at door him flung Unto the devil, which I him betake; to whom I commend him*
        And for this cause be all crowes blake.

        Lordings, by this ensample, I you pray, Beware, and take keep* what that ye say; *heed Nor telle never man in all your life
        How that another man hath dight his wife;
        He will you hate mortally certain.

        Dan Solomon, as wise clerkes sayn,
        Teacheth a man to keep his tongue well;
        But, as I said, I am not textuel.
        But natheless thus taughte me my dame;
        “My son, think on the crow, in Godde’s name.
        My son, keep well thy tongue, and keep thy friend; A wicked tongue is worse than is a fiend: My sone, from a fiend men may them bless. defend by crossing My son, God of his endeless goodness themselves Walled a tongue with teeth, and lippes eke, For* man should him advise,** what he speak. because *consider My son, full often for too muche speech Hath many a man been spilt,* as clerkes teach; *destroyed But for a little speech advisedly

        Is no man shent,* to speak generally. ruined
        My son, thy tongue shouldest thou restrain
        At alle time, but when thou dost thy pain except when you do
        To speak of God in honour and prayere. your best effort*
        The firste virtue, son, if thou wilt lear, learn
        Is to restrain and keepe well thy tongue;(This is quoted in the French “Romance of the Rose,” from Cato “De Moribus,” 1. i., dist. 3: “Virtutem primam esse puta compescere linguam.” (“The first virtue is to be able to control the tongue”))
        Thus learne children, when that they be young.

        My son, of muche speaking evil advis’d,
        Where lesse speaking had enough suffic’d,
        Cometh much harm; thus was me told and taught;
        In muche speeche sinne wanteth not.
        Wost* thou whereof a rakel** tongue serveth? knowest *hasty
        Right as a sword forcutteth and forcarveth
        An arm in two, my deare son, right so
        A tongue cutteth friendship all in two.

        A jangler* is to God abominable. *prating man
        Read Solomon, so wise and honourable;
        Read David in his Psalms, and read Senec’.
        My son, speak not, but with thine head thou beck, beckon, nod
        Dissimule as thou wert deaf, if that thou hear
        A jangler speak of perilous mattere.
        The Fleming saith, and learn *if that thee lest, *if it please thee*
        That little jangling causeth muche rest.
        My son, if thou no wicked word hast said,
        *Thee thar not dreade for to be bewray’d; thou hast no need to
        But he that hath missaid, I dare well sayn, fear to be betrayed*
        He may by no way call his word again.
        Thing that is said is said, and forth it go’th, (“Semel emissum volat irrevocabile verbum.” (“A word once uttered flies away and cannot be called back”) — Horace, Epist. 1., 18, 71.)
        Though him repent, or be he ne’er so loth;
        He is his thrall,* to whom that he hath said slave
        A tale, of which he is now evil apaid. which he now regrets*
        My son, beware, and be no author new
        Of tidings, whether they be false or true;(This caution is also from Cato “De Moribus,” 1. i., dist.12: “Rumoris fuge ne incipias novus auctor haberi.” (“Do not pass on rumours or be the author of new ones”))
        Whereso thou come, amonges high or low,
        Keep well thy tongue, and think upon the crow.”

        1. “The fable of ‘The Crow,’ says Tyrwhitt, “which is the subject of the Manciple’s Tale, has been related by so many authors, from Ovid down to Gower, that it is impossible to say whom Chaucer principally followed. His skill in new dressing an old story was never, perhaps, more successfully exerted.”

        2. See the parallel to this passage in the Squire’s Tale, and note 34 to that tale.

        3. Wantrust: distrust — want of trust; so “wanhope,” despair — want of hope.

        THE PARSON’S TALE.

        THE PROLOGUE.

        By that the Manciple his tale had ended, The sunne from the south line was descended So lowe, that it was not to my sight
        Degrees nine-and-twenty as in height.

        Four of the clock it was then, as I guess, For eleven foot, a little more or less, My shadow was at thilke time, as there, Of such feet as my lengthe parted were In six feet equal of proportion.

        Therewith the moone’s exaltation, rising *In meane* Libra, gan alway ascend, in the middle of
        As we were ent’ring at a thorpe’s* end. *village’s For which our Host, as he was wont to gie, govern As in this case, our jolly company,
        Said in this wise; “Lordings every one, Now lacketh us no more tales than one.

        Fulfill’d is my sentence and my decree; I trow that we have heard of each degree.* from each class or rank Almost fulfilled is mine ordinance; in the company I pray to God so give him right good chance That telleth us this tale lustily.

        Sir Priest,” quoth he, “art thou a vicary? vicar Or art thou a Parson? say sooth by thy fay. faith Be what thou be, breake thou not our play; For every man, save thou, hath told his tale.
        Unbuckle, and shew us what is in thy mail. wallet
        For truely me thinketh by thy cheer
        Thou shouldest knit up well a great mattere.
        Tell us a fable anon, for cocke’s bones.”

        This Parson him answered all at ones;
        “Thou gettest fable none y-told for me,
        For Paul, that writeth unto Timothy,
        Reproveth them that *weive soothfastness, forsake truth*
        And telle fables, and such wretchedness.
        Why should I sowe draff* out of my fist, *chaff, refuse
        When I may sowe wheat, if that me list?
        For which I say, if that you list to hear
        Morality and virtuous mattere,
        And then that ye will give me audience, I would full fain at Christe’s reverence
        Do you pleasance lawful, as I can.

        But, truste well, I am a southern man,
        I cannot gest, rom, ram, ruf,(Rom, ram, ruf: a contemptuous reference to the alliterative poetry which was at that time very popular, in preference even, it would seem, to rhyme, in the northern parts of the country, where the language was much more barbarous and unpolished than in the south.) by my letter; relate stories
        And, God wot, rhyme hold I but little better.
        And therefore if you list, I will not glose, mince matters I will you tell a little tale in prose, To knit up all this feast, and make an end.

        And Jesus for his grace wit me send
        To shewe you the way, in this voyage,
        Of thilke perfect glorious pilgrimage, (Perfect glorious pilgrimage: the word is used here to signify the shrine, or destination, to which pilgrimage is made.)
        That hight Jerusalem celestial.

        And if ye vouchesafe, anon I shall
        Begin upon my tale, for which I pray
        Tell your advice,* I can no better say. *opinion
        But natheless this meditation
        I put it aye under correction
        Of clerkes,* for I am not textuel; scholars I take but the sentence, trust me well. *meaning, sense Therefore I make a protestation,
        That I will stande to correction.”

        Upon this word we have assented soon;
        For, as us seemed, it was *for to do’n, a thing worth doing*
        To enden in some virtuous sentence, discourse And for to give him space and audience; And bade our Host he shoulde to him say That alle we to tell his tale him pray.

        Our Hoste had. the wordes for us all:
        “Sir Priest,” quoth he, “now faire you befall; Say what you list, and we shall gladly hear.”
        And with that word he said in this mannere;
        “Telle,” quoth he, “your meditatioun,
        But hasten you, the sunne will adown.
        Be fructuous,* and that in little space; *fruitful; profitable
        And to do well God sende you his grace.”

        THE TALE. <1>

        [The Parson begins his “little treatise” -(which, if given at length, would extend to about thirty of these pages, and which cannot by any stretch of courtesy or fancy be said to merit the title of a “Tale”) in these words: —]

        Our sweet Lord God of Heaven, that no man will perish, but will that we come all to the knowledge of him, and to the blissful life that is perdurable [everlasting], admonishes us by the prophet Jeremiah, that saith in this wise: “Stand upon the ways, and see and ask of old paths, that is to say, of old sentences, which is the good way, and walk in that way, and ye shall find refreshing for your souls,” <2> &c. Many be the spiritual ways that lead folk to our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the reign of glory; of which ways there is a full noble way, and full convenable, which may not fail to man nor to woman, that through sin hath misgone from the right way of Jerusalem celestial; and this way is called penitence. Of which men should gladly hearken and inquire with all their hearts, to wit what is penitence, and whence it is called penitence, and in what manner, and in how many manners, be the actions or workings of penitence, and how many species there be of penitences, and what things appertain and behove to penitence, and what things disturb penitence.

        [Penitence is described, on the authority of Saints Ambrose, Isidore, and Gregory, as the bewailing of sin that has been wrought, with the purpose never again to do that thing, or any other thing which a man should bewail; for weeping and not ceasing to do the sin will not avail — though it is to be hoped that after every time that a man falls, be it ever so often, he may find grace to arise through penitence. And repentant folk that leave their sin ere sin leave them, are accounted by Holy Church sure of their salvation, even though the repentance be at the last hour. There are three actions of penitence; that a man be baptized after he has sinned; that he do no deadly sin after receiving baptism; and that he fall into no venial sins from day to day. “Thereof saith St Augustine, that penitence of good and humble folk is the penitence of every day.” The species of penitence are three: solemn, when a man is openly expelled from Holy Church in Lent, or is compelled by Holy Church to do open penance for an open sin openly talked of in the country; common penance, enjoined by priests in certain cases, as to go on pilgrimage naked or barefoot; and privy penance, which men do daily for private sins, of which they confess privately and receive private penance. To very perfect penitence are behoveful and necessary three things: contrition of heart, confession of mouth, and satisfaction; which are fruitful penitence against delight in thinking, reckless speech, and wicked sinful works.

        Penitence may be likened to a tree, having its root in contrition, biding itself in the heart as a tree-root does in the earth; out of this root springs a stalk, that bears branches and leaves of confession, and fruit of satisfaction. Of this root also springs a seed of grace, which is mother of all security, and this seed is eager and hot; and the grace of this seed springs of God, through remembrance on the day of judgment and on the pains of hell. The heat of this seed is the love of God, and the desire of everlasting joy; and this heat draws the heart of man to God, and makes him hate his sin. Penance is the tree of life to them that receive it. In penance or contrition man shall understand four things: what is contrition; what are the causes that move a man to contrition; how he should be contrite; and what contrition availeth to the soul. Contrition is the heavy and grievous sorrow that a man receiveth in his heart for his sins, with earnest purpose to confess and do penance, and never more to sin. Six causes ought to move a man to contrition: 1.

        He should remember him of his sins; 2. He should reflect that sin putteth a man in great thraldom, and all the greater the higher is the estate from which he falls; 3. He should dread the day of doom and the horrible pains of hell; 4. The sorrowful remembrance of the good deeds that man hath omitted to do here on earth, and also the good that he hath lost, ought to make him have contrition; 5. So also ought the remembrance of the passion that our Lord Jesus Christ suffered for our sins; 6.

        And so ought the hope of three things, that is to say, forgiveness of sin, the gift of grace to do well, and the glory of heaven with which God shall reward man for his good deeds. —

        All these points the Parson illustrates and enforces at length; waxing especially eloquent under the third head, and plainly setting forth the sternly realistic notions regarding future punishments that were entertained in the time of Chaucer:-] <3>

        Certes, all the sorrow that a man might make from the beginning of the world, is but a little thing, at retard of [in comparison with] the sorrow of hell. The cause why that Job calleth hell the land of darkness; <4> understand, that he calleth it land or earth, for it is stable and never shall fail, and dark, for he that is in hell hath default [is devoid] of light natural; for certes the dark light, that shall come out of the fire that ever shall burn, shall turn them all to pain that be in hell, for it sheweth them the horrible devils that them torment. Covered with the darkness of death; that is to say, that he that is in hell shall have default of the sight of God; for certes the sight of God is the life perdurable [everlasting]. The darkness of death, be the sins that the wretched man hath done, which that disturb [prevent] him to see the face of God, right as a dark cloud doth between us and the sun. Land of misease, because there be three manner of defaults against three things that folk of this world have in this present life; that is to say, honours, delights, and riches. Against honour have they in hell shame and confusion: for well ye wot, that men call honour the reverence that man doth to man; but in hell is no honour nor reverence; for certes no more reverence shall be done there to a king than to a knave [servant]. For which God saith by the prophet Jeremiah; “The folk that me despise shall be in despite.” Honour is also called great lordship. There shall no wight serve other, but of harm and torment. Honour is also called great dignity and highness; but in hell shall they be all fortrodden [trampled under foot] of devils. As God saith, “The horrible devils shall go and come upon the heads of damned folk;” and this is, forasmuch as the higher that they were in this present life, the more shall they be abated [abased] and defouled in hell. Against the riches of this world shall they have misease [trouble, torment] of poverty, and this poverty shall be in four things: in default [want] of treasure; of which David saith, “The rich folk that embraced and oned [united] all their heart to treasure of this world, shall sleep in the sleeping of death, and nothing shall they find in their hands of all their treasure.” And moreover, the misease of hell shall be in default of meat and drink. For God saith thus by Moses, “They shall be wasted with hunger, and the birds of hell shall devour them with bitter death, and the gall of the dragon shall be their drink, and the venom of the dragon their morsels.” And furthermore, their misease shall be in default of clothing, for they shall be naked in body, as of clothing, save the fire in which they burn, and other filths; and naked shall they be in soul, of all manner virtues, which that is the clothing of the soul.

        Where be then the gay robes, and the soft sheets, and the fine shirts? Lo, what saith of them the prophet Isaiah, that under them shall be strewed moths, and their covertures shall be of worms of hell. And furthermore, their misease shall be in default of friends, for he is not poor that hath good friends: but there is no friend; for neither God nor any good creature shall be friend to them, and evereach of them shall hate other with deadly hate.

        The Sons and the daughters shall rebel against father and mother, and kindred against kindred, and chide and despise each other, both day and night, as God saith by the prophet Micah.

        And the loving children, that whom loved so fleshly each other, would each of them eat the other if they might. For how should they love together in the pains of hell, when they hated each other in the prosperity of this life? For trust well, their fleshly love was deadly hate; as saith the prophet David; “Whoso loveth wickedness, he hateth his own soul:” and whoso hateth his own soul, certes he may love none other wight in no manner: and therefore in hell is no solace nor no friendship, but ever the more kindreds that be in hell, the more cursing, the more chiding, and the more deadly hate there is among them.

        And furtherover, they shall have default of all manner delights; for certes delights be after the appetites of the five wits [senses]; as sight, hearing, smelling, savouring [tasting], and touching. But in hell their sight shall be full of darkness and of smoke, and their eyes full of tears; and their hearing full of waimenting [lamenting] and grinting [gnashing] of teeth, as saith Jesus Christ; their nostrils shall be full of stinking; and, as saith Isaiah the prophet, their savouring [tasting] shall be full of bitter gall; and touching of all their body shall be covered with fire that never shall quench, and with worms that never shall die, as God saith by the mouth of Isaiah. And forasmuch as they shall not ween that they may die for pain, and by death flee from pain, that may they understand in the word of Job, that saith, “There is the shadow of death.” Certes a shadow hath the likeness of the thing of which it is shadowed, but the shadow is not the same thing of which it is shadowed: right so fareth the pain of hell; it is like death, for the horrible anguish; and why?

        for it paineth them ever as though they should die anon; but certes they shall not die. For, as saith Saint Gregory, “To wretched caitiffs shall be given death without death, and end without end, and default without failing; for their death shall always live, and their end shall evermore begin, and their default shall never fail.” And therefore saith Saint John the Evangelist, “They shall follow death, and they shall not find him, and they shall desire to die, and death shall flee from them.” And eke Job saith, that in hell is no order of rule. And albeit that God hath created all things in right order, and nothing without order, but all things be ordered and numbered, yet nevertheless they that be damned be not in order, nor hold no order. For the earth shall bear them no fruit (for, as the prophet David saith, “God shall destroy the fruit of the earth, as for them”); nor water shall give them no moisture, nor the air no refreshing, nor the fire no light. For as saith Saint Basil, “The burning of the fire of this world shall God give in hell to them that be damned, but the light and the clearness shall be given in heaven to his children; right as the good man giveth flesh to his children, and bones to his hounds.” And for they shall have no hope to escape, saith Job at last, that there shall horror and grisly dread dwell without end. Horror is always dread of harm that is to come, and this dread shall ever dwell in the hearts of them that be damned.

        And therefore have they lost all their hope for seven causes.

        First, for God that is their judge shall be without mercy to them; nor they may not please him; nor none of his hallows [saints]; nor they may give nothing for their ransom; nor they have no voice to speak to him; nor they may not flee from pain; nor they have no goodness in them that they may shew to deliver them from pain.

        [Under the fourth head, of good works, the Parson says: —]

        The courteous Lord Jesus Christ will that no good work be lost, for in somewhat it shall avail. But forasmuch as the good works that men do while they be in good life be all amortised [killed, deadened] by sin following, and also since all the good works that men do while they be in deadly sin be utterly dead, as for to have the life perdurable [everlasting], well may that man that no good works doth, sing that new French song, J’ai tout perdu —

        mon temps et mon labour <5>. For certes, sin bereaveth a man both the goodness of nature, and eke the goodness of grace.

        For soothly the grace of the Holy Ghost fareth like fire, that may not be idle; for fire faileth anon as it forleteth [leaveth] its working, and right so grace faileth anon as it forleteth its working. Then loseth the sinful man the goodness of glory, that only is to good men that labour and work. Well may he be sorry then, that oweth all his life to God, as long as he hath lived, and also as long as he shall live, that no goodness hath to pay with his debt to God, to whom he oweth all his life: for trust well he shall give account, as saith Saint Bernard, of all the goods that have been given him in his present life, and how he hath them dispended, insomuch that there shall not perish an hair of his head, nor a moment of an hour shall not perish of his time, that he shall not give thereof a reckoning.

        [Having treated of the causes, the Parson comes to the manner, of contrition — which should be universal and total, not merely of outward deeds of sin, but also of wicked delights and thoughts and words; “for certes Almighty God is all good, and therefore either he forgiveth all, or else right naught.” Further, contrition should be “wonder sorrowful and anguishous,” and also continual, with steadfast purpose of confession and amendment. Lastly, of what contrition availeth, the Parson says, that sometimes it delivereth man from sin; that without it neither confession nor satisfaction is of any worth; that it “destroyeth the prison of hell, and maketh weak and feeble all the strengths of the devils, and restoreth the gifts of the Holy Ghost and of all good virtues, and cleanseth the soul of sin, and delivereth it from the pain of hell, and from the company of the devil, and from the servage [slavery] of sin, and restoreth it to all goods spiritual, and to the company and communion of Holy Church.”

        He who should set his intent to these things, would no longer be inclined to sin, but would give his heart and body to the service of Jesus Christ, and thereof do him homage. “For, certes, our Lord Jesus Christ hath spared us so benignly in our follies, that if he had not pity on man’s soul, a sorry song might we all sing.”

        The Second Part of the Parson’s Tale or Treatise opens with an explanation of what is confession — which is termed “the second part of penitence, that is, sign of contrition;” whether it ought needs be done or not; and what things be convenable to true confession. Confession is true shewing of sins to the priest, without excusing, hiding, or forwrapping [disguising] of anything, and without vaunting of good works. “Also, it is necessary to understand whence that sins spring, and how they increase, and which they be.” From Adam we took original sin; “from him fleshly descended be we all, and engendered of vile and corrupt matter;” and the penalty of Adam’s transgression dwelleth with us as to temptation, which penalty is called concupiscence. “This concupiscence, when it is wrongfully disposed or ordained in a man, it maketh him covet, by covetise of flesh, fleshly sin by sight of his eyes, as to earthly things, and also covetise of highness by pride of heart.” The Parson proceeds to shew how man is tempted in his flesh to sin; how, after his natural concupiscence, comes suggestion of the devil, that is to say the devil’s bellows, with which he bloweth in man the fire of con cupiscence; and how man then bethinketh him whether he will do or no the thing to which he is tempted. If he flame up into pleasure at the thought, and give way, then is he all dead in soul; “and thus is sin accomplished, by temptation, by delight, and by consenting; and then is the sin actual.” Sin is either venial, or deadly; deadly, when a man loves any creature more than Jesus Christ our Creator, venial, if he love Jesus Christ less than he ought. Venial sins diminish man’s love to God more and more, and may in this wise skip into deadly sin; for many small make a great. “And hearken this example: A great wave of the sea cometh sometimes with so great a violence, that it drencheth [causes to sink] the ship: and the same harm do sometimes the small drops, of water that enter through a little crevice in the thurrok [hold, bilge], and in the bottom of the ship, if men be so negligent that they discharge them not betimes. And therefore, although there be difference betwixt these two causes of drenching, algates [in any case] the ship is dreint [sunk]. Right so fareth it sometimes of deadly sin,”

        and of venial sins when they multiply in a man so greatly as to make him love worldly things more than God. The Parson then enumerates specially a number of sins which many a man peradventure deems no sins, and confesses them not, and yet nevertheless they are truly sins: — ]

        This is to say, at every time that a man eateth and drinketh more than sufficeth to the sustenance of his body, in certain he doth sin; eke when he speaketh more than it needeth, he doth sin; eke when he heareth not benignly the complaint of the poor; eke when he is in health of body, and will not fast when other folk fast, without cause reasonable; eke when he sleepeth more than needeth, or when he cometh by that occasion too late to church, or to other works of charity; eke when he useth his wife without sovereign desire of engendrure, to the honour of God, or for the intent to yield his wife his debt of his body; eke when he will not visit the sick, or the prisoner, if he may; eke if he love wife, or child, or other worldly thing, more than reason requireth; eke if he flatter or blandish more than he ought for any necessity; eke if he minish or withdraw the alms of the poor; eke if he apparail [prepare] his meat more deliciously than need is, or eat it too hastily by likerousness [gluttony]; eke if he talk vanities in the church, or at God’s service, or that he be a talker of idle words of folly or villainy, for he shall yield account of them at the day of doom; eke when he behighteth [promiseth] or assureth to do things that he may not perform; eke when that by lightness of folly he missayeth or scorneth his neighbour; eke when he hath any wicked suspicion of thing, that he wot of it no soothfastness: these things, and more without number, be sins, as saith Saint Augustine.

        [No earthly man may eschew all venial sins; yet may he refrain him, by the burning love that he hath to our Lord Jesus Christ, and by prayer and confession, and other good works, so that it shall but little grieve. “Furthermore, men may also refrain and put away venial sin, by receiving worthily the precious body of Jesus Christ; by receiving eke of holy water; by almsdeed; by general confession of Confiteor at mass, and at prime, and at compline [evening service]; and by blessing of bishops and priests, and by other good works.” The Parson then proceeds to weightier matters:— ]

        Now it is behovely [profitable, necessary] to tell which be deadly sins, that is to say, chieftains of sins; forasmuch as all they run in one leash, but in diverse manners. Now be they called chieftains, forasmuch as they be chief, and of them spring all other sins. The root of these sins, then, is pride, the general root of all harms. For of this root spring certain branches: as ire, envy, accidie <6> or sloth, avarice or covetousness (to common understanding), gluttony, and lechery: and each of these sins hath his branches and his twigs, as shall be declared in their chapters following. And though so be, that no man can tell utterly the number of the twigs, and of the harms that come of pride, yet will I shew a part of them, as ye shall understand.

        There is inobedience, vaunting, hypocrisy, despite, arrogance, impudence, swelling of hearte, insolence, elation, impatience, strife, contumacy, presumption, irreverence, pertinacity, vainglory and many another twig that I cannot tell nor declare… .]

        And yet [moreover] there is a privy species of pride that waiteth first to be saluted ere he will salute, all [although] be he less worthy than that other is; and eke he waiteth [expecteth] or desireth to sit or to go above him in the way, or kiss the pax, <7> or be incensed, or go to offering before his neighbour, and such semblable [like] things, against his duty peradventure, but that he hath his heart and his intent in such a proud desire to be magnified and honoured before the people. Now be there two manner of prides; the one of them is within the heart of a man, and the other is without. Of which soothly these foresaid things, and more than I have said, appertain to pride that is within the heart of a man and there be other species of pride that be without: but nevertheless, the one of these species of pride is sign of the other, right as the gay levesell [bush] at the tavern is sign of the wine that is in the cellar. And this is in many things: as in speech and countenance, and outrageous array of clothing; for certes, if there had been no sin in clothing, Christ would not so soon have noted and spoken of the clothing of that rich man in the gospel. And Saint Gregory saith, that precious clothing is culpable for the dearth [dearness] of it, and for its softness, and for its strangeness and disguising, and for the superfluity or for the inordinate scantness of it; alas! may not a man see in our days the sinful costly array of clothing, and namely [specially] in too much superfluity, or else in too disordinate scantness? As to the first sin, in superfluity of clothing, which that maketh it so dear, to the harm of the people, not only the cost of the embroidering, the disguising, indenting or barring, ounding, paling, <8> winding, or banding, and semblable [similar] waste of cloth in vanity; but there is also the costly furring [lining or edging with fur] in their gowns, so much punching of chisels to make holes, so much dagging [cutting] of shears, with the superfluity in length of the foresaid gowns, trailing in the dung and in the mire, on horse and eke on foot, as well of man as of woman, that all that trailing is verily (as in effect) wasted, consumed, threadbare, and rotten with dung, rather than it is given to the poor, to great damage of the foresaid poor folk, and that in sundry wise: this is to say, the more that cloth is wasted, the more must it cost to the poor people for the scarceness; and furthermore, if so be that they would give such punched and dagged clothing to the poor people, it is not convenient to wear for their estate, nor sufficient to boot [help, remedy] their necessity, to keep them from the distemperance [inclemency] of the firmament. Upon the other side, to speak of the horrible disordinate scantness of clothing, as be these cutted slops or hanselines [breeches] , that through their shortness cover not the shameful member of man, to wicked intent alas!

        some of them shew the boss and the shape of the horrible swollen members, that seem like to the malady of hernia, in the wrapping of their hosen, and eke the buttocks of them, that fare as it were the hinder part of a she-ape in the full of the moon.

        And more over the wretched swollen members that they shew through disguising, in departing [dividing] of their hosen in white and red, seemeth that half their shameful privy members were flain [flayed]. And if so be that they depart their hosen in other colours, as is white and blue, or white and black, or black and red, and so forth; then seemeth it, by variance of colour, that the half part of their privy members be corrupt by the fire of Saint Anthony, or by canker, or other such mischance. And of the hinder part of their buttocks it is full horrible to see, for certes, in that part of their body where they purge their stinking ordure, that foul part shew they to the people proudly in despite of honesty [decency], which honesty Jesus Christ and his friends observed to shew in his life. Now as of the outrageous array of women, God wot, that though the visages of some of them seem full chaste and debonair [gentle], yet notify they, in their array of attire, likerousness and pride. I say not that honesty [reasonable and appropriate style] in clothing of man or woman unconvenable but, certes, the superfluity or disordinate scarcity of clothing is reprovable. Also the sin of their ornament, or of apparel, as in things that appertain to riding, as in too many delicate horses, that be holden for delight, that be so fair, fat, and costly; and also in many a vicious knave, [servant] that is sustained because of them; in curious harness, as in saddles, cruppers, peytrels, [breastplates] and bridles, covered with precious cloth and rich bars and plates of gold and silver. For which God saith by Zechariah the prophet, “I will confound the riders of such horses.” These folk take little regard of the riding of God’s Son of heaven, and of his harness, when he rode upon an ass, and had no other harness but the poor clothes of his disciples; nor we read not that ever he rode on any other beast.

        I speak this for the sin of superfluity, and not for reasonable honesty [seemliness], when reason it requireth. And moreover, certes, pride is greatly notified in holding of great meinie [retinue of servants], when they be of little profit or of right no profit, and namely [especially] when that meinie is felonous [violent ] and damageous [harmful] to the people by hardiness [arrogance] of high lordship, or by way of office; for certes, such lords sell then their lordship to the devil of hell, when they sustain the wickedness of their meinie. Or else, when these folk of low degree, as they that hold hostelries, sustain theft of their hostellers, and that is in many manner of deceits: that manner of folk be the flies that follow the honey, or else the hounds that follow the carrion. Such foresaid folk strangle spiritually their lordships; for which thus saith David the prophet, “Wicked death may come unto these lordships, and God give that they may descend into hell adown; for in their houses is iniquity and shrewedness, [impiety] and not God of heaven.” And certes, but if [unless] they do amendment, right as God gave his benison [blessing] to Laban by the service of Jacob, and to Pharaoh by the service of Joseph; right so God will give his malison [condemnation] to such lordships as sustain the wickedness of their servants, but [unless] they come to amendment. Pride of the table apaireth [worketh harm] eke full oft; for, certes, rich men be called to feasts, and poor folk be put away and rebuked; also in excess of divers meats and drinks, and namely [specially]

        such manner bake-meats and dish-meats burning of wild fire, and painted and castled with paper, and semblable [similar]

        waste, so that it is abuse to think. And eke in too great preciousness of vessel, [plate] and curiosity of minstrelsy, by which a man is stirred more to the delights of luxury, if so be that he set his heart the less upon our Lord Jesus Christ, certain it is a sin; and certainly the delights might be so great in this case, that a man might lightly [easily] fall by them into deadly sin.

        [The sins that arise of pride advisedly and habitually are deadly; those that arise by frailty unadvised suddenly, and suddenly withdraw again, though grievous, are not deadly. Pride itself springs sometimes of the goods of nature, sometimes of the goods of fortune, sometimes of the goods of grace; but the Parson, enumerating and examining all these in turn, points out how little security they possess and how little ground for pride they furnish, and goes on to enforce the remedy against pride —

        which is humility or meekness, a virtue through which a man hath true knowledge of himself, and holdeth no high esteem of himself in regard of his deserts, considering ever his frailty.]

        Now be there three manners [kinds] of humility; as humility in heart, and another in the mouth, and the third in works. The humility in the heart is in four manners: the one is, when a man holdeth himself as nought worth before God of heaven; the second is, when he despiseth no other man; the third is, when he recketh not though men hold him nought worth; the fourth is, when he is not sorry of his humiliation. Also the humility of mouth is in four things: in temperate speech; in humility of speech; and when he confesseth with his own mouth that he is such as he thinketh that he is in his heart; another is, when he praiseth the bounte [goodness] of another man and nothing thereof diminisheth. Humility eke in works is in four manners: the first is, when he putteth other men before him; the second is, to choose the lowest place of all; the third is, gladly to assent to good counsel; the fourth is, to stand gladly by the award [judgment] of his sovereign, or of him that is higher in degree: certain this is a great work of humility.

        [The Parson proceeds to treat of the other cardinal sins, and their remedies: (2.) Envy, with its remedy, the love of God principally and of our neighbours as ourselves: (3.) Anger, with all its fruits in revenge, rancour, hate, discord, manslaughter, blasphemy, swearing, falsehood, flattery, chiding and reproving, scorning, treachery, sowing of strife, doubleness of tongue, betraying of counsel to a man’s disgrace, menacing, idle words, jangling, japery or buffoonery, &c. — and its remedy in the virtues called mansuetude, debonairte, or gentleness, and patience or sufferance: (4.) Sloth, or “Accidie,” which comes after the sin of Anger, because Envy blinds the eyes of a man, and Anger troubleth a man, and Sloth maketh him heavy, thoughtful, and peevish. It is opposed to every estate of man —

        as unfallen, and held to work in praising and adoring God; as sinful, and held to labour in praying for deliverance from sin; and as in the state of grace, and held to works of penitence. It resembles the heavy and sluggish condition of those in hell; it will suffer no hardness and no penance; it prevents any beginning of good works; it causes despair of God’s mercy, which is the sin against the Holy Ghost; it induces somnolency and neglect of communion in prayer with God; and it breeds negligence or recklessness, that cares for nothing, and is the nurse of all mischiefs, if ignorance is their mother. Against Sloth, and these and other branches and fruits of it, the remedy lies in the virtue of fortitude or strength, in its various species of magnanimity or great courage; faith and hope in God and his saints; surety or sickerness, when a man fears nothing that can oppose the good works he has under taken; magnificence, when he carries out great works of goodness begun; constancy or stableness of heart; and other incentives to energy and laborious service: (5.) Avarice, or Covetousness, which is the root of all harms, since its votaries are idolaters, oppressors and enslavers of men, deceivers of their equals in business, simoniacs, gamblers, liars, thieves, false swearers, blasphemers, murderers, and sacrilegious. Its remedy lies in compassion and pity largely exercised, and in reasonable liberality — for those who spend on “fool-largesse,” or ostentation of worldly estate and luxury, shall receive the malison [condemnation] that Christ shall give at the day of doom to them that shall be damned: (6.) Gluttony; — of which the Parson treats so briefly that the chapter may be given in full: — ]

        After Avarice cometh Gluttony, which is express against the commandment of God. Gluttony is unmeasurable appetite to eat or to drink; or else to do in aught to the unmeasurable appetite and disordered covetousness [craving] to eat or drink. This sin corrupted all this world, as is well shewed in the sin of Adam and of Eve. Look also what saith Saint Paul of gluttony: “Many,” saith he, “go, of which I have oft said to you, and now I say it weeping, that they be enemies of the cross of Christ, of which the end is death, and of which their womb [stomach] is their God and their glory;” in confusion of them that so savour [take delight in] earthly things. He that is usant [accustomed, addicted] to this sin of gluttony, he may no sin withstand, he must be in servage [bondage] of all vices, for it is the devil’s hoard, [lair, lurking-place] where he hideth him in and resteth.

        This sin hath many species. The first is drunkenness, that is the horrible sepulture of man’s reason: and therefore when a man is drunken, he hath lost his reason; and this is deadly sin. But soothly, when that a man is not wont to strong drink, and peradventure knoweth not the strength of the drink, or hath feebleness in his head, or hath travailed [laboured], through which he drinketh the more, all [although] be he suddenly caught with drink, it is no deadly sin, but venial. The second species of gluttony is, that the spirit of a man waxeth all troubled for drunkenness, and bereaveth a man the discretion of his wit. The third species of gluttony is, when a man devoureth his meat, and hath no rightful manner of eating. The fourth is, when, through the great abundance of his meat, the humours of his body be distempered. The fifth is, forgetfulness by too much drinking, for which a man sometimes forgetteth by the morrow what be did at eve. In other manner be distinct the species of gluttony, after Saint Gregory. The first is, for to eat or drink before time. The second is, when a man getteth him too delicate meat or drink. The third is, when men take too much over measure [immoderately]. The fourth is curiosity [nicety] with great intent [application, pains] to make and apparel [prepare]

        his meat. The fifth is, for to eat too greedily. These be the five fingers of the devil’s hand, by which he draweth folk to the sin.

        Against gluttony the remedy is abstinence, as saith Galen; but that I hold not meritorious, if he do it only for the health of his body. Saint Augustine will that abstinence be done for virtue, and with patience. Abstinence, saith he, is little worth, but if [unless] a man have good will thereto, and but it be enforced by patience and by charity, and that men do it for God’s sake, and in hope to have the bliss in heaven. The fellows of abstinence be temperance, that holdeth the mean in all things; also shame, that escheweth all dishonesty [indecency, impropriety], sufficiency, that seeketh no rich meats nor drinks, nor doth no force of [sets no value on] no outrageous apparelling of meat; measure [moderation] also, that restraineth by reason the unmeasurable appetite of eating; soberness also, that restraineth the outrage of drink; sparing also, that restraineth the delicate ease to sit long at meat, wherefore some folk stand of their own will to eat, because they will eat at less leisure.

        [At great length the Parson then points out the many varieties of the sin of (7.) Lechery, and its remedy in chastity and continence, alike in marriage and in widowhood; also in the abstaining from all such indulgences of eating, drinking, and sleeping as inflame the passions, and from the company of all who may tempt to the sin. Minute guidance is given as to the duty of confessing fully and faithfully the circumstances that attend and may aggravate this sin; and the Treatise then passes to the consideration of the conditions that are essential to a true and profitable confession of sin in general. First, it must be in sorrowful bitterness of spirit; a condition that has five signs —

        shamefastness, humility in heart and outward sign, weeping with the bodily eyes or in the heart, disregard of the shame that might curtail or garble confession, and obedience to the penance enjoined. Secondly, true confession must be promptly made, for dread of death, of increase of sinfulness, of forgetfulness of what should be confessed, of Christ’s refusal to hear if it be put off to the last day of life; and this condition has four terms; that confession be well pondered beforehand, that the man confessing have comprehended in his mind the number and greatness of his sins and how long he has lain in sin, that he be contrite for and eschew his sins, and that he fear and flee the occasions for that sin to which he is inclined. — What follows under this head is of some interest for the light which it throws on the rigorous government wielded by the Romish Church in those days —]

        Also thou shalt shrive thee of all thy sins to one man, and not a parcel [portion] to one man, and a parcel to another; that is to understand, in intent to depart [divide] thy confession for shame or dread; for it is but strangling of thy soul. For certes Jesus Christ is entirely all good, in him is none imperfection, and therefore either he forgiveth all perfectly, or else never a deal [not at all]. I say not that if thou be assigned to thy penitencer <9> for a certain sin, that thou art bound to shew him all the remnant of thy sins, of which thou hast been shriven of thy curate, but if it like thee [unless thou be pleased] of thy humility; this is no departing [division] of shrift. And I say not, where I speak of division of confession, that if thou have license to shrive thee to a discreet and an honest priest, and where thee liketh, and by the license of thy curate, that thou mayest not well shrive thee to him of all thy sins: but let no blot be behind, let no sin be untold as far as thou hast remembrance. And when thou shalt be shriven of thy curate, tell him eke all the sins that thou hast done since thou wert last shriven. This is no wicked intent of division of shrift. Also, very shrift [true confession]

        asketh certain conditions. First, that thou shrive thee by thy free will, not constrained, nor for shame of folk, nor for malady [sickness], or such things: for it is reason, that he that trespasseth by his free will, that by his free will he confess his trespass; and that no other man tell his sin but himself; nor he shall not nay nor deny his sin, nor wrath him against the priest for admonishing him to leave his sin. The second condition is, that thy shrift be lawful, that is to say, that thou that shrivest thee, and eke the priest that heareth thy confession, be verily in the faith of Holy Church, and that a man be not despaired of the mercy of Jesus Christ, as Cain and Judas were. And eke a man must accuse himself of his own trespass, and not another: but he shall blame and wite [accuse] himself of his own malice and of his sin, and none other: but nevertheless, if that another man be occasion or else enticer of his sin, or the estate of the person be such by which his sin is aggravated, or else that be may not plainly shrive him but [unless] he tell the person with which he hath sinned, then may he tell, so that his intent be not to backbite the person, but only to declare his confession. Thou shalt not eke make no leasings [falsehoods] in thy confession for humility, peradventure, to say that thou hast committed and done such sins of which that thou wert never guilty. For Saint Augustine saith, “If that thou, because of humility, makest a leasing on thyself, though thou were not in sin before, yet art thou then in sin through thy leasing.” Thou must also shew thy sin by thine own proper mouth, but [unless] thou be dumb, and not by letter; for thou that hast done the sin, thou shalt have the shame of the confession. Thou shalt not paint thy confession with fair and subtle words, to cover the more thy sin; for then beguilest thou thyself, and not the priest; thou must tell it plainly, be it never so foul nor so horrible. Thou shalt eke shrive thee to a priest that is discreet to counsel thee; and eke thou shalt not shrive thee for vainglory, nor for hypocrisy, nor for no cause but only for the doubt [fear] of Jesus’ Christ and the health of thy soul. Thou shalt not run to the priest all suddenly, to tell him lightly thy sin, as who telleth a jape [jest] or a tale, but advisedly and with good devotion; and generally shrive thee oft; if thou oft fall, oft arise by confession. And though thou shrive thee oftener than once of sin of which thou hast been shriven, it is more merit; and, as saith Saint Augustine, thou shalt have the more lightly [easily] release and grace of God, both of sin and of pain. And certes, once a year at the least way, it is lawful to be houseled, <10> for soothly once a year all things in the earth renovelen [renew themselves].

        [Here ends the Second Part of the Treatise; the Third Part, which contains the practical application of the whole, follows entire, along with the remarkable “Prayer of Chaucer,” as it stands in the Harleian Manuscript:—]

        De Tertia Parte Poenitentiae. [Of the third part of penitence]

        Now have I told you of very [true] confession, that is the second part of penitence: The third part of penitence is satisfaction, and that standeth generally in almsdeed and bodily pain. Now be there three manner of almsdeed: contrition of heart, where a man offereth himself to God; the second is, to have pity of the default of his neighbour; the third is, in giving of good counsel and comfort, ghostly and bodily, where men have need, and namely [specially] sustenance of man’s food.

        And take keep [heed] that a man hath need of these things generally; he hath need of food, of clothing, and of herberow [lodging], he hath need of charitable counsel and visiting in prison and malady, and sepulture of his dead body. And if thou mayest not visit the needful with thy person, visit them by thy message and by thy gifts. These be generally alms or works of charity of them that have temporal riches or discretion in counselling. Of these works shalt thou hear at the day of doom.

        This alms shouldest thou do of thine own proper things, and hastily [promptly], and privily [secretly] if thou mayest; but nevertheless, if thou mayest not do it privily, thou shalt not forbear to do alms, though men see it, so that it be not done for thank of the world, but only for thank of Jesus Christ. For, as witnesseth Saint Matthew, chap. v., “A city may not be hid that is set on a mountain, nor men light not a lantern and put it under a bushel, but men set it on a candlestick, to light the men in the house; right so shall your light lighten before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father that is in heaven.”

        Now as to speak of bodily pain, it is in prayer, in wakings, [watchings] in fastings, and in virtuous teachings. Of orisons ye shall understand, that orisons or prayers is to say a piteous will of heart, that redresseth it in God, and expresseth it by word outward, to remove harms, and to have things spiritual and durable, and sometimes temporal things. Of which orisons, certes in the orison of the Pater noster hath our Lord Jesus Christ enclosed most things. Certes, it is privileged of three things in its dignity, for which it is more digne [worthy] than any other prayer: for Jesus Christ himself made it: and it is short, for [in order] it should be coude the more lightly, [be more easily conned or learned] and to withhold [retain] it the more easy in heart, and help himself the oftener with this orison; and for a man should be the less weary to say it; and for a man may not excuse him to learn it, it is so short and so easy: and for it comprehendeth in itself all good prayers. The exposition of this holy prayer, that is so excellent and so digne, I betake [commit] to these masters of theology; save thus much will I say, when thou prayest that God should forgive thee thy guilts, as thou forgivest them that they guilt to thee, be full well ware that thou be not out of charity. This holy orison aminisheth [lesseneth] eke venial sin, and therefore it appertaineth specially to penitence. This prayer must be truly said, and in very faith, and that men pray to God ordinately, discreetly, and devoutly; and always a man shall put his will to be subject to the will of God. This orison must eke be said with great humbleness and full pure, and honestly, and not to the annoyance of any man or woman. It must eke be continued with the works of charity. It availeth against the vices of the soul; for, assaith Saint Jerome, by fasting be saved the vices of the flesh, and by prayer the vices of the soul

        After this thou shalt understand, that bodily pain stands in waking [watching]. For Jesus Christ saith “Wake and pray, that ye enter not into temptation.” Ye shall understand also, that fasting stands in three things: in forbearing of bodily meat and drink, and in forbearing of worldly jollity, and in forbearing of deadly sin; this is to say, that a man shall keep him from deadly sin in all that he may. And thou shalt understand eke, that God ordained fasting; and to fasting appertain four things: largeness [generosity] to poor folk; gladness of heart spiritual; not to be angry nor annoyed nor grudge [murmur] for he fasteth; and also reasonable hour for to eat by measure; that is to say, a man should not eat in untime [out of time], nor sit the longer at his meal for [because] he fasteth. Then shalt thou understand, that bodily pain standeth in discipline, or teaching, by word, or by writing, or by ensample. Also in wearing of hairs [haircloth] or of stamin [coarse hempen cloth], or of habergeons [mail-shirts]

        <11> on their naked flesh for Christ’s sake; but ware thee well that such manner penance of thy flesh make not thine heart bitter or angry, nor annoyed of thyself; for better is to cast away thine hair than to cast away the sweetness of our Lord Jesus Christ. And therefore saith Saint Paul, “Clothe you, as they that be chosen of God in heart, of misericorde [with compassion], debonairte [gentleness], sufferance [patience], and such manner of clothing,” of which Jesus Christ is more apaid [better pleased] than of hairs or of hauberks. Then is discipline eke in knocking of thy breast, in scourging with yards [rods], in kneelings, in tribulations, in suffering patiently wrongs that be done to him, and eke in patient sufferance of maladies, or losing of worldly catel [chattels], or of wife, or of child, or of other friends.

        Then shalt thou understand which things disturb penance, and this is in four things; that is dread, shame, hope, and wanhope, that is, desperation. And for to speak first of dread, for which he weeneth that he may suffer no penance, thereagainst is remedy for to think that bodily penance is but short and little at the regard of [in comparison with] the pain of hell, that is so cruel and so long, that it lasteth without end. Now against the shame that a man hath to shrive him, and namely [specially] these hypocrites, that would be holden so perfect, that they have no need to shrive them; against that shame should a man think, that by way of reason he that hath not been ashamed to do foul things, certes he ought not to be ashamed to do fair things, and that is confession. A man should eke think, that God seeth and knoweth all thy thoughts, and all thy works; to him may nothing be hid nor covered. Men should eke remember them of the shame that is to come at the day of doom, to them that be not penitent and shriven in this present life; for all the creatures in heaven, and in earth, and in hell, shall see apertly [openly] all that he hideth in this world.

        Now for to speak of them that be so negligent and slow to shrive them; that stands in two manners. The one is, that he hopeth to live long, and to purchase [acquire] much riches for his delight, and then he will shrive him: and, as he sayeth, he may, as him seemeth, timely enough come to shrift: another is, the surquedrie [presumption <12>] that he hath in Christ’s mercy. Against the first vice, he shall think that our life is in no sickerness, [security] and eke that all the riches in this world be in adventure, and pass as a shadow on the wall; and, as saith St Gregory, that it appertaineth to the great righteousness of God, that never shall the pain stint [cease] of them, that never would withdraw them from sin, their thanks [with their goodwill], but aye continue in sin; for that perpetual will to do sin shall they have perpetual pain. Wanhope [despair] is in two manners [of two kinds]. The first wanhope is, in the mercy of God: the other is, that they think they might not long persevere in goodness.

        The first wanhope cometh of that he deemeth that he sinned so highly and so oft, and so long hath lain in sin, that he shall not be saved. Certes against that cursed wanhope should he think, that the passion of Jesus Christ is more strong for to unbind, than sin is strong for to bind. Against the second wanhope he shall think, that as oft as he falleth, he may arise again by penitence; and though he never so long hath lain in sin, the mercy of Christ is always ready to receive him to mercy.

        Against the wanhope that he thinketh he should not long persevere in goodness, he shall think that the feebleness of the devil may nothing do, but [unless] men will suffer him; and eke he shall have strength of the help of God, and of all Holy Church, and of the protection of angels, if him list.

        Then shall men understand, what is the fruit of penance; and after the word of Jesus Christ, it is the endless bliss of heaven, where joy hath no contrariety of woe nor of penance nor grievance; there all harms be passed of this present life; there as is the sickerness [security] from the pain of hell; there as is the blissful company, that rejoice them evermore each of the other’s joy; there as the body of man, that whilom was foul and dark, is more clear than the sun; there as the body of man that whilom was sick and frail, feeble and mortal, is immortal, and so strong and so whole, that there may nothing apair [impair, injure] it; there is neither hunger, nor thirst, nor cold, but every soul replenished with the sight of the perfect knowing of God. This blissful regne [kingdom] may men purchase by poverty spiritual, and the glory by lowliness, the plenty of joy by hunger and thirst, the rest by travail, and the life by death and mortification of sin; to which life He us bring, that bought us with his precious blood! Amen.

        1. The Parson’s Tale is believed to be a translation, more or less free, from some treatise on penitence that was in favour about Chaucer’s time. Tyrwhitt says: “I cannot recommend it as a very entertaining or edifying performance at this day; but the reader will please to remember, in excuse both of Chaucer and of his editor, that, considering The Canterbury Tales as a great picture of life and manners, the piece would not have been complete if it had not included the religion of the time.” The Editor of the present volume has followed the same plan adopted with regard to Chaucer’s Tale of Meliboeus, and mainly for the same reasons. (See note 1 to that Tale). An outline of the Parson’s ponderous sermon — for such it is — has been drawn; while those passages have been given in full which more directly illustrate the social and the religious life of the time — such as the picture of hell, the vehement and rather coarse, but, in an antiquarian sense, most curious and valuable attack on the fashionable garb of the day, the catalogue of venial sins, the description of gluttony and its remedy, &c. The brief third or concluding part, which contains the application of the whole, and the “Retractation” or “Prayer” that closes the Tale and the entire “magnum opus” of Chaucer, have been given in full.

        2. Jeremiah vi. 16.

        3. See Note 3 to the Sompnour’s Tale.

        4. Just before, the Parson had cited the words of Job to God (Job x. 20-22), “Suffer, Lord, that I may a while bewail and weep, ere I go without returning to the dark land, covered with the darkness of death; to the land of misease and of darkness, where as is the shadow of death; where as is no order nor ordinance, but grisly dread that ever shall last.”

        5. “I have lost everything – my time and my work.”

        6. Accidie: neglectfulness or indifference; from the Greek, akedeia.

        7. The pax: an image which was presented to the people to be kissed, at that part of the mass where the priest said, “Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum.” (“May the peace of the Lord be always with you”) The ceremony took the place, for greater convenience, of the “kiss of peace,” which clergy and people, at this passage, used to bestow upon each other.

        8. Three ways of ornamenting clothes with lace, &c.; in barring it was laid on crossways, in ounding it was waved, in paling it was laid on lengthways.

        9. Penitencer: a priest who enjoined penance in extraordinary cases.

        10. To be houseled: to receive the holy sacrament; from Anglo-Saxon, “husel;” Latin, “hostia,” or “hostiola,” the host.

        11. It was a frequent penance among the chivalric orders to wear mail shirts next the skin.

        12. Surquedrie: presumption; from old French, “surcuider,” to think arrogantly, be full of conceit.

        PRECES DE CHAUCERES(Prayer of Chaucer)

        The genuineness and real significance of this “Prayer of Chaucer,” usually called his “Retractation,” have been warmly disputed. On the one hand, it has been declared that the monks forged the retractation. and procured its insertion among the works of the man who had done so much to expose their abuses and ignorance, and to weaken their hold on popular credulity: on the other hand, Chaucer himself at the close of his life, is said to have greatly lamented the ribaldry and the attacks on the clergy which marked especially “The Canterbury Tales,” and to have drawn up a formal retractation of which the “Prayer” is either a copy or an abridgment. The beginning and end of the “Prayer,” as Tyrwhitt points out, are in tone and terms quite appropriate in the mouth of the Parson, while they carry on the subject of which he has been treating; and, despite the fact that Mr Wright holds the contrary opinion, Tyrwhitt seems to be justified in setting down the “Retractation” as interpolated into the close of the Parson’s Tale. Of the circumstances under which the interpolation was made, or the causes by which it was dictated, little or nothing can now be confidently affirmed; but the agreement of the manuscripts and the early editions in giving it, render it impossible to discard it peremptorily as a declaration of prudish or of interested regret, with which Chaucer himself had nothing whatever to do.

        Now pray I to you all that hear this little treatise or read it, that if there be anything in it that likes them, that thereof they thank our Lord Jesus Christ, of whom proceedeth all wit and all goodness; and if there be anything that displeaseth them, I pray them also that they arette [impute] it to the default of mine unconning [unskilfulness], and not to my will, that would fain have said better if I had had conning; for the book saith, all that is written for our doctrine is written. Wherefore I beseech you meekly for the mercy of God that ye pray for me, that God have mercy on me and forgive me my guilts, and namely [specially] my translations and of inditing in worldly vanities, which I revoke in my Retractions, as is the Book of Troilus, the Book also of Fame, the Book of Twenty-five Ladies, the Book of the Duchess, the Book of Saint Valentine’s Day and of the Parliament of Birds, the Tales of Canter bury, all those that sounen unto sin, [are sinful, tend towards sin] the Book of the Lion, and many other books, if they were in my mind or remembrance, and many a song and many a lecherous lay, of the which Christ for his great mercy forgive me the sins. But of the translation of Boece de Consolatione, and other books of consolation and of legend of lives of saints, and homilies, and moralities, and devotion, that thank I our Lord Jesus Christ, and his mother, and all the saints in heaven, beseeching them that they from henceforth unto my life’s end send me grace to bewail my guilts, and to study to the salvation of my soul, and grant me grace and space of very repentance, penitence, confession, and satisfaction, to do in this present life, through the benign grace of Him that is King of kings and Priest of all priests, that bought us with his precious blood of his heart, so that I may be one of them at the day of doom that shall be saved:
        Qui cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto vivis et regnas Deus per omnia secula.([You] Who with the Father and the Holy Spirit livest and reignest God for ever and ever.)
        Amen.